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Thomas  Jefferson 

Age  about  $8  years 


From  a  portrait  painted  by  Gilbert  Stuart  at  Philadelphia,  in  May,  1800,  now  in  the  pos 
session  of  Bowdoin  College,  Brunswick,  Me. 

Stuart  painted  Jefferson's  portrait  from  life  three  times.  This  superb  picture  was  the 
first  of  the  three  paintings,  and  was  the  one  preferred  by  the  illustrious  statesman,  who  paid 
Stuart  $100  for  it.  Stuart,  however,  as  was  his  practise,  sold  the  picture  twice  and  turned  it 
over  to  Governor  James  Bowdoin,  who  bequeathed  it  to  the  College  named  ai'lor  him. 


[11 


1  he  Jeffersonian  Cyclopedia 


A  COMPREHENSIVE  COLLECTION  OF  THE 
VIEWS   OF 

(.in/ 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON 


Classified  and  Arranged  in  Alphabetical  Order  Under  Nine  Thousand 

Titles  Relating  to  Government,  Politics,  Law,  Education, 

Political  Economy,  Finance,  Science,  Art, 

Literature,   Religious  Freedom, 

Morals,  Etc. 


EDITED   BY 

JOHN  P.  FOLEY 


"I  have  sworn  upon  the  altar  of  God 
eternal  hostility  against  every  form  of  tyranny 
over  the  mind  of  man." — Thomas  Jefferson. 


FUNK  &  WAGNALLS  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 


COPYRIGHT,  1900,  BY 
FUNK   &   WAGNALLS   COMPANY 

REGISTERED   AT   STATIONERS*    HALL,    LONDON,    ENGLAND 
f Printed  in  the   United  States  of  America] 


PREFACE 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  is  designed  to  be  a  complete  classified 
arrangement  of  the  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson  on  Government,  Politics, 
Law,  Education,  Commerce,  Agriculture,  Manufactures,  Navigation,  Finance, 
Morals,  Religious  Freedom,  and  many  other  topics  of  permanent  human 
interest.  It  contains  everything  of  importance  that  Jefferson  wrote  on  these 
subjects. 

Why  and  wherefore  the  publication  of  this  volume  now  ?  The  answer  is 
this :  More  than  three-quarters  of  a  century  ago,  one  of  the  earlier  biogra 
phers  of  Jefferson  wrote  :  "It  would  be  a  happy  circumstance  for  America 
and  for  the  mass  of  mankind  if  the  works  of  Jefferson  could  obtain  a  circula 
tion  which  would  place  them  in  the  hands  of  every  individual.  Unfortunately, 
the  form  in  which  they  have  appeared  is  not  the  most  advantageous  to  the 
accomplishment  of  this  desirable  purpo.se.  The  publication  is  too  voluminous, 
and  consequently  too  expensive,  to  admit  of  a  general  introduction  among  all 
classes,  nor  is  the  mode  of  arrangement  the  best  adapted  to  its  reception  into 
ordinary  use  as  a  work  of  reference. ' ' 

From  that  distant  day  to  the  present  time,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to 
arrange  and  classify  the  theories  and  principles  of  Jefferson,  so  as  to  make 
them  available  in  ready  reference  form. 

THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  aims  to  do  this — to  be  a  Manual  of 
Jeffersonian  Doclrine,  accurate,  complete,  impartial,  giving  Jefferson's  views, 
theories,  and  ideas  in  his  own  words.  No  edition  of  Jefferson's  Writings, 
printed  at  either  public  or  private  expense,  contains  so  comprehensive  a  collec 
tion  of  Jefferson's  opinions  as  this  volume.  This  fa(5l  will  be  clearly  seen  by 
all  who  consult  it. 

Not  alone  to  the  American  people,  but  to  all  peoples,  are  Jefferson's  opin 
ions  on  Government  of  deep  and  abiding  interest.  Among  the  Statesmen  of 
all  time,  he  is  the  foremost  Expounder  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  of  the  unalien- 
able  right  of  every  human  being  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
That  is  the  object  of  all  just  Government,  to  preserve  which  Jeffersonian 

principles  must  be  sacredly  cherished. 

J.  P.  F. 
Brooklyn,  July  jist,  1900. 


LIST    OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Portrait  by  Stuart Frontispiece 

Portrait  by  Peale          ....  .  .         .  96 

Portrait  by  Desnoyers  .  .         .         192 

Portrait  by  Brumidi      ...  ......         288 

Bronze  Statue  by  d' Angers  .  , 384 

Portrait  by  Stuart         ....  ...,.'.         480 

Monticello,  the  Home  of  Thomas  Jefferson  ,         .  ,         590 

Portrait  by  Sully .  714 

Marble  Statue  by  Powers     ........  800 

Portrait  by  Otis  ....  .         ,  ,896 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Born  at  Shadwell,  Albemarle  Co.,  Va April  2  (O.  S.),  13  (N.  S.),  1743 

Death  of  his  Father,  Peter  Jefferson August  17,  1757 

Entered  William  and  Mary  College  „         .......       March,  1760 

Graduation          ............  April  25,  1762 

Entered  Law  Office  of  George  Wythe       ........         April,  1762 

Admitted  to  Bar .  ...         .         .         .         .  1767 

Elected  to  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  .......       March,  1769 

Marriage  to  Martha  Wayles  Skelton         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  January,  1772  * 

Birth  of  his  First  Daughter,  Martha         ......  September  27,  1772 

/Appointed  Surveyor  of  Albemarle  County       ......  October,  1773 

Birth  of  Second  Daughter,  Jane  Randolph      .......      April  3,  1774 

Elected  Deputy  to  Continental  Congress  .......      March,  1775 

Attends  Continental  Congress June  21,  1775 

Death  of  his  Mother  ..........  March  31,  1776 

, '  Appointed  on  Committee  to  prepare  Declaration  of  Independence         .         .    June  n,  1776 
Draft  of  Declaration  Reported  .........    June  28,  1776 

Elected  Commissioner  to  France       .         .         .         .         .  .  September  26,  1776 

Attends  Virginia  Assembly October,  1776 

Appointed  on  Committee  to  Revise  Virginia  Laws  ....     November  6,  1776 

Birth  of  Son May  28,  1777 

Death  of  Son       .............    June  14,  1777 

Birth  of  Third  Daughter,  Mary August  I,  1778 

Elected  Governor  of  Virginia June  i,  1779 

Reelected  Governor  of  Virginia         .         ,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .      June  I,  1780 

Fourth  Daughter  Born November  3,  1780 

Resigns  Governorship        ...........      June  i,  1781 

Assembly  Orders  Investigation  of  his  Administration    .....      June  5,  1781 

Appointed  Peace  Commissioner  by  Continental  Congress       ....    June  14,  1781 

Appointment  Declined        ..........  June  30,  1781 

Attends  Virginia  Assembly November  5.  1781 

Committee  Appointed  to  State  Charges  Against  Him      .         .         .  November  26,  1781 

Elected  Delegate  to  Congress November  30,  1781 

Voted  Thanks  of  Assembly        ........  December  12,  1781 

Daughter  Lucy  Elizabeth  Born May  8,  1782 

Death  of  Mrs.  Jefferson      ..........    September  6,  1782 

Appointed  Peace  Commissioner  to  Europe        .....  November  12,  1782 

Appointment  Withdrawn    ...........     April  i,  1783 

Elected  Delegate  to  Congress    ..........     June  6,  1783 

Elected  Chairman  of  Congress  ........         March  12,  1784 

S  Elected  Minister  to  France          ..........      May  7,  1784 

Arrived  in  Paris August  6,  1784 

Elected  French  Minister  by  Congress        .......          March  10,  1785 

Audience  at  French  Court May  17,  1785 

Death  of  Youngest  Daughter,  Lucy  .......       November,  1785 

Presented  to  George  III.  at  Windsor         .......          March  22,  1786 

Made  an  LL.D.  by  Yale October,  1786 

Made  an  LL.D.  by  Harvard        ..........         June,  1788 

H  Prepares  Charter  for  France      ..........     June  3,  1789  f 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


J   Nominated  to  be  Secretary  of  State 

Confirmed  by  Senate  .         .         .         .         .         . 

Leaves  France     .         .         .         .         .         .         . 

At  Monticello       .         .         .         .         . 

Accepts  Secretaryship  of  State 

/  Marriage  of  Daughter  Martha  to  Thomas  Mann  Randolph     , 

Writes  to  Washington  of  Intention  to  Resign  from  Cabinet    . 

Reconsiders  Resignation     ........ 

Offered  French  Mission       .         . 

Resigns  Secretaryship  of  State  ...... 

Offered  Foreign  Mission     ........ 

Elected  Vice-President        ........ 

.'<  Elected  President  of  Philosophical  Society       .... 

Takes  Oath  of  Office  as  Vice-President 

Marriage  of  Mary  Jefferson  to  John  Wayles  Eppes 
'  Writes  Essay  on  Study  of  Anglo-Saxon 

Drafts  Kentucky  Resolutions     ....... 

Revises  Madison's  Virginia  Resolutions   ..... 
f  Plans  University  of  Virginia 

Prepares  Parliamentary  Manual        ...... 

Republican  Caucus  Nominates  Jefferson  and  Burr 

Congress  Begins  to  Ballot  for  President  .... 

Elected  President 

Farewell  Address  to  Senate        ....... 

Inauguration  as  President 

Louisiana  Treaty  Signed  at  Paris      ...... 

Louisiana  Treaty  Ratified  ....... 

Message  on  Taking  Possession  of  Louisiana    .... 

Reelected  President  of  United  States 

?  Elected  President  of  American  Philosophical  Society 

Signs  Bill  to  End  Slave  Trade 

Proposes  to  Seize  the  Floridas  ...... 

Embargo  Act  Signed  ........ 

Repeal  of  Embargo  Signed         ....... 

Retires  from  Presidency     ........ 

Arrives  at  Monticello  ........ 

Resigns  Presidency  of  American  Philosophical  Society 

Congress  Passes  Bill  to  Buy  Library         ..... 
'Drafts  Virginia  Protest 

Executes  Will 

Declines  Invitation  to  Fourth  of  July  Celebration  in  Washington 

Writes  Last  Letter 

Death  . 


September  25, 

September  26, 

October, 

December  24, 

February  14, 

February  28, 

May  23, 

January, 

February, 

December  31, 

September, 

,    November  4, 

January, 

March  4, 

October  13, 

October, 

October, 

November, 

January  18, 

February, 

May, 

.    February  n, 

.    February  17, 

,    February  28, 

March  4, 

May  2, 

October  20, 

.      January  18, 

November, 

January, 

March  2, 

,    September  i, 

December  22, 

March  i, 

March  4, 

March  17, 

November, 

.    '       January, 

December, 

March  16, 

.  June  24. 

.   June  25, 

.      July  4, 


1789 

1789 

1789 

1789 

1790 

1790 

1792 

1793 

1793 

1793 

1794 

1796 

1797 

1797 

1797 

1798 

1798 

1798 

1800*- 

1800 

1800 

iSoi 

1801 

1801 

1801 

1803 

1803 

1804 

1804 

1807 

1807    •* 

1807 

1807 

1809 

1809 

1809 

1814 

1815 

1825  *• 

1826 

1826 

1826 

1826 


LIST    OF    PATRONS 


THIS  CYCLOPEDIA  HAS  BEEN  BROUGHT  TO  A  SUCCESSFUL  COMPLETION  AND  ITS  PUBLI 
CATION  MADE  PRACTICABLE  THROUGH  THE  CO-OPERATION  OF  A  LARGE  NUMBER  OF 
ADMIRERS  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  WHO  RECOGNIZED  IN  ADVANCE  THE  DESIRABILITY 
OF  SUCH  A  WORK  AND  WHO  SHARE  IN  THE  HONOR  OF  ITS  PRODUCTION.  THE  NAMES 
OF  THESE  PATRONS  OF  THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  ARE  AS  FOLLOWS: 


Abbott,  A.    F Fredericktown,   Mo. 

Abbott,  M.  J Hayes   Centre,   Neb. 

Abersol,    Edward  J Metamora,    111. 

Adams,  Hon.    Alva Pueblo,    Colo. 

Adams,  Charles  B Kansas   City,    Mo. 

Adams,  Charles  S Volga  City,   Iowa 

Adams,  C.   M Alexandria,  Va. 

Adams,  Jed.    C Kaufman,   Tex. 

Adams,  William  R New  York,   N.   Y. 

Adkins,  William  H Easton,    Md. 

Agar,   John   G New    York   City 

Aikens,   Frank   R Sioux  Falls,   So.    Dak. 

Ainslie,  George Boise  City,  Idaho 

Albert  Barnes  Memorial  Library.  ..Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Albright,  Fontaine   E Fort  Worth  Tex. 

Albright,  J.    G Milwaukee.Wis. 

Alden,  Charles  A New  York  City 

Aldrich,    Charles    H Evanston,    111. 

Alexander,  Hope  H Thomasville,   Ga. 

Alexander,    Hugh Concordia,    Kan. 

Alison,  T.    Smvser,   M.D Swartz,   La. 

Alice,   W.   S.,  "M.D Olean,   Mo. 

Allen,  G.   R.  C Wheeling,  W.   Va. 

Allen,  Harry    K Gallatin,    Mo. 

Allen,  H.   Jerome,    M.D Washington,   D.    C. 

Allen,  John  L.  M New  York  City 

Allen,  Richard  E Augusta,   Ga. 

Alley,  S.   S Wilber,   Neb. 

Allison,  Hon.  William  B Dubuque,  Iowa 

Alrich,  Enrique El    Paso  Tex. 

Alston,  David    M Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Altgelt,   George  C San  Antonio,   Tex. 

Alvord,  W.     C Peoria,     111. 

Anderbery,  C.   P Minden,  Neb. 

Anderson,  E.   B Harmony  Grove,   Ga. 

Anderson,  Henry  W Richmond,  Va. 

Anderson,  James  T Stanberry,  Mo. 

Anderson,  Jefferson   Randolph Savannah,    Ga. 

Anderson,  Joseph    R Lee,   Va. 

Anderson,  T.   P Kansas  City,  Kan. 

Andrews,  Theodore  E Minneapolis,   Minn. 

Andrus,  John  A Ashton,  111. 

Ansley,   Hudson Salamanca,   N.  Y. 

Archibald,  J.   W Jacksonville,    Fla. 

Armgardt,  H.,  M.D Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Armstrong,  Hunter    S St.    Clairsville,  Ohio 

Armstrong,  W.   E Waco,  Tex. 

Arner,  Calvin  E Allentown,  Pa. 

Arthur,  John  G Omaha,    Neb. 

Asbury,  D.    F Newport   News,   Va. 

Ash,  Robert San    Francisco,    Cal. 

Ashworth,   J.    S Bristol,    Va. 

Atkinson,  J.    A Creede,    Colo. 

Atkinson,  Louis  E Mifflintown,   Pa. 

Autenrieth,    Henry    G New    York   City 

Avritt,  Samuel Louisville,  Ky. 

Aycock,  William  T Columbia,  S.  C. 

Ayers,   Harry  J Big  Stone  Gap,   Va. 

Bacon,  Rev.   T.    S.,   D.D Buckeystown,    Md. 

Bader,  D.  M Cleveland,  Ohio 

Bagley,  George   C Minneapolis,    Minn. 

Bagley,  W.   D Rockdale,  Tex. 

Bailey,    Mrs.   James   Stacey Waycross,  Ga. 

Baird,  C.   E Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Baird,  William Marine    City,    Mich. 

Baker,  Rosa Rochester,   N.   Y. 

Baker,  William   H Buffalo,   N.  Y. 

Baker,  William   V Columbus,   Ohio 

Baldwin,  B.  J.,  Jr Paris,  Tex. 

Baldwin,  Frank  A Bowling  Green,  Ohio 

Baldwin,  W.    H Rockport,  Tex. 

Ballance,  William  P.,  M.D Tuneau,  Alaska 

Ballard,  Guy,  A.B Anderson,   Ind. 

Ballard,  W.    Harrison,  M.D Los   Angeles,   Cal. 


Banta,  D.  A Great  Bend,  Kan. 

Barber,   Theodore   M Pittsburg,   Pa. 

Bard,  H.   Burton Lansing,   Mich. 

Barker,  Joseph  D Petersburg,  Ind. 

Barnes,  Carl  L.,  M.D.,  LL.B Chicago,  111. 

Barnes,  Charles  A Jacksonville,    111. 

Barnes,  E.   H Healdsburg,   Cal. 

Barnes,  O.    H Middlebourne,    W.   Va. 

Barnett,    DeWitt  C Harrisonville,    Mo. 

Barnett,  M.   S Cuba,   Mo. 

Barney,  J.  A May ville,  Wis. 

Barrett,  James  M Fort  Wayne,  Ind. 

Barrick,  Charles  W New  Martinsville,  W.  Va. 

Bartlett,  C.  L Macon,  Ga. 

Bartlett,  George  A Eureka,   Nev. 

Barton,  Alexander  J Allegheny,  Pa. 

Batcheller,   George  Clinton New  York  City 

Batchelor,  R.    Horton New   York   City 

Bates,  Benjamin   F Brooklyn,   N.   Y. 

Bates,  William  S Houston,   Miss. 

Uausman,   Frederick Seattle,  Wash. 

Bayne,  John Salem,  Ore. 

Beach,  M.  W Carroll,  Iowa 

Beach,  W.  H Holland,  Mich. 

Beach,  William  A Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Beale  Memorial   Library Bakersfield,  Cal. 

Beall  &  Kemp El  Paso,  Tex. 

Beeber,  William  P Williamspprt,  Pa. 

Beecher,  Walter   H Cincinnati,   Ohio 

Behrns,  C.    L Cherokee,  Tex. 

Beidelman,  William Easton,   Pa. 

Belcher,   Bart Dikeville,   Ky. 

Belford,  James   B Denver,    Colo. 

Bell,  Hal New  York  City 

Bell,  James  D Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Bell,  R.  R Gainesville,  Tex. 

Bell,  Theodore  A Napa,  Cal. 

Bender,  John  S Plymouth,   Ind. 

Benedict,  C.  B Attica,   N.  Y. 

Bennett,  Lewis  J Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Bentley,  A.  C Pittsfield,  111. 

Bentley,  James   H Ridley  Park,  Pa. 

Benton,  J.   M Winchester,   Ky. 

Berdrow,  L.  G David  City,  Neb. 

Bernheim,   Isaac  W Louisville,   Ky. 

Bernstein,  Ernest  R Shreveport,   La 

Berrien,  R.  Noble,  Jr Waynesboro,  Ga. 

Bertram,  G.  Webb Oberlin,  Kan. 

Betts,  Frederick New  York  City 

Bettzhoover,  F.   E Carlisle,   Pa. 

Biddle,   W.  R Fort  Scott,  Kan. 

Bidwell,  H.    G.,   M.D Jersey  City,    N.  J. 

Birnie,  C.,    M.D Taneytown,   Md. 

Bischoff,  Henry,  Jr New  York  City 

Bittenbender,   H.    C Lincoln,   Neb. 

Bittiner,  Edmund New  York  City 

Black,    Charles   J Jersey    City,    N.    J. 

Black,  Chauncey  F York,  Pa. 

Black,  Cyrenius  P Lansing,  Mich. 

Black.  Howard  C Plain  City,  Ohio 

Blackford,  William  M Lewistown,   Mont. 

Blackmore,    Tames  W Gallatin,   Tenn. 

Blackwcll,   S'amuel New    Decatur,    Ala. 

Blain,  Alexander  W Detroit,   Mich. 

Blair,  George New   York  City 

Blake,   W.   H Wetumpka,  Ala. 

Blakeley,  W.   A Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Blanchard,  Nathan  W Santa  Paula,  Cal. 

Blanck,  Joseph  E.,  M.D Green  Lane,  Pa 

Blee,  John   W Sandwich,    111. 

Bloom,   S.   S Shelby,    Ohio 

Blose,  G.  Ament Hamilton,  Pa. 

Bohannan,  T.  E Falmouth,  Ky. 

Bohannon,  L.  T..  M.D Orphan  Home,  Tex. 


xiv 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


Boles,  Thomas Fort  Smith,  Ark. 

Boiler,  J.   F Porterville,  Cal. 

Bomar,  T.  B Forth  Worth  Tex. 

Boney,  Richard  K Duckport,  La. 

Bonsall,  Charles Salem,    Ohio 

Booher,  Charles  F Savannah,  Mo. 

Booker,  A.  G Wadena,  Minn. 

Boone,  L.   L San  Diego,  Cal. 

Boothe,  J.  B Sardis,  Miss. 

Boren,  George  E Bristol,  Tenn. 

Borkert,  Rev.  J.  W Grass  Creek,  Ind. 

Bouck,  Gabe Oshkosh,  Wis. 

Bouldin,  Virgil Scottsboro,  Ala. 

Bowers,  F.  E Perrysburg,  Ohio 


Bowie,  J.  C Talladega,  Ala. 

Bowie,  Sydney  J Anniston,  Ala. 

Bowser,  O.    P ._. .Dallas,    Tex. 


Boyce,  John  J Santa  Barbara,  Cal. 

Boyd,  Henry  A Warrenton,  N.  C. 

Boyle,  Wilbur  F St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Brace,  William Chicago,  111. 

Bradford,  Ernest  W Washington,  D.  C. 

Bradford,  Mary  S Cleveland,  Ohio 

Bradley,  Herbert  E Columbus,  Ohio 

Bradley,  John  H Senath,  Mo. 

Bradley,  Washington Kinmundy,  111. 

Bradshaw,  Homer  S Ida  Grove,  Iowa 

Branch,  Oliver  E Manchester,  N.  H. 

Branch,  W.  W Charleston,  W.  Va. 

Brandon,  William  R.,  M.D Brandon,  La. 

Bransford,  C.  W Owensboro,  Ky. 

Brantley,  W.  G Brunswick,  Ga. 

Breckinridge,  Hon.  William  C.  P. .  .Lexington,  Ky. 

Brenner,  G San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Briant,  Paul  H San  Angelo,  Tex. 

Brice,  J.  S Yorkville,  S.  C. 

Bridenbaugh,  W.  H Altoona,  Pa. 

Bridges,  W.  A Center,  Tex. 

Brock,  Cyrus  C Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Bronson,  Alice Wellsville,  N.  Y. 

Brooks,  W.  P.,  M.D Cook  Neb. 

Brougher,  E.  E Linden,  Tex. 

Brown,  Irving Haverstraw,  N.  Y. 

Brown,  J.  A ' Chadbourn,  N.  C. 

Brown,  James  L Oklahoma  City,  Okla. 

Brown,  James  R New  York  City 

ames  W Falls  Church,  Va. 

.  E Scottsboro,  Ala. 


Brown, 
Brown, 
Brown, 


)r.  J.  W Camden,  Ark. 

Brown,  M.    R Bellefontaine,    Ohio 

Brown,  Ralph  H Atlanta,  Ga. 

Browne,  Jefferson   B Key  West,   Fla. 

Browne,  Richard  H New  Orleans,  La. 

Browne,     Dr.  Walker  G Atlanta,  Ga. 

Brubaker,  Joseph  Stauffer Vinton,    Iowa 

Bruce,  George  W Pleasant  Hill,  Mo. 

Brumback,  Hon.  O.   S Toledo,   Ohio 

Bruyere,    Dr.   John Trenton,   N.   J. 

Bryan,     H.  A Ruthven,   Iowa 

Bryan,  John   D El   Paso,  Tex. 

Bryan,  R.  W.  D Albuquerque,  New  Mexico 

Buchman,  Edwin Valley  Falls,  N.   Y. 

Buckner,  James  H Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Budd,  J.  D.,  M.S.,  M.D Two  Harbors,  Minn. 

Budd,  William  N Bunker  Hill,  111. 

Burbank,  William    F Los    Angeles,    Cal. 

Burckhalter,  James  B Vinita,   I.   T. 

Burgess,  Edward  G Montclair,  N.  J. 

Burke,  Frank  B Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Burke,  John  F Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Burke,  Walter  J New  Iberia,   La. 

Burson,  George Winamac,  Ind. 

Burtt,    Henry   A Jeffersonville,  Ind. 

Bush,  Matthew Corunna,    Mich. 

Bushnell,  A.  R Madison,  Wis. 

Butler,  Sarah Cincinnati,     Ohio 

Butler,  William  J Springfield,   111. 

Butt,  I.  T Clarksdale,  Miss. 

Byrd,  R.   E Winchester,   Va. 

Byrne,  E.  J Austin,   Tex. 

Cadwallader,   A.    D Springfield,    111. 

Cahill,  John  H New  York  City 

Cain,  William  M David  City,   Neb. 

Calhoon,  Judge  S.   S Jackson,  Miss. 

Camp,  E.  T Gadsden,  Ala. 

Campbell,  Daniel West  New  Brighton,  N.  Y. 

Campbell,  Edward,  Jr Fairfield,   Iowa 

Carey,    Henry  W Eastlake,    Mich. 

Carmichael,  D.   W Sacramento,   Cal. 

Carr,  John Lincoln,    Neb. 

Carr,  Julian   S Durham,    N.    C. 

Carson,  J.  A.  G Savannah,  Ga. 

Carter,  A.    Edson Los  Angeles,    Cal. 


Carter,  F.  M.... 


.Farmington,  Mo. 


Carton,   James   D Asbury   Park,   N.    J. 

Carver,  Edwin   O Fitzhugh,    Fla. 

Carver,  M.   H Natchitoches,   La. 

Case,  Halbert  B Chattanooga,   Tenn. 

Cass,  J.    E Eau  Claire,   Wis. 

Castle,   Bryan  J Madison,  Wis. 

Caywood,  John Miles  City,  Mont. 

Cazier,  M.  H Chicago,   111. 

Cease,  D.  L Cleveland,  Ohio 

Chalkley,    John    W Big    Stone   Gap,   Va. 

Chambers,  David  W New  Castle,  Ind. 

Chambers,   Emmett Dallas,   Tex. 

Champlin,   John  W Grand  Rapids,   Mich. 

Chapman,  Oliver   J Breckinridge,    Mo. 

Charters,  W.  A Dahlonega,  Ga. 

Chase,  C.  C Covington,  Ky. 

Chidester,  Arthur  Mercer New  Waterford,  Ohio 

Chidester,  T.    Edwin Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Child,  James  E Waseca,   Minn. 

Chisholm,  W.  W Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Cissel,  W.  W.   L Highland,    Md. 

Clancy,  William Butte,  Mont. 

Clardy,  Martin  L St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Clark,  Ezra  W League  Island,  Pa. 

Clark,  Frank Jacksonville,    Fla. 

Clark,  Gibson Cheyenne,    Wyo. 

Clark,  Orlando  E Appleton,  Wis. 

Clark,  R.  S Eau  Claire,  Wis. 

Clark,  William  H .Daflas,  Tex. 

Clarke,  Enos Kirkwood,   Mo. 

Clarke,  James  T.,  M.D Mount  Solon,  Va. 

Clarke,  James  W East  Orange,  N.  J. 

Clarke,  Peyton  Neale Louisville,  Ky. 

Clay,  Rhodes Mexico,   Mo. 

Clay,  William  Lewis Huntsville,  Ala. 

Clement,  Charles   M Sunbury,  Pa. 

Clemson  Agricultural  College,  Clemson  College,  S.  C. 

Cleveland  Cider  Co Unionville,  Lake  Co.,  Ohio 

Clinch,  Edward  S New  York  City 

Closson,  James   Harwood,   M.D., 

Germantown,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Clute,  Lemuel Ionia,  Mich. 

Clute,  S.  R Montezuma,  Iowa 

Clyne,    Benjamin,    M.D Yale,    Mich. 

Cochran,   Rev.   F.  J Roxana,    Del. 

Cockrell,  Joseph   E Dallas,   Tex. 

Cohen,  Ira New  York  City 

Cohen,  Lewis Bloomsburg,    Pa. 

Colby  University   Library Waterville,   Me. 

Coleman,  Henry,  President  Nat'l  Business  College, 

Newark,  N.  J. 

Collier,  B.    K Etna   Mills,  Cal. 

Collier,  F.   S Hampton,  Va. 

Collier,  Thomas   A Jamestown,    Tenn. 

Collins,  Charles  H Hillsboro,  Ohio 

Collins.  John    T Rutherford,    N.   J. 

Collins,  Winfield  S Basin,  Wyo. 

Colton,  William  H Wapello,  Iowa 

Comstock,  C.   N Albany,    Mo. 

Condon,  John  T Seattle,  Wash. 

Condon,  William  H Chicago,  111. 

Coney,  P.  H Topeka,  Kan. 

Conkling,  Cook Rutherford,  N.  J. 

Conkling,  Newlan Norborne,  Mp. 

Connaughton,  J.  J Wapekoneta,  Ohio 

Connell,  J.  H College  Station,  Tex. 

Conover,  William   A Chicago  111. 

Conroy,   E.   M.,   M.D Ogden,   Utah 

Cook,  Benjamin  H.,  M.D Wilkinson,  Ind. 

Cook,  John  T Albany,   N.   Y. 

Cook,  Samuel  E Huntington,  Ind. 

Cooke,  J.   H Moultrie,   Ga. 

Cookinham,  D.  A.,  M.D Holton,  Kan. 

Coolidge,  T.    Jefferson Boston,    Mass. 

Cooper,  A.  W Forest,  Miss. 

Cooper,  H.  P Lebanon,  Ky. 

Cooper,  J.  M.   F.,   M.D Waterville,  Wash. 

Copeland,  Alfred  M Springfield,  Mass. 

Corbett,  William   P Detroit,    Mich. 

Corbin,  John New  Harmony,  Ind. 

Cosgrave,  George Fresno,  Cal. 

Coshocton  Free  School  Library Coshocton,  Ohio 

Costello,  S.    V San   Francisco,    Cal. 

Coulter,  J.  E Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

Courtney,   Major  A.   R Richmond,  Va. 

Courtright,   Samuel  W.,   LL.D Circleville,   Ohio 

Courts,   Dr.  W.  J Reidsville,  N.  C. 

Covell,  A.   G Sykeston,  No.  Dak. 

Cowen,  Gen.   B.    R Cincinnati,   Ohio 

Cowdery,  J.  F San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Cowles,  George  M Monroe,  Iowa 

Cowper,  George Winston,  N.  C. 

Cox,  Henry  C La  Grange,  111. 

Cox,  Jefferson   D Claremore,    I.  T. 


LIST  OF  PATRONS 


xv 


Cox,  Jennings  S New  York   City. 

Cox,  Stephen  J New  York  City 

Crain,  Robert Baltimore,  Md. 

Crane,  Elvin  W Newark,   N.  J. 

Cranston,  John  A Alexandria,   Minn. 

Cravath,  E.  M Nashville,  Term. 

Cravath,  Paul  D New  York  City 

Cravens,  Robert  O Sacramento,  Cal. 

Crawford,  E.  C Oakdale,  Cal. 

Crawford,  Thomas  Olin Oakland,  Cal. 

Crocheron,  David  E New  York  City 

Crossland,    Samuel   H Mayfield,    Ky. 

Crouch,  B.  W Saluda,   S.  C. 

Crouch,  David  N Humphreys,  Mo. 

Crunden,  Frederick  M St.   Louis,  Mo. 

Cullen,  John  J Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Gumming,  Robert Peoria,    111. 

Cunningham,   Oliver  M South   Bend,   Ind. 

Cunningham,  W.  J Abilene,  Tex. 

Curd,  Thomas  N Richmond,  Va. 

Curdy,  Scott  Eugene Kingsley,  Mich. 

Curley,  John  J Rockaway  Beach,  N.   Y. 

Cussons,  John Glen  Allen,  Va. 

Dabney,  I.  T Bloomfield,  Iowa 

Dagg,  J.  L Vidalia,   La. 

Dalton,  James  L Poplar  Bluff,  Mo. 

Daly,  Peter  Francis New   Brunswick,   N.  J. 

Dalzell,    John Washington,    D.    C. 

Danforth,  C.   R Minonk,  111. 

Daniels,  Josephus Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Darden,  W.  M Speights  Bridge,  N.  C. 

Darlington,  Barton Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Darlington,  J.  J Washington,  D.  C. 

Davidson,  O.  C Commonwealth,  Wis. 

Davies,  William  Gilbert New  York  City 

Davis,  C.    E Deadwood,    S.   Dak. 

Davis,  Charles   E Madison,    Fla. 

Davis,  Ernest   M Camilla,    Ga. 

Davis,  William  L Canton,  Ohio 

Davispn,  Charles   Stewart New   York  City 

Dawkins,  Walter  I Baltimore,   Md. 

Dayton,  George  D Worthington,  Minn. 

Dean,  Claude  M Richmond,  Va. 

Dean,  Gerard  Q New  York  City 

Dean,  J.  A Owensboro,  Ky. 

Dean,  J.  R Broken  Bow,  Neb. 

Dean,  J.  R Woodward,  Okla. 

Dean,  S.   W Centerville,  Tex. 

Dean,  Walter  E San   Francisco,  Cal. 

Dechert,  Henry  M Philadelphia,  Pa. 

De  Haven,  John  J San  Francisco,  Cal. 

De  Lacy,  John  F Eastman)  Ga. 

Delery,   W.    S Houston,    Tex. 

Denmark,  Brantley  A Savannah,  Ga. 

Dent,  William   Hamilton Decorah,    Iowa 

Denton,   John   S Cookeville,   Tenn. 

Denver  Athletic   Club    Library Denver,   Colo. 

De  Pue,   E.   L Olivia,  Minn. 

Dersheimer,  C.  O Tunkhannock,  Pa. 

de  Steuben,  T.  J Jensen,  Fla. 

-Ueuel,  Joseph  M New  York  City 

Devecmon,  W.   C Cumberland,  Md. 

Devine,   Michael  A Atlantic   City,  N.  J. 

Devine,  Miles  J Chicago,  111 

Deweese,  B.    C Lexington,    Ky. 

De  Weese,  K.   McC Kansas  City,   Mb. 

Dierking,  John St.   Clair,    Mo. 

Diggs,  Annie  L Topeka,   Kan.< 

Diggs,  Rev.  P.  W Unity,  Va. 

Digney,  John  M White  Plains,  N.  Y. 

Diller,    Peter Bluffton,    Ohio 

Dillon,  Thomas  H Petersburg,  Ind. 

Dines,    Tyson   S Denver,    Colo. 

Dively,    A.    V Altoona,    Pa. 

Dixon,  Warren   Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Dixon,  W.  W Union,  S.  C. 

Dobbins,  W.    P Corinth,   Miss. 

Dockstader,  G.  W Cawker  City,  Kan. 

Dodd,  Amzi Newark,    N.  J. 

Dodge,  Frank   L Lansing,   Mich. 

Dodge,  Geo.   E Little  Rock,   Ark. 

Dodge,  Samuel   D Cleveland,   Ohio 

Dollard,  Robert Scotland,    S.    Dak. 

Domer,  S.  P Spokane,  Wash. 

Donahoe,  John  T Joliet,    111. 

Doocy,  Edward Pittsfield,  111. 

Dooley,  Edward  J Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Dorsey,  J.   S Columbia,    Mo. 

Dougherty,  J.   W Washington,   111. 

Douglas,  John  A New  York  City 

Douglass,  P.   A Danville,  Ark. 

Douglass,  Joshua Meadville,  Pa. 

Dowd,  Thomas  H Salamanca,   N.   Y. 

Dowling,  James  E Springfield,  111. 


Downing,  H.  H Front  Royal,  Va. 

Downing,  Thomas  J New   London,    Mo. 

Downs,  S.  A Mena,  Ark. 

Doyle,  Michael  J Green  Bay,  Wis. 

Drake,  Thomas Pierre,  S.  Dak. 

Draper,  A.  L Glenville,  Ohio 

Dressier,  Rev.  John  M Boelus,  Neb. 

Dreys,  Otto  L Delray,  Mich. 

Drinkle,  H.  C Lancaster,   Ohio 

Dudley,  James  G Paris,  Tex. 

Duffy,  Rodolph Catharine  Lake,  N.  C. 

Dunbar,  D.   C Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Duncan,  John  F Lewisburg,  Pa. 

Duncan,  John    M Tyler,   Tex. 

Duncan,  W.   C Columbus,   Ind. 

Dunford,  P.   P Montague,   Tex. 

Dunn,   Chauncey  H Sacramento,  Cal. 

Durand,  John  S New  York  City 

Durham,  T.   F Danville,   Ky. 

Durst,  George  M Thayer,  Mo. 

Dxttcher,    Frederick  L Rochester,  N.   Y. 

Dyer,   Elihu  B Saybrook,   111. 

Dygert,  George  B Butte,  Mont. 

Dykman,   William  N Brooklyn,   N.   Y. 


Eagan,  John  J Hoboken,  N.  J. 

'     •       'ames  J Seattle,  Wash. 

Eastham,  H.  C..... Baker  City,   Ore. 


Eastman,  Charles  H Nashville,  Tenn. 

Eaton,  Willard  L Osage,  Iowa 

Ebner,   F.   E Aitkin,    Minn. 

Echols,   John    Warnock Washington,    D.    C. 

Eckert,  O.  V Northwood,  Iowa 

Edmunds,    Earl Correction  ville,    Iowa 

Edwards,  Charles  W Bordentown,   N.   J. 

Edwards,  S.    B Pottsville,   Pa. 

Edwards,  T.  M.,  D.Ps Fortuna,  Cal. 

Egan,  John  F Sapulpa,  I.  T. 

Eggen,  J.  A Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Eickhoff,  Henry San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Einstein,   Louis Fresno,  Cal. 

Eldridge,  E.  R Chicago,  111. 

Eliel,   Adolph Dillon,   Mont. 

Ellegood,  James  E Salisbury,  Md. 

Elliott,  Frank  W Topeka,  Kan. 

Ellis,  G.  W Hattiesburg,  Miss. 

Ellis,  Matt   H Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Ellis,  O Uvalde,  Tex. 

Ellis,  Stephen  D Amite  City,  La. 

Ellison,  T.  E Fort  Wayne,  Ind. 

Elver,  Elmore  Theodore Madison,  Wis. 

Embry,   James  H Washington,   D.   C. 

Emery,   George   D ..Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Emmert,  J.   M.,   M.D Atlantic,   Iowa 

English,  John  C Helena,  Mont. 

Ennes,  John  D Norfolk,  Va. 

Epes,  T.   Freeman Blackstone,   Va. 

Eskridge,  J.  T.,  M.D Denver,  Colo. 

Evans,   E.   G Des  Moines,   Iowa 

Evarts,  H.  P Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

Everett,  Howard Terril,  Iowa 

Ewing,    Pressley  K Houston,   Tex. 

F.  &  C.  Co-operative  Co Fort  Gaines,  Ga. 

Falconer,  John — San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Falloon,    Edwin Falls   City,   Neb. 

Fanner,  Charles  H Walterboro,  S.  C. 

Fanning,  William  J New  York  City 

Farmer,  R.  J Detroit,   Mich. 

Farnham,  George  R Evergreen,  Ala. 

Farnsworth,  W.  H Sioux  City,  Iowa 

Farr,  Mark    C Chicago,    111. 

Farrar,  J.  H Groesbeeck,  Tex. 

Farrell,  Clinton   P New   York  City 

Farrell,  Rev.  W.  B Hempstead,  L.  L,  N.  Y. 

Farrelly,    Robert   W Washington,   D.    C. 

Faulkner,  Charles  J Martinsburg,   W.   Va. 

Faxon,   John   W Chattanooga,   Tenn. 

Featherston,  W.   B Cleburne,  Tex. 

Feliz,  F.  P Monterey,  Cal. 

Ferguson,  F.   S Birmingham,  Ala. 

Ferguson,  H.  G St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Ferris,  M.   J.    II New    York   City 

Ficke,  C.  A Davenport,  Iowa 

Field,  Frank   Harvey Brooklyn,    N.   Y. 

Field,  J.  H Dickinson,  N.  Dak. 

Filson,    Frank  M Cameron,  Mo. 

Finch,  A.  T.,  M.D Blacksburg,  Va. 

Finley,  D.  C Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Firehammer,  J.  H Alameda,  Cal. 

Fischer,    Frederick Brooklyn,    N.    Y. 

Fishback,  W.  II Laramie,  Wyo. 

Fisher.  William Pensacola,  Fla. 

Fitzgerald,   H.   R Danville,  Va. 

Fitzgerald,  John   E New  York  City 

Fitz-Randolph,   Leslie Nortonville,   Kan. 


xvi 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


Flagg,  John  H New  York  City 

Fleming,  Hon.  William  H Augusta,   Ga. 

Fletcher,  A.   S Huntsville,  Ala. 

Fletcher,  James   H.,   Jr Accomack   C.    H.,   Va. 

Fletcher,  R.  D Titusville,  Pa. 

Flournoy,   George,  Jr Bakersfield,  Cal. 

Floyd,  G.    S Waterville,    Wash. 

Foley,  Hamilton,  U.S.A 

Foley,  Paul,   U.S.N 

Follett,  A.  D Marietta,  Ohio 

Ford,  Charles  M Denver,  Colo. 

Fordyce,  John Weyauwega,   Wis. 

Foster,  E.  Agate,  M.D Patchogue,  L.  I.,  N.  Y. 

Foster,  Samuel  M Fort  Wayne,  Ind. 

Fox,  Hon.  A.   F West  Point,  Miss. 

Frank,  Henry New  York  City 

Frankenheimer,  John New  York  City 

Franklin,  David,  M.D New  York  City 

Freeman,  W.   R Denver,  Colo. 

French,  D.  E Keystone,  W.  Va. 

French,  E.   L Lancaster,    Mo. 

Frick,  J.   E Salt   Lake   City,   Utah 

Frost,  A.  C Chicago,  111. 

Frost,  E.  Allen Chicago,  111. 

Fuller,  Judge   Ceylon  Canfield Big   Rapids    Mich. 

Fuller,  Edward  M.,  M.D Chicago,  111. 

Fuller,  T.  A San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Funk,  M.   P Rantoul,  111. 

Furlong,   Henry  J New  York  City 

Gaffney,  F.  O Lake  City,  Mich. 

Gage,   George  W Chester,   S.  C. 

Gail  Borden  Public  Library Elgin,  111. 

Gaither,   Charles  A Erie,    Pa. 

Galloway,  Charles  V Park  Place,   Ore. 

Garcin,  Ramon  D.,  M.D Richmond,  Va. 

Gardner,  Lawrence Washington,    D.    C. 

Gardner,  Levi Atlanta,    N.    Y. 

Garman,  John   M Nanticoke,   Pa. 

Garner,  James  W Kansas   City,   Mo. 

Garth,  Col.  William  Willis Huntsville,  Ala. 

Gates,  Theodore  B Brooklyn,   N.    Y. 

Gaylord,  Samuel  A St.   Louis,  Mo. 

Gearhart,  Cicero • Stroudsburg,  Pa. 

Gehrz,  Gustave  G Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Center,  E.  W Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

George,  James  A Deadwood,  S.  Dak. 

Gibbes,  Heyward  M Jerome,  Ariz. 

Gibbes,  Hunter  A Columbia,  S.  C. 

Gibbons,  James  E Purcell,  I.  T. 

Gibson,  T.  B McColl,  S.  C. 

Gibson,  William    F San    Francisco,    Cal. 

Gillan,   George   C Lexington,    Neb. 

Gillespie,   George  W Tazewell,  Va. 

Gillespie,  John  F Pine   Bluff,  Ark. 

Ginter,   H.   E Du  Bois,   Pa. 

Gleason,  Orton  W Detroit,  Mich. 

Gleason,  P Le  Roy,  N.  Y. 

Godsman,   P.   B Burlington,   Colo. 

Goeke,    J.   H Wapakoneka,    Ohio 

Goeschel,    Louis Bay   City,    Mich. 

Goldberg,   Abraham New    Orleans,    La. 

Goodding,  Roscoe  E La  Plata,  Mo. 

Goode,  George  W Grangeville,  Idaho 

Goodnight,  I.  H Franklin,   Ky. 

Gordon,  Wellington Columbia,  Mo. 

Goss.  D.  F Seymour,  Tex. 

Gould,   Will   D Los   Angeles,    Cal. 

Goulder,  Holding  &   Masten Cleveland,    Ohio 

Gourley,  William  B Paterson,   N.   J. 

Gow,  John  R Bellaire,  Ohio 

Graham,  W.  H Uniontown,  Pa. 

Grant,  Bishop  A Philadelphia.  Pa. 

Grant,  M.  R Meridian,   Miss. 

Grason,  William Towson,  Md. 

Graves,  Alvin  M Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Graves,  Ernest San   Luis  Obispo,   Cal. 

Graves,  Hamilton Roanoke,    Va 

Gray,  Alfred  W Niagara  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Graybill,  Capt.  George York,  Pa. 

Grayston,  W.  E Joplin,   Mo. 

Greaves,  Charles  D ,...Hot  Springs,  Ark. 

Greble,  H.  K Hamilton,  Ohio 

Green,  Henry  D Reading,   Pa. 

Greenburg,  Rev.  Dr.  William  H Sacramento,  Cal. 

Greene,  Thomas  G Portland,  Ore. 

Greenfield,  Leo New  York  City 

Greenway,  J.  Henry Havre  de  Grace,  Md". 

Greenwood,  A.  G Palestine,  Tex. 

Greenwood,  Frederick Norfolk,  Va. 

Greer,  H.  H Mount  Vernon,  Ohio 

Gregory,    James    P Louisville,    Ky. 

Griffiths,  G.  Charles Chicago,  111. 

Grimes,   H.   H Lincoln,   Neb. 

Grosshans,  Frank  E East  Liverpool,  Ohio 


Group,  John   W Rauchtown,   Pa. 

Grout,  Edward  M Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Guerin,  Claude  V Asbury  Park,  N.  J. 

Guerry,   Du  Pont Macon,  Ga. 

Guerry,  Homer Washington,  D.  C. 

Guigon,  A.  B Richmond,  Va. 

Guilfoyle,  Frank  J Syracuse,  N.   Y. 

Gunn,  Julien Richmond,  Va. 

Gunnell,  W.  M Marlin,  Tex. 

Gustavus,  C.  D Oakwoods,  Tex. 

Guthrie,  Ben  Eli Macon,  Mo. 

Guthrie,  William  A Durham    N    C 

Hackney,  Edward  T Wellington,   Kan. 

Hager,  John  F Ashland,  Ky. 

Haggan,  Rodney Winchester,  Ky. 

Haire,  Col.  R.  J New  York  City 

Halderman,  Grant  E Longmont,  Colo. 

Hale,  Hon.  Horace  M Denver,   Colo. 

Hale,  Morris Hot  Springs,  Ala. 

Hale,  S.  J Milner,  Ga. 

Hall,  Anthony Paris,    Ark. 

Hall,  Charles  S Binghamton,   N.  Y. 

Hall,  Dr.  D.  H Pikeville,  Tenn. 

Hall,  R.  W Vernon,  Tex. 

Hall,  William  Roland Houston,  Miss. 

Halligan,  John  J North  Platte,  Neb. 

Ham,  H.  W.  J Gainesville,  Ga. 

Hamby,  C.  C Prescott,  Ark. 

Hamill,    F.  P Temple,  Tex. 

Hamilton,  Gen.    E.    B Quincy,    111. 

Hamlin,  Byron  D Smethport,  Pa. 

Hammersley,   H Cleveland,    Ohio 

Hammond,  George  T Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Hammond,  J.  T Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Hammond,  Dr.  Robert  L Woodsboro,  Md. 

Hampson,  J.  K.,  M.D Nodena,  Ark. 

Hampton,  Charles  D El  Reno,  Okla.  T. 

Hampton,  Charles   S Detroit,  Mich. 

Hampton,  William  Wade Gainesville,  Fla. 

Hansbrough,   Hon.  Henry  C Washington,   D.  C. 

Hanson,  Dr.  T.  C Winnemucca,  Nev. 

Harden,  Alfred  D New   York  City 

Harding,  Gilbert  N Lacona,  N.  Y. 

Hardman,  Rev.  A.  L Natchez,  Miss. 

Harmon,  Gilbert Toledo,  Ohio 

Harne,  j.  Lee New  Martinsville,  W.  Va. 

Harper,  P.    L Wallace,  Neb. 

Harrington,  M.  F O'Neill,  Neb. 

Harris,  A.  A Duluth,   Minn. 

Harris,  James  C Sheffield,  Ala. 

Harris,  John  T Harrisonburg,  Va. 

Harrison  &  Long Lynchburg,   Va. 

Hart,    E.    H San   Francisco,   Cal. 

Hartigan,  M.  A Hastings,   Neb. 

Hartjen,  John Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Hartman,  J.  H Claflin,  Kan. 

Harvey,  Edwin  Clinton New  York  City 

Hatcher,  E.  H Columbia,  Tenn. 

Hatfield,  Charles  S Clifton,  Ohio 

Hatton,   Goodrich Portsmouth,  Va. 

Haviland,  C.  Augustus Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Hawkins,  A.  S Midland,  Tex. 

Hawkins,  J.  E Langlois,  Ore. 

Hawkins,  John   J Prescott,    Ariz. 

Hawley,  David Yonkers,  N.  V, 

Hayes,  George  B New  York  Citj 

Hayes,  John  E New  York  City 

Hayman,  L.  H.,  M.D Boscobel,  Wis. 

Haynie,  William  Duff Chicago,  111. 

Head,  J.  C Richmond,  Ark. 

Heagany,  Richard Hartford  City,  Ind. 

Heath,  Thomas  T Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Heatley,  Thomas  W Cleveland,  Ohio 

Heaton,  Willis  Edgar Hoosick  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Hebroy,  J.   L.,   Jr Leland,    Miss. 

Hedden,  C.  P Irvington,  N.  J. 

Heffelfinger,  Jacob Hampton,  Va. 

Heinly,  Harvey  F Reading,  Pa. 

Heiskell,    S.    G Knoxville,    Tenn. 

Held,  W.  D.  L Ukiah,  Cal. 

Hemmeter,    John  C Cleveland,    Ohio 

Hemphill,  John  J Washington,  D.  C. 

Hendrick,  C.  C Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Henkel,  Vernon  A Farmersville,  Ohio 

Henry,  John  N Champlin,  Minn. 

Hensler,  Gus Anacortes,  Wash. 

Hermann,  Dr.    G.   J Newport,    Ky. 

Hero,  William  S New  Orleans,  La. 

Hewitt,  Hon.  Abram   S New  York  City 

Hewitt,  Robert  A.,  Jr Maysyille,  Mo. 

Hibbard,    Bertrand    Lesly Monroeville,   Ala. 

Hickey,   W.   H.,   M.D Leipslc,    Ohio 

Hickok,   S.  J Canton,   Pa. 

Higgins,  W.  E La  Porte,   Ind. 


LIST  OF  PATRONS 


xvii 


Higginson,  O.  F Needles,  Cal. 

Hildebrand,    Edward New    York    City 

Hildebrand,    H.    E San   Antonio,   Tex. 

Hildreth,  Melvin   A Fargo,    N.    Dak. 

Hill,  Ex-Gov.   David  B Albany,  N.   Y. 

Hill    H.  W.,   M.D Mooresville,  Ala. 

Hill,  James  W Peoria,   111. 

Hill,  Joseph  M Fort  Smith,  Ark. 

Hill,  W.    D Defiance,    Ohio 

Hilton,  Charles  S Clarksburg,   Md. 

Hilton,  George Oshkosh,  W  is. 

Himes,   George  W Shippensburg,   Pa. 

Hinckley,  J.    F Sapulpa,    I.    T. 

Hine,  Willis  G Savannah,  Mo. 

Hines,  Fletcher  S Malatt  Park,   Ind. 

Hines,  James  D Bowling  Green,  Ky. 

Hinson,  William  G James  Island,   S.  C. 

Hite,   W.  W Louisville,    Ky. 

Hitt,   Orlando Mexico,   Mo. 

Hobbs,  J.  W Nineveh,  N.  Y. 

Hobson,  F.   G Norristown,   Pa. 

Hoffman,  George  W Boonsbpro,   Md. 

Hoffmann,  L.  O Price,  Utah 

Holcomb,  O.  R Ritzville,  Wash. 

Holcomb,  Ex-Gov.   Silas  A Lincoln,   Neb. 

Holding,  S.  H Cleveland,  Ohio 

Holihan,  John Auburn,   N.   Y. 

Holland,  L.  T.,  M.D Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Holliday,  W.    H Laramie,   Wyo. 

Hollister,  W.    R Monticello,    Mo. 

Holman,   J.    H Fayetteville,  Tenn. 

Holmes,  D.  A Chicago,  111. 

Holmes,  John  T Detroit,  Mich. 

Holmes,  J.  T Columbus,  Ohio 

Hood,  R.    B Weatherford,  Tex. 

Hooper,  George  J Richmond,  Va. 

Hooper,  P.    O.,    M.D Little    Rock,    Ark. 

Hooper  &  Hooper Oshkosh,  Wis. 

Hoos,  Hon.  Edward Jersey  City,   N.  J. 

Hoover,  S.  S Elkhart,  Ind. 

Hopkins,  J.   G Hampstead,  Albemarle   Co.,   Va. 

Hopper,    P.    L Havre  de    Grace,    Md. 

Hopwood,  R.  F Uniontown,  Pa. 

Horton,  Hiler  H St.    Paul,   Minn. 

Horton,  H.  M Midland,  Tex. 

Hoskins,  H.  C Madera,  Cal. 

Houser,  Frederick  W Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Howard,  Josiah Emporium,   Pa. 

Howard,  W.  A.,  M.D Waco,  Tex. 

Hoyt,  Dr.    Frank   C Mt.   Pleasant,    Iowa 

Hubbert,  George Neosho,  Mo. 

Huber,  A.   H Westminster,   Md. 

Hudson,  F.   M Pine  Bluff,   Ark. 

Hudson,  Less.  L Fort  Worth,  Tex. 

Hudson,  T.  J Fredonia,  Kan. 

Hug,  Edward  V.,  M.D Lprain,  Ohio 

Hughes,  Adrian Baltimore,  Md. 

Hughes,  Charles  J.,    Tr Denver,    Colo. 

Hughes,  C.    W.,    M.D Eleanor,    Pa. 

Hughes,  L.   C.  ..../• Tucson,  Ariz. 

Hull,  John   M....1 Cleveland,   Ohio 

Humes,   Milton Huntsville,  Ala. 

Humphrey,  J.   O Springfield,    111. 

Humphries,  W.  A Portland,  Ind. 

Hunt,  C.  C Montezuma,  Iowa 

Hunter,  Henry  B Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Hunter,  Peter Eddystone,  Pa. 

Hunter,  Sam  J Fort  Worth,  Tex. 

Huntington,  D.  W.   C Lincoln,  Neb. 

Huntington,  R.    M Hot   Springs,   Ark. 

Hurley,    Rev.    John    A Emerald,    Kan. 

Hurst,  Elmore    W Rock    Island,    111. 

Hutchings,  William  T Muscogee,  I.  T. 

Hutter,  C.  S Lynchburg,  Va. 

Hutton,  A.  W Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Hyde,  G.  W.,   M.D Clinton,   111. 

Hyde,  W.   L Buchanan,  Va. 

Hyland,  Judge  M.  H San  Jose,  Cal. 

Inches,  Dr.  James  W St.  Clair,  Mich. 

Ingersoll,  Henry  H Knoxville,  Tenn. 

Irwin,  Charles Kingston,  N.  Y. 

Israel,  G.  C Olympia,  Wash. 

Itell,  Thomas  J Johnstown,  Pa. 

Jackson,  E.   G Hoboken,   N.   J. 

Jackson,  George  P.  B St.    Louis,   Mo. 

Jackson,  J.  K.  P Margaretville,  N.  Y. 

Jacobs,  J.    H Reading,    Pa. 

James,  C.  F.,  D.D Danville,  Va. 

James,  H.   Clay Huntsville,   Tenn. 

Janes,    F.   P.,    M.D .....Lake    Creek,   Tex. 

Jarvis,  George  J Faulkton,  S.  Dak. 

Jelleff,  A.   C Ripon,   Wis. 

Jenkins,  C.    H Brownwood,    Tex. 

Jenkins,  J.   C MarysvilJe,   Cal. 


enkins,  John  J Chippewa  Falls,   Wis. 

ennings,  Hyde Fort  Worth,  Tex. 

cnnings,  T.   A Tampa,    Fla. 

eter,  W.  M Dumas,  Tex. 

ewett,  F.  T San  Francisco,  Cal. 

ewks,  George  A Brookville,   Pa. 

ohanson,  Fritz Chinook,  Wash. 

ohn,  Samuel  Will Birmingham,  Ala. 

ohns,  John  E Massillon,  Ohio 

ohnson,  Alvin  J Knoxville,  Tenn. 

ohnson,  Clyde  B St.   Mary's,  W.   Va. 

ohnson,  Ex-Gov.  Charles  P St.  Louis,  Mo. 

ohnson,  David  M.,  Jr Chester,  Pa. 

ohnson,  Francis Little  Rock,  Ark. 

ohnson,  Greene  F Monticello,  Ga. 

ohnson,  James Pittsburg,   Pa. 

ohnson,  Mrs.  James  V Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

ohnson,  J.  B Nevada,  Mo. 

Johnson,  J.  B Des  Moines,  Iowa 

Johnson,  J.  M Hillsboro,  Tex. 

Johnson,  John  G Peabody,  Kan. 

Johnson,  L.  H Eureka,  Kan. 

Johnson,  Owens Brunswick,  Ga. 

Johnson,  Col.  R.  M Elkhart,  Ind. 

Johnson,  Thomas  M Osceola,  Mo. 

Johnson,  W.  Carter Louisville,  Ky. 

Johnston,  H.  M Fresno,  Cal. 

Jolly,  George  W Owensboro,  Ky. 

"ones,  Benjamin  O Metropolis,  111. 

ones,  Daniel  M Anson,  Tex. 

ones,  Dr.   H.  C Mt.  Vernon,  N.  Y. 

ones,  James  C St.    Louis,  Mo. 

ones,  James  H Henderson,  Tex. 

ones,  J.  Dunlop Grayson,  Ky. 

ones,  L.  A Como,   Miss. 

ones,  Richard  A St.   Louis,  Mo. 

ones,  Richmond  L Reading,  Pa. 

ones,  Ricy    H Brigham    City,    Utah 

ones,  W.   H Riverside,  Iowa 

ones,  William    H.,    M.D Bethlehem,    Pa. 

ones,  William  Jarvis Chicago,   111. 

ordan,  Judge  James  H Martinsville,   Ind. 

ordan,  J.  Eugene Seattle,  Wash. 

ordan,  Warren  S Peekskill,  N.  Y. 

ordin,  J.  F Gallatin,  Mo. 

udd,  John  W Nashville,  Tenn. 

^ane,  M.  N Warwick,  N.  Y. 

Keast,  Alderman  J.  W St.  John,  N.  B. 

Keenan,  S.  A Clark,  S.  Dak. 

Keene,  John  Henry Baltimore,  Md. 

Keffer,  J.  L Dunbar,  Pa. 

Reiser,  C.  W Hazleton,  Pa. 

Keizer,  Lewis  R Baltimore,  Md. 

Keller,  John  W New  York  City 

Kelley,  Marshall  C Muskegon,  Mich. 

Kellogg,  A.  C Portage,  Wis. 

Kellogg,  Frank  E Goleta,  Cal. 

Kelly,  B.  A Benton,  La. 

Kelly,  Frank  P San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Kelly,  James  R San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Kelly,  John  T Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Kelso,  A.  W Grant  City,  Mo. 

Kelton,  W.  H.  S Alvarado,  Tex. 

Kenfield,  William  F Woonsocket,  S.  Dak. 

Kennedy,  Hon.  A.  M Mexia,  Tex. 

Kennedy,  Crammond Alpine,  N.  J. 

Kennedy,  James  L Greensburg,  Pa. 

Kent,  Henry  T St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Kent,  Volney Marshalltown,  Iowa 

Kern,  John  W Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Kern,  R.  H St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Kerr,  Charles Lexington,  Ky. 

Keyes,  W.  S San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Kidd,  Gideon  P.,  M.D Roann,  Ind. 

Kilbourne,  James Columbus,  Ohio 

Killebrew,  J.  B Nashville,  Tenn. 

Kimbrough,  E.  R.  E Danville,  111. 

King,  Henry  B Augusta,  Ga. 

King,  Col.  H.  M Evergreen,  Ala. 

King,  John  C Baltimore,  Md. 

King,  J.  W Kittanning,  Pa. 

King,  Wilbur  E Columbus,  Ohio 

Kingsbury,  S.  B Boise,  Idaho 

Kinne,  James  G Ft.  Edward,  N.  Y. 

Kirkpatrick,  J.  M Dodge  City,  Kan. 

Kissick,  W.  A Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Kitts,  Charles  W Grass  Valley,  Cal. 

Klaas,  Albert  R Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Klar,  A.  Julian Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Klein,  Alfred Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Kleberg,  Robert  J Corpus  Christi,  Tex. 

KHnedinst,  David  P York,  Pa. 

Klugh,  James  C Abbeville,  S.  C. 

Kluttz,  Theodore  F Salisbury,  N.  C. 


xviii 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN    CYCLOPEDIA 


Knapp,  F.  M Racine,  Wis. 

Knappe,  W,  Trevitt,  M.D Vincennes,  Ind. 

Knight,  George    A Brazil,    Ind. 

Knight,  R.   Huston Los  Angeles,   Cal. 

Knoebel,   Thomas East   St.    Louis,   111. 

Knox,  Chris  L Corsicana,  Tex. 

Knox,  J.  W Merced,  Cal. 

Knudson,  Charles  O Canton,  S.  Dak. 

Kocher,    Charles  F Newark,    N.   J. 

Koepke,  Charles  A Chicago,  111. 

Kontz,  Ernest  C Atlanta,  Ga. 

Koontz,  J.  B Washington  C.  H.,  Ohio 

Koontz,  J.  R Ansted,  W.  Va. 

Krebs,  David  L Clearfield,  Pa. 

Kroeer,  Lewis Sheffield,  Pa. 

Kruttschnitt,  E.  B New  Orleans,  La. 

Krum,    Chester St.    Louis,    Mp. 

Kryder,  John  F Alliance,  Ohio 

La   Buy,    M.   A Chicago,    111. 

Lackland,  H.  C St.  Charles,  Mo. 

La  Due,  A Mt.   Dora,   Fla. 

La  Force,  William  N Portland,  Ore. 

Lake,  Lewis  F Rpckford,   111. 

Lake,  Luther  E Huntingdon,  Ark. 

Lamar,  J.   R Augusta,   Ga. 

Lamb,  Edwin  M Butte,  Mont. 

Lambert,   Stenson,   M.D Owensboro,   Ky. 

Lambeth,  J.    T Lambethville,   Ark. 

Lamoreaux,   Frank  B Stevens  Point,  Wis. 

Lamson,  John  D.  R Toledo,  Ohio 

Landes,  S.   Z Mt.    Carmel,  111. 

Landis,  William   P Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Lansden,  John  M Cairo,   111. 

Lapp,   J.    E Cincinnati,    Ohio 

Larkins,  Rev.  S.  C Long  Creek,  N.  C. 

Lamer,  John  B Washington,  D.  C. 

Larrazolo,  O.   R Las  Vegas,  New  Mexico 

Latham,    W.    H Curtis,    Neb. 

Laughlin,  Randolph St.   Louis,  Mo. 

Laurence,  Howard  E Brooklyn,   N.  Y. 

Lawson  McGhee  Library Knoxville,  Tenn. 

Lawther,  Henry  P Dallas,  Tex. 

Lawyer,  George Albany,  N.   Y. 

Lay,   W.   P .' Gadsden,  Ala. 

Leber,    Henry Oakland,   Cal. 

Lee,  Prof.  Duncan  Campbell,  Cornell  University, 

Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

Lee,  Harry  H Denver,  Colo. 

Lee,  N.   L Junction   City,   Ore. 

Leek,  Rev.  John  D Dixon,  111. 

Leeper,  A.  B.,  Ad'jt  Gen'l.,  G.A.A.V.,  Owaneco,  111. 

Lees,  Robert Alma,  Wis. 

Leffler,  John,    M.D San    Francisco,    Cal. 

Lehmayer,  Martin Baltimore,  Md. 

Leigh,  A.,   A.M.,   M.D.,   F.R.M.S... Hiawatha,    Kan. 

Lentz,  Hon.  John  J Columbus,  Ohio 

Leonard,  Charles  R Butte,  Mont. 

Leonard,  H.  B Yoakum,  Tex. 

Leslie,  Preston  H Helena,  Mont. 

Lester,  Ruf us  E Savannah,  Ga. 

Letcher,  Greenlee  D Lexington,  Va. 

Levagood,    M.    H Elyria,    Ohio 

Levis,  G.  W Madison,  Wis. 

Lewis,  Rev.    Barney  W Chunkey,    Miss. 

Lewis,  H.   Claude Salt   Lake   City,  Utah 

Lewis,  Dr.  John  V Alliance,   Ohio 

Lewis,  Lyman  W Kewanee,    111. 

Lewis,  Dr.  Walter Decatur,  Neb. 

Libby,  M.  D El  Reno,  Okla.  T. 

Liebig,   G.    M Sparrow's   Point,    Md. 

Lienesch,  T.  H Dayton,  Ohio 

Lightfoot,   Henry  W Paris,   Tex. 

Lindsey,  S.  A Tyler,  Tex. 

Line,  Benajah  A.,  M.D Alexandria,  Ind. 

Lippmann,  Leopold  J New  York  City 

Litz,  A.   W Charleston,   111. 

Livingston,  Alfred  T.,    M.D Jamestown,    N.    Y. 

Livingston,  Hon.  J.   B Lancaster,  Pa. 

Livingston,  John  Henry Tivoli-on-Hudson,  N.  Y. 

Locker,  W.  H Waynesville,  Mo. 

Lockett,  John  W Henderson,  Ky. 

Lodge,  J.  C Waverly,  Wash. 

Logan.  D.   B Pineville,   Ky. 

Logan,  J.   A Kingman,  Ariz. 

Lomax,  Tennent Montgomery,  Ala. 

Long,  Eugene  R Batesville,  Ark. 

Long,  George  S Troy,  Ohio 

Long,  J.  Grier Spokane,  Wash. 

Long,  Solomon  L Grenola,    Kan. 

Long,  Theodore  K Chicago,  111. 

Longan,  Edward  Everett St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Longfelder,  David Wabash,  Ind. 

Lonigo,  E.  V Jackson,  Cal. 

Lookabaugh,  I.   H Watonga,   Okla.  T. 


Looney,  R.  H Colorado,  Tex. 

Loucks,  Zachariah  Kepner Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Love,  J.  King,  M.D Yardley,  Pa. 

Low,  M.  A Topeka,   Kan. 

Lowden,  Frank  Orren Chicago,  111. 

Lowe,  J.  M Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Lowe,  Robert   J Birmingham,   Ala. 

Lowenberg,  Harry   L Norfolk,   Va. 

Lower,  J.  C Cleveland,  Ohio 

Lowry,  T.   C Richmond,  Ky. 

Lozier,  Ralph  F Carrpllton,  Mo. 

Lubers,  H.  L Las  Animas,  Colo. 

Lucas,  J.  T Moshannon,  Pa. 

Lucking,  Alfred Detroit,    Mich. 

Ludlow,  James  M.,  D.D.,  L.H.D..E.  Orange,  N.  J. 

Ludwig,  Henry  T.   J Mt.    Pleasant,   N.  C. 

Ludwig,  John  H New  York  City 

Luf,  Charles  B New  York  City 

Lumbard,  Samuel  J Chicago,  111. 

Lykins,   Joseph   C Campton,   Ky. 

Lyman,  J.  P Grinnell,  Iowa 

Lynch,  Martin  P.,  LL.B Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Lynham,  J.  Arthur Washington,  D.  C. 

Lyter,  M.  M Great  Falls,  Mont. 

McAtee,  Judge  John  L Enid,  Okla. 

McCarren,  P.    H Brooklyn,   N.   Y. 

McCarthy,  C.  C Grand  Rapids,  Minn. 

McCarthy,  John   Henry New   York  City 

McCarty,  A.  P Bronte,  Tex. 

McCarty,  Homer Monroe,    Utah 

McCaskill,  J.  M Rison,  Ark. 

McComas,  George  J Huntington,   W.    Va. 

McCoy,  Benjamin Oskaloosa    Iowa 

McCoy,  D.  W.  F New  York  City 

McCoy  John  W Fairmont,   W.   Va. 

McCravy,  S.  T Spartanburg,  S.  C. 

McCullock,  P.  D Marianus,  Ark. 

McCully,  H.    G Jersey   City,    N.    L 

McDaniel,  P.  A Abbeville,  Ala. 

McDavitt,   J.    C Memphis,   Tenn. 

McDermot,  R.   B Coshocton,  Ohio 

McDonald,  Tames  H Detroit,  Mich. 

McDonald,  J.  H Cedar  City,  Utah 

McDowell,  John  A Millersburg,  Ohio 

McElligott,  Thomas  G Chicago,  111. 

McGoorty,  John  P Chicago,  111. 

McGowan,  P.  J Astoria,  Ore. 

McGrath,  Robert  H Philadelphia,  Pa. 

McGraw,  E.  W San  Francisco,  Cal. 

McGraw,  John  T Grafton,  W.  Va. 

McGuffey,  John  G Columbus,  Ohio 

McGuire,  John  C Brooklyn,  N.   Y. 

McHolland   (Miss)   B Durango,   Colo. 

Mcllwaine,   C.    R Knoxville,  Tenn. 

Mcllwaine,  William  B Petersburg,  Va. 

Mclntyre,  John  F New  York  City 

Mclntyre,  William  J Riverside,    Cal. 

McKeighan,  J.   E St.  Louis,  Mo. 

McKinley,  H.  C Gaylord,   Mich. 

McKnight,  William  F Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

McLaughlin,  I.  W Macedon,  N.  Y. 

McLaughlin.  W.    L Deadwood,    S.    Dak. 

McLean,  W.    T.,    M.D.,    D.D.S Cincinnati,    Ohio 

McMahon,  Charles  C Fulton,  111. 

McMahon,  J.    K Chicago,   111. 

McMahon,  Richard  Randolph, 

Harper's    Ferry,   W.   Va. 

McMackin,  John Albany,  N.  Y. 

McMillan,  F.   H Atlanta,   Ga. 

McMorrow,  M Brazil,  Ind. 

McNair,  A.  C Brookhaven,  Miss. 

McNamara,  James  J Baltimore,   Md. 

McNamara,  John  W Albany,  N.  Y. 

McNamee,  F.    R Delamar,    Nev. 

McNaughton,  D.  W • Boardman,  N.  C. 

McNiel,  Dr.  W.  N Longfield,  Va. 

McPheeters,  James Benton,  Mo. 

McRae,  A.  J West  Superior,  Wis. 

McRae,  Thomas  C Prescott,  Ark. 

McMurray,  J.  L Tacoma,  Wash. 

McSherry,  Tames Frederick,    Md. 

McWilliams,  Howard New  York  City 

McWilliams,  J.   K Sunbury,  Pa. 

MacDougall,  R.  S Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Mackenzie,   John  R.,   M.D Weatherford,  Tex. 

Mackey,  C.  H Sigourney,  Iowa 

Mackey,  Robert  K New  York  City 

MacPhail,  Donald  T.,  M.D Purdy  Sta.,  N.  Y. 

Macquarrie,  Neil  A Jackson,  Cal. 

MacRae,  Donald Wilmington,    N.   C. 

Macomber,  Charles  S Ida  Grove,  Iowa 

Madden,  Charles  J Tennille,  Ga. 

Magee,  Judge  Christopher Pittsburg.    Pa. 

Maloney,  Thomas Ogden,  Utah 


LIST  OF  PATRONS 


xix 


Mann,  Edgar  P Greenfield,  Mo. 

Mapes,  Dorchester Chicago,    111. 

Markey,   Edward  J Brooklyn,   N.    Y. 

Marsh,  Craig  A Plainfield,  N.   J. 

Marsh,  E.  J Big  Rapids,  Mich. 

Marshall,  Linus  R Springfield,   Ohio 

Martin,  I.    L Uvalde,  Tex. 

Martin,  John   Burlington Covington,   Ind. 

Martin,  Lyman  W Scale,  Ala. 

Martine,  Hon.  Godfrey  R.,  M.D.. Glens  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Marvin,  Charles Elmira,    N.   Y. 

Marvin,  D.  P Woodward,  Okla. 

Marvin,  John  L Jacksonville,  Fla. 

Mason,  F.  O Geneva,   N.  Y. 

Mason,  Tames   H Brooklyn,   N.  Y. 

Mason,  P.  G Le  Roy,  N.  Y. 

Masters,  Edgar  L Chicago,  111. 

Mathews.  Thomas  J Merrill,   Wis. 

Matoon,  Charles  M.,  M.D Brookville,  Pa. 

Mattes,  John,   Jr Nebraska  City,   Neb. 

Matthews,  W.    B Washington,   D.   C. 

Maulsby,  Israel  T Tillamook  City,  Ore. 

May,  S.  D Tazewell,  Va. 

Maybury,  Hon.  William  C Detroit,  Mich. 

Means,  George  W Brookville,  Pa. 

Medill,  Thomas  J Rock  Island,   111. 

Meek,  J.  F Coshocton,  Ohio 

Mercantile  Library St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Merchant,  Edward   L Horatio,  Ark. 

Meredith,  Milo Wrabash,   Ind. 

Merrill,  John   B Long  Island  City,   N.   Y. 

Metcalf,  "Arthur  A.,  M.D Dunbar,  Wis. 

Millar,  A.  C Conway,  Ark. 

Miller,  B.  S Columbus,  Ga. 

Miller,  Dewitt Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Miller,  George  Knox Talladega,  Ala. 

Miller,  Jacob    F New    York   City 

Miller,  James  R Watertown,  N.  Y. 

Miller,  John  A.,  M.D San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Miller,  John  D Susquehanna,  Pa. 

Miller,  Mary  E Chicago,  111. 

Million,  E.  C Mt.  Vernon,  Wash. 

Mills,  W.  P Sidney,  Neb. 

Milner,  J.  Cooper Vernon,  Ala. 

Minor,  F.   D Galveston,   Tex. 

Mitchell,  Edward   P New   York  City 

Mitchell,  R.  C Duluth,  Minn. 

Momsen,  John Mt.  Vernon,  S.   Dak. 

Monahan,  Patrick   W Red   Cliff,   Colo. 

Monjeau,  C Middletown,  Ohio 

Monnette,  O.   E Bucyrus,  Ohio 

Monroe,  Chilton Dallas,   Tex. 

Monroe,  Henry   S Chicago,   111. 

Monroe.  Robert  W Kingwood,  W.  Va. 

Montandon,  A.   F Boise  City,   Idaho 

Moon,  George  C New  York  City 

Mooney,  John  H New  York  City 

Mooney,  William   Joliet,  111. 

Moore,  A.  C.,  M.D North  Amherst,   Ohio 

Moore,  Felix  W Union  City,  Tenn. 

Moore,  Frank  N Chicago,  111. 

Moore,  M.    Herndon Columbia,    S.    C. 

Moran,  Dr.  James New  York  City 

Moroney,  John  F Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Morris,  James  E Arthur,  111. 

Morrissey,  Andrew  M Valentine,  Neb. 

Morrow,  Thomas   R Kansas  City,   Mo. 

Morse,  S.    F.    B Houston,   Tex. 

Moss,  Nathanel   P Lafayette,   La. 

Mott,  John  Sabert,  M.D Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Mountjoy,  Wiley Twin  Bridges,  Mont. 

Mounts,  William  L Carlinville,  111. 

Mouton,  Homer Lafayette,    La. 

Moyer,  George  W Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Muir,  P.    B Louisville,    Ky. 

Mullins,  G.  M Papillion,  Neb. 

Mumford,   Beverley  B Richmond,  Va. 

Murphy,  D.    E Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Murphy,  John  H Denver,  Colo. 

Murphy,  J.  M.  C Lodi,  Cal. 

Murphy,  T.  J Mayfield,   Ky. 

Murphy,  Rev.    William Seward,    Neb. 

Murray,  Arthur Pine   Bluff,   Ark. 

Murray,  William  H Tishomingo,  I.  T. 

Napton,  Charles  M St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Nash,  John  A Audubon,  Iowa 

Nash,  Wiley  N Starkville,  Miss. 

Neal,  E.  A Cuero,  Tex. 

Neff,  George  H Sunbury,  Pa. 

Nelms,  W.    W Georgetown,   Tex. 

Neville,  Richard  L New  York  City 

Newby,   Nathan Los  Angeles,   Cal. 

Newson,  John  A Buffalo,  Tex. 

Newton,  Hon.  C Monroe,  La. 


New  York  University  Library, 

University  Heights,  New  York  City 

Nicholas,  S.  H Coshocton,  Ohio 

Nichols,  Joseph  F Greenville,  Tex. 

Nicholson,  B.    II Attala,   Ala. 

Nilsson,  M.  T Laurens,  Iowa 

Noe,  Noah  S Kearny,  N.  J. 

Norman,  J.   Felix Thayer,  Mo. 

Norman,  Louis  W Kandiyohi,  Minn. 

Norrell,  A.   G Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Northern  State  Normal  School Marquette,  Mich. 

Norton,  James Garrettsville,  Ohio 

Norwood,  G.   A.,   Jr Goldsboro,    N.   C. 

Nutt,  George    D.,    M.D \\illiamsport,    Pa. 

Nye,  Frederick  A Kearney,  Neb. 

O'Brien,  Ouin Chicago,   111. 

O'Brien,  Thomas   E New   York   City 

O'Bryan,  William   H Altruria,  Cal. 

O'Callaghan,    M.  J Philadelphia,    Pa. 

O'Connell,  J.  B Chicago,  111. 

O'Connor,  Cornelius New    York    City 

O'Donnell,  Joseph  A Chicago,  111. 

O'Gorman,   Hon.  James  A New  York  City 

O'Hara,  R.  A Hamilton,  Mont. 

O'Keeffe,  P.  T Chicago,  111. 

O'Malley,  John,  M.D Scranton,  Pa. 

O'Sullivan,  Michael New    York    City 

O'Sullivan,  W.  J New  York  City 

Oakes,  Dr.  I.  N North  Ridgeville,  Ohio 

Oakley,  Horace   S Chicago,  111. 

Ockford,  George  M.,   M.D Ridgewood,  N.  J. 

Odell,  Spurgeon Marshall,    Minn. 

Ogden,  R.  N Deadwood,  S.  Dak. 

Oliver,  George  A Onawa,  Iowa 

Olney,  Peter  B New  York  City 

Oneonta  Public  Library Oneonta,  N.  Y. 

Ornelas,   Dr.    P San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Orr,  J.  S Steel  City,  Neb. 

Orrick,  William  P.,  D.D Reading,  Pa. 

Osborne,  H.    E Chicago,   111. 

Osborne,  John  E Rawlins,  Wyo. 

Osborne.  S.  J Quanah,  Tex. 

Osthaus,   Herman Scranton,   Pa. 

Otis,  A.   Walker New   York  City 

Otts,  J.   Cornelius Gaffney,  S.  C. 

O vermyer,  John North    Vernon,    Ind. 

Owsley,   Alvin   C Denton,   Tex. 

Packwood,  S.    E Magnolia,   Miss. 

Paden,    George Armona,    Cal. 

Paine,  Bayard  H Grand  Island,  Neb. 

Paine,  Karl Idaho    City,    Idaho 

Palmer,  Clarence  S Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Palmer,  Irving  H Cortland,   N.   Y. 

Panabaker,   P.   F Hartington,   Neb. 

Parker.  Silas  C Mansfield,  Ohio 

Parker,  Dr.  Thomas  J Detroit,  Mich. 

Parker,    W.   S Henderson,   N.    C. 

Parker,  W.   W Baltimore,    Md. 

Parkhurst,  Frank  B Frankfort,  N.  Y. 

Parrish,  Robert   L Covington,   Va. 

Parrott,  James  M Kinston,  N.  C. 

Parrott,  R.    B Des   Moines,   Iowa 

Paterson,  Van   R San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Patrick,  Albert  T New  York  City 

Patrick,  John  E Jackson,  Ky. 

Patterson,  Benjamin New  York  City 

Patterson,  Charles   B El   Paso,  Tex. 

Patterson,  R.    S Safford,   Ariz. 

Patterson,  Thomas   M Denver,    Colo. 

Patton,  D.    H Woodward,   Okla. 

Patton,  George  S San   Gabriel,  Cal. 

Patty,  C.   N Pontiac,  111. 

Pauly,  R.  J.,  Sr St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Pavne,  Gen.   Walter  S Fostoria,  Ohio 

Pearson,  L.  W.,  M.D Brooklyn,   N.   Y. 

Peck,  John   H Troy,   N.    Y. 

Pendennis  Club Louisville,  Ky. 

Penney,  James    E New  Decatur,   Ala. 

Penwell,  Lewis Helena  Mont. 

Peoria  Public  Library Peoria,   111. 

Pereles,  Thomas  Jefferson Milwaukee,   Wis. 

Perkins,  Hon.   George  C Washington,  D.  C. 

Perkins,  John  C Sisseton,   S.    Dak. 

Perky,   K.  I Mountain  Home,  Idaho 

Perry,  W.  C Kansas  City,   Mo. 

Peterkin,   Dr.    Guy   S Seattle,    Wash. 

Peterkin,   W.   G Parkersburg,  W.  Va. 

Pettit,  William  B Palmyra,  Va. 

Pettus  &  Lester Athens,  Ala. 

Pharr,  Olin McRae,  Ga. 

Phelps,  O.  C Warren,  Ohio 

Philips,  H.    B Jacksonville,   Fla. 

Phillips,  George  B Key  West,  Fla. 

Phipps,  T.   M Key  West,  Fla. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


Pickens,  Samuel  O Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Pickering,  A.  O.,  M.D Chuckey  City,  Tenn. 

Pickett,  N.  J.,  M.D Milford,  Tex. 

Pike,  Vinton St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Pile,  J.  M Wayne,  Neb. 

Pinckney,  John   M Hempstead,  Tex. 

Pinney,  William  E Valparaiso,  Ind. 

Pitts,  John  A Nashville,   Tenn. 

Pitzer,  U.    S.    G Martinsburg,   W.    Va. 

Planten,  J.  R New  York  City 

Platt,  George  G Butte,  Mont. 

Plumer,  Samuel Franklin,    Pa. 

Plummer,  Edwin  L Indianapolis,   Ind. 

Pock,  John  H Troy,  N.  Y. 

Poindexter,  Joseph Cleburne,    Tex. 

Pool,  Lawrence  P Manchester,  Va. 

Porter,  Charles  H Baltimore,  Md. 

Porter,  Dr.  L.  L Roslyn,  Wash. 

Porter,  S.  W Sherman,  Tex. 

Porter,  W.   F Baltimore,   Md. 

Post,  Charles  A Cleveland,   Ohio 

Post,  Duff Tampa,  Fla. 

Post,  Floyd  L Midland,  Mich. 

Poston,  R.  C Corydon,  Iowa 

Potter,  C.    C Gainesville,   Tex. 

Potter,  C.  L Gainesville,  Tex. 

Potts,  H.    Cameron.. Germantown,   Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Potts,  W.  S Lisbon,  Ohio 

Pound,  James  T Newton,  Iowa 

Pounders,  R.  L Mt.  Vernon,  Tex. 

Powell,  Arthur  Gray Blakely,  Ga. 

Powell,  Joseph  H Bridgeton,    N.   J. 

Power,  John Escanaba,  Mich. 

Powers,  J.  N Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Prendergast,  Joseph,   M.D Chicago,  111. 

Prest,  John  E Cohoes,  N.  Y. 

Preston,  E.  F San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Preston,  Joseph  W.,  Jr Macon,   Ga. 

Price,  Daniel  T Yoakum,    Tex. 

Price,  Sim  T St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Price,  William  B Lincoln,   Neb. 

Price,  William  S Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Pritchett,  H.  C Huntsville,  Tex. 

Public  Library  and  Museum Dayton,  Ohio 

Quackenbush,  A.  W Stanberry,   Mo. 

Quick,   W.    H Rockingham,    N.    C. 

Quinn,  Frank  J Peoria,   111. 

Quinn,  Lawrence  R New  York  City 

Rader,  Perry  S Jefferson  City,  Mo. 

Ragland,  H.  Clay Logan,  W.  Va. 

Rainey,  Anson Dallas,  Tex. 

Ralston,  Jackson  H Hyattsville,  Md. 

Ralston,  Samuel   M Lebanon,    Ind. 

Ralston,   T.   A New   York  City 

Ralston,  Thomas  E St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Ramsland,  O.  T Sacred  Heart,  Minn. 

Ranney,  Henry  C Cleveland,  Ohio 

Rathbun,   W.  A Springfield,   Mo. 

Ravenel,  Rene Monks  Corner,  S.  C. 

Ray,  Al Charleston,  111. 

Read,  Charles  A Atlanta,  Ga. 

Rector,  H.  M.,  M.D Hot  Springs,   Ark. 

Redd,  Samuel  C Beaver  Dam  P.  O.,  Va. 

Reid,  James   W Lewiston,    Idaho 

Reid,  Rev.   J.   L Bardstown,    Ky. 

Reid,  Willard   P Babylon,   N.    Y. 

Reifkogel,  William % Plainview,  Minn. 

Reppy,  Samuel  A De  Soto,  Mo. 

Reuter,  Dominic Trenton,  N.  J. 

Reynolds,  Walter   D Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Rice,  Charles  E Wilkes-Barre,  Pa. 

Rich,  Albert  R Du  Bois,  Pa. 

Richards,  F.  S Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Richardson,  Edmund   F Denver,   Colo. 

Rickards,  Hon.  J.  E Butte,  Mont. 

Ricketts,  A Wilkes-Barre,  Pa. 

Riddle,  George  D Pittsburg,   Pa. 

Riley,  Harry  I Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Riordan,  T.  J Salinas,  Cal. 

Ritchie,  Alfred   G Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Riviere,  Georges  Alphonse Mobile,  Ala. 

Roark,  Joe  Sam Valparaiso,  Ind. 

Roberts,  John  W Riverside,   Cal. 

Robertson,  Andrew  C Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Robertson,  George Mexico,    Mo. 

Robertson,  James,  Jr Washta,   Iowa 

Robertson,  W.   F Georgetown,  Tex. 

Robinson,  C.  W Newport  News,  Va. 

Robinson,  Edward  M Mobile,  Ala. 

Robinson,  George  L.   F Highmore,  S.   Dak. 

Robinson,  George  R Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Robinson,  H.  R Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Robinson,  Joe  T Lonoke,   Ark. 

Robinson,  M.  L Columbus,  Ga. 


Rochford,  William   E Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Rodgers,  James   M Watsonville,   Cal. 

Rogers,  J.  R Olympia,  Wash. 

Roote,  Jesse  B Butte,  Mont. 

Rosenwald,  David   S Roswell,   N.    Mex. 

Ross,  P.    A Eustis,    Fla. 

Rubrecht,  Franklin Columbus,  Ohio 

Rush,  J.  S Des  Moines,   Iowa 

Russel,    Andrew Jacksonville,  111. 

Russell,  William  Hepburn New  York  City 

Ryan,  Joseph  T New  York  City 

Ryan,  O'Neill St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Ryan,  T.  C Wausau,  Wis. 

Ryan,  William  J Menominee,  Mich. 

Rynearson,  J.   M La  Fayette,   Ind. 

Sackett,  Henry  W New  York  City 

Saffolds,  W.  S Guyton,  Ga. 

Sale,  Lee St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Sample,  A Bloomington,  111. 

Sanders,  George  A Springfield,  111. 

Sankey,    R.    A Wichita,    Kan. 

Sargent,  Brad  V Salinas  City,  Cal. 

Sargent,  C.    H Jefferson,  Ohio 

Savage,  John  H McMinnville,  Tenn. 

Savage,  Michael Clarksville,    Tenn. 

Sawdey,  D.  A Erie,   Pa. 

Sawyer,  A.  J Lincoln,  Neb. 

Sawyer,  A.   L Menominee,   Mich. 

Sawyer,  John  H Auburn,  N.   Y. 

Scales,  S.  S Crawford,  Miss. 

Scarlett,  James Danville,   Pa. 

Scattergood,  Caleb Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Schaef er,  Charles Sedgwick,  Kan. 

Scharfer,  E Toccoa,  Ga. 

Schevers,  A.  J Chicago,   111. 

Schieck,   Christian,  Jr New  York  City 

Schilling,  A.  J Urbana,   111. 

Schilling,  N Cedar  Bayou,  Tex 

Schlegel,  Hon.  Henry Lapeer,  Mich. 

Schlichter,  G.  V Brooklyn,   N.  Y.. 

Schnell,   L St.   Charles,   Miss. 

Schoenfeld,  Rev.   W New  York  City 

Schroeder,  James Guttenberg,    Iowa 

Schubert,  C Brooklyn,   N.    Y. 

Schurnight,  W.  J Mishawaka,  Ind 

Schultz,  Irvine  W Phillipsburg,  N.  J. 

Scott,  A.   G Chicago,  III 

Scott,  C.  H Elkins,  W.  Va. 

Scott,  George   W Davenport,    lowt 

Scott,  Joseph Los  Angeles,   Cal. 

Scott,  Tully Oberlin,    Kan. 

Scott,  W Clarksburg,  W.  Va. 

Scott,  Wralter  E.,   M.D Adel,   Iowa 

Scott,  W.  W.,  State  Librarian Richmond,  Va. 

Seaberg,    Hugo Springer,    N.   Mex. 

Seabury,  Samuel New  York  City 

Searcy,  Jefferson  B Eminence,  Mo. 

Sebastian.  James    M Booneville,    Ky. 

Seiders,  C.  A Toledo,  Ohio 

Seiss,  Joseph  A.,  D.D.,   LL.D Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Selby,  T.  J Hardin,   111. 

Seney,  Hon.   Henry  W Toledo,  Ohio 

Sennott,  John  S.,  M.D Waterloo,  111. 

Sentinel  of  Liberty Chicago,    111. 

Sexton,  H.  A.  J Jefferson  City,   Mo. 

Shabad,  Henry  M Chicago,  111. 

Shackleford,  Thomas  M Tampa,  Fla. 

Shaffer,  C.  W Emporium,   Pa. 

Shank,  Corwin  S Seattle,  Wash. 

Shannon,  I.  M Clarion,  Pa. 

Shattuck,   F.  R Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Shaw,  James  H Bloomington,   111. 

Shaw,  O.   W Austin,  Minn. 

Sheard,  Titus Little  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Shearman,  Thomas  G Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Sheean,  David Galena,  111. 

Sheeks,  Ben Tacoma,  Wash. 

Shelton,   D.    C Tulsa,   I.   T. 

Shepherd,  W.   C Hamilton,    Ohio 

Shepherd,  William  G Seneca  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Sheppard,  Howard  R Philadelphia,   Pa. 

Shick,  Robert  P Reading,  Pa. 

Shields,   Moses,  Jr Nicholson,   Pa. 

Shime,  Patrick  C Spokane,  Wash. 

Shipp,  C.   J Cordele,  Ga. 

Shirley,    D.    D Allerton,    Iowa 

Shirley,  Robert  B Carlinville,  111. 

Short,  John  P Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Shortz,  Edwin Wilkes-Barre,    Pa. 

Sibley,  Hiram   S Marietta,    Ohio 

Sidebottom,  Earl  E Santa  Fe,  N.  Mex. 

Silberman,    Louis Albany,   N.   Y. 

Silha,  John  A Chicago,  111. 

Sim,  John  R New  York  City 


LIST  OF  PATRONS 


Simms,  A.   H Birmingham,  Ala. 

Simonds,  C.  H Conneaut,  Ohio 

Simonton,  Dr.    A.    C Roslyn,    Wash. 

Simpson,  William  J.,   M.D Western,   Mo. 

Sioux  City  Public  Library Sioux  City,  Iowa 

Skelton,    W.   H Alvarado,   Tex. 

Skipworth,  E.  R Eugene,  Ore. 

Slack,  Dr.  Henry  R La  Grange,  Ga. 

Slater,  W.    T Salem,   Ore. 

Slinkard,  W.  L Bloomfield,  Ind. 

Sloan,  J.  R Stanley,  Kan. 

Slocum,  C.   E.,  Jr Beatrice,  Neb. 

Slocum,  Charles  E.,  M.D.,  Ph.D Defiance,  Ohio 

Smith,  Benjamin  N Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Smith,  Ephraim   P Yorkville,  Tenn. 

Smith,  Gilbert   D Middebourne,   W.   Va. 

Smith,  Harrison  B Charleston,  W.  Va. 

Smith,  J.  Alfred Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Smith,  J.    P Fort  \Vorth,   Tex. 

Smith,  Oscar  B Washington,  Ga. 

Smith,  Ouincy  A Lansing,  Mich. 

Smith,  W.    Wickham Brooklyn,   N.    Y. 

Smyth,  David Wichita,  Kan. 

Smythe,  P.  Henry Burlington,  Iowa 

Snedeker,  J.   Q Marshall,   111. 

Snider,  Millard  F Clarksburg,  W.  Va. 

Soliday,  George  W Carrington,  N.   Dak. 

Solter,  George  A Baltimore,   Md. 

Somermier,  W.  H Winfield,  Kan. 

Somers,  James  W San  Diego,  Cal. 

Somerville,  Robert Greenville,  Miss. 

Southall,  E.   \V.,   M.D Geneseo,  N.   Y. 

Spain,  John  A Sardis,  Miss. 

Spannhorst,  Henry  J St.   Louis,   Mo. 

Sparr,  R.  W Lawrence,  Kan. 

Spearman,  Robert  F Greenville,  Tex. 

Speer,  D.  R Greenville,  S.  C. 

Speer,  James  A New   York  City 

Spekker,  Staas Lewiston,  Idaho 

Spell,  W.  E Hillsboro,  Tex. 

Spencer,  H.  N.,  M.D St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Spencer,    H.  R Duluth,  Minn. 

Spencer,  S.  S Eugene,  Ore. 

Spencer,     Thomas  H Chicago,   111. 

Spencer,  William  W Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Spooner,   Lewis  C Morris,  Minn. 

Sporer,  Thomas  D Jacksboro,  Tex. 

Spratt,  William  E St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Sprigg,  Joseph Cumberland,   Md. 

Spriggs,  J.   P Woodfield,  Ohio 

Squire,  VVilliam  Russell New  York  City 

Stahlman,   E.   C Nashville,  Tenn. 

Standish,  A.  B St.  Ignace,  Mich. 

Stansel,    M.    L Carrollton,    Ala. 

Staples,  John  W Harriman,  Tenn. 

Starnes,  P.  M Des  Moines,  Iowa 

Starrett,   William   R New    York  City 

Steck,  John  M Winchester,  Va. 

Sleekier,  Louis New  York  City 

Steele,   Robert  W Denver,  Colo. 

Steenerson,    H Crookston,    Minn. 

Stehle,   Rev.  Wralter,  O.S.B Allegheny,  Pa. 

Steinman,   E.   W Belleville,   111. 

Stephens,  H.  A Wallace,   N.    Y. 

Stephenson,  Albert  G New  York  City 

Stephenson,  W .  H Hart ington,   Neb. 

Sterrett,    David Washington,    Pa. 

Stevens,  B.  J Madison,  Wis. 

Stewart,  I.  J Richfield,  Utah 

Stewart.  William   C Soapstone,   Ala. 

Stewart,  W.    E Clanton,    Ala. 

Stewart,  Hon.   William   M Washington,  D.  C. 

Stimpson,  H.  C.  S New  York  City 

Stites,  O.  W Durham,  N.  C. 

Stocker,    R.    M Honesdale,    Pa. 

Stoddart,  George  B Oyster  Bay,  N.  Y. 

Stokes,  J.    William Orangeburg,    S.    C. 

Stone,  Alfred   Holt Greenville,    Miss. 

Stone,  Russell  J Attica,    N.    Y. 

Stone,  William  J St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Stonesipher,  John  R Zanesville,  Ohio 

Straka,   Louis David   City,   Neb. 

Stranahan,    N.   N Fulton,    N.    Y. 

Strattan,  Edward  K Newcastle,  Ind. 

Strattan,  Oliver  H Louisville,  Ky. 

Street,  Oliver  Day Guntersville,  Ala. 

Street,  Robert  G Galveston,  Tex. 

Strode,   Aubrey  E Amherst,   Va. 

Strong,  William  J Chicago,  111. 

Stuart,    Wesley   A Sturgis,    S.    Dak. 

Sullivan,  John  J New  York  City 

Sulzer,    Hon.   William New   York   City 

Summers,  L.    P Abingdon,   Va. 

Sumpter,  Orlando  H Hot  Springs,  Ark. 


Sure,  A.  T.  H Alameda,  Cal. 

Sutton,  R.    H.,    M.D Shenandoah,   Iowa 

Sutton,  Robert  L Troy,   Mo. 

Sutton,  W.   Henry Haverford,   Pa. 

Sweet,  Silas  C.... Des   Moines,   Iowa 

Swigart,    Frank Logansport,  Ind. 

Sydnor,   \Valker Ashland,  Va. 

Sykes,   M.    L New  York  City 

Sypher,  Gen.  J.  Hale Washington,  D.  C. 

Syracuse  Central   Library Syracuse,   N.  Y. 

Tadlock,  J.  M ". Phillipsburg,  Kan. 

Tait,  A.  O Oakland,  Cal. 

Tartt,  J.   B Terrell,  Tex. 

Tatum,  I.  R Corsicana,  Tex. 

Tayloe,  S.  G Sonora,  Tex. 

Taylor,  Col.    Charles   H Boston,   Mass. 

Taylor,  C.   S Keeseville,    N.    Y. 

Taylor,  Edward   B Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Taylor,  G.    F Effingham,   111. 

Taylor,  John  H Chillicothe,  Mo. 

Taylor,  John   L Boonville,  Ind. 

Taylor,  Hon.  Thomas  I' Bridgeport,  Conn. 

Taylor,  Thomas  T Lake  Charles,  La. 

Teall,   Frank  DeWitt Gettysburg,   S.   Dak. 

Templer,    James  N Muncie,    Ind. 

Ten  Broeck,  W.  H Paris,  111. 

Terrell,  J.  C,  Jr Fort  Worth,  Tex. 

Terrell,  R.  A Birmingham,  Ala. 

The  Free  Library  of  Philadelphia.  .Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Theobald,  Thomas  D Grayson,  Ky. 

The  World New  York  City 

Thiele,   Theodore    B Evanston,    111. 

Thomas,  Alfred  Jefferson Wooster,  Ohio 

Thompson,  Cleveland  C Plattsburg,  Mo. 

Thompson,  Col.   J.   K.   P Rock  Rapids,  Iowa 

Thompson,  Oliver  Silas,   D.D Cherokee,  Iowa 

Thompson,  Seymour  D Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Thompson,  William  D Racine,  Wis. 

Thompson,  W.  H Grand  Island,  Neb. 

Thorn,   Samuel   S.,   M.D Toledo,   Ohio 

Thornburgh,  A.,   M.D Chattanooga,  Tenn. 

Thorp,   F.  S South   Bend,   Wash. 

Thrift,  J.  E Madison,  Va. 

Thurman,  William  J.,  M.D Lisbon,  Ark. 

Tileston,  H.  B.,  D.D.S Louisville,  Ky. 

Titus,  Robert  C Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Tobey,  Walter   L Hamilton,    Ohio 

Todd,  Robert   S Owensboro,    Ky. 

Toler,    Frank Carbondale,   111. 

Tongue,  Thomas  H Hillsboro,  Ore. 

Tompkins,  Prof.   Leslie  J New   York  City 

Toomer,  John  Sheldon Lake  Charles,   La. 

Towne,  Charles  A Duluth,  Minn. 

Trainor,  P.  F New  York  City 

Trammell,  John  W Oxford,  Neb. 

Travis,  John  W Traverse  City,  Mich. 

Treacy,    Daniel    F New    York   City 

Trevyett,  Herbert  E Utica,  N.  Y. 

Trewin,  James   H Lansing,  Iowa 

Trice,  H.  H Norfolk,  Va. 

Trimble,   James   M Montclair,    N.    T. 

Tritch,  Dr.  J.  C Findlay,   Ohio 

Trueworthy,   Dr.   J.    \V Los   Angeles,    Cal. 

Truitt,   Warren Moscow,   Idaho 

Tuchock,    I.   W Pueblo,    Colo. 

Tucker,  C.  H Lawrence,  Kan. 

Tucker,  Joseph  T Winchester,  Ky. 

Turley,  Hon,  Thomas  B Memphis,  Tenn. 

Turman,  Solon  B Tampa,  Fla. 

Turner,  E.  J Washington,    D.    C. 

Turner,!.    Frank Easton,   Md. 

Turner,  Jesse Van    Buren,    Ark. 

Turner,  J.  H Henderson,  Tex. 

Turner,  T.    A Jackson,    Tenn. 

Turney,  Thomas  K Cameron,   Mo 

Tuttle,   G.   N Painesville,   Ohio 

Tuttle,   Dr.  Jay Astoria,   Ore. 

Urlls,  P.  A So.  Omaha,  Neb. 

Utopian   Club    Library Ballston   Spa,    N.   Y. 

Van  Alstyne,   P New  York  City 

Van  Auken,   M.  W Utica,   N.  Y. 

van  Benschoten,   H.    L Belding,   Mich. 

Van  Cott,  Ray Salt  Lake  City,  Utah 

Van  Deusen,  Claudius Leeds,  N.   Y. 

Van  Etten,  John  E Kingston,  N.  Y! 

Van  Loo,  C Zeeland,  Mich. 

Van  Sickle,  W.  L Columbus,  Ohio 

\  an  Siclen,  J.  C New  York  Citv 

Van  Vliet,  Purdy New  York  City 

Van  Wyck,  Stephen New  York  City 

Vaughan,  Horace  W Texarkana,  Tex". 

Vaughan,  W.  A.,  M.D Timberville,  Va. 

Veale,  John  W Amarillo,  Tex. 

Vernier,   R.   P Ansonia,    Ohio 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


Vert,  C.  J... 

Vickers,  Carl 


Plattsburgh,   N.   Y. 

B New  Comerstown,  Ohio 

Vincent',  James  U Stephenville,  Tex. 

Virginia  State  Library Richmond,  Va. 

Volger,    Bernard   G Brooklyn,   N.    Y. 

Volger,  Theodore  G Park  Ridge,  N.  J. 

Vollmer,  Henry Davenport,  Iowa 

Vollrath,    Edward Bucyrus,   Ohio 

von  Beust,  Bernhard,  M.D New  Albany,  Ind. 

Wakefield,  Tudge  George  W Sioux  City,  Iowa 

Wakeman,  Prof.  Thaddeus  B.,  Liberal  University, 

Silverton,  Ore. 

Walker,  Frank State  Centre,  Iowa 

Walker,  F.  A.,  M.D Norfolk,  Va. 

Walker,  John  F Luverne,  Ala. 

Walker,  Stuart  W Martinsburg,  W.   Va. 

Wall,  James  A Salinas,  Cal. 

Wallace,  Richard  T New  York  City 

Ward,  A.  D New  Bern,  N.  C. 

Ward,  C.  A.,  Jr Douglas,  Ga. 

Ward,  Warren  P Douglas,  Ga. 

Warner,  C.   O Beloit,  Wis. 

Warner,  P.  G Red  Bank,  N.  J. 

Warren,  George  M Swainsbpro,  Ga. 

Wash,    Frank    H San   Antonio,    Tex. 

Wasson,  J.   E Giltedge,  Mont. 

Waters,  John  H Johnstown,   Pa. 

Watkins,  Charles  B Clinton,  Miss. 

Watkins,  O.  W Eureka  Springs,  Ark. 

Watkins,  R.  A Lancaster,  Wis. 

Watson,  E.   P Bentonville,  Ark. 

Watson,  John  C Nebraska  City,  Neb. 

Watterson,   Henry Louisville,   Ky. 

Watts,  Legh  R Portsmouth,  Va. 

Weadock,  Thomas  A.  E Detroit,  Mich. 

Weaver,  William   R Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Webb,  B.  W Fort  Smith,  Ark. 

Webb,  Dr.  DeWitt St.   Augustine,   Fla. 

Weedon,  L.  W Tampa,  Fla. 

Wehmeyer,  Aug.  H Quincy,  111. 

Weinberg,    Benjamin    M Newark,    N.    J. 

Weinstock,  H N Sacramento,  Cal. 

Weir,  A.    R Au    Sable,   Mich. 

Welborne,   R.   D Chickasha,   I.  T. 

Welbourn,  E.  L.,   M.D Union  City,   Ind. 

Welch,  Aikman St.   Louis,   Mo. 

Welch,  Judge   Stanley Corpus    Christi,   Tex. 

Wellman,   B.  J Fort  Madison,  Iowa 

Wells,  G.   Wiley Santa   Monica,    Cal. 

Wells,  R.  H Clarksville,  Tex. 

Wslsh,  John New  York  City 

Westbrook,  M.  H Lyons,  Iowa 

Wester,  J.  K Jacksboro,  Tex. 

Westerfield,  William  W New  Orleans,  La. 

Weston,   Francis  H Columbia,   S.  C. 

Wetmore,  Hon.    George  Peabody Newport,   R.    I. 

Wetmore,  J.  Douglas Jacksonville,   Fla. 

Wetmore,  J.  W Erie,  Pa. 

Weygandt,  C.  N Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Whalen,  Frank Ballston  Spa,  N.  Y. 

Whalen.  Hon.   John New  York  City 

Wheeler,  B.   A Denver,  Colo. 

Wheeler,  Charles  H Greeley,  Colo. 

Wheeler,  W.  C.,  M.D Huntsville,  Ala. 

White,  E.  D Livingston,  Tenn. 

White,  Harry Indiana,    Pa. 

White,  Henry   Kirk Birmingham,    Ala. 

White,  L.  E Columbus,  Ga. 


White,  Lewis   P New  Whatcom,  Wash. 

White,  Robert  E.   L Washington,   D.   C. 

White,  Samuel Baker  City,  Ore. 

White,  W.   H Oiympia,   Wash. 

White,  Dr.    William    W Cuero,   Tex. 

Whitecraf t,  John  E Macksville,  Kan. 

Whitehead,  N.   E Greenwood,  Miss. 

Whitmore,  John  A Aurora,   Neb. 

Whitney,  Thomas  H Atlantic,   Iowa 

Wilcox,  E.  K Cleveland,  Ohio 

Wilcox,  H.   D Elmira,    N.   Y. 

Wilcox,  M.    C Oakland,  Cal. 

Wildermuth,  P.  A. Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Williams,  James  T Greenville,  S.  C. 

Williams,  P.  B Rocky  Comfort,  Ark. 

Willis,  H.  C Norfolk,  Va. 

Willis,  W.  L Houston,  Tex. 

Willits,  J.   Quincy Lakeview,  Ore. 

Wilson,  Edwin  A Springfield,  111. 

Wilson,  N.  V.  F Bridgeport,  Ohio 

Wilson,  Stephen  Eugene Hot  Springs,  S.  Dak. 

Wilson,  Sidney Sherman,  Tex. 

Wilson,  Thomas  A Jackson,  Mich. 

Wilson,  Thomas  E Sylvan  Lake,   Fla. 

Wilson,  Thomas  F Tucson,  Ariz. 

Wilsson,  M.  T Laurens,  Iowa 

Winborne,    R.    W Buena    Vista,    Va. 

Wing,  John  D New  York  City 

Wingo,  Col.  Charles  E Richmond,  Va. 

Winkler,  F.  C Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Winne,   Douglas  T Appleton,  Wis. 

Winship,   John   O Cleveland,    Ohio 

Winslow,  H.  M Carrollton,  Ky. 

Winter,  Phil  E Omaha,  Neb. 

Witcover,    H Marion,   S.   C. 

Withey,  Charles  A Reed  City,  Mich. 

Witmark,  Isidore New  York  City 

Witter,  William  C New  York  City 

Wolverton,  S.  P Sunbury,  Pa. 

Womack,  Thomas  B Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Wood,  William  P Washington,  D.  C. 

Wood,  Will  R Lafayette,  Ind. 

Woodard,  F.  A Wilson,  N.  C. 

Woodard,  John Nashville,  Tenn. 

Woodring,  James  T So.   Bethlehem,   Pa. 

Woodward,  C.  S Ballinger,  Tex. 

Woods,   D.   A Kokomo,   Ind. 

Woolling,  J.  H Indianapolis,   Ind. 

Worley,  Joshua,  M.D Belle  Plaine,  Iowa 

Wrenn,  Rev.  V Amelia  C.  H.,  Va. 

Wright,  E.    B Boardman,   N.    C. 

Wright,  Eugene   L Chicago,   111. 

Wright,  Lucius  W Chicago,   111. 

Wright,  William  B Effingham,  111. 

Wyatt,  W.  F Galena,  Kan. 

Yancey,  John   C Batesville,   Ark. 

Yates,   Benjamin New  York  City 

Yeaman,  Caldwell Denver,  Colo. 

Yerex,  A.   E Chicago,  111. 

Yonge,  Henry Brooklyn,  N.  Y 

Young,  Duncan  F Amite  City,  La. 

Young,  Hugh Wellsboro,   Pa, 

Young,  James    R Raleigh,   N.    C. 

Zabel,  John  O Petersburg,  Mich. 

Zallars,   Allen Fort   Wayne,    Ind. 

Zang,  William Kewanee,  111. 

Zangerle,  John  A Cleveland,    Ohio 

Zenk,   Frederick  G.,  M.D Troy,   111 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


PLAN    OF  THE    WORK   AND   EXPLANATION 
OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


l\vo  editions  of  Jefferson's  Writings  have  been  utilized  in  the  prepara 
tion  of  this  volume.  One  of  them  is  THE  WRITINGS  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
edited  by  H.  A.  Washington  and  printed  by  the  United  States  Congress  in 
1853-54.  The  other  edition  is  THE  WRITINGS  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  collected 
and  edited  by  Paul  Leicester  Ford,  and  published  by  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
1892-99.  The  FORD  EDITION  contains  a  large  number  of  valuable  letters  and 
papers  which  are  not  printed  in  the  WASHINGTON  EDITION,  while  the  latter 
gives  many  letters  that  are  not  included  by  Mr.  Ford  in  his  volumes. 

The  quotations  in  THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  are  credited  to  both 
works  if  they  contain  them.  Quotations  with  a  single  credit  are  printed  only 
in  the  edition  indicated. 

There  are,  in  addition,  some  quotations  from  the  DOMESTIC  LIFE  OF  JEF 
FERSON.  Th'ese  are  marked  D.  L.  J. 

The  name  of  the  person  written  to  is  given  after  the  extract  as,  under 
Abuse,  "To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE,"  then  the  volume  and  edition  where  found 
are  given,  as  "  iv,  151,"  refers  to  the  WASHINGTON  EDITION,  while  "  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  93,"  is  self-explanatory  ;  next  the  place  and  date  are  given,  as  (M., 
Dec.  1796)  =  Monticello,  Dec.  1796. 

The  names  of  places  from  which  Jefferson  wrote  are  abbreviated  as 
follows  : 

Albemarle,  Va.,    .     .     .  Alb.  Nice Ne. 

Annapolis, A.  Nismes, Ns. 

Baltimore, B.  Paris P. 

Chesterfield,  Va.,       .     .  Ches.  Philadelphia,    ....  Pa. 

Eppington,  Va.,    .     .     .  Ep.  Popular  Forest,  Va.,       .  P.F. 

Fairfield,  Va F.  Richmond R. 

Germantown.    .                .  G.  Tuckahoe,  Va T. 

London, L.  Washington,      ....  W. 

Monticello, M.  Williamsburg,  Va.,    .     .  Wg. 

New  York N.Y. 

In  the  quotations  the  mark     *     *     *     indicates  an  omission  in  the  text. 
Words    not    in    the    text,  but    supplied  by  the    Editor  are,  in   all  cases, 
enclosed   within   brackets. 


THE 

JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


1.  ABILITIES,     Appreciate.— I     cannot 
help  hoping  that  every  friend  of  genius,  when 
the    other    qualities    of    the    competitor    are 
equal,  will  give  a  preference  to  superior  abili 
ties. — To  WILLIAM    PRESTON.     FORD  ED.,    i, 
368.    (1768.) 

2.  ABILITIES,      Attract.— Render     the 
[State]    executive  a  more   desirable  post  to 
men  of  abilities  by  making  it  more  independ 
ent  of  the  legislature. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART. 
iii,  315.    FORD  ED.,  v,  410.    (Pa.,  1791.) 

3.  ABILITIES,    Education    and.— It    is 
often  said  there  have  been  shining  examples 
of  men  of  great  abilities,  in  all  businesses  of 
life,  without  any  other  science  than  what  they 
had  gathered   from   conversation   and   inter 
course   with  the  world.     But,   who  can   say 
what  these  men  would  not  have  been,  had 
they  started  in  the  science  on  the  shoulders  of 
a   Demosthenes   or    Cicero,    of   a    Locke,    or 
Bacon,   or  a   Newton? — To    JOHN   BRAZIER. 
vii,  133.     (1819.) 

4.  ABILITIES,    Few   Men   of.— Men   of 
high  learning  and  abilities  are  few  in  every 
country:    and   by   taking    in    [the   judiciary] 
those  who  are  not  so,  the  able  part  of  the  body 
have    their    hands    tied    by    the    unable. — To 
ARCHIBALD    STUART,     iii,    315.     FORD   ED.,    v, 
410.    (Pa.,  1791.)  See  ARISTOCRACY,  TALENTS. 

—   ABLATIVE    CASE    IN    GREEK.— 

See  LANGUAGES. 

_  ABOLITION     OF     SLAVERY.— See 

SLAVERY. 

5.  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA,  Deri 
vation. — Whence  came  those  aboriginals  of 
America?     Discoveries,    long    ago    made,    were 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  passage  from  Europe 
to  America  was  always  practicable,  even  to  the 
imperfect  navigation  of  ancient  times.     In  go 
ing  from   Norway  to  Iceland,  from   Iceland  to 
Greenland,    from    Greenland    to    Labrador,    the 
first  traject  is  the  widest;    and  this  having  been 
practised  from  the  earliest  times  of  which  we 
have  any  account  of  that  part  of  the  earth,  it  is 
not  difficult  to  suppose  that  the  subsequent  tra- 
jects  may  have  been  sometimes  passed.      Again, 
the  late  discoveries  of  Captain  Cook,  coasting 
from  Kamchatka  to  California,  have  proved  that 


if  the  two  continents  of  Asia  and  America  be 
separated  at  all,  it  is  only  by  a  narrow  strait. 
So  that  from  this  side  also,  inhabitants  may 
have  passed  into  America ;  and  the  resemblance 
between  the  Indians  of  America  and  the  eastern 
inhabitants  of  Asia,  would  induce  us  to  conjec 
ture,  that  the  former  are  the  descendants  of  the 
latter,  or  the  latter  of  the  former ;  excepting 
indeed  the  Esquimaux,  who,  from  the  same  cir 
cumstance  of  resemblance,  and  from  identity  of 
language,  must  be  derived  from  the  Greenland- 
ers,  and  these  probably  from  some  of  the  north 
ern  parts  of  the  old  continent. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,  viii,  344.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  205.  (1782.) 

6.  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA,  Lan 
guages. — A  knowledge  of  their  several  lan 
guages  would  be  the  most  certain  evidence  of 
their  derivation  which  could  be  produced.  In 
fact,  it  is  the  best  proof  of  the  affinity  of  nations 
which  ever  can  be  referred  to.  How  many  ages 
have  elapsed  since  the  English,  the  Dutch,  the 
Germans,  the  Swiss,  the  Norwegians,  Danes  and 
Swedes  have  separated  from  their  common 
stock?  Yet  how  many  more  must  elapse  before 
the  proofs  of  their  common  origin,  which  exist 
in  their  several  languages  will  disappear?  It  is 
to  be  lamented,  then,  very  much  to  be  lamented, 
that  we  have  suffered  so  many  of  the  Indian 
tribes  already  to  extinguish  without  our  having 
previously  collected  and  deposited  in  the  records 
of  literature,  the  general  rudiments  at  most  of 
the  languages  they  spoke.  Were  vocabularies 
formed  of  all  the  languages  spoken  in  North 
and  South  America,  preserving  their  appella 
tions  of  the  most  common  objects  in  nature,  of 
those  which  must  be  present  to  every  nation 
barbarous  or  civilized,  with  the  inflections  of 
their  nouns  and  verbs,  their  principles  of  regi 
men  and  concord,  and  these  deposited  in  all  the 
public  libraries,  it  would  furnish  opportunities 
to  those  skilled  in  the  languages  of  the  old 
world  to  compare  them  with  those,  now,  or  at 
any  future  time,  and  hence  to  construct  the  best 
evidence  of  the  derivation  of  their  part  of  the 
human  race. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  344. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  206.  (1782.) 

7. The     question     whether    the 

Indians  of  America  have  emigrated  from  an 
other  continent  is  still  undecided.  Their  vague 
and  imperfect  traditions  can  satisfy  no  mind  on 
that  subject.  I  have  long  considered  their  lan 
guages  as  the  only  remaining  monument  of 
connection  with  other  nations,  or  the  want  of  it, 
to  which  we  can  now  have  access.  They  will  like 
wise  show  their  connection  with  one  another. 


Aborigines  of  America 
Abuses 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Very  early  in  life,  therefore,  I  formed  a  vocabu 
lary  of  such  objects  as,  being  present  every 
where,  would  probably  have  a  name  in  every 
language ;  and  my  course  of  life  having  given 
me  opportunities  of  obtaining  vocabularies  of 
many  Indian  tribes,  I  have  done  so  on  my 
original  plan,  which,  though  far  from  being 
perfect,  has  the  valuable  advantage  of  identity, 
of  thus  bringing  the  languages  to  the  same 
points  of  comparison.  *  *  *  The  Indians 
west  of  the  Mississippi  and  south  of  the  Ar 
kansas,  present  a  much  longer  list  of  tribes  than 
I  had  expected ;  and  the  relations  in  which  you 
stand  with  them  *  *  *  induce  me  to  hope 
you  will  avail  us  of  your  means  of  collecting 
their  languages  for  this  purpose. — To  DR.  SIB- 
LEY,  iv,  580.  (W.,  1805.) 

8. I    suppose   the   settlement   of 

our  continent  is  of  the  most  remote  antiquity. 
The  similitude  between  its  inhabitants  and 
those  of  eastern  parts  of  Asia  renders  it  prob 
able  that  ours  are  descended  from  them,  or  they 
from  ours.  The  latter  is  my  opinion,  founded 
on  this  single  fact :  Among  the  red  inhabitants 
of  Asia,  there  are  but  a  few  languages  radically 
different,  but  among  our  Indians,  the  number  of 
languages  is  infinite,  and  they  are  so  radically 
different  as  to  exhibit  at  present  no  appearance 
of  their  having  been  derived  from  a  common 
source.  The  time  necessary  for  the  generation 
of  so  many  languages  must  be  immense. — To 
EZRA  STILES.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  298.  (P.,  1786.) 
See  INDIANS. 

—  ABSENCE  FROM  THE  CAPITAL.— 

See  VACATION. 

—  ABSTINENCE.— See  INTEMPERANCE. 

9.  ABUSE,     Newspaper. — It     is     hardly 
necessary  to  caution  you  to  let  nothing  of 
mine  get  before  the  public :    a  single  sentence 
got  hold  of  by  the  "  Porcupines,"  *  will  suffice 
to  abuse  and  persecute  me   in  their  papers 
for    months. — To    JOHN    TAYLOR,    iv,      248. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  266.     (Pa.,  1798.)     See  LIBELS, 
MINISTERS,    NEWSPAPERS  and  SLANDER. 

10.  ABUSE,    Personal. — You    have    seen 
my    name    lately    tacked    to    so    much    of 
eulogy  and  of  abuse  that  I  dare  say  you  hardly 
thought  that  it  meant  your  old  acquaintance 
of  '76.     In  truth,  I  did  not  know  myself  under 
the  pens  either  of  my  friends  or  foes.     It  is 
unfortunate    for    our    peace    that    unmerited 
abuse    wounds,    while    unmerited    praise   has 
not  the  power  to  heal.    These  are  hard  wages 
for  the  services  of  all  the  active  and  healthy 
years  of  one's  life. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE. 
iv,  151.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  93.     (M.,  Dec.  1796.) 
See    CALUMNY,    LIBELS,    MINISTERS,    NEWS 
PAPERS  and  SLANDER. 

11. If    you    had    lent    to    your 

country  the  excellent  talents  you  possess,  on 
you  would  have  fallen  those  torrents  of  abuse 
which  have  lately  been  poured  forth  on 
me.  So  far  I  praise  the  wisdom  which  has 
descried  and  steered  clear  of  a  waterspout 
ahead. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  152. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  94.  (M.,  1796.) 

—  ABUSE  OF  POWER.— See  POWER. 

—  ABUSE  OF  THE  PRESS.— See  CAL 
UMNY,  LIBELS,  NEWSPAPERS,  and  SLANDER. 

*"  Peter  Porcupine  "  was  the  pen-name  of  William 
Cobbett.— EDITOR. 


12.  ABUSES,  Arraignment  of.— The  ar 
raignment  of  all  abuses  at  the  bar  of  public 
reason,  I  deem  [one  of  the]  essential  princi 
ples  of  our    government    and    consequently, 
[one]    which  ought  to  shape  its  administra 
tion.      FIRST    INAUGURAL    ADDRESS,     viii,    4. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.    (1801.) 

13.  ABUSES,  Barriers   against— We  are 
to  guard  against  ourselves;  not  against  our 
selves  as  we  are,  but  as  we  may  be ;  for  who 
can  now  imagine  what  we  may  become  under 
circumstances  not  now  imaginable  ? — To  JEDE- 
DIAH    MORSE,     vii,    236.     FORD    ED.,    x,    206. 
(M.,  1822.) 

14.  ABUSES,   The   Constitution  and.— 

In  questions  of  power  *  *  *  let  no  more 
be  heard  of  confidence  in  man,  but  bind  him 
down  from  mischief  by  the  chains  of  the 
Constitution. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix, 
471-  FORD  ED.,  vii,  305.  (1798.)  See  CON 
FIDENCE. 

15. Aware  of  the   tendency   of 

power  to  degenerate  into  abuse,  the  worthies 
of  our  own  country  have  secured  its  in 
dependence  by  the  establishment  of  a  Consti 
tution  and  form  of  government  for  our  na 
tion,  calculated  to  prevent  as  well  as  to  cor 
rect  abuse. — R.  TO  A  WASHINGTON  TAMMANY 
SOCIETY,  viii,  156.  (1809.) 

16.  ABUSES,   Correction  of.— My  confi 
dence  is  that  there  will  for  a  long  time  be 
virtue  and  good  sense  enough  in  our  country 
men  to  correct  abuses. — To  E.  RUTLEDGE.     ii, 
435.     FORD  ED.,  v,  42.     (P.,  1788.) 

17.  ABUSES,  Economy    and. — The   new 

government  has  now,  for  some  time,  been 
under  way.  Abuses  under  the  old  forms  have 
led  us  to  lay  the  basis  of  the  new  in  a  rigor 
ous  economy  of  the  public  contributions. — 
To  M.  DE  PINTO,  iii,  174.  (N.  Y.,  1790.) 

18.  ABUSES,    Education    and. — Educa 
tion  is  the  true  corrective  of  abuses  of  consti 
tutional  power. — To  WILLIAM  C.  JARVIS.    vii, 
179.    FORD  ED.,  x,  161.     (M.,  1820.) 

19.  ABUSES,  Elections  and.— A  jealous 
care  of  the  right  of  election  by  the  people, — 
a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of  abuses  which  are 
lopped    by    the    sword    of    revolution    where 
peaceable   remedies   are  unprovided,    I   deem 
[one  of  the]  essential  principles  of  our  gov 
ernment     and,     consequently,     [one]     which 
ought  to  shape  its  administration. — FIRST  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  4.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

20.  ABUSES,  Liability  to.— What  insti 
tution   is   insusceptible   of   abuse    in    wicked 
hands?— To  L.  H.  GIRARDIN.    vi,  440.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  151.     (M.,  1815.) 

21.  ABUSES,  Monarchical.— Nor  should 
we  wonder  at  the  pressure  [for  a  fixed  Con 
stitution  in  France  in  1788-9],  when  we  con 
sider  the  monstrous  abuses  of  power  under 
which   this   people   were   ground^  to   powder, 
when  we  pass  in  review  the  weight  of  their 
taxes,   and   inequality   of   their   distribution: 
the  oppressions  of  the  tithes,  of  the  tailles, 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Abuses 
Academy 


the  corvces,  the  gabelles,  the  farms  and  bar 
riers  :  the  shackles  on  commerce  by  monop 
olies  :  on  industry  by  guilds  and  corporations : 
on  the  freedom  of  conscience,  of  thought,  and 
of  speech :  on  the  press  by  the  Censors  and 
of  person  by  lettres  de  cachet;  the  cruelty  of 
the  criminal  code  generally,  the  atrocities  of 
the  Rack,  the  venality  of  judges,  and  their 
partialities  to  the  rich ;  the  monopoly  of  mili 
tary  honors  by  the  noblesse;  the  enormous 
expenses  of  the  Queen,  the  princes  and  the 
court ;  the  prodigalities  of  pensions ;  and  the 
riches,  luxury,  indolence,  and  immorality  of 
the  clergy.  Surely  under  such  a  mass  of  mis 
rule  and  oppression,  a  people  might  justly 
press  for  a  thorough  reformation,  and  might 
even  dismount  their  rough-shod  riders,  and 
leave  them  to  walk  on  their  own  legs. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  86.  FORD  ED.,  i,  118.  (1821.) 

22.  ABUSES,    Patrimonies    in.— Happy 
for  us  that  abuses  have  not  yet  become  patri 
monies,  and  that  every  description  of  interest 
is  in  favor  of  rational  and  moderate  govern 
ment.— To  RALPH  IZARD.     ii,  429.   (P.,  1788.) 

—  ABUSES  OF  POWER.— See  POWER. 

23.  ABUSES,  Revolution  and.— When  a 
long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations  begun  at 
a  distinguished  period  and  *  pursuing  invaria 
bly  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce 
them   under   absolute   despotism,   it   is   their 
right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  gov 
ernment,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  security. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

24.  ABUSES,      Temptations      to.— Nor 
should  our  Assembly  be  deluded  by  the  in 
tegrity  of  their  own  purposes,  and  conclude 
that   these   unlimited   powers   will    never   be 
abused,  because  themselves  are  not  disposed 
to  abuse  them.     They  should  look  forward  to 
a  time,   and   that   not   a   distant   one,   when 
corruption   in   this   as   in   the   country   from 
which  we  derive  cur  origin,  will  have  seized 
the  heads  of  government,  and  be  spread  by 
them  through  the  body  of  the  people ;  when 
they  will  purchase  the  voices  of  the  people 
and    make    them     pay    the     price.      Human 
nature    is    the    same    on    each    side    of    the 
Atlantic,  and  will  be  alike  influenced  by  the 
same  causes.     The  time  to  guard  against  cor 
ruption  and  tyranny  is  before  they  shall  have 
gotten  hold  of  us.     It  is  better  keep  the  wolf 
out  of  the  fold,  than  to  trust  to  drawing  his 
teeth  and  talons  after  he  shall  have  entered. 
—NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  362.     FORD  ED., 
Hi,  224.     (1782.) 

25.  ABUSES,     Tendency     to. — Mankind 
soon  learns  to  make  interested  uses  of  every 
right  and  power  which  they  possess,  or  may 
assume.     The  public  money  and  public  liberty 

*  *  will  soon  be  discovered  to  be  sources 
of  wealth  and  dominion  to  those  who  hold 
them;  distinguished,  too,  by  this  tempting 
circumstance,  that  they  are  the  instrument, 
as  well  as  the  object  of  acquisition.  With 
money  we  will  get  men,  said  Caesar,  and  with 

*  Congress    struck    out    the    words    in    italics.— 
EDITOR. 


men  we  will  get  money. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  362.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  224.     (1782.) 

26.  ACADEMY   (The  Military),  Begin 
ning-.— It  was  proposed  [at  a  meeting  of  the 
cabinet]    to    recommend    [in   the    President's 
speech  to  Congress]   the  establishment  of  a 
Military  Academy.     I  objected  that  none  of 
the  specified  powers  given  by  the  Constitution 
to    Congress  would   authorize   this.     *    *     * 
The  President  [said],  though  it  would  be  a 
good. thing,  he  did  not  wish  to  bring  on  any 
thing   which   might   generate    heat    and    ill 
humor.     It  was,  therefore,  referred  for  fur 
ther  consideration  and  inquiry.   [At  the  next 
meeting]  I  opposed  it  as  unauthorized  by  the 
Constitution.     Hamilton  and  Knox  approved 
it    without    discussion.     Edmund    Randolph 
was  for  it,  saying  that  the  words  of  the  Con 
stitution  authorizing  Congress  to   lay  taxes 
&c.,  for  the  common  defence,  might  compre 
hend  it.     The  President  said  he  would  not 
choose  to   recommend   anything   against   the 
Constitution;  but  if  it  was  doubtful,  he  was 
so  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  this  meas 
ure,  that  he  would  refer  it  to  Congress,  and 
let  them  decide  for  themselves  whether  the 
Constitution    authorized    it    or    not. — ANAS. 
ix,  182.     FORD  ED.,  i,  270.     (Nov.  1793.) 

27.  ACADEMY     (The     Military),    En 
largement. — The  scale  on  which  the  Military 
Academy  at  West  Point  was  originally  estab 
lished,  is  become  too  limited  to    furnish  the 
number  of    well-instructed    subjects    in    the 
different  branches  of  artillery  and  engineering 
which  the  public  service  calls  for.     The  want 
of   such   characters    is    already    sensibly   felt, 
and  will  be  increased  with  the  enlargement 
of  our  plans  of   military   preparation.     The 
chief  engineer  having  been  instructed  to  con 
sider  the  subject,  and  to  propose  an  augmen 
tation  which  might  render  the  establishment 
commensurate  with  the  present  circumstances 
of  our  country,  has  made  the  report  I  now 
transmit  for  the  consideration  of  Congress. — 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  101.     (March  1808.) 

28.  ACADEMY  (The  Military),  Impor 
tance  of. — I  have  ever  considered  lhat  estab 
lishment   as   of    major    importance    to    our 
country,  and  in  whatever  I  could  do  for  it, 
I  viewed  myself  as  performing  a  duty  only. 
*    *     *    The  real  debt  of  the  institution  is 
to  its  able  and  zealous  professors. — To  JARED 
MANSFIELD,     vii,  203.     (M.,  1821.) 

29.  ACADEMY     (The     Military),     Re 
moval. — The  idea  suggested  by  the  chief  en 
gineer   of   removing   the   institution   to   this 
place   [Washington],  is  worthy  of  attention. 
Beside  the  advantage    of    placing    it    under 
the    immediate    eye    of    the    Government,    it 
may  render  its  benefits  common  to  the  naval 
department,  and  will  furnish  opportunities  of 
selecting  on  better  information,  the  characters 
most  qualified  to  fulfil  the  duties  which  the 
public   service  may  call   for. — SPECIAL   MES 
SAGE,     viii,  101.     (March  1808.) 

30.  ACADEMY,    A    National.— I    have 
often  wished  we  could  have  a  Philosophical 
Society,  or  Academy,   so  organized  as  that 


Academy 
Academies 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


while  the  central  academy  should  «be  at  the 
seat  of  government,  its  members  dispersed 
over  the  States,  should  constitute  filiated 
academies  in  each  State,  publish  their  com 
munications,  from  which  the  Central  Acad 
emy  should  select  unpublished  what  should 
be  most  choice.  In  this  way  all  the  members, 
wheresoever  dispersed,  might  be  brought  into 
action,  and  an  useful  emulation  might  arise 
between  the  filiated  societies.  Perhaps  the 
great  societies,  now  existing,  might  incorpo 
rate  themselves  in  this  way  with  the  National 
one.  To  JOEL  BARLOW.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  424. 
(Feb.  1806.) 

31.  ACADEMY,    Need   of   a   Naval.— I 
think    *    *    *    that  there  should  be  a  school 
of  instruction  for  our  Navy  as  well  as  artil 
lery  ;    and  I  do  not  see  why  the  same  establish 
ment  might  not  suffice   for  both.     Both  re 
quire  the  same  basis  of  general  mathematics, 
adding  projectiles  and  fortifications  for  the 
artillery  exclusively,  and  astronomy  and  the 
ory  of  navigation  exclusively  for  the  naval 
students.      Berout    conducted    both     schools 
in  France,  and  has  left  us  the  best  book  ex 
tant  for  their  joint  and  separate  instruction. 
It  ought  not  to  require  a  separate  professor.* 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,   vii,  218.    (M.,  1821.) 

32.  ACADEMY,  Transfer  of  Geneva. — 

I  *  *  *  enclose  for  your  perusal  and  con 
sideration  *  *  *  the  proposition  of  M.  D'lyer- 
nois,  a  Genevan  of  .considerable  distinction, 
to  translate  the  Academy  of  Geneva  in  a  body 
to  this  country.  You  know  well  that  the  col 
leges  of  Edinburgh  and  Geneva  as  seminaries 
of  science,  are  considered  as  the  two  eyes  of 
Europe.  While  Great  Britain  and  America  give 
the  preference  to  the  former,  all  other  coun 
tries  give  it  to  the  latter.  I  am  fully  sensible 
that  two  powerful  obstacles  are  in  the  way  of 
this  proposition.  First,  the  expense  ;  secondly, 
the  communication  of  science  in  foreign  lan 
guages  ;  that  is  to  say,  in  French  and  Latin ; 
but  I  have  been  so  long  absent  from  my  own 
country  as  to  be  an  incompetent  judge  either  of 
the  force  of  the  objections,  or  of  the  disposi 
tion  of  those  who  are  to  decide  on  them.  *  * 
What  I  have  to  request  of  you  is,  that  you  will 
*  *  *  consider  his  proposition,  consult  on 
its  expediency  and  practicability  with  such  gen 
tlemen  of  the  Assembly  [of  Virginia],  as  you 
think  best,  and  take  such  other  measures  as  you 
shall  think  best  to  ascertain  what  would  be  the 
sense  of  that  body,  were  the  proposition  to  be 
hazarded  to  them.  If  yourself  and  friends  ap 
prove  of  it,  and  there  is  hope  that  the  Assembly 
will  do  so,  your  zeal  for  the  good  of  our  coun 
try  in  general,  and  the  promotion  of  science,  as 
an  instrument  towards  that,  will,  of  course,  in 
duce  you  and  them  to  bring  it  forward  in  such  a 
way  as  you  shall  judge  best.  If,  on  the  con 
trary,  you  disapprove  of  it  yourselves,  or  think 
it  would  be  desperate  with  the  Assembly,  be  so 
good  as  to  return  it  to  me  with  such  information 
as  I  may  hand  forward  to  M.  D'lvernois,  to 
put  him  out  of  suspense.  Keep  the  matter  by 
all  means  out  of  the  public  papers,  and  particu 
larly,  *  *  *  do  not  couple  my  name  with 
the  proposition  if  brought  forward,  because  ^it 
is  much  my  wish  to  be  in  nowise  implicated  in 
public  affairs. — To  WILSON  NICHOLAS,  iv,  109. 
FORD  EDM  vi,  513.  (M.,  Nov.  1794.) 

*  The  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis  was  opened  in 
1845.  The  credit  of  its  foundation  is  due  to  George 
Bancroft,  who  was  then  Secretary  of  the  Navy.— 
EDITOR. 


33. I  have  returned,  with  infinite 

appetite,  to  the  enjoyment  of  my  farm,  my  fam 
ily  and  my  books,  and  had  determined  to  med 
dle  in  nothing  beyond  their  limits.  Your  propo 
sition,  however,  for  transplanting  the  college  of 
Geneva  to  my  own  country,  was  too  analogous 
to  all  my  attachments  to  science,  and  freedom, 
the  first-born  daughter  of  science,  not  to  excite  a 
lively  interest  in  my  mind,  and  the  essays  which 
were  necessary  to  try  its  practicability.  This 
depended  altogether  on  the  opinions  and  dis 
positions  of  our  State  Legislature,  which  was 
then  in  session.  I  immediately  communicated 
your  papers  to  a  member  of  the  Legislature, 
whose  abilities  and  zeal  pointed  him  out  as 
proper  for  it,  urging  him  to  sound  as  many  of 
the  leading  members  of  the  Legislature  as  he 
could,  and  if  he  found  their  opinions  favorable, 
to  bring  forward  the  proposition ;  but  if  he 
should  find  it  desperate,  not  to  hazard  it ;  be 
cause  I  thought  it  best  not  to  commit  the  honor 
either  of  our  State  or  of  your  college,  by  an 
useless  act  of  eclat.  *  *  *  The  members 
were  generally  well-disposed  to  the  proposition, 
and  some  of  them  warmly ;  however,  there  was 
no  difference  in  the  conclusion,  that  it  could  not 
be  effected.  The  reasons  which  they  thought 
would  with  certainty  prevail  against  it,  were  i, 
that  our  youth,  not  familiarized  but  with  their 
mother  tongue,  were  not  prepared  to  receive  in 
structions  in  any  other ;  2,  that  the  expense  of 
the  institution  would  excite  uneasiness  in  their 
constituents,  and  endanger  its  permanence  ;  and 
3,  that  its  extent  was  disproportioned  to  the 
narrow  state  of  the  population  with  us.  What 
ever  might  be  urged  on  these  several  subjects, 
yet  as  the  decision  rests  with  others,  there  re 
mained  to  us  only  to  regret  that  circumstances 
were  such,  or  were  thought  to  be  such,  as  to 
disappoint  your  and  our  wishes. — To  M. 
D'lvERNois.  iv,  113.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  2.  (M., 
Feb.  I795-) 

34.  ACADEMY,    Wish    for    Geneva.— -I 

should  have  seen  with  peculiar  satisfaction  the 
establishment  of  such  a  mass  of  science  in  my 
country,  and  should  probably  have  been  tempted 
to  approach  myself  to  it,  by  procuring  a  resi 
dence  in  its  neighborhood,  at  those  seasons  of 
the  year  at  least  when  the  operations  of  agricul 
ture  are  less  active  and  interesting. — To  M. 
D'IVERNOIS.  iv,  114.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  4.  (M., 
Feb.  I795-) 

35.  ACADEMIES,      Architectural    Be- 

form. — I  consider  the  common  plan  followed 
in  this  country,  but  not  in  others,  of  making  one 
large  and  expensive  building,  as  unfortunately 
erroneous.  It  is  infinitely  better  to  erect  a 
small  and  separate  lodge  for  each  separate  pro 
fessorship,  with  only  a  hall  below  for  his  class, 
and  two  chambers  above  for  himself;  joining 
these  lodges  by  barracks  for  a  certain  portion 
of  the  students,  opening  into  a  covered  way  to 
give  a  dry  communication  between  all  the 
schools.  The  whole  of  these  arranged  around 
an  open  square  of  grass  and  trees,  would  make 
it,  what  it  should  be  in  fact,  an  academical  vil 
lage,  instead  of  a  large  and  common  den  of 
noise,  of  filth  and  of  fetid  air.  It  would  afford 
that  quiet  retirement  so  friendly  to  study,  and 
lessen  the  dangers  of  fire,  infection  and  tumult. 
Every  professor  would  be  the  police  officer  of 
the  students  adjacent  to  his  own  lodge,  which 
should  include  those  of  his  own  class  of 
preference,  and  might  be  at  the  head  of  their 
table,  if,  as  I  suppose,  it  can  be  reconciled  with 
the  necessary  economy  to  dine  them  in  smaller 
and  separate  parties,  rather  than  in  a  large  and 
common  mess.  These  separate  buildings,  too, 
might  be  erected  successively  and  occasionally, 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Accent 
Actions 


as  the  number  of  professors  and  students  should 
be  increased,  as  the  funds  become  competent. — 
To  HUGH  L.  WHITE,  v,  521.  (M.,  1810.) 

—  ACCENT,     The     Greek.— See     LAN 
GUAGES. 

36.  ACCOUNTS,    Complicated.— Alexan 
der    Hamilton    *    *     *    in    order    that    he 
might   have   the   entire   government    of    his 
[Treasury]   machine,  determined  so  to  com 
plicate  it  as  that  neither  the  President  nor 
Congress  should  be  able  to  understand  it,  or 
to  control  him.     He  succeeded  in  doing  this, 
not  only  beyond  their  reach,  but  so  that  he  at 
length    could    not    unravel    it    himself.     He 
gave  to  the  debt,  in  the  first  instance,  in  fund 
ing  it,  the  most  artificial  and  mysterious  form 
he     could     devise.     He     then     moulded     up 
his    appropriations    of    a    number    of    scraps 
and   remnants,   many   of   which   were   noth 
ing    at    all,    and    applied    them    to    differ 
ent    objects    in    reversion    and     remainder, 
until  the  whole  system  was  involved  in  im 
penetrable  fog ;  and  while  he  was  giving  him 
self  the  airs  of  providing  for  the  payment  of 
the  debt,  he  left  himself  free  to  add  to  it  con 
tinually,  as  he  did  in  fact,  instead  of  paying 
it. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.     iv,    428.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  140.     (W.,  1801.) 

37.  ACCOUNTS,      Keeping.— All      these 
articles    are    very    foreign    to    my    talents,    and 
foreign   also,    as   I    conceive,   to   the   nature   of 
my   duties.     *     *     *     I    suppose   it   practicable 
for  your  board  to  direct  the  administration  of 
your    moneys    here    [Paris]    in    every    circum 
stance. — To     SAMUEL    OSGOOD.     i,    451.       (P., 
1785.) 

38.  ACCOUNTS,  Neglected.— It  is  a  fact, 
which  we  [Virginia]  are  to  lament,  that,  in  the 
earlier  part  of  our  struggles,  we  were  so  wholly 
occupied  by  the  great  object  of  establishing  our 
rights,  that  we  attended  not  at  all  to  those  little 
circumstances  of  taking  receipts  and  vouchers, 
keeping   regular   accounts,    and   preparing    sub 
jects  for  future  disputes  with  our  friends.     If 
we  could  have  supported  the  whole  Continent, 
I   believe  we   should   have   done   it,   and   never 
dishonored  our  nation  by  producing  accounts  ; 
sincerely  assured  that,  in  no  circumstances  of 
future  necessity  or  distress,  a  like  free  applica 
tion    of    anything    therein    would    have    been 
thought  hardly  of,  or  would  have  rendered  nec 
essary    an    appeal   to    accounts.     Hence,    it    has 
happened  that,  in  the  present  case,  the  collec 
tion  of  vouchers  of  the  arms  furnished  by  this 
State  has  become  tedious  and  difficult. — To  THE 
PRESIDENT    OF    CONGRESS.     FORD   LD.,   ii,    283, 
(W.,  1779.) 

39.  ACCOUNTS,    Simple.— The   accounts 
of  the  United  States  ought  to  be,  and  may  be 
made,    as    simple    as    those    of    a    common 
farmer,  and  capable  of  being  understood  by 
common  farmers. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv, 
131.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  61.     (M.,  1706.) 

40. .  if    *    *    *     [there]  can  be 

added  a  simplification  of  the  form  of  accounts 
in  the  Treasury  department,  and  in  the  or 
ganization  of  its  officers,  so  as  to  bring  every 
thing  to  a  single  centre,  we  might  hope  to 
see  the  finances  of  the  Union  as  clear  and 
intelligible  as  a  merchant's  books,  so  that 


every  member  of  Congress,  and  every  man 
of  any  mind  in  the  Union,  should  be  able  to 
comprehend  them,  to  investigate  abuses,  and 
consequently  to  control  them.  Our  pre 
decessors  have  endeavored  by  intrica 
cies  of  system,  and  shuffling  the  investi 
gation  over  from  one  officer  to  another,  to 
cover  everything  from  detection.  I  hope  we 
shall  go  in  the  contrary  direction,  and  that, 
by  our  honest  and  judicious  reformations,  we 
may  be  able  in  the  limits  of  our  time,  to  bring 
things  back  to  that  simple  and  intelligible 
system,  on  which  they  should  have  been  or 
ganized  at  first. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv, 
429.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  141.  (W.,  1802.) 

-   ACQUISITION   OF  TERRITORY.— 

See  TERRITORY. 

41.  ACTIONS,  Approved.— The  very  ac 
tions    [on]    which    Mr.     Pickering    arraigns 
[me]   have  been  such  as  the  great  majority 
of  my  fellow  citizens   have  approved.     The 
approbation  of  Mr.   Pickering,  and  of  those 
who  thought  with  him     [the   Federalists],  I 
had  no  right  to  expect.— To  MARTIN  VAN- 
BUREN.     vii,   363.     FORD  ED.,   x,   306.     (M., 
1824.) 

42.  ACTIONS,  Disinterested.— I  am  con 
scious  of  having  always  intended  to  do  what 
was  best  for  my  fellow  citizens ;  and  never, 
for  a  single  moment,  to  have  listened  to  any 
personal   interest  of  my  own. — To  RICHARD 
M.  JOHNSTON,   v,  256.    (W.,  1808.) 

43. My  public  proceedings  were 

always  directed  by  a  single  view  to  the  best 
interests  of  our  country. — To  DR.  E.  GRIFF 
ITH,  v,  450.  (M.,  1809.) 

44. In    the    transaction    of    the 

[public]  affairs  I  never  felt  one  interested 
motive. — To  W.  LAMBERT,  v,  450.  (M  May 
1809.) 

45.  ACTIONS,    Government    and.— The 
legislative     powers     of     government     reach 
actions    only    and    not    opinions. — R.    TO    A. 
DANBURY  BAPTIST  ADDRESS,   viii,  113.  (1802.) 

46.  ACTIONS,  Honest  Principles  and.— 
Every  honest  man  will  suppose  honest  acts 
to  flow  from  honest  principles,  and  the  rogues 
may  rail  without  intermission.— To  DR.  BEN 
JAMIN  RUSH,    iv,  426.    FORD    ED.,    viii,    126. 
(W.,  1801.) 

47.  ACTIONS,  Indulgent  to.— I  owe  in 
finite    acknowledgments     to    the     republican 
portion  of  my  fellow  citizens  for  the  indul 
gence  with  which  they  have  viewed  my  pro 
ceedings  generally. — To  W.  LAMBERT,   v,  450. 
(M.,  May  1809.)    See  DISINTERESTEDNESS. 

48.  ACTIONS,      Judgment      and.— Up 
wards  of  thirty  years  passed  on  the  stage  of 
public    life   and   under   the   public   eye,    may 
surely  enable  them  to    judge    whether    my 
future   course   is   likely  to  be   marked   with 
those  departures  from  reason  and  moderation, 
which  the  passions  of  men  have  been  willing 
to  foresee. — To  WILLIAM  JACKSON,    iv,  358. 
(M.,  1801.) 


Actions 
Adams  (John) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


49.  ACTIONS,       Lawful.— Every       man 
should  be  protected  in  his  lawful  acts. — To 
ISAAC  McPHERSON.   vi,  175.    (M.,  1813.) 

50.  ACTIONS,    Present    and    future.— 

Our  duty  is  to  act  upon  things  as  they  are, 
and  to  make  a  reasonable  provision  for  what 
ever  they  may  be. — SIXTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  69.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  405-  (Dec.  1806.) 

51.  ACTIONS,  Publicity  and.— I  fear  no 
injury  which  any  man  can  do  me.     I  have 
never  done  a  single  act,  or  been  concerned  in 
any  transaction,  which  I  fear  to  have  fully 
laid  open,  or  which  could  do    me  any  hurt  if 
truly    stated.     I    have    never    done    a    single 
thing  with  a  view  to  my  personal  interest,  or 
that  of  any  friend,  or  with  any  other  view 
than  that  of  the  greatest  public  good ;  there 
fore,  no   threat  or  fear  on  that  head  will  ever 
be  a  motive  of  action  with  me.  * — ANAS,    ix, 
209.    FORD  ED.,  i,  312.    (1806.) 

52.  ACTIONS,    Purity    of.— I    can    con 
scientiously  declare  that  as  to  myself,  I  wish 
that  not  only  no  act  but  no  thought  of  mine 
should   be   unknown.— To  JAMES   MAIN,     v, 
373-    (W.,  1808.) 

53.  ACTIONS,    Bight.— The    precept    of 
Providence  is,  to  do  always  what  is  right,  and 
leave  the  issue  to  Him.— To  MRS.  COSWAY. 
ii,  41.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  320.    (P.,  1786.) 

54.  ACTIONS,  Rule  for.— Whenever  you 
are  to  do  a  thing,  though  it  can  never  be 
known  but  to  yourself,  ask  yourself  how  you 
would  act  were  all  the  world  looking  at  you, 
and  act  accordingly,  f— To  PETER  CARR.  i,  396. 
(Ps.,  1785.) 

55. When  tempted  to  do  any 
thing  in  secret,  ask  yourself  if  you  would 
do  it  in  public ;  if  you  would  not,  be  sure  it 
is  wrong.}— To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  D.  L.  J.  365. 

56.  ACTIONS,  Virtuous.— If  no  action  is 
to  be  deemed  virtuous  for  which  malice  can 
imagine  a  sinister  motive,  then  there  never 
was  a  virtuous  action ;  no,  not  even  in  the 
life  of  our   Saviour   Himself.     But   He   has 
taught  us  to  judge  the  tree  by  its  fruit,  and 
to  leave  motives  to  Him  who  can  alone  see 
into  them. — To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  vii,  363. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  307  (M.,  1824.) 

—  AD  AIR  (James),  Views  on  Indians.— 
See  INDIANS. 

57.  ADAMS    (John),  Administration  of. 
— If  the  understanding  of  the  people  could  be 
rallied  to  the  truth  on  the  subject   [of  the 
French  negotiations  and  the  X.  Y.  Z.  plot,]^ 
by  exposing  the  deception  practiced  on  them, 
there  are  so  many  other  things  about  to  bear 
on   them   favorably   for  the   resurrection   of 
their  republican  spirit,  that  a  reduction  of  the 
administration    to     constitutional     principles 
cannot  fail  to  be  the  effect.     There  are  the 

*  Aaron  Burr,  in  asking  Jefferson  for  office,  inti 
mated  that  he  could  do  Jefferson  "much  harm" 
This  was  Jefferson's  defiance.— EDITOR. 

i  Peter  Carr  was  the  young  nephew  of  Jefferson — 
EDITOR. 

$  Francis  Eppes  was  a  grandson,  then  at  school.— 
EDITOR. 

§See  X.  Y.  Z.  plot  post.— EDITOR. 


Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  the  vexations  of  the 
stamp  act,  the  disgusting  particularities  of  the 
direct  tax,  the  additional  army  without  an 
enemy,  and  recruiting  officers  lounging  at 
every  court  house,  a  navy  of  fifty  ships,  five 
millions  to  be  raised  to  build  it,  on  the 
ruinous  interest  of  eight  per  cent.,  the  perse 
verance  in  war  on  our  part,  when  the  French 
government  shows  such  an  anxious  desire  to 
<eep  at  peace  with  us,  taxes  of  ten  millions 
now  paid  by  four  millions  of  people,  and  yet 
a  necessity,  in  a  year  or  two,  of  raising  five 
millions  more  for  annual  expenses.  Those 
things  will  immediately  be  bearing  on  the 
public  mind,  and  if  it  remain  not  still  blinded 
a  supposed  necessity,  for  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  our  independence  and  defending 
our  country,  they  will  set  things  to  rights.  I 
hope  you  will  undertake  this  statement. — To 
EDMUND  PENDLETON.  iv,  275.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
337.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1799.)  See  1056. 

58. We  were  far  from  consider 
ing  you  as  the  author  of  all  the  measures  we 
blamed.  They  were  placed  under  the  pro 
tection  of  your  name,  but  we  were  satisfied 
they  wanted  much  of  your  approbation.  We 
ascribed  them  to  their  real  authors,  the  Pick 
erings,  Wolcotts,  the  Tracys,  the  Sedgwicks, 
et  id  genus  omne,  with  whom  we  supposed  you 
in  a  state  of  duresse.  I  well  remember  a 
conversation  with  you  in  the  morning  of  the 
day  on  which  you  nominated  to  the  Senate 
a  substitute  for  Pickering,  in  which  you  ex 
pressed  a  just  impatience  under  "  the  legacy 
of  secretaries  which  General  Washington  had 
left  you,"  and  whom  you  seemed,  therefore, 
to  consider  as  under  public  protection. 
Many  other  incidents  showed  how  differently 
you  would  have  acted  with  less  impassioned 
advisers;  and  subsequent  events  have  proved 
that  your  minds  were  not  together.  You 
would  do  me  great  injustice,  therefore,  by 
taking  to  yourself  what  was  intended  for  men 
who  were  then  your  secret,  as  they  are  now 
your  open  enemies. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
126.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  387.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

—  ADAMS    (John),    Aristocracy    and. 

— See  ARISTOCRACY. 

59.  ADAMS  (John),  Attacks  on.— With 
respect  to  the  calumnies  and  falsehoods 
which  writers  and  printers  at  large  published 
against  Mr.  Adams,  I  was  as  far  _  from 
stooping  to  any  concern  or  approbation  of 
them,  as  Mr.  Adams  was  respecting  those  of 
"  Porcupine,  "  Fenno,  or  Russell,  who  pub 
lished  volumes  against  me  for  every  sentence 
vended  by  their  opponents  against  Mr. 
Adams.  But  I  never  supposed  Mr.  Adams 
had  any  participation  in  the  atrocities  of  these 
editors,  or  their  writers.  I  knew  myself  in 
capable  of  that  base  warfare,  and  believed 
him  to  be  so.  On  the  contrary,  whatever  I 
may  have  thought  of  the  acts  of  the  adminis 
tration  of  that  day,  I  have  ever  borne  testi 
mony  to  Mr.  Adams's  personal  worth;  nor 
was  it  ever  impeached  in  ^my  presence, 
without  a  just  vindication  of  it  on  my  part. 
I  never  supposed  that  any  person  who  knew 
either  of  us,  could  believe  that  either  of  us 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Adams  (tiohn) 


meddled  in  that  dirty  work. — To  MRS.  JOHN 
ADAMS,  iv,  555.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  309.  (W.,  July 
1804.) 

60. Mr.  Adams  has  been  alien 
ated  from  me,  by  belief  in  the  lying  sugges 
tions  contrived  for  electioneering  purposes, 
that  I  perhaps  mixed  in  the  activity  and  in 
trigues  of  the  occasion.  My  most  intimate 
friends  can  testify  that  I  was  perfectly 
passive.  They  would  sometimes,  indeed,  tell 
me  what  was  going  on;  but  no  man  ever 
heard  me  take  part  in  such  conversations ; 
and  none  ever  misrepresented  Mr.  Adams 
in  my  presence,  without  my  asserting  his  just 
character.  With  very  confidential  persons  I 
have  doubtless  disapproved  of  the  principles 
and  practices  of  his  administration.  This  was 
unavoidable.  But  never  with  those  with  whom 
it  could  do  him  any  injury.  Decency  would 
have  required  this  conduct  from  me,  if  dispo 
sition  had  not,  and  I  am  satisfied  Mr. 
Adams's  conduct  was  equally  honorable  to 
wards  me.  But  I  think  it  part  of  his  charac 
ter  to  suspect  foul  play  in  those  of  whom  he  is 
jealous,  and  not  easily  to  relinquish  his  sus 
picions. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  v,  563. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  299.  (M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

61.  ADAMS  (John),  Character.— He  is 
vain,  irritable,  and  a  bad  calculator  of  the 
force  and  probable  effect  of  the  motives 
which  govern  men.  This  is  all  the  ill 
which  can  possibly  be  said  of  him.  He  is 
as  disinterested  as  the  Being  who  made  him. 
He  is  profound  in  his  views,  and  accurate 
in  his  judgment,  except  where  knowledge  of 
the  world  is  necessary  to  form  a  judgment. 
He  is  so  amiable  that  I  pronounce  you  will 
love  him,  if  ever  you  become  acquainted  with 
him.  He  would  be,  as  he  was,  a  great  man  in 
Congress. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  107. 
(P,  1787.) 

62. His  vanity  is  a  lineament  in 

his  character  which  had  entirely  escaped  me. 
His  want  of  taste  I  had  observed.  Notwith 
standing  all  this  he  has  a  sound  head  on  sub 
stantial  points,  and  I  think  he  has  integrity. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  309.  (B., 
Feb.  1783.) 

63.  -  -  The     President's     title,     as 

Eroposed  by  the  Senate,  was  the  most  super- 
itively  ridiculous  thing  I  ever  heard  of.  It 
is  a  proof  the  more  of  the  justice  of  the 
character  given  by  Dr.  Franklin  of  my  friend. 
Always  an  honest  man,  often  a  great  one. 
but  sometimes  absolutely  mad. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  104.  (P.,  July  1789.) 

64.  ADAMS    (John) .Declaration  of  In 
dependence  and. — John  Adams  was  the  pil 
lar  of  its  [Declaration  of  Independence]  sup 
port  on  the  floor  of  Congress ;  its  ablest  advo 
cate   and    defender   against   the   multifarious 
assaults  it  encountered.     For  many  excellent 
persons   opposed    it    on    doubts    whether   we 
were  provided  sufficiently  with  the  means  of 
supporting  it,  whether  the  minds  of  our  con 
stituents  were  yet  prepared  to  receive  it  &c., 
who,   after   it   was   decided,   united   zealously 
in  the  measures  it  called  for. — To  WILLIAM  P. 
GARDNER.   FORD  ED.,  ix,  377.    (M.,  1813.) 


65. He  supported  the  Declara 
tion  with  zeal  and  ability,  fighting  fearlessly 
for  every  word  of  it.  No  man's  confident 
and  fervent  addresses,  more  than  Mr. 
Adams's  encouraged  and  supported  us 
through  the  difficulties  surrounding  us,  which, 
like  the  ceaseless  action  of  gravity,  weighed 
on  us  by  night  and  by  day.  * — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  -vii,  305.  FORD  ED.,  x,  268.  (M.,  1823.) 

66. .  His  deep  conceptions,  ner 
vous  style,  and  undaunted  firmness,  made  him 
truly  our  bulwark  in  debate. — To  SAMUEL  A. 
WELLS,  i,  121.  FORD  ED.,  x.  131.  (M.,  1819.) 
See  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

67.  ADAMS      (John),   Departure    from 
Europe. — I  learn  with  real  pain  the  resolution 
you  have  taken  of  quitting  Europe.     Your  pres 
ence  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  gave  me  a  con 
fidence    that,    if    any    difficulties    should    arise 
within  my  department,  I  should  always  have  one 
to  advise  with  on  whose  counsels  I  could  rely. 
I  shall  now  feel  bewidowed.     I  do  not  wonder 
at  your  being  tired  out  by  the  conduct  of  the 
court   you   are   at. — To   JOHN    ADAMS,     ii,    127. 
(P.,  1787.) 

—  ADAMS  (John),  France  and.— See 
FRANCE. 

68.  ADAMS    (John),  Friendship  of  Jef 
ferson    for. — Mr.     Adams's  friendship    and 
mine  began  at  an  early  date.     It  accompanied 
us  through  long  and  important  scenes.     The  dif 
ferent    conclusions    we    had    drawn    from    our 
political    reading  and  reflections,  were  not  per 
mitted  to   lessen   personal   esteem ;     each   party 
being    conscious    they    were    the    result    of    an 
honest  conviction  in  the  other.     Like  differences 
of  opinion  existing  among  our  fellow  citizens, 
attached  them  to  one  or  the  other  of  us,  and 
produced  a  rivalship  in  their  minds  which  did 
not  exist  in  ours.     We  never  stood  in  one  an 
other's  way ;    for  if  either  had  been  withdrawn 
at  any  time,  his  favorers  would  not  have  gone 
over  to  the  other,  but  would  have  sought   for 
some  one  of  homogeneous  opinions.     This  con 
sideration  was  sufficient  to  keep  down  all  jeal 
ousy  between  us,  and  to  guard  our  friendship 
from    any   disturbance   by   sentiments   of   rival- 
ship.f — To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS,     iv,  545.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  306.     (W.,  June  1804.) 

69. .     I  write  you  this  letter  as 

clue  to  a  friendship  coeval  with  our  government, 
and  now  attempted  to  be  poisoned,  when  too  late 
in  life  to  be  replaced  by  new  affections.  I  had 
for  some  time  observed  in  the  public  papers, 
dark  hints  and  mysterious  innuendoes  of  a  cor 
respondence  of  yours  with  a  friend,  to  whom 
you  had  opened  your  bosom  without  reserve, and 
which  was  to  be  made  public  by  that  friend  or 

*  Daniel  Webster  visited  Jefferson  at  Monticello 
toward  the  close  of  1824.  He  quoted  Jefferson  as 
having  then  said  in  conversation:  "John  Adams 
was  our  Colossus  on  the  floor.  He  was  not  graceful, 
nor  elegant,  nor  remarkably  fluent ;  but  he  came 
out,  occasionally,  with  a  power  of  thought  and  ex 
pression  that  moved  us  from  our  seats."  Webster 
introduced  the  quotation  in  his  speech  on  "Adams 
and  Jefferson,"  August  2,  1826.  The  conversation 
entire  is  printed  in  the  Private  Correspondence  of 
Webster  (i,  364),  and  in  the  FORD  ED.  of  Jefferson's 
Writings,  x,  327.— EDITOR. 

t  A  reference  to  the  u  Midnight  Appointments"of 
Mr.  Adams  in  this  letter  led  Mrs.  Adams  to  make  a 
spirited  attack  on  Jefferson's  administration.  Jef 
ferson's  reply,  and  also  his  correspondence  with  Dr. 
Rush,  which  led  to  a  reconciliation  with  Mr.  Adams 
will  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume.— 
EDITOR. 


Adams  (John) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


8 


his  representative.  And  now  it  is  said  to  be 
actually  published.  It  has  not  yet  reached  us, 
but  extracts  have  been  given,  and  such  as 
seemed  most  likely  to  draw  a  curtain  of  separa 
tion  between  you  and  myself.  Were  there  no 
other  motive  than  that  of  indignation  against 
the  author  of  this  outrage  on  private  confi 
dence,  whose  shaft  seems  to  have  been  aimed  at 
yourself  more  particularly,  this  would  make  it 
the  duty  of  every  honorable  mind  to  disappoint 
that  aim,  by  opposing  to  its  impression  a  seven 
fold  shield  of  apathy  and  insensibility.  With 
me,  however,  no  such  armor  is  needed.  The  cir 
cumstances  of  the  times  in  which  we  have  hap 
pened  to  live,  and  the  partiality  of  our  friends 
at  a  particular  period,  placed  us  in  a  state  of 
apparent  opposition,  which  some  might  suppose 
to  be  personal  also ;  and  there  might  not  be 
wanting  those  who  wished  to  make  it  so,  by 
filling  our  ears  with  malignant  falsehoods,  by 
dressing  up  hideous  phantoms  of  their  own 
creation,  presenting  them  to  you  under  my 
name,  to  me  under  yours,  and  endeavoring  to 
instil  into  our  minds  things  concerning  each 
other  the  most  destitute  of  truth.  And  if  there 
had  been,  at  any  time,  a  moment  when  we  were 
off  our  guard,  and  in  a  temper  to  let  the  whis 
pers  of  these  people  make  us  forget  what  we 
had  known  of  each  other  for  so  many  years,  and 
years  of  so  much  trial,  yet  all  men  who  have 
attended  to  the  workings  of  the  human  mind, 
who  have  seen  the  false  colors  under  which 
passion  sometimes  dresses  the  actions  and  mo 
tives  of  others,  have  seen  also  those  passions 
subsiding  with  time  and  reflection,  dissipating 
like  mists  before  the  rising  sun,  and  restoring 
to  us  the  sight  of  all  things  in  their  true  shape 
and  colors.  It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if, 
at  our  years,  we  were  to  go  back  an  age  to 
hunt  up  imaginary  or  forgotten  facts,  to  dis 
turb  the  repose  of  affections  so  sweetening  to 
the  evening  of  our  lives.  Be  assured,  my 
dear  sir,  that  I  am  incapable  of  receiving  the 
slightest  impression  from  the  effort  now  made 
to  plant  thorns  on  the  pillow  of  age,  worth  and 
wisdom,  and  to  sow  tares  between  friends  who 
have  been  such  for  near  half  a  century.  Be 
seeching  you,  then,  not  to  suffer  your  mind  to 
be  disquieted  by  this  wicked  attempt  to  poison 
its  peace,  and  praying  you  to  throw  it  by 
among  the  things  which  have  never  happened, 
I  add  sincere  assurances  of  my  unabated  and 
constant  attachment,  friendship  and  respect. — 
-To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  314.  FORD  EDV  x,  273. 
(M.,  1823.) 

70. .     Fortune  had  disjointed  our 

first  affections,  and  placed  us  in  opposition  in 
every  point.  This  separated  us  for  awhile. 
But  on  the  first  intimation  through  a  friend, 
we  re-embraced  with  cordiality,  recalled  our 
ancient  feelings  and  dispositions,  and  every 
thing  was  forgotten  but  our  first  sympathies. — 
I  bear  ill-will  to  no  human  being. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  x,  298.  (M.,  1824.) 

71.  ADAMS  (John), George  III.  and.— 

The  sentiments  you  expressed  [in  your  ad 
dress  on  presentation  to  the  King]  were  such 
as  were  entertained  in  America  till  the  com 
mercial  proclamation,  and  such  as  would 
again  return  were  a  rational  conduct  to  be 
adopted  by  Great  Britain.  I  think,  therefore, 
you  by  no  means  compromised  yourself,  or 
our  country,  nor  expressed  more  than  it 
would  be  our  interest  to  encourage,  if  they 
were  disposed  to  meet  us. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
i,  436.  (P.,  September  1785.) 

72.  ADAMS     (John),  Honesty.— I    have 
the  same  good  opinion  of  Mr.  Adams  which  I 


ever  had.  I  know  him  to  be  an  honest  man, 
an  able  one  with  his  pen,  and  he  was  a  powerful 
advocate  on  the  floor  of  Congress. — To  DR.  BEN 
JAMIN  RUSH,  v,  562.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  298.  (M., 
1811.) 

73.  ADAMS   (John),  Integrity  .—Though 
I  saw  that  our  ancient  friendship  was  affected 
by  a  little  leaven,  produced  partly  by  his  con 
stitution,   partly   by  the  contrivance  of   others, 
yet    I    never    felt    a    diminution -of    confidence 
in  his  integrity,  and  retained  a  solid  affection 
for  him.     His  principles  of  government  I  knew 
to  be  changed,  but  conscientiously  changed. — 
To   JAMES    MADISON,     iv,    161.     FORD   ED.,   vii, 
108.     (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

74.  ADAMS       (John),     Jefferson     and 
Election  of. — The  public  and  the  papers  have 
been  much  occupied  lately  in  placing  us  in 
a  point  of  opposition  to  each  other.     I  trust 
with  confidence  that  less  of  it  has  been  felt 
by  ourselves  personally.     In  the  retired  can 
ton  where  I  am,  I  learn  little  of  what  is  pass 
ing  ;  pamphlets  I  never  see ;  papers  but  a  few, 
and  the   fewer  the  happier.     Our  latest   in 
telligence  from  Philadelphia  at  present  is  of 
the  i6th  inst.,  but  though  at  that  date  your 
election   to   the   first    magistracy    seems    not 
to  have  been  known  as  a  fact,  yet  with  me 
it  has  never  been  doubted.   I  knew  it  impossi 
ble    you   should   lose   a   vote    North   of   the 
Delaware,  and  even  if  that  of  Pennsylvania 
should  be  against  you  in  the  mass,  yet  that 
you  would  get  enough  South  of  that  to  place 
your  succession  out  of  danger.     I  have  never 
one  single  moment  expected  a  different  issue ; 
and  though  I  know  I  shall  not  be  believed,  yet 
it  is  not  the  less  true  that  I  have  never  wished 
it.     My  neighbors  as  my  compurgators  could 
aver  that  fact,  because  they  see  my  occupa 
tions  and  my  attachment  to  them.     Indeed 
it  is  impossible  that  you  may  be  cheated  of 
your  succession  by  a  trick  worthy  the  subtle 
ty  of  your  arch-friend  of  New  York  [Alex 
ander  Hamilton]  who  has  been  able  to  make 
of  your  real  friends  tools  to  defeat  their  and 
your  just  wishes.     Most  probably  he  will  be 
disappointed  as  to  you;  and  my  inclinations 
place  me  out  of  his    reach.     I  leave  to  others 
the  sublime  delights  of  riding  in  the  storm, 
better  pleased  with  sound  sleep  and  a  warm 
berth  below,   with  the  society  of  neighbors, 
friends    and    fellow-laborers    of    the    earth, 
than    of    spies    and    sycophants.      No    one 
then  will  congratulate  you  with  purer  disin 
terestedness  than  myself.    The    share,  indeed, 
which  I   may  have  had  in  the  late  vote,   I 
shall  value  highly  as  an  evidence  of  the  share 
I  have  in  the  esteem  of  my  fellow  citizens. 
But  while  in  this  point  of  view,  a  few  votes 
less  would  be  little  sensible,  the  difference  in 
the  effect  of  a  few  more  would  be  very  sensi 
ble  and  oppressive  to  me.     I  have  no  ambition 
to  govern  men.    It  is  a  painful  and  thankless 
office.     Since  the  day,   too,    on    which    you 
signed  the  treaty  of  Paris  our  horizon  was 
never  so  overcast.     I  devoutly    wish  you  may 
be  able  to  shun  for  us  this  war  by  which  our 
agriculture,  commerce  and  credit  will  be  de 
stroyed.     If  you  are,  the  glory  will  be  all  your 
own ;   and  that  your  administration  may  be 
filled  with  glory^  and  happiness  to  yourself 
and  advantage  to  us  is  the  sincere  wish  of  one 


9 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Adams  (John) 


who,  though  in  the  course  of  our  own  voyage 
through  life  various  little  incidents  have  hap 
pened  or  been  contrived  to  separate  us,  re 
tains  still  for  you  the  solid  esteem  of  the  mo 
ments  when  we  were  working  for  our  inde 
pendence,  and  sentiments  of  respect  and  af 
fectionate  attachment.* — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  iv, 
153.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  95.  (Dec.  28,  1796.) 

75. .     Mr.     Adams    and    myself 

were  cordial  friends  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Revolution.  Since  our  return  from  Europe, 
some  little  incidents  have  happened,  which 
were  capable  of  affecting  a  jealous  mind  like 
his.  His  deviation  from  that  line  of  politics 
on  which  we  had  been  united,  has  not  made 
me  less  sensible  of  the  rectitude  of  his  heart; 
and  I  wished  him  to  know  this,  and  also  an 
other  truth,  that  I  am  sincerely  pleased  at 
having  escaped  the  late  draft  for  the  helm, 
and  have  not  a  wish  which  he  stands 
in  the  way  of.  That  he  should  be  convinced 
of  these  truths,  is  important  to  our  mutual 
satisfaction,  and  perhaps  to  the  harmony  and 
good  of  the  public  service.  But  there  was  a 
difficulty  in  conveying  them  to  him,  and  a 
possibility  that  the  attempt  might  do  mischief 
there  or  somewhere  else;  and  I  would  not 
have  hazarded  the  attempt,  if  you  had  not 
been  in  place  to  decide  upon  its  expediency. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  166.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
115.  (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

76. .     You  express  apprehensions 

that   stratagems  will  be  used  to  produce   a 
misunderstanding  between  the  President  and 
myself.     Though  not  a    word    having    this 
tendency  has  ever  been  hazarded  to  me  by 
anyone,  yet  I  consider  as  a  certainty    that 
nothing    will    be    left    untried    to    alienate 
him  from  me.     These  machinations  will  pro 
ceed  from  the  Hamiltonians  by  whom  he  is 
surrounded,  and  who  are  only  a  little  less  hos 
tile  to  him  than  to  me.     It    cannot  but  damp 
the  pleasure  of  cordiality  when  we  suspect 
that  it  is  suspected.     I  cannot  help  thinking 
that  it  is  impossible  for  Mr.  Adams  to  believe 
that  the  state  of  my  mind  is  what  it  really  is 
that  he  may  think  I   view   him   as   an   ob 
stacle  in  my  way.     I  have  no   supernatura 
power    to    impress    truth    on    the    mind    oi 
another,  nor  he  any  to  discover  that  the  esti 
mate  he  may  form,  on  a  just  view  of  the 
human   mind   as  generally  constituted,   may 
not  be  just  in  its  application  to  a  special  con 
stitution.  This  may  be  a  source  of  private  nn 
easiness  to  us ;  I  honestly  confess  that  it  i 
so  to  me  at  this  time.     But  neither  of  us  is 
capable  of  letting  it  have  effect  on  our  publi 
duties.     Those  who  may  endeavor  to  separat 
us,  are  probably  excited  by  the  fear  that  I 
might  have  influence  on  the  Executive  coun 
cils;  but  when  they  shall  know  that  I  con 

*  Jefferson  sent  this  letter  to  Madison  who  decidei 
that  it  would  be  inexpedient  to  forward  it  to  Adams 
"  I  am  very  thankful,"  Jefferson  wrote  to  Madison 
m  January,  1797  (iv,  166,  FORD  ED.,  vii,  115),  "to 
the  discretion  you  have  exercised  over  the  letter 
That  has  happened  to  be  the  case,  which  I  knew  t 
be  possible,  that  the  honest  expression  of  my  feeling 
towards  Mr.  Adams  might  be  rendered  malapropo 
from  circumstances  existing,  and  known  at  the  sea 
of  government,  but  not  known  by  me  in  my  retire 
situation.  "—EDITOR. 


ider  my  office  as  constitutionally  confined 
o  legislative  functions,  and  that  I  could  not 
ake  any  part  whatever  in  executive  consulta- 
ions,  even  were  it  proposed,  their  fears 
nay  perhaps  subside,  and  their  object  be 
ound  not  worth  a  machination. — To  EL- 
miDGE  GERRY,  iv,  171.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  120.  (May 
797-) 

77.  ADAMS     (John),  Jefferson's    Elec- 
ion  and. — The  nation  passed  condemnation 
m  the  political  principles  of  the  federalists, 
Dy  refusing  to  continue  Mr.   Adams  in  the 
Dresidency.    On  the  day  on  which  we  learned 
n  Philadelphia  the  vote  of  the  citv  of  New 
^ork,  which  it  was  well  known  would  decide 
:he  vote  of  the  State,  and  that,  again,  the  vote 
of  the  Union,  I  called  on  Mr.  Adams  on  some 
official    business.     He    was    very    seriously 
affected,  and  accosted  me  with  these  words : 
'  Well,  I  understand  that  you  are  to  beat  me 
n  this  contest,   and  I  will  only  say  that  I 
will  be  as  faithful  a  subject  as  any  you  will 
lave."    "  Mr.   Adams,"   said  I,   "  this   is  no 
personal  contest  between  you  and  me.     Two 
systems  of  principles  on  the  subject  of  govern 
ment   divide   our   citizens   into   two   parties. 
With  one  of  these  you  concur,  and  I  with 
the  other.     As  we  have  been  longer  on  the 
public  stage  than  most  of  those  now  living, 
our    names    happen    to    be    more    generally 
known.    One  of  these  parties,  therefore,  has 
put  your  name  at  its  head,  the  other  mine. 
Were  we  both  to  die  to-day,  to-morrow  two 
other  names  would  be  in  the  place  of  ours, 
without   any   change    in  the   motion   of   the 
machinery.     Its  motion  is  from  its  principle, 
and  not  from  you  or  myself.  "     "  I  believe 
you  are  right,"   said  he,   "  that  we  are  but 
passive   instruments,    and   should   not   suffer 
this   matter   to   affect   our   personal    disposi 
tions."    But  he  did  long  retain  this  just  view 
of  the  subject.  I  have  always  believed  that  the 
thousand  calumnies  which  the  federalists,  in 
bitterness  of  heart,  and  mortfication  at  their 
ejection,  daily  invented  against  me,  were  car 
ried   to   him   by   their  busy   intriguers,    and 
made  some  impression. — To  DR.   BENJAMIN 
RUSH,    v,  560.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  296.     (M.,  Jan. 
1811.) 

78. .     When  the  election  between 

Burr  and  myself  was  kept  in  suspense  by  the 
federalists,  and  they  were  meditating  to  place 
the  President  of  the  Senate  at  the  head  of  the 
government,  I  called  on  Mr.  Adams  with  a 
view  to  have  this  desperate  measure  prevented 
by  his  negative.  He  grew  warm  in  an  in 
stant,  and  said  with  a  vehemence  he  had  not 
used  towards  me  before :  "  Sir,  the  event  of 
the  election  is  within  your  own  $  power.  You 
have  only  to  say  you  will  do  justice  to  the 
public  creditors,  maintain  the  navy,  and  not 
disturb  those  holding  offices,  and  the  gov 
ernment  will  instantly  be  put  into  your  hands. 
We  know  it  is  the  wish  of  the  people  it  should 
be  so."  "  Mr.  Adams,"  said  I,  "  I  know  not 
what  part  of  my  conduct,  in  either  public  or 
private  life,  can  have  authorized  a  doubt  of 
my  fidelity  to  the  public  engagements.  I  say. 
however,  I  will  not  come  into  the  government 
by  capitulation.  I  will  not  enter  on  it,  but  in 


Adams  (JoUii) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


10 


perfect  freedom  to  follow  the  dictates  of  my 
own  judgment."  I  had  before  given  the  same 
answer  to  the  same  intimation  from  Gouver- 
neur  Morris.  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  things 
must  take  their  course."  I  turned  the  con 
versation  to  something  else,  and  soon  took 
my  leave.  It  was  the  first  time  in  our  lives 
we  had  ever  parted  with  anything  like  dis 
satisfaction. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  v, 
561.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  297.  (M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

79.  ADAMS     (John),  Jefferson,    Paine 

and. — I  am  afraid  the  indiscretion  of  a  printer 
has  committed  me  with  my  friend  Mr.  Adams, 
for  whom,  as  one  of  the  most  honest  and  dis 
interested  men  alive,  I  have  a  cordial  esteem, 
increased  by  long  habits  of  concurrence  in 
opinion  in  the  days  of  his  republicanism  :  and 
even  since  his  apostasy  to  hereditary  monarchy 
and  nobility,  though  we  differ,  we  differ  as 
friends  should  do.  Beckley  had  the  only  copy 
of  Paine's  pamphlet  [Rights  of  Man],  and  lent 
it  to  me,  desiring  when  I  should  read  it,  that 
I  would  send  it  to  a  Mr.  J.  B.  Smith,  who  had 
asked  it  for  his  brother  to  reprint  it.  Being 
an  utter  stranger  to  J.  B.  Smith,  both  by 
sight  and  character,  I  wrote  a  note  to  explain 
to  him  why  I  (a  stranger  to  him)  sent  him 
a  pamphlet,  to  wit,  that  Mr.  Beckley  had  de 
sired  it ;  and  to  take  off  a  little  of  the  dryness 
of  the  note,  I  added  that  I  was  glad  to  find  it 
was  to  be  reprinted,  that  something  would, 
at  length,  be  publicly  said  against  the  political 
heresies  which  had  lately  sprung  up  among 
us,  and  that  I  did  not  doubt  our  citizens  would 
rally  again  round  the  standard  of  "  Common 
Sense. "  That  I  had  in  my  view  the  "  Dis 
courses  on  Davila,  "  which  have  filled  Fenno's 
papers  for  a  twelvemonth,  without  contra 
diction,  is  certain,  but  nothing  was  ever 
further  from  my  thoughts  than  to  become  my 
self  the  contradictor  before  the  public.  To  my 
great  astonishment,  however,  when  the  pamphlet 
came  out,  the  printer  had  prefixed  my  note 
to  it,  without  having  given  me  the  most  dis 
tant  hint  of  it.  Mr.  Adams  will  unquestionably 
take  to  himself  the  charge  of  political  heresy, 
as  conscious  of  his  own  views  of  drawing  the 
present  government  to  the  form  of  the  English 
constitution,  and,  I  fear,  will  consider  me  as 
meaning  to  injure  him  in  the  public  eye.  I 
learn  that  some  Anglo-men  have  censured  it 
in  another  point  of  view,  as  a  sanction  of 
Paine's  principles  tends  to  give  offence  to  the 
British  government.  Their  real  fear,  however, 
is  that  this  popular  and  republican  pamphlet, 
taking  wonderfully,  is  likely  at  a  single  stroke, 
to  wipe  out  all  the  unconstitutional  doctrines 
which  their  bell-weather,  "  Davila,  "  has  been 
preaching  for  a  twelvemonth.  I  certainly  never 
made  a  secret  of  my  being  anti-monarchical, 
and  anti-aristocratical ;  but  I  am  sincerely  morti 
fied  to  be  thus  brought  forward  on  the  public 
stage,  where  to  remain,  to  advance  or  to  re 
tire,  will  be  equally  against  my  love  of  silence 
and  quiet,  and  my  abhorrence  of  dispute. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  257.  FORD  ED., 
v,  329.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

80. .     I  have  a  dozen  times  taken 

up  my  pen  to  write  to  you,  and  as  often  laid 
it  down  again,  suspended  between  opposing 
considerations.  I  determine,  however,  to  write 
from  a  conviction  that  truth,  between  candid 
minds,  can  never  do  harm.  The  first  of  Paine's 
pamphlets  on  the  "  Rights  of  Man,  "  which 
come  to  hand  here,  belonged  to  Mr.  Beckley. 
He  lent  it  to  Mr.  Madison,  who  lent  it  to 
me ;  and  while  I  was  reading  it.  Mr.  Beckley 
called  on  me  for  it,  and,  as  I  had  not  finished  it. 


he  desired  me,  as  soon  as  I  should  have  done  so 
to  send  it  to  Mr.  Jonathan  B.  Smith,  whose 
brother  meant  to  reprint  it.  I  finished  reading 
it,  and,  as  I  had  no  acquaintance  with  Mr. 
Jonathan  B.  Smith,  propriety  required  that 
L  should  explain  to  him  why  I,  a  stran 
ger  to  him,  sent  him  the  pamphlet.  I  ac 
cordingly  wrote  a  note  of  compliment,  in 
forming  him  that  I  did  it  at  the  desire  of 
Mr.  Beckley,  and,  £p  take  off  a  little  of  the 
dryness  of  the  note,  I  added  that  I  was  glad  it 
was  to  be  reprinted  here,  and  that  something 
was  to  be  publicly  said  against  the  political 
heresies  which  had  sprung  up  among  us  &c  I 
thought  so  little  of  this  note,  that  I  did  not 
even  keep  a  copy  of  it;  nor  ever  heard  a  tittle 
more  of  it,  till,  the  week  following,  I  was 
thunderstruck  with  seeing  it  come  out  at  the 
head  of  the  pamphlet.*  I  hoped,  however,  it 
would  not  attract  notice.  But  I  found,  on  my 
return  from  a  journey  of  a  month,  that  a  writer 
came  forward,  under  the  signature  of  "  Pub 
licola,"  attacking  not  only  the  author  and  prin 
ciples  of  the  pamphlet,  but  myself  as  its  spon 
sor,  by  name.  Soon  after  came  hosts  of  other 
writers,  defending  the  pamphlet,  and  attacking 
you,  by  name,  as  the  writer  of  "  Publicola." 
Thus  were  our  names  thrown  on  the  public 
stage  as  public  antagonists.  That  you  and  I  dif 
fer  in  _our  ideas  of  the  best  forms  of  govern 
ment,  is  well  known  to  us  both  ;  but  we  have 
differed  as  friends  should  do,  respecting  the 
purity  of  each  other's  motives,  and  confining  our 
difference  of  opinion  to  private  conversation. 
And  I  can  declare  with  truth,  in  the  presence  of 
the  Almighty,  that  nothing  was  further  from  my 
intention  or  expectation  than  to  have  either 
my  own  or  your  name  brought  before  the  public 
on  this  occasion.  The  friendship  and  con 
fidence  which  have  so  long  existed  between 
us,  required  this  explanation  from  me,  and  I 
know  you  too  well  to  fear  any  misconstruction 
of  the  motives  of  it.  Some  people  here  who 
would  wish  me  to  be,  or  to  be  thought,  guilty 
of  improprieties,  have  suggested  that  I  was 
"  Agricola,"  that  I  was  "  Brutus,"  &c.,  &c.  I 
never  did  in  my  life,  either  by  myself  or  by 
any  other,  have  a  sentence  of  mine  inserted 
in  a  newspaper  without  putting  my  name  to 
it;  and  I  believe  I  never  shall. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  iii,  270.  FORD  ED.,  v,  353.  (Pa., 
1791.) 

81. .     I  was  happy  to  find  that 

you  saw  in  its  true  point  of  view  the  way  in 
which  I  had  been  drawn  into  the  scene,  which 
must  have  been  so  disagreeable  to  you.  The 
importance  which  you  still  seem  to  allow  to 
my  note,  and  the  effect  you  suppose  it  to  have 
had,  though  unintentional  in  me,  induce  me  to 
show  you  that  it  really  had  no  effect.  Paine's 
pamphlet,  with  my  note,  was  published  here  about 
the  second  week  in  May.  Not  a  word  ever 
appeared  in  the  public  papers  here  [Philadel 
phia]  on  the  subject  for  more  than  a  month  ; 
and  I  am  certain  not  a  word  on  the  subject 
would  ever  have  been  said,  had  not  a  writer, 
under  the  name  "  Publicola "  [John  Quincy 
Adams]  at  length  undertaken  to  attack  Mr. 
Paine's  principles,  which  were  the  principles  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Instantly  a 
host  of  writers  attacked  "  Publicola  "  in  support 

*  The  note  was  as  follows  :  "After  some  prefatory 
remarks,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a 
note  to  a  Printer  in  Philadelphia,  accompanying  a 
copy  of  this  Pamphlet  for  republication  observes : 
'I  am  extremely  pleased  to  find  it  will  be  reprinted 
here,  and  that  something  is  at  length  to  be  publicly 
said  against  the  political  heresies  which  have 
sprung  up  among  vis.  I  have  no  doubt  our  citizens 
will  rally  a  second  time  round  the  standard  of 
Common  Sense.'  "—EDITOR. 


II 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Adams  (John) 


of  those  principles.  He  had  thought  proper  to 
misconstrue  a  figurative  expression  in  my  note ; 
and  these  writers  so  far  noticed  me  as  to  place 
the  expression  in  its  true  light.  But  this  was 
only  an  incidental  skirmish  preliminary  to  the 
general  engagement,  and  they  would  not  have 
thought  me  worth  naming,  had  he  not  thought 
proper  to  have  brought  me  on  the  scene.  His 
antagonists,  very  criminally,  in  my  opinion, 
presumed  you  to  be  "  Publicola,  "  and  on  that 
presumption  hazarded  a  personal  attack  on 
you.  No  person  saw  with  more  uneasiness 
than  I  did,  this  unjustifiable  assault ;  and  the 
more  so,  when  I  saw  it  continued  after  the 
printer  had  declared  you  were  not  the  author. 
But  you  will  perceive  from  all  this,  my  dear 
sir,  that  my  note  contributed  nothing  to  the 
production  of  these  disagreeable  pieces.  As 
long  as  Paine's  pamphlet  stood  on  its  own 
feet  and  on  my  note,  it  was  unnoticed.  As 
soon  as  "Publicola"  attacked  Paine,  swarms 
appeared  in  his  defence.  To  "  Publicola,"  then, 
and  not  in  the  least  degree  to  my  note,  this 
whole  contest  is  to  be  ascribed  and  all  its 
consequences.  You  speak  of  the  execrable 
paragraph  in  the  Connecticut  papers.  This,  it 
is  true,  appeared  before  "  Publicola  "  ;  but  it 
has  no  more  relation  to  Paine's  pamphlet  and 
my  note  than  to  the  Alcoran.  I  am  satisfied 
the  writer  of  it  had  never  seen  either ;  for 
when  I  passed  through  Connecticut  about  the 
middle  of  June,  not  a  copy  had  ever  been 
seen  by  anybody,  either  in  Hartford  or  New 
Haven,  nor  probably  in  that  whole  State :  and 
that  paragraph  was  so  notoriously  the  re 
verse  of  the  disinterestedness  of  character 
which  you  are  known  to  possess  by  everybody 
who  knows  your  name,  that  I  never  heard  a 
person  speak  of  the  paragraph,  but  with  an 
indignation  in  your  behalf,  which  did  you  entire 
justice.  This  paragraph,  then,  certainly  did 
not  flow  from  my  note,  any  more  than  the 
publications  which  "  Publicola  "  produced.  In 
deed  it  was  impossible  that  my  note  should 
occasion  your  name  to  be  brought  into  question  ; 
for  so  far  from  meaning  you,  I  had  not  even  in 
view  any  writing  which  I  might  suppose  to  be 
yours,  and  the  opinions  I  alluded  to  were 
principally  those  I  had  heard  in  common  con 
versation  from  a  sect  aiming  at  the  subversion 
of  the  present  government  to  bring  in  their 
favorite  form  of  a  king,  lords  and  commons. 
Thus  I  hope,  my  dear  sir,  that  you  will  see 
me  to  have  been  as  innocent  in  effect  as  I  was 
in  intention.  I  was  brought  before  the  public 
without  my  own  consent,  and  from  the  first 
moment  of  seeing  the  effort  of  the  real  ag 
gressors,  in  this  business  to  keep  me  before  the 
public,  I  determined  that  nothing  should  in 
duce  me  to  put  pen  to  paper  in  the  controversy. 
The  business  is  now  over,  and  I  hope  its  effects 
are  over,  and  that  our  friendship  will  never 
be  suffered  to  be  committed,  whatever  use 
others  may  think  proper  to  make  of  our  names. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  iii,  291.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
380.  (Pa.,  Aug.  1791-) 

82.  ADAMS  (John), Midnight  Appoint 
ments  of.— One  act  of  Mr.  Adams's  life,  and 
one  only,  ever  gave  me  a  moment's  personal 
displeasure.  I  did  consider  his  last  appoint 
ments  to  office  as  personally  unkind.  They 
were  from  among  my  most  ardent  political 
enemies,  from  whom  no  faithful  cooperation 
could  ever  be  expected ;  and  laid  me  under 
the  embarrassment  of  acting  through  men 
whose  views  were  to  defeat  mine,  or  to  en 
counter  the  odium  of  putting  others  in  their 
places,  It  seemed  but  common  justice  to 


leave  a  successor  free  to  act  by  instruments 
of  his  own  choice.  If  my  respect  for  him 
did  not  permit  me  to  ascribe  the  whole  blame 
to  the  influence  of  others,  it  left  something  for 
friendship  to  forgive,  and  after  brooding  over 
it  for  some  little  time,  and  not  always  resist 
ing  the  expression  of  it,  I  forgave  it  cordially, 
and  returned  to  the  same  state  of  esteem  and 
respect  for  him  which  had  so  long  existed. 
*  *  *  I  maintain  for  him,  and  shall  carry  into 
private  life,  an  uniform  and  high  measure  of 
respect  and  good  will,  and  for  yourself  a  sin 
cere  attachment. — To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS,  iv, 
546.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  307.  (W.,  June  1804.) 
See  COMMISSIONS. 

83. .     Those  scenes  of  midnight 

appointment,  *  *  *  have  been  condemned  by 
all  men.  The  last  day  of  his  political  power, 
the  last  hours,  and  even  beyond  the  midnight, 
were  employed  in  filling  all  offices,  and  es 
pecially  permanent  ones,  with  the  bitterest 
federalists,  and  providing  for  me  the  alterna 
tive,  either  to  execute  the  government  by  my 
enemies,  whose  study  it  would  be  to  thwart 
and  defeat  all  my  measures,  or  to  incur  the 
odium  of  such  numerous  removals  from  of 
fice,  as  might  bear  me  down. — To  DR.  BENJA 
MIN  RUSH,  v,  561.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  297.  (M., 
Jan.  1811.) 

—  ADAMS    (John)»  Opinions  on  IT.   S. 
Senate.— See  SENATE. 

84.  ADAMS    (John),  Peace  Commission. 

— I  am  glad  that  he  is  of  the  [Peace]  Com 
mission,  and  expect  he  will  be  useful  in  it.  His 
dislike  of  all  parties  and  all  men,  by  balancing 
his  prejudices,  may  give  them  some  fair  play 
to  his  reason  as  would  a  general  benevolence  of 
temper.  At  any  rate  honesty  may  be  extracted 
even  from  poisonous  weeds. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  309.  (B.,  Feb.  1783.) 

_  ADAMS    (John),  Political  Addresses 
of. — See  103,  105. 

85.  ADAMS     (John),  Political    Princi 
ples  of. — Mr    Adams  had  originally  been  a 
republican.     The  glare  of  royalty  and  nobil 
ity,  during  his  mission  to  England,  had  made 
him  believe  their  fascination  a  necessary  in 
gredient  in  government ;    and  Shays's  rebel 
lion,  not  sufficiently  understood  where  he  then 
was,    seemed   to   prove   that   the   absence   of 
want   and   oppression,    was   not    a    sufficient 
guarantee  of  order.     His  book  on  the  "  Amer 
ican  Constitutions"  having  made  known  his 
political  bias,  he  was  taken  up  by  monarchical 
Federalists,  in  his  absence,  and  on  his  return 
to  the  United  States,  he  was  by  them  made  to 
believe   that   the   general    disposition   of   our 
citizens  was  favorable  to  monarchy.     He  then 
wrote  his  "  Davila,"  as  a  supplement  to  the 
former  work,  and  his  election  to  the  Presi 
dency  confirmed  him  in  his  errors.    Innumer 
able  addresses,  too,  artfully  and  industriously 
poured  in  upon  him,  deceived  him  into  a  con 
fidence  that  he  was  on  the  pinnacle  of  popu 
larity,  when  a  gulf  was  yawning  at  his  feet, 
which   was  to   swallow   up  him   and   his  de 
ceivers.     For,  when  General  \Vashington  was 
withdrawn,    these    encrgtiincui    of    royalism. 
kept  in  check  hitherto  by  the  dread  of  his 


Adams  (John) 
Adams  (John  Quincy) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


12 


honesty,  his  firmness,  his  patriotism,  and  the 
authority  of  his  name,  now  mounted  on  the 
car  of  state  and  free  from  control,  like 
Phaeton  on  that  of  the  sun,  drove  headlong 
and  wild,  looking  neither  to  right  nor  left, 
nor  regarding  anything  but  the  objects  they 
were  driving  at ;  until,  displaying  these  fully, 
the  eyes  of  the  nation  were  opened,  and  a 
general  disbandment  of  them  from  the  public 
councils  took  place.  Mr.  Adams,  I  am  sure, 
has  been  long  since  convinced  of  the  treach 
eries  with  which  he  was  surrounded  during 
his  administration.  He  has  since  thoroughly 
seen  that  his  constituents  were  devoted  to  re 
publican  government,  and  whether  his  judg 
ment  is  resettled  on  its  ancient  basis,  or  not, 
he  is  conformed  as  a  good  citizen  to  the  will 
of  the  majority,  and  would  now,  I  am  per 
suaded,  maintain  its  republican  structure  with 
the  zeal  and  fidelity  belonging  to  his  charac 
ter.  For  even  an  enemy  has  said,  "  he  is  al 
ways  an  honest  man,  and  often  a  great  one." 
But  in  the  fervor  of  the  fever  and  follies  of 
those  who  made  him  their  stalking  horse,  no 
man  who  did  not  witness  it,  can  form  an  idea 
of  their  unbridled  madness,  and  the  terrorism 
with  which  they  surrounded  themselves. — 
THE  ANAS,  ix,  97.  FORD  ED.,  i,  166.  (1818.) 

86. .  Adams  was  for  two  hered 
itary  [legislative]  branches  and  an  honest 
elective  one. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  96.  FORD  ED., 
i,  166.  (1818.) 

87. .     Can     anyone     read     Mr. 

Adams's  "  Defence  of  the  American  Con 
stitutions,"  without  seeing  that  he  was  a 
monarchist?  And  J.  Q.  Adams,  the  son,  was 
more  explicit  than  the  father  in  his  answer  to 
Paine's  "  Rights  of  Man." — T  o  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  vii,  390.  FORD  ED.,  x,  332.  (M., 
1825.) 

88.  ADAMS      (John),   Proposed    office 
for. — A  little  time  and  reflection  effaced  in 
my    mind    this    temporary    dissatisfaction    [be 
cause  of  the  midnight  appointments,  &c.]   with 
Mr.  Adams,  and  restored  me  to  that  just  esti 
mate    of    his    virtues    and    passions,    which    a 
long  acquaintance  had  enabled  me  to  fix.     And 
my  first  wish   became  that  of  making  his   re 
tirement  easy  by  any  means  in  my  power ;    for 
it  was  understood  he  was  not  rich.     I  suggested 
to  some  republican  members  of  the  delegation 
from  his  State,  the  giving  him,  either  directly 
or    indirectly,    an    office,    the    most    lucrative 
in  that  State,  and  then  offered  to  be  resigned, 
if  they  thought  he  would  not  deem  it  affront- 
ive.     They  were  of  opinion  he  would  take  great 
offence   at  the  offer ;     and  moreover,   that  the 
body    of    republicans    would    consider    such    a 
step   in   the   outset   as   arguing  very   ill   of  the 
course  I  meant  to  pursue.     I  dropped  the  idea, 
therefore,  but  did  not  cease  to  wish  for  some 
opportunity    of    renewing    our    friendly    under 
standing. — To   DR.   BENJAMIN   RUSH,     v.,   562. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,, 298.     (M.,Jan.  1811.) 

—  ADAMS  (John),  Saves  Fisheries. — 
See  FISHERIES. 

89.  ADAMS    (John),  Views  on  English 

Constitution.-— While  Mr.  Adams  wasVice- 
President,  and  I  Secretary  of  State,  I  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  President  Washington, 
then  at  Mount  Vernon,  desiring  me  to  call  to 


gether  the  Heads  of  Departments,  and  to  in 
vite  Mr.  Adams  to  join  us  (which,  by-the-bye, 
was  the  only  instance  of  that  being  done)  in 
order  to  determine  on  some  measure  which 
required  despatch;  and  he  desired  me  to  act 
on  it,  as  decided,  without  again  recurring  to 
him.  I  invited  them  to  dine  with  me,  and 
after  dinner,  sitting  at  our  wine,  having  set 
tled  our  question,  other  conversation  came  on, 
in  which  a  collision  of  opinion  arose  between 
Mr.  Adams  and  Colonel  Hamilton,  on  the 
merits  of  the  British  Constitution,  Mr.  Ad 
ams  giving  it  as  his  opinion,  that,  if  some  of 
its  defects  and  abuses  were  corrected,  it 
would  be  the  most  perfect  constitution  of 
government  ever  devised  by  man.  Hamilton, 
on  the  contrary,  asserted,  that  with  its  exist 
ing  vices,  it  was  the  most  perfect  model  of 
government  that  could  be  formed;  and  that 
the  correction  of  its  vices  would  render  it  an 
impracticable  government.  And  this  you  may 
be  assured  was  the  real  line  of  difference  be 
tween  the  political  principles  of  these  two 
gentlemen.  Another  incident  took  place  on 
the  same  occasion,  which  will  further  deline 
ate  Mr.  Hamilton's  political  principles.  The 
room  being  hung  around  with  a  collection  of 
the  portraits  of  remarkable  men,  among  them 
were  those  of  Bacon,  Newton  and  Locke. 
Hamilton  asked  me  who  they  were.  I  told 
him  they  were  my  trinity  of  the  three  great 
est  men  the  world  had  ever  produced,  naming 
them.  He  paused  for  some  time :  "  The 

Greatest  man,"  said  he,  "  that  ever  lived,  was 
ulius  Caesar."  Mr.  Adams  was  honest  as  a 
politician  as  well  as  a  man ;  Hamilton  honest 
as  a  man,  but,  as  a  politician,  believing  in  the 
necessity  of  either  force  or  corruption  to 
govern  men.  To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  v, 
559.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  295.  (M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

90.  ADAMS    (John),  Washington  and. 
— General  Washington  certainly  did  not  love 
Mr.    Adams. — To    DR.    BENJAMIN    RUSH,     iv, 
508.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  265.     (W.,   1803.) 

91.  ADAMS      (John),    Writings     of.— I 
have  read  your  book  with   infinite  satisfaction 
and    improvement.     It    will    do    great    good    in 
America.     Its  learning  and  its  good  sense  will. 
I  hope,  make  it  an  institute  for  our  politicians, 
old  as  well   as  young. — To    JOHN    ADAMS,     ii, 
128.     (P.,  1787.) 


92. 

paper 


I    enclose    you    a    Boston 
You  will   recognize   Mr.  A.- 


under  the  signature  of  "  Camillus.  "  He  writes 
in  every  week's  paper  now  and  generally  under 
different  signatures  This  is  the  first  in  which 
he  has  omitted  some  furious  incartade  against 
me. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  53.  FORD  ED.. 
vi,  402.  (Pa.,  Sept.  1793.) 

—  ADAMS  (Mrs.  John),  Correspond 
ence  with. — See  APPENDIX. 

93.  ADAMS  (John  Quincy),  Early 
Promise. — This  young  gentleman  is  I  think 
very  promising.  To  a  vast  thirst  after  ^useful 
knowledge  he  adds  a  facility  in  acquiring  it. 
What  his  judgment  may  be  I  am  not  well 
enough  acquainted  with  him  to  decide ;  but  I 
expect  it  is  good,  and  much  hope  it,  as  he 
may  become  a  valuable  and  useful  citizen. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  42.  (P.,  1785.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Adams  (John  Quincy) 
Addresses 


94.  ADAMS      (John     Quincy),    Foreign 
Minister. — The  nomination  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  to  Berlin,  had  been  objected  to  as  ex 
tending   our   diplomatic   establishment.     It   was 
approved  by   eighteen   to   fourteen. — To   JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,    179.     FORD   ED.,  vii,    132.     (Pa., 
June  I797-) 

95.  ADAMS      (John     Quincy),   Respect 
for. — I  have  never  entertained  for  Mr.  Adams 
any  but  sentiments  of  esteem  and  respect ;  and 
if  we  have  not  thought  alike  on  political  sub 
jects,   I   yet  never  doubted  the  honesty  of  his 

opinions. — To   .     vii,    432.     (M., 

1826.)    See   EMBARGO. 

96.  ADAMS     (John   Quincy),  Secretary 
of  State. — I  have  barely  left  myself  room  to 
express  my  satisfaction  at  your  call  to  the  im 
portant  office  *  you  hold,  and  to  tender  you  the 
assurance   of   my   great   esteem   and   respect. — 
To    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS,     vii,    90.     (1817.) 

97. .  I  congratulate  Mrs.  Adams 

and  yourself  on  the  return  of  your  excellent 
and  distinguished  son,  and  our  country  still 
more  on  such  a  minister  of  their  foreign 
affairs. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  83.  FORD  ED. 
(1817.) 

98.  ADAMS  (Samuel),  Ability. —He  was 
truly  a  great  man,  wise  in  council,  fertile  in 
resources,    immovable   in   his   purposes,    and 
had,  I  think,  a  greater  share  than  any  other 
member,  in  advising  and  directing  our  meas 
ures    in    the    northern    war   especially.  *  *  * 
Although  not  of  fluent    elocution,    he    was 
so  rigorously  logical,  so  clear  in  his  views, 
abundant  in  good  sense,  and  master  always 
of  his  subject,  that  he  commanded  the  most 
profound  attention  whenever  he  rose  in  an 
assembly  by  which  the  froth  of  declamation 
was  heard  with  the  most  sovereign  contempt. 
— To   S.   A.   WELLS,    vii,   126.    FORD  ED.,  x, 
131.    (M..  1819.) 

99.  ADAMS      (Samuel),    Patriarch     of 
Liberty. — I   addressed  a  letter  to  you,   my 
very  dear  and  ancient  friend,  on  the  4th  of 
March ;    not    indeed    to    you    by    name,    but 
through  the  medium  of  some  of  my  fellow 
citizens,  whom  occasion  called  on  me  to  ad 
dress.     In  meditating  the  matter  of  that  ad 
dress,  I  often  asked  myself,  is  this  exactly  in 
the  spirit  of  the  patriarch  of  liberty,  Samuel 
Adams?    Is  it  as  he  would  express  it?    Will 
he  approve  of  it?     I  have  felt  a  great  deal 
for  our  country  in  the  times  we  have  seen. 
But,   individually,    for   no   one    so   much   as 
yourself.     When  I  have  been  told  that  you 
were  avoided,  insulted,  frowned  on,  I  could 
not  but  ejaculate,  "  Father,  forgive  them,  for 
they  know  what  they  do."     I  confess  I  felt 
an  indignation  for  you,  which  for  myself  I 
have  been  able,  under  every  trial,  to  keep  en 
tirely  passive.  *     *     How  much  I  lament 
that  time  has  deprived  me  of  your  aid.     It 
would  have  been  a  day  of  glory  which  should 
have  called  you  to  the  first  office  of  the  Ad 
ministration.     But  give  us  your  counsel,  and 
give  us  your  blessing,  and  be  assured  that 
there  exists  not  in  the  heart  of  man  a  more 
faithful  esteem  than  mine  to  you. — To  SAM 
UEL  ADAMS,    iv,  389.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  38    (W., 
1801.) 

*  Secretary  of  State.— EDITOR. 


100.  ADAMS    (Samuel),  Principles  of.— 

His  principles,  founded  on  the  immovable  ba 
sis  of  equal  right  and  reason,  have  continued 
pure  and  unchanged.  Permit  me  to  place 
here  my  sincere  veneration  for  him. — To 
JAMES  SULLIVAN,  iv,  169.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
118.  (M.,  1797.) 

101. .     Your  principles  have  been 

tested  in  the  crucible  of  time,  and  have  come 
out  pure.  You  have  proved  that  it  was  mon 
archy,  and  not  merely  British  monarchy,  you 
opposed. — To  SAMUEL  ADAMS,  iv,  321.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  425.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

102.  ADAMS     (Samuel),  Services   of.— 

I  always  considered  him  as  more  than  any 
other  member  [in  Congress]  the  fountain  of 
our  important  measures.  And  although  he 
was  neither  an  eloquent  nor  easy  speaker, 
whatever  he  said  was  sound,  and  commanded 
the  profound  attention  of  the  House.  In  the 
discussions  on  the  floor  of  Congress  he  re 
posed  himself  on  our  main  pillar  in  debate, 
Mr.  John  Adams.  These  two  gentlemen  were 
verily  a  host  in  our  councils. — To  DR.  BEN 
JAMIN  WATERHOUSE.  FORD  ED.,  x,  124.  (M., 
1819.) 

—  ADDRESS,  History  of  Washington's 
Farewell.— See  WASHINGTON. 

—  ADDRESS,  Jefferson  to  Inhabitants 
of  Albemarle  Co.,Va. — See  APPENDIX. 

103.  ADDRESSES,  Indiscreet  Political. 
— Indiscreet  declarations  and  expressions  of 
passion  may  be  pardoned  to  a  multitude  act 
ing  from  the  impulse  of  the  moment.     But 
we  cannot  expect  a  foreign  nation  to  show 
that  apathy  to  the  answers  of  the  President 
[Adams]  which  are  more  thrasonic  than  the 
addresses.     Whatever  choice  for  peace  might 
have  been  left  us  *  *  *  is  completely  lost  by 
these  answers. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  238. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  247.     (Pa.,  May  1798.) 

104.  ADDRESSES,    Self  Respect  and.— 

Though  the  expressions  of  good  will  from 
my  fellow  citizens  cannot  but  be  grateful  to 
me,  yet  I  would  rather  relinquish  the  grati 
fication,  and  see  republican  self-respect  pre 
vail  over  movements  of  the  heart  too  capable 
of  misleading  the  person  to  whom  they  are 
addressed.  However,  their  will,  not  mine,  be 
done. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
28.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

—  ADDRESSES,  Text  of  Jefferson's  In 
augural  Addresses. — See  APPENDIX.  * 

105.  ADDRESSES,  Threatening  Replies 
to. — Nor   is    it   France   alone,   but   his   own 
fellow    citizens,     against     whom     President 
[Adams's]threats   are   uttered.      In   Fennof's 
paper]  *  *  *  you   will    see   one,    wherein   he 
says  to  the  address  from  Newark,  "  the  de 
lusions  and  misrepresentations    which    have 
misled  so  many  citizens,  must  be  discounte 
nanced  by  authority  as  well  as  by  the  citizens 
at  large,"  evidently  alluding  to  those  letters 
from  the  Representatives  to  their  constituents, 
which  they  have  been  so  in  the  habit  of  seek- 

*  The  principles  in  the  Inaugural  Addresses  are 
classified  in  this  work.— EDITOR. 


Addresses 
Adjournment 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


ing  after  and  publishing ;  while  those  sent  by 
the  tory  part  of  the  House  to  their  constit 
uents,  are  ten  times  more  numerous,  and  re 
plete  with  the  most  atrocious  falsehoods  and 
calumnies.  What  new  law  they  will  propose 
on  this  subject  has  not  yet  leaked  out.* — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.  '  iv,  239.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
247.  (Pa.,  May  1798.) 

106.  ADDRESSES,  Utilizing. — Averse  to 
receive  addresses,  yet  unable  to  prevent  them, 
I  have  generally  endeavored  to  turn  them  to 
some  account,  by  making  them  the  occasion, 
of  sowing  useful  truths  and  principles  among 
the  people,  which  might  germinate  and  be 
come  rooted  among  their  political  tenets. — To 
LEVI  LINCOLN,     iv,  427.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  129. 
(1802.) 

107.  ADJOURNMENT,    Congress    and. 

— A  bill  having  passed  both  houses  of  Con 
gress,  and  being  now  before  the  President, 
declaring  that  the  seat  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  shall  be  transferred  to  the  Potomac  in 
the  year  1790,  that  the  sessions  of  Congress 
next  ensuing  the  present  shall  be  held  in  Phila 
delphia,  to  which  place  the  offices  shall  be 
transferred  before  the  1st  of  December  next, 
a  writer  in  a  public  paper  of  July  13,  has  urged 
on  the  consideration  of  the  President,  that 
the  Constitution  has  given  to  the  two  houses 
of  Congress  the  exclusive  right  to  adjourn 
themselves ;  that  the  will  of  •  the  President 
mixed  with  theirs  in  a  decision  of  this  kind, 
would  be  an  inoperative  ingredient,  repug 
nant  to  the  Constitution,  and  that  he  ought 
not  to  permit  them  to  part,  in  a  single  in 
stance,  with  their  constitutional  rights  ;  conse 
quently,  that  he  ought  to  negative  the  bill. 
That  is  now  to  be  considered. 

Every  man,  and  every  body  of  men  on 
earth,  possesses  the  right  of  self-govern 
ment.  They  receive  it  with  their  being  from 
the  hand  of  nature.  Individuals  exercise  it 
by  their  single  will ;  collections  of  men  by 
that  of  their  majority;  for  the  law  of  the 
majority  is  the  natural  law  of  every  society 
of  men.  When  a  certain  description  of  men 
are  to  transact  together  a  particular  business, 
the  times  and  places  of  their  meeting  and 
separating,  depend  on  their  own  will;  they 
make  a  part  of  the  natural  right  of  self-gov 
ernment.  This,  like  all  other  natural  rights, 
may  be  abridged  or  modified  in  its  exercise 
by  their  own  consent,  or  by  the  law  of  those 
who  depute  them,  if  they  meet  in  the  right  of 
others;  but  as  far  as  it  is  not  abridged  or 
modified,  they  retain  it  as  a  natural  right,  and 
may  exercise  it  in  what  form  they  please, 
either  exclusively  by  themselves,  or  in  asso 
ciation  with  others,  or  by  others  altogether, 
as  they  shall  agree. 

Each  house  of  Congress  possesses  this  nat 
ural  right  of  governing  itself,  and.  conse 
quently,  of  fixing  its  own  times  and  places  of 
meeting,  so  far  as  it  has  not  been  abridged 
by  the  law  of  those  who  employ  them,  that  is 
to  say,  by  the  Constitution.  This  act  mani 
festly  considers  them  as  possessing  this  right 

*  Jefferson  added  a  P.  S.  suggesting  that  Adams 
may  have  been  looking  to  the  sedition  bill  that  had 
been  spoken  of.  —EDITOR 


of  course,  and,  therefore,  has  nowhere  given 
it  to  them.  In  the  several  different  passages 
where  it  touches  this  right,  it  treats  it  as  an 
existing  thing,  not  as  one  called  into  ex 
istence  by  them.  To  evince  this,  every  pass 
age  of  the  Constitution  shall  be  quoted,  where 
the  right  of  adjournment  is  touched;  and  it 
will  be  seen  that  no  one  of  them  pretends  to 
give  that  right;  that,  on  the  contrary,  every 
one  is  evidently  introduced  either  to  enlarge 
the  right  where  it  would  be  too  narrow,  to  re 
strain  it  where,  in  its  natural  and  full  exercise, 
it  might  be  too  large,  and  lead  to  inconven 
ience,  to  defend  it  from  the  latitude  of  its  own 
phrases,  where  these  were  not  meant  to  com 
prehend  it,  or  to  provide  for  its  exercise  by 
others,  when  they  cannot  exercise  it  them 
selves. 

"  A  majority  of  each  house  shall  constitute 
a  quorum  to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller  num 
ber  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may 
be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of 
absent  members."  Art.  I.  Sec.  5.  A  majority 
of  every  collection  of  men  being  naturally 
necessary  to  constitute  its'  will,  and  it  being 
frequently  to  happen  that  a  majority  is  not 
assembled,  it  was  necessary  to  enlarge  the 
natural  right  by  giving  to  "  a  smaller  num 
ber  than  a  majority  "  a  right  to  compel  the 
attendance  of  the  absent  members,  and,  in 
the  meantime,  to  adjourn  from  day  to  day. 
This  clause,  then,  does  not  pretend  to  give 
to  a  majority  a  right  which  it  knew  that 
majority  would  have  of  themselves,  but  to  a 
number  less  than  a  majority,  a  right  to  which 
it  knew  that  lesser  number  could  not  have  of 
themselves. 

"  Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Con 
gress,  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  other, 
adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any 
other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  houses 
shall  be  sitting."  Ibid.  Each  house  exercising 
separately  its  natural  right  to  meet  when  and 
where  it  should  think  best,  it  might  happen 
that  the  two  houses  would  separate  either  in 
time  or  place,  which  would  be  inconvenient. 
It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  keep  them  to 
gether  by  restraining  their  natural  right  of 
deciding  on  separate  times  and  places,  and 
by  requiring  a  concurrence  of  will. 

But,  as  it  might  happen  that  obstinacy,  or 
a  difference  of  object,  might  prevent  this  con 
currence,  it  goes  on  to  take  from  them,  in  that 
instance,  the  right  of  adjournment  altogether. 
and  to  transfer  it  to  another,  by  declaring, 
Art.  2.  Sec.  3,  that  "  in  case  of  disagreement 
between  the  two  houses,  with  respect  to  the 
time  of  adjournment,  the  President  may  ad 
journ  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think 
proper." 

These  clauses,  then,  do  not  import  a  gift, 
to  the  two  houses,  of  a  general  right  of  ad 
journment,  which  it  was  known  they  would 
have  without  that  gift,  but  to  restrain  or  ab 
rogate  the  right  it  was  known  they  would 
have,  in  an  instance  where,  exercised  in  its 
full  extent,  it  might  lead  to  inconvenience, 
and  to  give  that  right  to  another,  who  would 
not  naturally  have  had  it.  It  also  gives  to 
the  President  a  right,  which  he  otherwise 
would  not  have  had,  "  to  convene  both  houses. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Adjournment 


or  either  of  them,  on  extraordinary  occa 
sions."  Thus  substituting  the  will  of  another, 
where  they  are  not  in  a  situation  to  exercise 
their  own. 

"  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote,  to  which 
the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on 
a  question  of  adjournment),  shall  be  pre 
sented  to  the  President  for  his  approbation, 
&c.,  Art.  i.  Sec.  7.  The  latitude  of  the  gen 
eral  words  here  used  would  have  subjected 
the  natural  right  of  adjournment  of  the  two 
houses  to  the  will  of  the  President,  which  was 
not  intended.  They,  therefore,  expressly 
"  except  questions  of  adjournment "  out  of 
their  operation.  They  do  not  here  give  a 
right  of  adjournment,  which  it  was  known 
would  exist  without  their  gift,  but  they  de 
fend  the  existing  right  against  the  latitude 
of  their  own  phrases,  in  a  case  where  there 
was  no  good  reason  to  abridge  it.  The  ex 
ception  admits  they  will  have  the  right  of 
adjournment,  without  pointing  out  the  source 
from  which  they  will  derive  it. 

These  are  all  the  passages  of  the  Constitu 
tion  (one  only  excepted,  which  shall  be  pres 
ently  cited,)  where  the  right  of  adjournment 
is  touched ;  and  it  is  evident  that  none  of 
these  are  introduced  to  give  that  right ;  but 
every  one  supposes  it  to  be  existing,  and  pro 
vides  some  specific  modification  for  cases 
where  either  defeat  in  the  natural  right,  or  a 
too  full  use  of  it,  would  occasion  inconven 
ience. 

The  right  of  adjournment,  then,  is  not 
given  by  the  Constitution,  and  consequently 
it  may  be  modified  by  law  without  interfer 
ing  with  that  instrument.  It  is  a  natural 
right,  and,  like  all  other  natural  rights,  may 
be  abridged  or  regulated  in  its  exercise  by 
law  and  the  concurrence  of  the  third  branch 
in  any  law  regulating  its  exercise  is  so  ef 
ficient  an  ingredient  in  that  law,  that  the 
right  cannot  be  otherwise  exercised  but  after 
a  repeal  by  a  new  law.  The  express  terms  of 
the  Constitution  itself  show  that  this  right 
may  be  modified  by  law,  when,  in  Art.  i. 
Sec.  4.  (the  only  remaining  passage  on  the 
subject  not  yet  quoted)  it  says,  "  The  Con 
gress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every 
year,  and  such  meeting  shall  be  the  first  Mon 
day  in  December,  unless  they  shall,  by  law, 
appoint  a  different  day."  Then  another  day 
may  be  appointed  by  law;  and  the  President's 
assent  is  an  efficient  ingredient  in  that  law. 
Nay,  further,  they  cannot  adjourn  over  the 
first  Monday  of  December  but  by  a  law.  This 
is  another  constitutional  abridgment  of  their 
natural  right  of  adjournment;  and  complet 
ing  our  review  of  all  the  clauses  in  the  Con 
stitution  which  touch  that  right,  authorizes 
us  to  say  no  part  of  that  instrument  gives  it ; 
and  that  the  houses  hold  it.  not  from  the  Con 
stitution,  but  from  nature. 

A  consequence  of  this  is,  that  the  houses 
may,  by  a  joint  resolution,  remove  themselves 
from  place  to  place,  because  it  is  a  part  of 
their  right  of  self-government ;  but  that  as 
the  right  of  self-government  does  not  com 
prehend  the  government  of  others,  the  two 
houses  cannot,  by  a  joint  resolution  of  their 


majorities  only,  remove  the  Executive  and 
Judiciary  from  place  to  place.  These  branches 
possessing,  also,  the  rights  of  self-government 
from  nature,  cannot  be  controlled  in  the  ex 
ercise  of  them  but  by  a  law,  passed  in  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution  The  clause  of  the 
bill  in  question,  therefore,  was  necessary  to  be 
put  into  the  form  of  a  law,  and  to  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  President,  so  far  as  it  proposes 
to  effect  the  removal  of  the  Executive  and 
Judiciary  to  Philadelphia.  So  far  as  respects 
the  removal  of  the  present  houses  of  legisla 
tion  thither,  it  was  not  necessary  to  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  President ;  but  such  a  submis 
sion  is  not  repugnant  to  the  Constitution. 
On  the  contrary,  if  he  concurs,  it  will  so  far 
fix  the  next  session  of  Congress  at  Philadel 
phia  that  it  cannot  be  changed  but  by  a  reg 
ular  law. 

The  sense  of  Congress  itself  is  always  re 
spectable  authority.  It  has  been  given  very 
remarkably  on  the  present  subject.  The  ad 
dress  to  the  President  in  the  paper  of  the 
I3th,  is  a  complete  digest  of  all  the  arguments 
urged  on  the  floor  of  the  Representatives 
against  the  constitutionality  of  the  bill  now 
before  the  President ;  and  they  were  over 
ruled  by  a  majority  of  that  house,  compre 
hending  the  delegation  of  all  the  States  south 
of  the  Hudson,  except  South  Carolina.  At 
the  last  session  of  Congress,  when  the  bill 
for  remaining  a  certain  term  at  New  York, 
and  then  removing  to  Susquehanna,  or  Ger- 
mantown,  was  objected  to  on  the  same 
ground,  the  objection  was  overruled  by  a  ma 
jority  comprehending  the  delegations  of  the 
northern  half  of  the  Union  with  that  of 
South  Carolina.  So  that  the  sense  of  every 
State  in  the  Union  has  been  expressed,  by 
its  delegation,  against  this  objection,  South 
Carolina  excepted,  and  excepting  also  Rhode 
Island,  which  has  never  yet  had  a  delegation 
in  place  to  vote  on  the  question.  In  both 
these  instances,  the  Senate  concurred  with  the 
majority  of  the  Representatives.  The  sense 
of  the  two  houses  is  stronger  authority  in  this 
case,  as  it  is  given  against  their  own  supposed 
privilege. 

It  would  be  as  tedious,  as  it  is  unnecessary, 
to  take  up  and  discuss  one  by  one,  the  ob 
jects  proposed  in  the  paper  of  July  13.  Every 
one  of  them  is  founded  on  the  supposition 
that  the  two  houses  hold  their  right  of  ad 
journment  from  the  Constitution.  This  er 
ror  being  corrected,  the  objections  founded 
on  it  fall  of  themselves. 

It  would  also  be  work  of  mere  supereroga 
tion  to  show  that,  granting  what  this  writer 
takes  for  granted,  (that  the  President's  as 
sent  would  be  an  inoperative  ingredient,  be 
cause  excluded  by  the  Constitution,  as  ^  he 
says.)  yet  the  particular  views  of  the  writer 
would  be  frustrated,  for  on  every  hypothesis 
of  what  the  President  may  do.  Congress  must 
go  to  Philadelphia,  i.  If  he  assents  to  the 
bill,  that  assent  makes  good  law  of  the  part 
relative  to  the  Potomac ;  and  the  part  for 
holding  the  next  session  at  Philadelphia  is 
good,  either  as  an  ordinance,  or  a  vote  of  the 
two  houses,  containing  a  complete  declaration 
of  their  will  in  a  case  where  it  is  competent  to 


Ad j  ournment 

Administration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


16 


the  object;  so  that  they  must  go  to  Philadel 
phia  in  that  case.  2.  If  he  dissents  from  the 
bill,  it  annuls  the  part  relative  to  the  Poto 
mac;  but  as  to  the  clause  for  adjourning  to 
Philadelphia,  his  dissent  being  as  inneficient 
as  his  assent,  it  remains  a  good  ordinance,  or 
vote,  of  the  two  houses  for  going  thither, 
and  consequently  they  must  go  in  this  case 
also.  3.  If  the  President  withholds  his  will 
out  of  the  bill  altogether,  by  a  ten  day's  si 
lence,  then  the  part  relative  to  the  Potomac 
becomes  a  good  law  without  his  will,  and  that 
relative  to  Philadelphia  is  good  also,  either 
as  a  law,  or  an  ordinance,  or  a  vote  of  the 
two  houses ;  and  consequently  in  this  case 
also  they  go  to  Philadelphia. — OPINION  ON 
RESIDENCE  BILL,  vii,  495.  FORD  ED.,  v,  205. 
(July  1790.) 

108.  ADJOURNMENT,  Executives  and. 
— The   Administrator   shall   not   possess   the 
prerogative  *  *  *  of    dissolving,    proroguing, 
or  adjourning  either  House  of  Assembly. — 
PROPOSED  VA.    CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,   ii, 
18.     (June  1776.) 

109.  ADMINISTRATION,    Acceptable. 
— The  House  of  Representatives  having  con 
cluded  their  choice  of  a  person  for  the  chair 
of  the  United  States,  and  willed  me  that  of 
fice,  it  now  becomes  necessary  to  provide  an 
administration    composed    of   persons    whost 
qualifications    and  '  standing    have    possessed 
them    of   the   public   confidence,    and   whose 
wisdom  may  ensure  to  our  fellow  citizens  the 
advantage  they  sanguinely  expect. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,    iv,  356.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  495.  (W., 
Feb.  1801.)    See  CABINET. 

—  ADMINISTRATION,  John  Adams's. 
—See  57,  58,    142. 

110.  ADMINISTRATION,  Antagonism 
to. — I  have  received  many  letters  stating  to 
me  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  caricatures  which 
the  writers,  it  seems,  know  are  to  be  the  prin 
ciples  of  my  administration.    To  these  no  an 
swer  has  been  given,  because  the  prejudiced 
spirit  in  which  they  have  been  written  proved 
the  writers  not  in  a  state  of  mind  to  yield 
to  truth  or  reason.— To  WILLIAM  JACKSON. 
iv,  357-     (W.,  1801.) 

111.  ADMINISTRATION,      Arduous.— 
The  helm  of  a   free  government  is   always 
arduous,  and  never  was  ours  more  so,  than 
at  a  moment  when  two  friendly  peoples  are 
likely  to  be  committed  in  war  by  the  ill  tem 
per  of  their  administrations. — To  JAMES  SUL 
LIVAN,     iv,   168.     FORD  ED.,   vii,    117.      (M., 
Feb.  1797.) 

112.  ADMINISTRATION,      Confidence 
in. — In  a  government  like  ours  it  is  necessary 
to  embrace  in  its  administration  as  great  a 
mass  of  confidence  as  possible,  by  employing 
those  who  have  a  character  with  the  public, 
of  their  own,  and  not  merely  a  secondary  one 
through    the    Executive.  * — ANAS,      ix,    208. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  312.     (April,  1806.) 

113. .     On  the  whole,  I  hope  we 

shall  make  up  an  administration  which  will 
*  Answer  to  Aaron  Burr's  solicitations  for  an  office. 

—EDITOR. 


unite  a  great  mass  of  confidence,  and  bid  de 
fiance  to  the  plans  of  opposition  meditated 
by  leaders  who  are  now  almost  destitute  of 
followers. — To  HORATIO  GATES.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  ii.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

114.  ADMINISTRATION,  Confident.— 
The  important  subjects  of  the  government  I 
meet  with  some  degree  of  courage  and  con 
fidence,  because  I  do  believe  the  talents  to  be 
associated  with  me,  the  honest  line  of  conduct 
we   will    religiously    pursue    at    home    and 
abroad,  and  the  confidence  of  my  fellow  citi 
zens  dawning  on  us,  will  be  equal  to  these 
objects.— To  WILLIAM    B.    GILES,      iv,    380. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  25.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

115.  ADMINISTRATION,  Devoted.— If 

ever  the  earth  has  beheld  a  system  of  admin 
istration  conducted  with  a  single  and  stead 
fast  eye  to  the  general  interest  and  happiness 
of  those  committed  to  it,  one  which,  pro 
tected  by  truth,  can  never  know  reproach,  it 
is  that  to  which  our  lives  have  been  devoted. 
—To  JAMES  MADISON,  vii,  435.  FORD  ED., 
x,  378.  (M.,  1826.) 

116.  ADMINISTRATION,     Difficult.— 

Our  situation  is  difficult ;  and  whatever  we  do 
is  liable  to  the  criticism  of  those  who  wish 
to  represent  it  awry.  If  we  recommend 
measures  in  a  public  message,  it  may  be  said 
that  members  are  not  sent  here  to  obey  the 
mandates  of  the  President,  or  to  register  the 
edicts  of  a  sovereign.  If  we  express  opinions 
in  conversation,  we  have  then  our  Charles 
Jenkinsons,  and  back-door  counsellors.  If 
we  say  nothing,  "  we  have  no  opinions,  no 
plans,  no  cabinet."  In  truth,  it  is  the  fable 
of  the  old  man,  his  son  and  ass,  over  again. — 
To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  iv,  592.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
433-  (W.,  1806.) 

117.  ADMINISTRATION,  Disapproved. 
— There  was  but  a  single  act  of  my  whole 
administration  of  which  the  federal  party  ap 
proved.     That  was  the  proclamation  on  the 
attack  of  the  Chesapeake.    And  when  I  found 
they  approved  of  it,  I  confess  I  began  strongly 
to  apprehend  I  had  done  wrong,  and  to  ex 
claim  with  the  Psalmist,  "  Lord,  what  have  I 
done   that  the   wicked   should  praise   me." — 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,     vi,  63.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
359.     (M.,  1812.) 

118.  ADMINISTRATION,   Disinterest 
ed. — A  disinterestedness  administration  of  the 
public  trusts  is  essential  to  perfect  tranquillity 
of  mind. — To    SAMUEL    HAWKINS,      v,    392. 
(W.,  1808.) 

119.  ADMINISTRATION,  England  and 
the. — All  the  troubles  and  difficulties  in  the 
government  during  our  time  proceeded  from 
England;  at  least  all  others  were  trifling  in 
comparison    with    them. — To    HENRY    DEAR 
BORN,     v,  455.     (M.,  1809.) 

120.  ADMINISTRATION,  Errors  in.— 
It  is  our  consolation  and  encouragement  that 
we  are  serving  a  just  public,  who  will  be  in 
dulgent  to  any  error  committed  honestly,  and 
relating  merely  to  the  means  of  carrying  into 
effect  what  they  have  manifestly  willed  to  be  a 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Administration 


law. — To  W.  H.  CABELL.     v,  162.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  96.    (M.,  1807.)    See  ERROR. 

121.  ADMINISTRATION,  Foreign  Pol 
icy. — In  the  transaction  of  your  foreign  af 
fairs,   we   have   endeavored   to   cultivate   the 
friendship   of  all   nations,   and  especially  of 
those  with  which  we  have  the  most  important 
relations.     We  have  done  them  justice  on  all 
occasions,   favored    where    favor    was    law 
ful,  and  cherished  mutual  interests  and  inter 
course   on    fair   and   equal    terms.      We   are 
firmly  convinced,  and  we  act  on  that  convic 
tion,  that  with  nations,  as  with  individuals, 
our  interests  soundly  calculated,  will  ever  be 
found    inseparable    from   our   moral    duties; 
and  history  bears  witness  to  the  fact,  that  a 
just  nation  is  taken  on  its  word,  when  re 
course    is   had   to    armaments    and    wars    to 
bridle  others. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
viii,  40.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  343.    (1805.) 

122.  ADMINISTRATION,     Formalities 
and. — The  necessity  of  these  abridgments  of 
formalities   in   our   present   distant  situations 
requires  that  I  should  particularly  suggest  to 
you  the  expediency  of  desiring  General  Knox 
to  communicate  to  the  foreign  ministers  him 
self  directly  any  matters  relative  to  the  inter 
positions  of  his  department  through  the  gov 
ernors.     For  him  to  send  these  to  me  from 
Boston  to  this  place  [Monticello]  merely  that 
I  may  send  them  back  to  the  ministers  at 
Philadelphia  or  New  York,  might  be  an  in 
jurious    delay    of    business. — To    PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  435.     (M.,  Oct. 
I793-)     See  FORMALITIES. 

123.  ADMINISTRATION,    Fundamen 
tal  Principles.— To  cultivate  peace  and  main 
tain   commerce   and   navigation    in   all   their 
lawful  enterprises ;  to  foster  our  fisheries  and 
nurseries  of  navigation  and  for  the  nurture  of 
man,  and  protect  the  manufactures  adapted  to 
our  circumstances;  to  preserve  the  faith  of 
the  nation  by  an  exact  discharge  of  its  debts 
and   contracts,   expending  the  public  money 
with  the  same  care  and  economy  we  would 
practice  with  our  own,   and  impose  on  our 
citizens  no  unnecessary  burden ;  to  keep  in  all 
things  within  the  pale  of  our  constitutional 
powers,  and  cherish  the  Federal  Union  as  the 
only  rock  of  our  safety — these  are  the  land 
marks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves  in 
all  our  proceedings.     By  continuing  to  make 
these  our  rule  of  action,  we  shall  endear  to 
our  countrymen  the  true  principles  of  their 
Constitution,  and  promote  a  union  of  senti 
ment  and  of  action  equally  auspicious  to  their 
happiness  and  safety. — SECOND  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,   viii,  21.   FORDED.,  viii,  186.  (1802.)  See 
INAUGURAL  ADDRESSES,  APPENDIX. 

124.  -          — .   Our  wish  is  *  *  *  that  the 
public  efforts  may  be  directed  honestly  to  the 
public  good,   that  peace  be  cultivated,   civil 
and  religious  liberty  unassailed,  law  and  or 
der  preserved,  equality  of  rights  maintained, 
and  that  state  of  property,  equal  or  unequal, 
which  results  to  every  man  from  his  own  in 
dustry  or  that  of  his  fathers.— SECOND  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  44.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
347-     (1805.) 


125. .  That  all  should  be  satis 
fied  with  any  one  order  of  things  is  not  to  be 
expected,  but  I  indulge  the  pleasing  persua 
sion  that  the  great  body  of  our  citizens  will 
concur  in  honest  and  disinterested  efforts, 
which  have  for  their  object  to  preserve  the 
General  and  State  governments  in  their  con 
stitutional  form  and  equilibrium ;  to  maintain 
peace  abroad  and  order  and  obedience  to  the 
laws  at  home ;  to  establish  principles  and  prac 
tices  of  administration  favorable  to  the  se 
curity  of  liberty  and  prosperity,  and  to  re 
duce  expenses  to  what  is  necessary  for  the 
useful  purposes  of  government. — FIRST  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  15.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  125. 
(Dec.  1801.) 

126. .     Believing  that  (excepting 

the  ardent  monarchists)  all  our  citizens 
agreed  in  ancient  whig  principles,  I  thought 
it  advisable  to  define  and  declare  them,  and 
let  them  see  the  ground  on  which  we  could 
rally.  And  the  fact  proving  to  be  so,  that 
they  agree  in  these  principles,  I  shall  pursue 
them  with  more  encouragement. — To  GEN 
ERAL  HENRY  KNOX.  iv,  386.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
36.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

127.  ADMINISTRATION,  Good  Repub 
lican. — A  good  administration  in  a  republi 
can  government,   securing  to  us  our  dearest 
rights,  and  the  practical  enjoyment  of  all  our 
liberties,  can  never  fail  to  give  consolation  to 
the  friends  of  free  government,  and  mortifica 
tion  to  its  enemies. — R.  TO  A.  RHODE  ISLAND 
REPUBLICANS,     viii,  162.     (1809.) 

128.  ADMINISTRATION,       Harmoni 
ous. — That  there  is  only  one  minister  who  is 
not  opposed    to    me,    is    totally    unfounded. 
There  never  was  a  more  harmonious,  a  more 
cordial    administration,    nor  ever  a  moment 
when  it  has  been  otherwise.     And  while  dif 
ferences   of  opinion   have  been   always   rare 
among  us,   I  can  affirm,  that  as  to  present 
matters,  there  was  not  a  single  paragraph  in 
my  message  to  Congress,  or  those  supplement 
ary  to  it,  in  which  there  was  not  a  unanimity 
of  concurrence  in  the  members  of  the  admin 
istration. — To    WILLIAM    DUANE.      iv,    591. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  432.     (W.,  March  1806.) 

129.  ADMINISTRATION,       Hesitancy 
and. — On    every    question    the    lawyers    are 
about  equally  divided,  and  were  we  to  act  but 
in  cases  where  no  contrary  opinion  of  a  law 
yer  can  be  had,   we   should   never  act. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.     v,  369.     (M.,  1898.) 

130.  ADMINISTRATION,        Honest.— 

The  measures  of  my  administration  *  *  * 
have  been  pursued  with  honest  intentions,  un 
biased  by  any  personal  or  interested  views. — 
R.  TO  A.  WILMINGTON  CITIZENS,  viii,  149. 
(1809.) 

131.  ADMINISTRATION,  Indebted.— I 
do  not  mean,  fellow  citizens,  to  arrogate  to 
myself  the  merit  of  the  measures  [of  the  ad 
ministration]  ;  that  is  due,  in  the  first  place,  to 
the    reflecting   character   of   our    citizens    at 
large,  who,  by  the  weight  of  public  opinion, 
influence  and  strengthen  the  public  measures ; 
it  is  due  to  the  sound  discretion  with  which 


Administration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


18 


they  select  from  among  themselves  those  to 
whom  they  confide  the  legislative  duties;  it 
is  due  to  the  zeal  and  wisdom  of  the  char 
acters  selected,  who  lay  the  foundations  of 
public  happine  s  in  wholesome  laws,  the  ex 
ecution  of  which  alone  remains  for  others ; 
and  it  is  due  to  tl.e  able  and  faithful  auxil 
iaries,  whose  patriotism  has  associated  with 
me  in  the  executive  functions. — SECOND  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  43.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
345.  (1805.) 

132.  ADMINISTRATION,  Indulgence 
to.-— There  are  no  mysteries  in  the  public  ad 
ministration.  Difficulties  indeed  sometimes 
arise;  but  common  sense  and  honest  inten 
tions  will  generally  steer  through  them,  and, 
where  they  cannot  be  surmounted,  I  have  ever 
seen  the  well-intentioned  part  of  our  fellow 
citizens  sufficiently  disposed  not  to  look  for 
impossibilities.—  To  DR.  J.  B.  STUART,  vii, 
64.  (M.,  1817.) 

133. .     A    consciousness    that    I 

feel  no  desire  but  to  do  what  is  best,  without 
passion  or  predilection,  encourages  me  to 
hope  for  an  indulgent  construction  of  what  I 
do.— To  JOHN  PAGE,  iv,  377.  (W.,  1801.) 

—  ADMINISTRATION,  Madison's.— 
See  MADISON. 

134.  ADMINISTRATION,  Meritorious. 

—I  wish  support^from  no  quarter  longer  than 
my  object,  candidly  scanned  shall  merit  it; 
and  especially,  not  longer  than  I  shall  vig 
orously  adhere  to  the  Constitution. — To  BEN 
JAMIN  STODDERT.  iv,  360.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  400. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

135.  ADMINISTRATION,    Moderate.— 
I  am  very  much  in  hopes  we  shall  be  able  to 
restore  union  to  our  country.     Not,   indeed, 
that  the  federal  leaders  can  be  brought  over. 
They  are  invincibles;  but  I  really  hope  their 
followers  may.     The  bulk  of  these  last  were 
real    republicans,    carried    over  from  us  by 
French  excesses.     This  induced  me  to  offer 
a  political  creed  [in  the  inauguration  address], 
and  to  invite  to  conciliation  first;  and  I  am 
pleased  to  hear,  that  these  principles  are  rec 
ognized  by  them,  and  considered  as  no  bar 
of  separation.    A  moderate  conduct  through 
out  which  may  not  revolt  our  new  friends, 
and   which   may   give   them   tenets   with   us, 
must  be  observed.— To  JOHN  PAGE,    iv,  378. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

136.  ADMINISTRATION,  Public  Opin 
ion  and. — It  will  always  be  interesting  to  me 
to  know  the  impression  made  by  any  particu 
lar  thing  on   the  public  mind.     My  idea   is 
that  where  two  measures  are  equally  right,  it 
is  a  duty  to  the  people  to    adopt    that    one 
which  is  most  agreeable  to  them;  and  where 
a  measure  not   agreeable  to  them  has  been 
adopted,  it  is  desirable  to  know  it,  because  it 
is  an  admonition  to  a  review  of  that  measure 
to  see  if  it  has  been  really  right,  and  to  cor 
rect  it  if  mistaken. — To  WILLIAM   FINDLEY. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  27.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

137.  ADMINISTRATION,    Reasonable. 
— Unequivocal    in    principle,    reasonable    in 


manner,  we  shall  be  able,  1  hope,  to  do  a  great 
deal  of  good  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  har 
mony. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  392.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  43.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

138.  ADMINISTRATION,  Responsibil 
ity   and.— We   can   only   be   answerable   for 
the  orders  we  give  and  not  for  the  execution. 
If  they  are  disobeyed  from  obstinacy  of  spirit, 
or  want  of  coercion  in  the  laws,  it  is  not  our 
fault. — To  GENERAL  STEUBEN.     FORD  ED     ii 
492.     (R.,  1781.) 

139.  ADMINISTRATION,      Routine.— 

The  ordinary  affairs  of  a  nation  offer  little 
difficulty  to  a  person  of  any  experience. — To 
JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  252.  (W.,  1808.) 

140.  ADMINISTRATION,    Salutary.— 

I  am  sure  the  measures  I  mean  to  pursue 
are  such  as  would  in  their  nature  be  approved 
by  every  American  who  can  emerge  from  pre 
conceived  prejudices;  as  for  those  who  can 
not,  we  must  take  care  of  them  as  of  the  sick 
in  our  hospitals.  The  medicine  of  time  and 
fact  may  cure  some  of  them. — To  THEODORE 
FOSTER.  FORD  ED.,  viii.  50.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

141.  ADMINISTRATION,  Secrecy  in.— 

The  same  secrecy  and  mystery  are  affected  to 
be  observed  by  the  present,  which  marked  the 
former  administration. — To  AARON  BURR. 
iv,  185.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  147.  (Pa.,  June  1797.) 

142.  ADMINISTRATION,    Slip-shod.— 

The  administration  [of  Mr.  Adams]  had  no 
rule  for  anything. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iv, 
413.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  96.  (W.,  1801.) 

143.  ADMINISTRATION,      Successors 
in- — I  have  thought  it  right  to  take  no  part 
myself  in  proposing  measures,  the  execution 
of  which  will  devolve  on  my  successor. — To 
DR.  LOGAN,     v,  404.     (W.,  Dec.  1808.)   . 

144. .     I  should  not  feel  justified 

in  directing  measures  which  those  who  are  to 
execute  them    would    disapprove. — To    LEVI 
LINCOLN,     v,   387.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  227.    (W., 
Nov.  1808.) 

145. .     I   am   now   so   near   the 

moment  of  retiring,  that  I  take  no  part  in  af 
fairs  beyond  the  expression  of  an  opinion.  I 
think  it  fair  that  my  successor  should  now 
originate  those  measures  of  which  he  will  be 
charged  with  the  execution  and  responsibility, 
and  that  it  is  my  duty  to  clothe  them  with  the 
forms  of  authority. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v, 
420.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  243.  (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

146. .     I  hope  that  my  successor 

will  enter  on  a  calmer  sea  than  I  did.  He 
will  at  least  find  the  vessel  of  State  in  the 
hands  of  his  friends,  and  not  of  his  foes. — To 
RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON,  v,  257.  (W.,  1808.) 

147.  ADMINISTRATION,  Summary  of 
Jefferson's  first. — To  do  without  a  land 
tax,  excise,  stamp  tax  and  the  other  internal 
taxes,  to  supply  their  place  by  economies, 
so  as  still  to  support  the  government  prop 
erly,  and  to  apply  $7,300,000  a  year  steadily 
to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt;  to  dis 
continue  a  great  portion  of  the  expenses  on 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Administration 
Admiralty  Courts 


armies  and  navies,  yet  protect  our  country 
and  its  commerce  with  what  remains;  to 
purchase  a  country  as  large  and  more  fertile 
than  the  one  we  possessed  before,  yet  ask 
neither  a  new  tax,  nor  another  soldier  to  be 
added,  but  to  provide  that  that  country  shall 
by  its  own  income,  pay  for  itself  before  the 
purchase  money  is  due;  to  preserve  peace 
with  all  nations,  and  particularly  an  equal 
friendship  to  the  two  great  rival  powers, 
France  and  England,  and  to  maintain  the 
credit  and  character  of  the  nation  in  as  high 
a  degree  as  it  has  ever  enjoyed,  are  measures 
which  I  think  must  reconcile  the  great  body 
of  those  who  thought  themselves  our  ene 
mies;  but  were  in  truth  only  the  enemies 
of  certain  Jacobinical,  atheistical,  anarchical, 
imaginary  caricatures,  which  existed  only  in 
the  land  of  the  raw  head  and  bloody  bones, 
beings  created  to  frighten  the  credulous.  By 
this  time  they  see  enough  of  us  to  judge  our 
characters  by  what  we  do,  and  not  by  what 
we  never  did,  nor  thought  of  doing,  but  in 
the  lying  chronicles  of  the  newspapers. — To 
TIMOTHY  BLOODWORTH.  iv,  523.  (W.,  Jan. 
1804.) 

148.  ADMINISTRATION,       Temporiz 
ing.— Mild  laws,  a  people  not  used  to  prompt 
obedience,  a  want  of  provisions  of  war,  and 
means  of  procuring  them  render  our  orders 
often  ineffectual,  oblige  us  to  temporize,  and 
when  we  cannot  accomplish  an  object  in  one 
way  to  attempt  it  in  another.     Your  knowl 
edge  of  these  circumstances,  with  a  temper 
to  accommodate  them,    ensure    me    your    co 
operation  in  the  best  way  we  can,  when  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  pursue  the  way  we  would 
wish. — To    MAJOR   GENERAL    DE    LAFAYETTE. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  493.     (R.,  March  1781.) 

149.  ADMINISTRATION,     Tranquil.— 
The  path  we  have  to  pursue  is  so  quiet  that 
we  have  nothing  scarcely  to  propose  to  our 
Legislature.     A    noiseless    course,    not   med 
dling  with  the  affairs  of  others,  unattractive 
of  notice,   is   a  mark  that   society   is   going 
on   in  happiness. — To  THOMAS   COOPER,    iv, 
453.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  178.     (W.,  Nov.  1802.) 

150.  ADMINISTRATION,  Unmed- 
dling. — The  quiet  track  into  which  we  are 
endeavoring   to   get,    neither   meddling   with 
the  affairs  of  other  nations,  nor  with  those 
of  our  fellow  citizens,  but  letting  them  go 
on  in  their  own  way,  will  show  itself  in  the 
statement   of   our   affairs   to    Congress.— To 
DR    JOSEPH   PRIESTLEY.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   180. 
(W.,  Dec.  1802.) 

151.  ADMINISTRATION,     Unsuccess 
ful. — Two  measures  have  not  been  adopted, 
which  I  pressed  on  Congress  repeatedly  at 
their  meetings.     The  one,  to  settle  the  whole 
ungranted  territory  of  Orleans,  by  donations 
of  land  to  able-bodied  young  men,  to  be  en 
gaged  and  carried  there  at  the  public  expense, 
who  would  constitute  a  force  always  ready 
on  the   spot  to   defend   New   Orleans.     The 
other  was  to  class  the  militia  according  to  the 
years  of  their  birth,  and  make  all  those  from 
twenty  to  twenty-five  liable  to  be  trained  and 
called    into    service    at    a    moment's    warn- 


ng.  This  would  have  given  us  a  force  of 
;hree  hundred  thousand  young  men,  prepared 
}y  proper  training,  for  service  in  any  part 
of  the  United  States ;  while  those  who  had 
passed  through  that  period  would  remain  at 
lome,  liable  to  be  used  in  their  own  or  ad 
jacent  States.  Those  two  measures  would 
have  completed  what  I  deemed  necessary 
for  the  entire  security  of  our  country.  They 
would  have  given  me,  on  my  retirement  from 
the  government  of  the  nation,  the  consola 
tory  reflection,  that  having  found,  when  I 
was  called  to  it,  not  a  single  seaport  town 
in  a  condition  to  repel  a  levy  of  contribution 
by  a  single  privateer  or  pirate,  I  had  left 
every  harbor  so  prepared  by  works  and  gun 
boats,  as  to  be  in  a  reasonable  state  of  secur 
ity  against  any  probable  attack;  the  territory 
of  Orleans  acquired,  and  planted  with  an 
internal  force  sufficient  for  its  protection ;  and 
the  whole  territory  of  the  United  States  or 
ganized  by  such  a  classification  of  its  male 
force,  as  would  give  it  the  benefit  of  all  its 
young  population  for  active  service,  and  that 
of  a  middle  and  advanced  age  for  stationary 
defence.  But  these  measures  will.  I  hope, 
be  completed  by  my  successor. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  v,  507.  (M.,  Feb.  1810.) 

—  ADMINISTRATION,  Washington's. 
— See  WASHINGTON. 

152.  ADMINISTRATIONS,  British.— In 

general  the  [British]  administrations  are  so 
changeable,  and  they  are  obliged  to  descend 
to  such  tricks  to  keep  themselves  in  place, 
that  nothing  like  honor  or  morality  can  ever 
be  counted  on  in  transactions  with  them. — 
To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  465.  (M.,  Aug. 
1809.) 

153.  ADMINISTRATIONS,       Ill-temp 
ered. — We   have   received   a    report   that   the 
French  Directory  has  proposed  a  declaration 
of  war  against  the  United  States  to  the  Coun 
cil  of  Ancients,  who  have  rejected  it.     Thus 
we  see  two  nations,  who  love  one  another 
affectionately,   brought  by  the   ill   temper  of 
their  executive  administrations,   to  the  very 
brink  of  necessity  to  imbrue  their  hands  in 
the  blood  of  each  other. — To  AARON  BURR. 
iv,    187.      FORD   ED.,    vii,     148.      (Pa.,    June 
I/97-) 

154.  ADMIRALTY  COURTS,  Decisions 
of   British. — I    thank  you   for   the   case   of 
Demsey  vs.  the  Insurers,  which  I  have  read 
with  great  pleasure,   and    entire    conviction. 
Indeed  it  is  high  time  to  withdraw  all  respect 
from  courts  acting  under  the  arbitrary  orders 
of  governments  who  avow  a  total  disregard  of 
those  moral   rules  which  have  hitherto  been 
acknowledged  by  nations,   and   have   served 
to  regulate  and  govern  their  intercourse, 
should    respect   just   as    much   the    rules   of 
conduct  which  governed  Cartouche  or  Black- 
beard,  as  those  now  acted  on  by  France  or 
England.     If  your  argument   is  defective  in 
anything,  it  is  in  having  paid  to  the  antecedent 
decisions  of  the  British  Courts  of  Admiralty 
the  respect  of  examining  them  on  grounds  of 
reason;   and  not  having  rested  the  decision 
at  once  on  the  profligacy  of  those  tribunals, 


Admiralty  Courts 
Advice 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


20 


and  openly  declared  against  permitting  their 
sentences  to  be  ever  more  quoted  or  listened 
to  until  those  nations  return  to  the  practice 
of  justice,  to  an  acknowledgment  that  there 
is  a  moral  law  which  ought  to  govern  man 
kind,  and  by  sufficient  evidences  of  contrition 
for  their  present  flagitiousness,  make  it  safe 
to  receive  them,  again  into  the  society  of  civi 
lized  nations.  I  hope  this  will  be  done  on  a 
proper  occasion.  Yet  knowing  that  religion 
does  not  furnish  grosser  bigots  than  law,  I 
expect  little  from  old  judges.  Those  now  at 
the  bar  may  be  bold  enough  to  follow  reason 
rather  than  precedent,  and  may  bring  that 
principle  on  the  bench  when  promoted  to 
it;  but  I  fear  this  effort  is  not  for  my  day. 
It  has  been  said  that  when  Harvey  discovered 
the  circulation  of  the  blood,  there  was  not 
a  physician  of  Europe  of  forty  years  of  age, 
who  assented  to  it.  I  fear  you  will  experi 
ence  Harvey's  fate;  but  it  will  become  law 
when  the  present  judges  are  dead. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,  v,  531.  (M.,  1810.) 

155.  ADMIRALTY  COURTS,  Jurisdic 
tion. — They  [Parliament]  have  extended  the 
jurisdiction   of   courts    of   admiralty   beyond 
their  ancient  limits. — DECLARATION  ON  TAK 
ING  UP  ARMS.    FORD  ED.,  i,  468.    (July  1775.) 

—  ADMISSION    OF    NEW    STATES.— 

See  STATES. 

156.  ADVERTISEMENTS,     Appreciat 
ed. — I  read  but  one  newspaper  and  that  *  *  * 
more  for  its  advertisements  than  its  news. — 
To  CHARLES  PINCKNEY.   vii,  180.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
162.     (M.,   1820.) 

157.  ADVERTISEMENTS,        Principle 
and. — I  think  it  might  be  well  to  advertise  my 
lands  at  Elkhill  for  sale,  and  therefore  enclose 
you  the   form   of  an   advertisement,   in   which, 
you    will    observe,    I    have    omitted    the    name 
of  the  proprietor,  which,   as  long  as  I   am  in 
public,   I   would  wish   to   keep   out  of  view  in 
everything  of  a  private  nature. — To   NICHOLAS 
LEWIS.     FORD  ED.,  v,  281.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

158.  ADVERTISEMENTS,   Truth   and. 

— Advertisements  contain  the  only  truths  to 
be  relied  on  in  a  newspaper. — To  NATHANIEL 
MACON.  vii,  in.  FORD  ED.,  x,  120.  (M., 
1819.) 

159.  ADVICE,  A  Duty.— -Duty  tells  me 
that  the  public  interest  is  so  deeply  concerned 
in  your  perfect  knowledge  of  the  characters 
employed   in   its  high   stations,   that  nothing 
should  be  withheld  which  can  give  you  useful 
information. — To    PRESIDENT    MADISON,     vi 
101.      (M.,  1813.) 

160.  ADVICE,  Friendship  in.— No  apol 
ogies  for  writing  or  speaking  to  me   freely 
are  necessary.     On  the  contrary,  nothing  my 
friends  can  do  is  so  dear  to  me,  and  proves 
to  me  their  friendship  so  clearly,  as  the  in 
formation  they  give  me  of  their  sentiments 
and    those    of    others    on    interesting    points 
where  I  am  to  act,   and  where  information 
and  warning  are  so  essential  to  excite  in  me 
that  due   reflection   which   ought  to   preced 
action.— To  WILSON   C.   NICHOLAS,    iv,   507 
FORD  EDV  viii,  248.    (M.,  1803.) 


161. .  I  always  consider  it  as 

he  most  friendly  service  which  can  be  ren- 
tered  me,  to  be  informed  of  anything  which 
s  going  amiss,  and  which  I  can  remedy. — 

To    WILSON    C.    NICHOLAS,    v,    400.     (W., 

1808.) 

162.  ADVICE,  A  Legacy  of.— Your  af- 
ectionate  mother  requests  that  I  would  ad 
dress  to  you,  as  a  namesake,  something  which 
night   have   a    favorable     influence    on    the 
course  of  life  you  have  to  run.     Few  words 
are  necessary,  with  good  dispositions  on  your 

)art.  Adore  God ;  reverence  and  cherish 
our  parents ;  love  your  neighbor  as  your 
self,  and  your  country  more  than  life.  Be 
ust;  be  true;  murmur  not  at  the  ways  of 
Providence — and  the  life  into  which  you 
may  have  entered  will  be  one  of  eternal  and 
neffable  bliss.  And  if  to  _the  dead  it  is  per 
mitted  to  care  for  the  things  of  this  world, 
every  action  of  your  life  will  be  under  my 
regard.  Farewell. — To  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 
GROTJAN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  287.  (M.,  1824.) 

163.  ADVICE,   Proffering.— How  easily 
we  prescribe  for  others  a  cure  for  their  diffi 
culties,  while  we  cannot  cure  our  own. — To 
JOHN    ADAMS,    vii,   201.     FORD   ED.,   x,    187. 
(M.,  1821.) 

164.  ADVICE,     Ten    Precepts      of.— A 

Decalogue    of  Canons    for    Observation    in 
Practical   Life: — 

1.  Never  put  off  till  to-morrow  what  you 
can  do  to-day. 

2.  Never  trouble  another  for  what  you  can 
do  yourself. 

3.  Never    spend    your    money   before    you 
have  it. 

4.  Never  buy  what  you  do  not  want,  be 
cause  it  is  cheap ;  it  will  be  dear  to  you. 

5.  Pride  costs  us  more  than  hunger,  thirst 
and  cold. 

6.  We  never  repent  of  having  eaten  too 
little. 

7.  Nothing    is    troublesome    that    we    do 
willingly. 

8.  How  much  pain  have  cost  us  the  evils 
which  have  never  happened. 

9.  Take    things    always    by    their    smooth 
handle. 

10.  When    angry,    count    ten,    before    you 
speak:      if    very     angry,     an     hundred.— To 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON  SMITH,     vii,  401.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  341.     (M.,  1825.) 

165.  ADVICE,  Thankful  for. — I  am  ever 
thankful  for  communications  which  may 
guide  me  in  the  duties  which  I  wish  to  per 
form  as  well  as  I  am  able.— To  JOHN  DICK 
INSON,  v,  29.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  8.  (W.,  1807.) 

166. .     I    have    always    received 

with  thankfulness  the  ideas  of  judicious  per 
sons  on  subjects  interesting  to  the  public. — 
To  BENJAMIN  STODDERT.  v,  426.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  246.  (W.,  1809.) 

167. •     In  all  cases  I  invite  and 

shall  receive  with  great  thankfulness  your 
opinion  and  that  of  others  on  the  course  of 
things,  and  particularly  in  the  suggestion  of 


21 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Advice 
Age 


characters  who  may  worthily  be  appointed. — 

TO    PlERREPONT    EDWARDS.       FORD   ED.,    Vlii,    45- 

(W.,  March  1801.) 

168. .  Far  from  arrogating  the 

office  of  advice,  no  one  will  more  passively 
acquiesce  in  it  than  myself. — To  JOHN  H. 
PLEASANTS.  vii,  346.  FORD  ED.,  x,  304.  (M., 
1824.) 

169.  ADVICE,  Valued.—!  value  no  act 
of  friendship  so  highly  as  the  communicating 
facts  to  me,  which  I  am  not  in  the  way  of 
knowing  otherwise,  and  could  not  therefore 
otherwise  guard  against. — To  W.  C.  NICHO 
LAS,  v,  260.  (W.,  1808.) 

170. .     It   is    impossible   for   my 

friends  ever  to  render  me  so  acceptable  a 
favor,  as  by  communicating  to  me,  without 
reserve,  facts  and  opinions.  I  have  none 
of  that  sort  of  self-love  which  winces  at 
it;  indeed,  both  self-love  and  the  desire  to 
do  what  is  best  strongly  invite  unreserved 
communication. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS. 
v,  48.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  32.  (W.,  1807.) 

171.  ADVICE,   Unbiased.— The  greatest 
favor  which  can  be  done  me  is  the  communi 
cation  of  the  opinions  of  judicious  men,  of 
men  who  do  not  suffer  their  judgments  to 
be  biased   by   either  interests   or  passions. — 
To  CHANDLER  PRICE,    v,  46.    (W.,  1807.) 

—  AERONAUTICS.— See  BALLOONS. 

172.  AFFECTION,  Early.— I    find    as    I 
grow  older,  that  I  love  those  most  whom  I 
loved  first. — To  MRS.  JOHN  BOLLING.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  412.     (P.,  1787.) 

173.  AFFECTION,  Of    friendship.— The 

happiest  moments  my  heart  knows  are  those 
in  which  it  is  pouring  forth  its  affections  to 
a  few  esteemed  characters. — To  MRS.  TRIST. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  331.  (P.,  1786.)  See  FRIEND 
SHIP. 

174.  AFFECTION,     Parental.— Is     not 

parental  love  the  strongest  affection  known? 
Is  it  not  greater  than  that  of  self-preserva 
tion?— NOTE,  i,  149.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  206.  (1778.) 

175. .     Although  parental  be  yet 

stronger  than  filial  affection.  *  *  *  . 
NOTE,  i,  150.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  207.  (1778.) 

176.  AFFECTION,  Patriotic.— My  affec 
tions  are  first  for  my  own  country,  and  then, 
generally,     for    all     mankind. — To   THOMAS 
LAW.    v,  556.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  293.     (M.,  1811.) 

177.  AFFECTION,  Rewarded   by.— The 

affection  of  my  countrymen  *  *  *  was 
the  only  reward  I  ever  asked  or  could  have 
felt. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  318.  FORD  ED., 
iii,  57.  (M.,  1782.)  See  FAMILY,  HOME. 

178.  AFFLICTION,     Consolation    in.— 
Tried  myself  in  the  school  of  affliction,  by  the 
loss    of    every    form    of    connection    which    can 
rive   the   human   heart,    I    know   well,    and    feel 
what   you   have   lost,   what  you  have   suffered, 
are    suffering,    and    have    yet    to    endure.     The 
same    trials    have    taught    me    that    for    ills    so 
immeasurable,    time    and    silence    are   the   only 
medicine.     I    will    not,    therefore,    by    useless 
condolences,    open    afresh   the    sluices   of   your 


grief,  nor,  although  mingling  sincerely  my  tears 
with  yours,  will  I  say  a  word  more  where  words 
are  vain. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  107.  FORD 
EU.,  x,  114.  (M.,  1818.) 

179.  AFFLICTION,  Schooled  in.— There 
is  no  degree  of  affliction,  produced  by  the  loss 
of  those  dear  to  us,  which  experience  has  not 
taught    me    to    estimate.     I    have    ever    found 
time  and  silence  the  only  medicine,  and  these 
but  assuage,  they  never  can  suppress,  the  deep 
drawn    sigh    which    recollection    forever   brings 
up,  until  recollection  and  life  are  extinguished 
together. — To     JOHN     ADAMS,     vi,     221.     (M., 
1813.) 

180.  AFFLICTION,  Sympathy  in.— Long 
tried  in  the  same  school  of  affliction,   no  loss 
which  can  rend  the  human  heart  is  unknown  to 
mine ;  and  a  like  one  particularly,  at  about  the 
same  period  in  life,  had  taught  me  to  feel  the 
sympathies  of  yours.    The  same  experience  has 
proved   that   time,    silence   and   occupation   are 
its   only   medicines. — To   GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE. 
v,  520.     (M.,   1810.) 

—  AFRICAN     SLAVE     TRADE.— See 

SLAVERY. 

181.  AGE,  Advancing.— Being  very  sen 
sible  of  bodily  decays  from  advancing  years, 
I  ought  not  to  doubt  their  effect  on  the 
mental  faculties.  To  do  so  would  evince 
either  great  self-love  or  little  observation  of 
what  passes  under  our  eyes;  and  I  shall  be 
fortunate  if  I  am  the  first  to  perceive  and 
to  obey  this  admonition  of  nature. — To  MR. 
WEAVER,  v,  88.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

182.  AGE,  Change  and.— I  am  now  of  an 

age  which  does  not  easily  accommodate  itself 
to  new  manners  and  new  modes  of  living. — 
To  BARON  GEISMER.  i,  427.  (P.,  1785.) 

183.  AGE,  Deformity  in.— Man,  like  the 
fruit  he  eats,  has  his  period  of  ripeness.    Like 
that,  too,  if  he  continues  longer  hanging  to 
the  stem,  it  is  but  an  useless  and  unsightly 
appendage. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,     vii,  214. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  191.     (M.,  1821.) 

184.  AGE,  Desire  in.— Tranquillity  is  the 
summum  bonum  of  old  age. — To    MARK   L. 
HILL,   vii,  154.    (M.,  1820.) 

185.  AGE,    Dread   of   old. — I   have   ever 
dreaded   a   doting  old  age;    and   my  health 
has  been  generally  so  good,  and  is  now  so 
good,  that  I  dread  it  still.     The  rapid  decline 
of  my  strength  during  the  last  winter  has 
made   me   hope   sometimes   that   I    see   land. 
During  the  summer  I  enjoy  its  temperature, 
but  I  shudder  at  the  approach  of  winter,  and 
wish  I  could  sleep  through  it  with  the  dor 
mouse,  and  only  wake  with  him  in  the  spring, 
if  ever. — To  JOHN   ADAMS,    vii,   244.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  216.    (M.,  1822.) 

186.  AGE,  Duty  in  old.— Nothing  is  more 
incumbent  on  the  old,  than  to  know  when 
they    should   get   out   of   the   way,    and    re 
linquish  to  younger  successors  the  honors  they 
can  no  longer  earn,  and  the  duties  they  can 
no  longer  perform. — To  JOHN  VAUGHAN.     vi, 
417.     (M.,  1815.) 

187.  —         — .     I  resign  myself  cheerfully 
to  the  managers  of  the  ship,  and  the  more 


Age 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


22 


contentedly,  as  I  am  near  the  end  of  my  voy 
age. — To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii,  342.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  300.  (M.,  1824.) 

188.  AGE,     Evils   of    protracted.— The 

solitude  in  which  we  are  left  by  the  death  of 
our  friends  is  one  of  the  great  evils  of  pro 
tracted  life.  When  I  look  back  to  the  days  of 
my  youth,  it  is  like  looking  over  a  field  of 
battle.  All,  all  dead !  and  ourselves  left  alone 
midst  a  new  generation  whom  we  know  not, 
and  who  know  not  us. — To  FRANCIS  A.  VAN 
DER  KEMP.  FORD  ED.,  x,  337.  (M.,  1825.) 

189.  AGE,  Fear  of  old.— -My  only  fear  is 
that  I  may  live  too   long.     This   would  be 
a    subject    of    dread    to    me. — To     PHILIP 
MAZZEI.     FORD    ED.,    viii,    15.     (M.,    March 
1801.) 

190.  AGE,  Insensible  to. — It  is  wonder 
ful  to  me  that  old  men  should  not  be  sensible 
that  their  minds  keep  pace  with  their  bodies 
in  the  progress  of  decay.    Our  old   revolu 
tionary    friend    Clinton,    for    example,      who 
was   a  hero,   but   never    a    man    of    mind, 
is    wonderfully    jealous    on    this    head.     He 
tells  eternally  the  stories  of  his  younger  days 
to    prove    his    memory,    as    if    memory    and 
reason  were  the  same  faculty.     Nothing  be 
trays   imbecility    so  much  as  the  being  in 
sensible  of  it.     Had  not  a  conviction  of  the 
danger    to    which    an    unlimited    occupation, 
of  the  Executive  chair  would  expose  the  re 
publican    constitution    of    our    government, 
made  it  conscientiously  a  duty  to  refuse  when 
I  did,  the  fear  of  becoming  a  dotard,  and  of 
being  insensible  of  it,  would  of  itself  have 
resisted  all  solicitations  to  remain. — To  DR. 
BENJAMIN  RUSH,    vi,  3.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  328. 
(P.F.,  1816.) 

191.  AGE,    Offerings   of. — Good    wishes 
are  all  an  old   man  has  to  offer  to  his  country 
or  friends. — To  THOMAS  LAW.    v,  557.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  293.    (M.,  1811.) 

192.  AGE,  Oppressed  by.-— The  hand  of 
age   is   upon   me.     All   my   old    friends   are 
nearly  gone.     Of  those  in  my  neighborhood, 
Mr.  Divers  and  Mr.  Lindsay  alone  remain. 
If  you   could   make   it   a    panic  quarree,     it 
would  be  a  comfort  indeed.     We  would  be 
guile  our  lingering  hours  with  talking  over 
our  youthful  exploits,  our  hunts  on  Peter's 
mountain,  with  a  long  train  of  et  cetera,  in 
addition,   and   feel,   by   recollection  at  least, 
a  momentary  flash  of  youth.     Reviewing  the 
course  of  a  long  and  sufficiently  successful 
life,  I  find  in  no  portion  of  it  happier  mo 
ments  than  those  were. — To  JAMES  MAURY. 
vi,  54.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  351.    (M.,  1812.) 

193. .     The  hand  of  age  is  upon 

me.  The  decay  of  bodily  faculties  apprizes  me 
that  those  of  the  mind  cannot  be  un 
impaired,  had  I  not  still  better  proofs.  Every 
year  counts  my  increased  debility,  and  depart 
ing  faculties  keep  the  score.  The  last  year 
it  was  the  sight,  this  it  is  the  hearing,  the 
next  something  else  will  be  going,  until  all 
is  gone.  Of  all  this  I  was  sensible  before  I 
left  Washington,  and  probably  my  fellow 
laborers  saw  it  before  I  did.  The  decay  of 


memory  was  obvious ;  it  is  now  become  dis 
tressing.  But  the  mind,  too,  is  weakened. 
When  I  was  young,  mathematics  was  the 
passion  of  my  life.  The  same  passion  has 
returned  upon  me,  but  with  unequal  powers. 
Processes  which  I  then  read  off  with  the 
facility  of  common  discourse,  now  cost  me 
labor,  and  time,  and  slow  investigation. 
When  I  offered  this,  therefore,  as  one  of  the 
reasons  deciding  my  retirement  from  office, 
it  was  offered  in  sincerity  and  a  conscious 
ness  of  truth.  And  I  think  it  a  great  blessing 
that  I  retain  understanding  enough  to  be 
sensible  how  much  of  it  I  have  lost,  and  to 
avoid  exposing  myself  as  a  spectacle  for  the 
pity  of  my  friends;  that  I  have  surmounted 
the  difficult  point  of  knowing  when  to  retire. 
As  a  compensation  for  faculties  departed, 
nature  gives  me  good  health,  and  a  perfect 
resignation  to  the  laws  of  decay  which  she 
has  prescribed  to  all  the  forms  and  combina 
tions  of  matter. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi, 
80.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  367.  (M.,  Oct.  1812.) 

194.  — - —  .     The  epistolary  industry 

*     *     is    gone    from    me.     The    aversion 

has  been  growing  on  me  for  a  considerable 
time,  and  now,  near  the  close  of  seventy- 
five,  is  become  almost  insuperable.  I  am 
much  debilitated  in  body,  and  my  memory 
sensibly  on  the  wane.  Still,  however,  I  en 
joy  good  health  and  spirits,  and  am  as  in 
dustrious  a  reader  as  when  a  student  at 
college.  Not  of  newspapers.  These  I  have 
discarded.  I  relinquish,  as  I  ought  to  do, 
all  intermeddling  with  public  affairs,  com 
mitting  myself  cheerfully  to  the  watch  and 
care  of  those  for  whom,  in  my  turn,  I  have 
watched  and  cared. — To  BENJAMIN  WATER- 
HOUSE,  vii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  x,  103.  (M.. 
1818.) 

195.  AGE,  Vigor  in.— It  is  objected  *  *  * 
that  Mr.  Goodrich  is  seventy-seven  years  of 
age ;  but  at  a  much  more  advanced  age,  our 
Franklin  was  the  ornament  of  human  nature. 
— To  THE  NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,     iv,  403. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  68.     (W.,   1801.) 

196.  AGE,    Warned     by.— Time,    which 
wears  all  things,  does  not  spare  the  energies 
of  body  and  mind  of  a  prcsque  octogenaire. 
While  I  could,  I  did  what  I  could,  and  now 
acquiesce    cheerfully    in    the    law    of    nature 
which,  by  unfitting  us  for  action,   warns  us 
to  retire  and  leave  to  the  generation  of  the 
day  the   direction  of   its   own   affairs.     The 
prayers   of   an   old   man    are   the   only   con 
tributions  left  in  his  power.     To  MRS.  K.  D. 
MORGAN.     FORD   ED.,    viii,   473.     (M.,    1822.) 

197. .     A  decline  of  health  at  the 

age  of  76,  was  naturally  to  be  expected,  and 
is  a  warning  of  an  event  which  cannot  be  dis 
tant,  and  whose  approach  I  contemplate  with 
little  concern ;  for  indeed,  in  no  circumstance 
has  nature  been  kinder  to  us,  than  in  the 
soft  gradations  by  which  she  prepares  us 
to  part  willingly  with  what  we  are  not  des 
tined  always  to  retain.  First  one  faculty 
is  withdrawn  and  then  another,  sight,  hear 
ing,  memory,  affection  and  friends,  filched 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Age 
Agriculture 


one  by  one,  till  we  are  left  among  strangers, 
the  mere  monuments  of  times,  facts,  and 
specimens  of  antiquity  for  the  observation  of 
the  curious. — To  MR.  SPAFFORD.  vii,  118. 
(M.,  1819.) 

198.  AGE,     Yielding    to.— I  am  not  the 
champion  called  for  by  our  present  dangers. 
"  Non    tali    auxilio,    nee    defcnsoribus    istis, 
tempus   eget."     A    waning   body,    a   waning 
mind,    and    waning    memory,    with    habitual 
ill  health  warn  me  to  withdraw  and    relinquish 
the  arena  to  younger  and  abler  athletes.     I 
am   sensible  myself,   if  others  are  not,   that 
this  is  my  duty.    If  my  distant  friends  know 
it  not,  those  around  me  can  inform  them  that 
they  should  not,  in  friendship,  wish  to  call 
me  into  conflicts,  exposing  only  the  decays 
which  nature  has  inscribed  among  her  un 
alterable    laws,    and    injuring    the    common 
cause  by  a  senile  and  puny  defence. — To  C. 
W.  GLOOCH.    vii,  430.     (M.,  1826.)  See  LIFE. 

—  AGENTS.— See  FOREIGN  AGENTS. 

199.  AGGRESSION,     Condemned.— We 

did  not  invade  their  [the  British  peoples']  is 
land,  carrying  death  or  slavery  to  its  inhabit 
ants. — DECLARATION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  475.  (July  1775.) 

200.  AGGRESSION,     Encouraging.— It 
is  to  be  lamented  that  any  of  our  citizens,  not 
thinking  with  the  mass  of  the  nation  as  to  the 
principles  of  our  government,  or  of  its  ad 
ministration,   and   seeing  all    its   proceedings 
with  a  prejudiced  eye,  should  so  misconceive 
and  misrepresent  our  situation  as  to  encourage 
aggressions  from  foreign  nations.     Our  ex 
pectation    is,    that    their    distempered    views 
will  be  understood  by  others  as  they  are  by 
ourselves;    but    should    wars   be    the    conse 
quence  of  these  delusions,  and  the  errors  of 
our  dissatisfied  citizens  find  atonement  only 
in  the  blood  of  their  sounder  brethren,  we 
must  meet  it  as  an  evil  necessarily  flowing 
from   that  liberty   of   speaking   and    writing 
which    guards    our    other    liberties. — R.    TO 
PHILADELPHIA      DEMOCRATIC      REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  128.     (May  1808.) 

—  AGGRESSION,  Equal  Rights  and.— 
See  RIGHTS. 

201.  AGGRESSION,        Maritime.— The 
ocean,   which,   like   the   air,    is   the   common 
birthright  of  mankind,  is  arbitrarily  wrested 
from  us,  and  maxims,  consecrated  by  time, 
by  usage,  and  by  an  universal  sense  of  right, 
are   trampled   on  by   superior   force. — R.    TO 
A.    N.    Y.    TAMMANY    SOCIETY,     viii,    127. 
(1808.)     See  OCEAN. 

202.  AGGRESSION,   Military.— We  did 

not  embody  a  soldiery  to  commit  aggression 
on  them  [the  British  people]. — DECLARATION 
ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  475. 
(July  1775.) 

203.  AGGRESSION,       Prohibited.— We 

will  not  permit  aggressions  to  be  committed 
on  our  part,  against  which  we  remonstrated  to 
Spain  on  her  part. — To  ROBERT  SMITH,  v, 
368.  (M.,  Sep.  1808.) 


204.  AGGRESSION,  Punishment  for.— 

The  interests  of  a  nation,  when  well  un 
derstood,  will  be  found  to  coincide  with 
their  moral  duties.  Among  these  it  is  an  im 
portant  one  to  cultivate  habits  of  peace  and 
friendship  with  our  neighbors.  To  do  this 
we  should  make  provisions  for  rendering 
the  justice  we  must  sometimes  require  from 
them.  I  recommend,  therefore,  to  your  con 
sideration  whether  the  laws  of  the  Union 
should  not  be  extended  to  restrain  our  citi 
zens  from  committing  acts  of  violence  within 
the  territories  of  other  nations,  which  would 
be  punished  were  they  committed  within  our 
own.* — PARAGRAPHS  FOR  PRESIDENT'S  MES 
SAGE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  119.  (1792.)  See  FILI 
BUSTERS. 

205.  AGITATION,     Necessity    for.— In 
peace  as  well  as  in  war,  the  mind  must  be 
kept    in    motion. — To    MARQUIS    LAFAYETTE. 
vii,  325.     FORD  ED.,  x,  280.     (M.,  1823.) 

206.  AGITATION,      Submission.— The 
force  of  public  opinion  cannot  be   resisted, 
when  permitted  freely  to  be  expressed.     The 
agitation  it  produces  must  be  submitted  to. 
It  is  necessary  to  keep  the  waters  pure. — To 
MARQUIS    LAYFAYETTE   vii,    325.     FORD    ED, 
x,  280.     (M.,   1823.) 

207.  AGRARIANISM,     Laws    of.— The 

tax  on  importations  *  *  *  falls  exclu 
sively  on  the  rich,  and  with  the  equal  parti 
tion  of  intestates'  estates  constitutes  the  best 
agrarian  law. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v, 
584.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  321.  (M.,  1811.)  See 
ENTAILS,  PRIMOGENITURE,  MONOPOLY. 

208.  AGRICULTURE,  Art  of.— The  first 
and  most  precious  of  all  the  arts. — To  ROBERT 
R.  LIVINGSTON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  445.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

209.  AGRICULTURE,  Atmosphere  and. 

— The  atmosphere  is  certainly  the  great  work 
shop  of  nature  for  elaborating  the  fertilizing 
principles  and  insinuating  them  into  the  soil. 
It  has  been  relied  on  as  the  sole  means  of  re 
generating  our  soil  by  most  of  the  land-hold 
ers  in  the  canton  I  inhabit,  and  where  rest 
has  been  resorted  to  before  a  total  ex 
haustion,  the  soil  has  never  failed  to  recover. 
If,  indeed,  it  be  so  run  down  as  to  be  in 
capable  of  throwing  weeds  or  herbage  of  any 
kind,  to  shade  the  soil  from  the  sun,  it  either 
goes  off  in  gullies,  and  is  entirely  lost,  or 
remains  exhausted  till  a  growth  springs  up  of 
such  trees  as  will  rise  in  the  poorest  soils. 
Under  the  shade  of  these  and  the  cover  soon 
formed  of  their  deciduous  leaves,  and  a 
commencing  herbage,  such  fields  sometimes 
recover  in  a  long  course  of  years;  but  this 
is  too  long  to  be  taken  into  a  course  of  hus- 

*  Jefferson  subsequently  recast  these  paragraphs 
as  follows  :  "  All  observations  are  unnecessary  on 
the  value  of  peace  with  other  nations.  It  would  be 
wise  however,  by  timely  provisions,  to  guard  against 
those  acts  of  our  own  citizens,  which  might  tend  to 
disturb  it,  and  to  put  ourselves  in  a  condition  to  give 
satisfaction  to  foreign  nations,  which  we  may  some 
times  have  occasion  to  require  from  them.  I  particu 
larly  recommend  to  your  consideration  the  means  of 
preventing  those  aggressions  by  our  citizens  on  the 
territory  of  other  nations,  and  other  infractions  of 
the  law  of  nations,  which,  furnishing  just  subject  of 
complaint,  might  endanger  our  peace  with  them." 


Agriculture 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


bandry.  Not  so,  however,  is  the  term  within 
which  the  atmosphere  alone  will  reintegrate 
a  soil  rested  in  due  season.  A  year  of  wheat 
will  be  balanced  by  one,  two,  or  three  years 
of  rest  and  atmospheric  influence,  according 

to  the  quality  of  the  soil. — To iv,  224. 

(Pa.,  1798.) 

210.  AGRICULTURE,    Commerce    and. 
— With  honesty  and  self-government  for  her 
portion,    agriculture    may    abandon    content 
edly  to  others  the  fruits  of  commerce  and 
corruption. — To  HENRY  MIDDLETON.    vi,  91. 
(M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

211.  AGRICULTURE,  Corn  vs.  pastur 
age. — In  every  country  as  fully  peopled  as 
France,  it  would  seem  good  policy  to  encour 
age  the  employment  of  its  lands  in  the  cul 
tivation    of   corn    rather    than    in    pasturage, 
and  consequently  to  encourage  the  use  of  all 
kinds  of  salted  provisions,  because  they  can 
be   imported   from   other   countries. — To   M. 
NECKAR.    iii,  120.     (P.,  1789.) 

212.  AGRICULTURE,     Devastated.— A 

very  considerable  portion  of  this  country 
[trance]  has  been  desolated  by  a  hail  [storm] 
*  *  *  Great  contributions,  public  and 
private,  are  making  for  the  sufferers.  But 
they  will  be  like  the  drop  of  water  Lorn  the 
finger  of  Lazarus.  There  is  no  remedy  for 
the  present  evil,  .but  to  bring  the  people  to 
such  a  state  of  ease,  as  not  to  be  ruined 
by  the  loss  of  a  single  crop.  This  hail  may 
be  considered  as  the  coup  de  grace  to  an  ex 
piring  victim. — To  M.  DE  CREVECOEUR.  ii,  458. 
(P.,  Aug.  1788.) 

213.  AGRICULTURE,     Discrimination 

against. — Shall  we  permit  the  greatest  part 
of  the  produce  of  our  fields  to  rot  on  our 
hands,  or  lose  half  its  value  by  subjecting 
it  to  high  insurance,  [in  the  event  of  war,] 
merely  that  our  shipbuilders  may  have 
brisker  employ?  Shall  the  whole  mass  of 
our  farmers  be  sacrificed  to  the  class  of  ship 
wrights? — OFFICIAL  OPINION.  vii,  625. 
(I793-) 

214.  AGRICULTURE,    Encouragement 
of. — [The]  encouragement  of  agriculture,  and 
of     commerce     as     its     handmaid,     I     deem 
[one  of  the]  essential  principles  of  our  gov 
ernment  and,  consequently  [one]  which  ought 
to    shape    its    administration. — FIRST    INAU 
GURAL    ADDRESS,     viii,    4.     FORD   ED.,    viii,    5. 

(1821.) 

215.  AGRICULTURE,  Equilibrium  of. 

— An  equilibrium  of  agriculture,  manufactures 
and  commerce  is  certainly  become  essential  to 
our  independence. — To  JAMES  JAY.  v,  440. 
(M.,  1809.) 

216.  AGRICULTURE,     Freedom     of.— 
Agriculture,     manufactures,     commerce    and 
navigation,  the  four  pillars  of  our  prosperity, 
are  the  most  thriving  when  left  most  free  to 
individual  enterprise.    Protection  from  casual 
embarrassments,  however,  may  sometimes  be 
seasonably  interposed. — FIRST_  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,    viii,    13.     FORD   ED.,   viii,    123.     (Dec. 
1801.) 


217.  AGRICULTURE,  French  and  Eng 
lish. — I  traversed  England  much,   and  own 
both  town  and  country  fell  short  of  my  ex 
pectations.     Comparing    it    with    France,     I 
found  a  much  greater  proportion  of  barrens, 
a  soil,  in  other  parts,  not  naturally  so  good 
as  this,  not  better  cultivated,  but  better  ma 
nured,  and  therefore  more  productive.     This 
proceeds    from    the    practice    of   long    leases 
there,  and    short  ones  here. — To  JOHN  PAGE. 
i,  549.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  213.     (P.,  1786.) 

218.  AGRICULTURE,  Grasses.—!  send 
some   seeds   of  a  grass,    found  very  useful 
in   the   southern    part    of    Europe,    and    par 
ticularly,    and    almost    solely    cultivated    in 
Malta.     It  is  called  by  the  names  of  Sulla, 
and  Spanish  St.  Foin,  and  is  the  Hedysarum 
coronarium  of  Linnaeus.     It  is  usually  sown 
early    in    autumn. — To    WILLIAM    DRAYTON. 
i,   554-     (P,   1786.) 

219. .     I    send    a    little    Spanish 

San  Foin,  represented  to  me  as  a  very 
precious  grass  in  a  hot  country.  I  would 
have  it  sowed  in  one  of  the  vacant  lots  of  my 
grass  ground. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  344.  (P.,  1786.) 

220. .     I  am  much  obliged  to  you 

for  your  attention  to  my  trees  and  grass.  The 
latter  is  one  of  the  principal  pillars  on  which 
I  shall  rely  for  subsistence  when  I  shall  be  at 
liberty  to  try  projects  without  injury  to  any 
body. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
343.  (P,  1786.) 

221.  AGRICULTURE,  Happiness  and. 
—The  United  States  *  *  *  will  be  more 
virtuous,  more  free  and  more  happy,  em 
ployed  in  agriculture,  than  as  carriers  or  man— 
ufacturers.  It  is  a  truth,  and  a  precious  one 
for  them,  if  they  could  be  persuaded  of  it. — 
To  M.  DE  WARVILLE.  ii,  n.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
281.  (P.,  1786.) 

222. .     How    far   it    may   lessen 

our  happiness  to  be  rendered  merely  agricul 
tural;  how  far  that  state  is  more  friendly  to 
principles  of  virtue  and  liberty,  are  questions 
yet  to  be  solved. — To  HORATIO  GATES,  iv, 
213.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  205.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

223. .     In  general,  it  is  a  truth 

that  if  every  nation  will  employ  itself  in 
what  it  is  fittest  to  produce,  a  greater  quan 
tity  will  be  raised  of  the  things  contributing 
to  human  happiness,  than  if  every  nation  at 
tempts  to  raise  everything  it  wants  within  it 
self. — To  MR.  LASTEYRIE.  v,  315.  (W.,  1808.) 

224.  AGRICULTURE,  Hunting  and.— 
A  little  labor  in  the  earth  will  produce  more 
food  than  the  best  hunts  you  can  now  make, 
and   the   women   will   spin   and   weave   more 
clothing  than  the  men  can  procure  by  hunt 
ing.     We  shall  very  willingly  assist  you  in 
this  course  by  furnishing  you  with  the  neces 
sary  tools  and  implements,  and  with  persons 
to  instruct  you  in  the  use  of  them. — ADDRESS 
TO  CHICKASAWS.     viii,  199.     (1805.) 

225.  AGRICULTURE,   Income   from. — 

The  moderate  and  sure  income  of  husbandry 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Agriculture 


begets  permanent  improvement,  quiet  life, 
and  orderly  conduct,  both  public  and  private. 
— To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  252.  (P., 
1787.) 

226.  AGRICULTURE,      Land,       labor 
and. — The    indifferent    state    of    agriculture 
among  us  does  not  proceed  from  a  want  of 
knowledge  merely ;  it  is  from  our  having  such 
quantities  of  land  to  waste  as  we  please.     In 
Europe  the  object  is  to  make  the  most  of 
their  land,  labor  being  abundant;  here  it  is 
to  make  the  most  of  our  labor,  land  being 
abundant. — NOTES     ON    VIRGINIA,    viii,    332. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  190.     (1782.) 

227.  AGRICULTURE,       Manufactures, 
commerce  and. — I  trust  the  good  sense  of 
pur  country  will  see  that  its  greatest  prosper 
ity  depends  on  a  due  balance  between  agricul 
ture,     manufactures      and      commerce. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.    v,  417.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  239. 
(W.,  1809.) 

228.  AGRICULTURE,    Model    plow.— I 

shall  with  great  pleasure  attend  to  the  con 
struction  and  transmission  to  the  Society 
[Agricultural  Society  of  Paris]  of  a  plow 
with  my  mould  board.  This  is  the  only  part 
of  that  useful  instrument  to  which  I  have 
paid  any  particular  attention.  But  knowing 
how  much  the  perfection  of  the  plough  must 
depend,  1st,  on  the  line  of  traction ;  2nd,  on 
the  direction  of  the  share;  3rd,  on  the  angle 
of  the  wing;  4th,  on  the  form  of  the  mould 
board;  and  persuaded  that  I  shall  find  the 
three  first  advantages,  eminently  exemplified 
in  that  which  the  Society  sends  me,  I  am  anx 
ious  to  see  combined  with  these  a  mould- 
board  of  my  form,  in  the  hope  it  will  still  ad 
vance  the  perfection  of  that  machine. — To 
M.  SYLVESTRE.  v,  313.  (W.,  1808.) 

229. .     I  have  received  the  medal 

of  gold  by  which  the  Society  of  Agriculture 
at  Paris  have  been  pleased  to  mark  their  ap 
probation  of  a  form  of  the  mould-board  which 
I  had  proposed;  also  *  *  *  the  information 
that  they  had  honored  me  with  the  title  of  for 
eign  associate  to  their  society.  I  receive  with 
great  thankfulness  these  testimonies  of  their 
favor,  and  should  be  happy  to  merit  them  by 
greater  services. — To  M.  SYLVESTRE.  v,  83. 
(W.,  1807.) 

230.  AGRICULTURE,     Morals     and.— 
The    pursuits    of    agriculture  *  *  *  are    the 
best  preservative  of  morals. — To  J.  BLAIR,    ii, 
248.     (Pa.,  1787.) 

231.  AGRICULTURE,  New  cultures.— 
The  greatest  service  which  can  be  rendered 
any  country  is  to  add  an  useful  plant  to  its 
culture;    especially   a   bread   grain;    next   in 
value  to  bread  is  oil. — SERVICES  OF  JEFFERSON. 
i,  176.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  477.     (1800?) 

232. .     Perhaps    I    may    render 

some  service  by  forwarding  to  the  [Agricul 
tural]  Society*  [of  South  Carolina]  such  new 
objects  of  culture,  as  may  be  likely  to  suc 
ceed  in  the  soil  and  climate  of  South  Caro 
lina.  In  an  infant  country,  as  ours  is,  these 

*  The  Society  had  elected  Jefferson  a  member. — 
EPITOR, 


experiments  are  important.  We  are  probably 
far  from  possessing,  as  yet,  all  the  articles  of 
culture  for  which  nature  has  fitted  our  coun 
try.  To  find  out  these,  will  require  abundance 
of  unsuccessful  experiments.  But  if,  in  a 
multitude  of  these,  we  make  one  useful  ac 
quisition,  it  repays  our  trouble.  Perhaps  it  is 
the  peculiar  duty  of  associated  bodies  to  un 
dertake  these  experiments.  Under  this  sense 
of  the  views  of  the  society,  *  *  *  I  shall  be 
attentive  to  procure  for  them  the  seeds  of 
such  plants  as  they  will  be  so  good  as  to 
point  out  to  me,  or  as  shall  occur  to  myself  as 
worthy  their  notice. — To  WILLIAM  DRAYTON. 
i,  554-  (P.,  1786.) 

233. m     I    received   the    seeds   of 

the  bread-tree.  *  *  *  One  service  of  this  kind 
rendered  to  a  nation,  is  worth  more  to  them 
than  all  the  victories  of  the  most  splendid 
pages  of  their  history,  and  becomes  a  source 
of  exalted  pleasure  to  those  who  have  been  in 
strumental  in  it. — To  M.  GIRAUD.  iv,  17^. 
(I797-) 

234. .     The  introduction  of  new 

cultures,  and  especially  of  objects  of  leading 
importance  to  our  comfort,  is  certainly  worthy 
the  attention  of  every  government,  and  noth 
ing  short  of  the  actual  experiment  should  dis 
courage  an  essay  of  which  any  hope  can  be 
entertained. — To  M.  LASTEYRIE.  v,  315.  (W., 
1808.) 

235.  AGRICULTURE,  Prosperity    and. 
— A  prosperity  built  on  the  basis  of  agricul 
ture  is  that  which  is  most  desirable  to  us, 
because  to  the  efforts  of  labor  it  adds  the  ef 
forts  of  a  greater  proportion  of  soil. — CIR 
CULAR  TO  CONSULS,     iii,  431.      (Pa.,   1792.) 
See  216. 

236.  AGRICULTURE,  Prostration  of.— 

The  long  succession  of  years  of  stunted  crops, 
of  reduced  prices,  the  general  prostration  of 
the  farming  business,  under  levies  for  the 
support  of  manufacturers,  &c.,  with  the  cal 
amitous  fluctuations  of  value  in  our  paper 
medium,  have  kept  agriculture  in  a  state  of 
abject  depression,  which  has  peopled  the 
western  States  by  silently  breaking  up  those 
on  the  Atlantic,  and  glutted  the  land  market, 
while  it  drew  off  its  bidders.  In  such  a  state 
of  things,  property  has  lost  its  character  of 
being  a  resource  for  debts.  Highland  in  Bel- 
ford,  which,  in  the  days  of  our  plethory, 
sold  readily  for  from  fifty  to  one  hundred 
dollars  the  acre,  (and  such  sales  were  many 
then,)  would  not  now  sell  for  more  than 
from  ten  to  twenty  dollars,  or  one-quarter  or 
one-fifth  of  its  former  price. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  vii,  434.  FORD  ED.,  x,  377.  (M.,  Feb 
ruary  1826.) 

—  AGRICULTURE,  Rice.— See  RICE. 

237.  AGRICULTURE,    Riches    and.— 

The  pursuits  of  agriculture  are  the  surest 
road  to  affluence. — To  J.  BLAIR,  ii,  248.  (P., 
1787.) 

238.  AGRICULTURE,      Rotation      of 
crops. — By  varying  the  articles  of  culture,  we 
multiply  the  chances  for  making  something 


Agriculture 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


26 


and  disarm  the  seasons  in  a  proportionable 
degree,  of  their  calamitous  effect. — To  WILL 
IAM  DRAYTON.  ii,  199.  (P.,  1787-) 

239. .    I  find  *  *  *  that  a  ten 

years  abandonment  of  my  lands  to  the  rav 
ages  of  overseers,  has  brought  on  them  a  de 
gree  of  degradation  far  beyond  what  I  had 
expected.  As  this  obliges  me  to  adopt  a 
milder  course  of  cropping,  *  *  *  I  have  de 
termined  on  a  division  of  my  farm  into  six 
fields,  to  be  put  under  this  rotation :  first  year, 
wheat;  second,  corn,  potatoes,  peas;  third, 
rye  or  wheat,  according  to  circumstances; 
fourth  and  fifth,  clover  where  the  fields  will 
bring  it,  and  buckwheat  dressings  where  they 
will  not ;  sixth,  folding,  and  buckwheat  dress 
ings.  But  it  will  take  me  from  three  to  six 
years  to  get  this  plan  under  way. — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,  iv,  106.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
509.  (M.,  May  I794-) 

240. .     I  find  the  degradation  of 

my  lands  by  ill  usage  much  beyond  what  I  had 
expected,  and  at  the  same  time  much  more 
open  land  than  I  had  calculated  on.  One  of 
these  circumstances  forces  a  milder  course  ol 
cropping  on  me,  and  the  other  enables  me  to 
adopt  it.  I  drop,  therefore,  two  crops  in  my 
rotation,  and  instead  of  five  crops  in  eight 
years,  take  three  in  six  years,  in  the  follow 
ing  order.  I.  Wheat.  2.  Corn  and  potatoes 
in  the  strongest  moiety,  potatoes  alone  or 
pease  alone  in  the  other  moiety,  according  to 
its  strength.  3.  Wheat  or  rye.  4.  Clover.  6. 
Folding  and  buckwheat  dressing.  Tn  such  of 
my  fields  as  are  too  much  worn  for  clover,  I 
propose  to  try  St.  Foin,  which  I  know  will 
grow  in  the  poorest  land,  bring  plentiful 
crops,  and  is  a  great  ameliator. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  506.  (M.,  1794.) 

241. .     It  has  been  said  that  no 

rotation  of  crops  will  keep  the  earth  in  the 
same  degree  of  fertility  without  the  aid  of 
manure.  But  it  is  well  known  here  that  a 
space  of  rest  greater  or  less  in  spontaneous 
herbage,  will  restore  the  exhaustion  of  a 
single  crop.  This  then  is  a  rotation;  and  as 
it  is  not  to  be  believed  that  spontaneous  herb 
age  is  the  only  or  best  covering  during  rest, 
so  may  we  expect  that  a  substitute  for  it  may 
be  found  which  will  yield  profitable  crops. 
Such  perhaps  are  clover,  peas,  vetches,  &c. 
A  rotation  then  may  be  found,  which  by  giv 
ing  time  for  the  slow  influence  of  the  atmos 
phere,  will  keep  the  soil  in  a  constant  and 
equal  state  of  fertility.  But  the  advantage  of 
manuring  is  that  it  will  do  more  in  one  than 
the  atmosphere  would  require  several  years 
to  do,  and  consequently  enables  you  so  much 
the  oftener  to  take  exhausting  crops  from  the 
soil,  a  circumstance  of  importance  where 

there  is  much  more  labor  than  land. — To . 

iv,  225.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

242. .     I  have  lately  received  the 

proceedings  of  the  Agricultural  Society  of 
Paris.  *  *  *  I  have  been  surprised  to  find 
that  the  rotation  of  crops  and  substitution  of 
some  profitable  growth  preparatory  for  grain, 
instead  of  the  useless  and  expensive  fallow, 


is  yet  only  dawning  among  them. — To  ROBERT 
R.  LIVINGSTON,    v,  224.     (W.,  1808.) 

243.  AGRICULTURE,  Societies.— I  have 
on  several  occasions  been  led  to  think  on  some 
means  of  uniting  the  State  agricultural  so 
cieties  into  a  central  society ;  and  lately  it  has 
been  pressed  from  England  with  a  view  to 
a  cooperation  with  their  Board  of  Agricul 
ture.  You  know  some  have  proposed  to  Con 
gress  to  incorporate  such  a  society.  I  am 
against  that,  because  I  think  Congress  cannot 
find  in  all  the  enumerated  powers  any  one 
which  authorizes  the  act,  much  less  the  giving 
the  public  money  to  that  use.  I  believe,  too, 
if  they  had  the  power,  it  would  soon  be  used 
for  no  other  purpose  than  to  buy  with  sine 
cures  useful  partisans.  I  believe  it  will  thrive 
best  if  left  to  itself,  as  the  Philosophical  So 
cieties  are.  There  is  certainly  a  much  greater 
abundance  of  material  for  Agricultural  So-:; 
cieties  than  Philosophical.  But  what  should 
be  the  plan  of  union?  Would  it  do  for  the 
State  societies  to  agree  to  meet  in  a  central 
society  by  a  deputation  of  members?  If  this 
should  present  difficulties,  might  they  not  be 
lessened  by  their  adopting  into  their  society 
some  one  or  more  of  their  delegates  in  Con 
gress,  or  of  the  members  of  the  Executive 
residing  here,  who  assembling  necessarily  for 
other  purposes,  could  occasionally  meet  on 
the  business  of  their  societies?  Your  [New 
York]  Agricultural  Society,  standing  un 
doubtedly  on  the  highest  ground,  might  set 
the  thing  agoing  by  writing  to  such  State  so 
cieties  as  already  exist,  and  these  once  meet 
ing  centrally  might  induce  the  other  States  to 
establish  societies,  and  thus  complete  the  in 
stitution.  This  is  a  mere  idea  of  mine,  not 
sufficiently  considered  or  digested,  and  haz 
arded  merely  to  set  you  to  thinking  on  the 
subject,  and  propose  something  better  or  to 
improve  this.  Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  con 
sider  it  at  your  leisure,  and  give  me  your 
thoughts  on  the  subject? — To  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  492.  (W.,  Feb. 
1801.) 

244. .     Our  Agricultural  Society 

has  at  length  formed  itself.  Like  our  Ameri 
can  Philosophical  Society,  it  is  voluntary,  and  ^ 
unconnected  with  the  public,  and  is  precisely  '* 
an  execution  of  the  plan  I  formerly  sketched 
to  you.  Some  State  societies  have  been 
formed  heretofore ;  the  other  States  will  do 
the  same.  Each  State  society  names  two  of 
its  members  of  Congress  to  be  their  members 
in  the  Central  Society,  which  is  of  course  to 
gether  during  the  sessions  of  Congress.  They 
are  to  select  matter  from  the  proceedings  of 
the  State  societies,  and  to  publish  it.  *  *  * 
Mr.  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State,  is  their 
President. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,  iv,  491. 
(W.,  1803.) 

245. .  Were  practical  and  observ 
ing  husbandmen  in  each  county  to  form  them 
selves  into  a  society,  commit  to  writing  them 
selves,  or  state  in  conversations  at  their  meet 
ings  to  be  written  down  by  others,  their  prac 
tices,  and  observations,  their  experiences  and 
ideas,  selections  from  these  might  be  made 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Agriculture 
Alexander  of  Rusaii 


from  time  to  time  by  every  one  for  his  own 
use,  or  by  the  society  or  a.  committee  of  it, 
for  more  general  purposes.  By  an  interchange 
of  these  selections  among  the  societies  of  the 
different  counties,  each  might  thus  become 
possessed  of  the  useful  ideas  and  processes  of 
the  whole ;  and  every  one  adopt  such  of  them 
as  he  should  deem  suitable  to  his  own  situa 
tion.  Or  to  abridge  the  labor  of  such  mul 
tiplied  correspondences,  a  central  society 
might  be  agreed  on  to  which,  as  a  common 
deposit,  all  the  others  should  send  their  com 
munications.  The  society  thus  honored  by 
the  general  confidence  would  doubtless  feel 
and  fulfil  the  duty  of  selecting  such  papers  as 
should  be  worthy  of  entire  communication,  of 
extracting  and  digesting  from  others  what 
ever  might  be  useful,  and  of  condensing  their 
matter  within  such  compass  as  might  recon 
cile  it  to  the  reading,  as  well  as  to  the  pur 
chase  of  the  great  mass  of  practical  men. 
Many  circumstances  would  recommend,  for 
the  central  society,  that  which  should  be  es 
tablished  in  the  county  of  the  seat  of  govern 
ment. — PLAN  FOR  AGRICULTURAL  SOCIETIES. 
ix,  480.  (1811.) 

246.  AGRICULTURE,       Strawberry.— 
There  are  two  or  three  objects  which  you 
should  endeavor  to  enrich  our  country  with. 
One    is   the   Alpine    strawberry. — To   JAMES 
MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  21.     (M.,  1795.) 

247.  AGRICULTURE,  Support  from. — 

Agriculture  is  the  basis  of  the  subsistence, 
the  comforts  and  the  happiness  of  man. — To 
BARON  DE  MOLL,  vi,  363.  (M.,  1814.) 

248.  AGRICULTURE,    Threshing    ma 
chine. — I  shall  thank  you  most  sincerely  for 
the  model  of  the  threshing  machine,  besides 
replacing  the  expense  of  it.     The  threshing 
out  our  wheat  immediately  after  harvest  being 
the  only  preservative  against  the  weavil   in 
Virginia,  the  service  you  will  thereby  render 
that  State  will  make  you  to  them  a  second 
Triptolemus. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.    FORD 
ED.,  vi,  214.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

249.  AGRICULTURE,       Tobacco.— To 
bacco    is    a    culture    productive    of    infinite 
wretchedness.    Those  employed  in  it  are  in  a 
continual  state  of  exertion  beyond  the  power 
of  nature  to  support.    Little  food  of  any  kind 
is  raised  by  them;  so  that  the  men  and  an 
imals  on  these  farms  are  badly  fed,  and  the 
earth  is  rapidly  impoverished.     The  cultiva 
tion  of  wheat  is  the  reverse  in  every  circum 
stance.    Besides  clothing  the  earth  with  herb 
age,  and  preserving  its  fertility,  it  feeds  the 
laborers  plentifully,  requires  from  them  only 
a  moderate  toil,  except  in  the  season  of  har 
vest,  raises  great  numbers  of  animals  for  food 
and  service,  and  diffuses  plenty  and  happiness 
among  the  whole.    We  find  it  easier  to  make 
an  hundred  bushels  of  wheat  than  a  thousand 
weight  of  tobacco,  and  they  are  worth  more 
when  made. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  407. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  271.     (1782.) 

250.  AGRICULTURE,      Utility.— Agri 
culture  is  the  most  useful  of  the  occupations 
of  man.— To  M.  SILVESTRE.  v,  83.  (W..  1807.) 


251.  AGRICULTURE,  Virginia.—  Good 
husbandry  with  us  consists  in  abandoning  In 
dian  corn  and  tobacco  ;  tending  small  grain,  some 
red  clover,  fallowing,  and  endeavoring  to  have, 
while  the  lands  are  at  rest,  a  spontaneous 
cover  of  white  clover.  I  do  not  present  this 
as  a  culture  judicious  in  itself,  but  as  good, 
in  comparison  with  what  most  people  there 
pursue.  Mr.  [Arthur]  Young  has  never  had 
an  opportunity  of  seeing  how  slowly  the  fertil 
ity  of  the  soil  is  exhausted^  with  moderate 
management  of  it.  I  can  affirm  that  the  James 
River  low-grounds,  with  the  cultivation  of  small 
grain,  will  never  be  exhausted  ;  because  we 
know,  that,  under  that  condition,  we  must  now 
and  then  take  them  down  with  Indian  corn,  or 
they  become,  as  they  were  originally,  too  rich 
to  bring  wheat.  The  highlands  where  I 
live,  have  been  cultivated  about  sixty  years. 
The  culture  was  tobacco  and  Indian  corn,  as 
long  as  they  would  bring  enough  to  pay  the 
labor  ;  then  they  were  turned  out.  After  four 
or  five  years  rest,  they  would  bring  good  corn 
again,  and  in  double  that  time,  perhaps,  good 
tobacco.  Then  they  would  be  exhausted  by  a 
second  series  of  tobacco  and  corn.  —  To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,  iv,  4.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  83. 


—  AGRICULTURE,     Wheat.—  See    249, 
and  WHEAT. 

252.  AGRICULTURE,   Wisest  of    pur 
suits.  —  Agriculture  is  the  wisest  pursuit  of 
all.—  To  R.  IZARD.     i,  442.     (P.,  1785.) 

253.  --  .     Agriculture  is  our  wisest 
pursuit,  because  it  will  in  the  end  contribute 
most  to  real  wealth,  good  morals  and  hap 
piness.  —  To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,     ii,  252. 
(P.,  1787-) 

254.  AGRICULTURE,    Writings    on.— 
Writings  on  agriculture  are  peculiarly  pleas 
ing  to  me,  for,  as  they  tell  us,  we  are  sprung 
from  the  earth,  so  to  that  we  naturally  re 
turn.  *  —  To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,     v.,  224. 
(W.,  1808.)     See  FARMERS  and  FARMING. 

—  AIR.—  See  209. 

—  ALBEMARLE     COUNTY.—  See     AP 

PENDIX. 

255.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Char 
acter  of.  —  A  more  virtuous  man,  I  believe, 
does  not  exist,  nor  one  who  is  more  enthu 
siastically  devoted  to  better  the  condition  of 
mankind.     He  will  probably,  one  day.  fall  a 
victim  to  it,  as  a  monarch  of  that  principle 
does  not  suit  a  Russian  noblesse.     He  is  not 
of  the  very  first  order  of  understanding,  but 

*  Jefferson  was  always  an  enthusiast  in  agriculture. 
He  was  never  too  busy  to  find  time  to  note  the  dates 
of  the  planting  and  the  ripening'  of  his  vegetables 
and  fruits.  He  left  behind  him  a  table  enumerating 
thirty-seven  esculents,  and  showing  the  earliest  date 
of  the  appearance  of  each  one  of  them  in  the  Wash 
ington  market  in  each  of  eight  successive  years.  He 
had  ever  a  quick  observation  and  a  keen  intelligence 
ready  for  every  fragment  of  new  knowledge  or  hint 
of  a  useful  invention  in  the  way  of  field  work.  All 
through  his  busy  official  life,  abroad  and  at  home,  he 
appears  ceaselessly  to  have  an  eye  on  the  soil  and1 
one  ear  open  to  its  cultivators  ;  he  is  always  compar 
ing  varying  methods  and  results,  sending  new  seeds  \ 
hither  and  thither,  making  suggestions^  trying  ex 
periments,  till,  in  the  presence  of  his  enterprise  and 
activity,  one  begins  to  think  that  the  stagnating 
character  so  commonly  attributed  to  the  Virginia 
planters  must  be  fabulous.—  JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR.  ,  Life 
of  Jefferson. 


Alexander  of  Russia 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


28 


he  is  of  a  high  one.  He  has  taken  a  peculiar 
affection  to  this  country  and  its  government, 
of  which  he  has  given  me  public  as  well  as 
personal  proofs.  Our  nation  being,  like  his, 
habitually  neutral,  our  interests  as  to  neutral 
rights,  and  our  sentiments  agree.  And  when 
ever  conferences  for  peace  shall  take  place,  we 
are  assured  of  a  friend  in  him.  In  fact,  al 
though  in  questions  of  restitution  he  will  be 
with  England,  in  those  of  neutral  rights  he 
will  be  with  Bonaparte,  and  with  every  other 
power  in  the  world  except  England ;  and  I  do 
presume  that  England  will  never  have  peace 
until  she  subscribes  to  a  just  code  of  marine 
law.  I  am  confident  that  Russia  (while  her 
present  monarch  lives)  is  the  most  cordially 
friendly  to  us  of  any  power  on  earth,  will  go 
furthest  to  serve  us,  and  is  most  worthy  of 
conciliation.— To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  140. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  120.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

256. .  I  owe  an  acknowledg 
ment  to  your  Imperial  Majesty  for  the  great 
satisfaction  I  have  received  from  your  letter 
of  Aug.  20th,  1895,  and  embrace  the  opportu 
nity  it  affords  of  giving  expression  to  the  sincere 
respect  and  veneration  I  entertain  for  your 
character.  It  will  be  among  the  latest  and  most 
soothing  comforts  of  my  life,  to  have  seen  ad 
vanced  to  the  government  of  so  extensive  a 
portion  of  the  earth,  and  at  so  early  a  period 
of  his  life,  a  sovereign  whose  ruling  passion 
is  the  advancement  of  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  his  people ;  and  not  of  his  own 
people  only,  but  who  can  extend  his  eye  and 
his  good  will  to  a  distant  and  infant  nation, 
unoffending  in  its  course,  unambitious  in  its 
views. — To  THE  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA,  v,  7 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  430.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

257.  ALEXANDER        OF        BUSSIA, 

France  and. — I  have  no  doubt  that  the  firm 
ness  of  Alexander  in  favor  of  France,  after 
the  disposition  of  Bonaparte,  has  saved  that 
country  from  evils  still  more  severe  than  she 
is  suffering,  and  perhaps  even  from  partition. — 
To  GEORGE  LOGAN,  vii,  20.  (M.,  1816.) 

258.  ALEXANDER         OF         RUSSIA 

Friendliness  to  U.  S.— Of  Alexander's  sense 
of  the  merits  of  our  form  of  government,  of  its 
wholesome  operation  on  the  condition  of  the 
people,  and  of  the  interest  he  takes  in  the 
success  of  our  experiment,  we  possess  the  mos 
unquestionable  proofs ;  and  to  him  we  shall  be 
indebted  if  the  rights  of  neutrals,  to  be  settlec 
whenever  peace  is  made,  shall  be  extendec 
beyond  the  present  belligerents ;  that  is  to  say 
European  neutrals,  as  George  and  Napoleon,  o 
mutual  consent  and  common  hatred  agains 
us,  would  concur  in  excluding  us.  I  though 
it  a  salutary  measure  to  engage  the  powerful  pat 
ronage  of  Alexander  at  conferences  for  peace 
at  a  time  when  Bonaparte  was  courting  him 
and  although  circumstances  have  lessened  it 
weight,  yet  it  is  prudent  for  us  to  cherish  hi 
good  dispositions,  as  those  alone  which  wi! 
be  exerted  in  our  favor  when  that  occasion 
shall  occur.  He,  like  ourselves,  sees  and  feel 
the  atrociousness  of  both  the  belligerents. — T 
WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  553.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  287 
(M.,  Nov.  1810.) 

259. .  He  is  the  only  sovereig 

who  cordially  loves  us. — To  WILLIAM  DUANF 
v,  553.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  287.  (M.,  1810.) 

260.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Gif 
of  Books  to.— A  little  before  Dr.  Priestley' 


eath,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  received 
ntimations,  through  a  channel  he  confided  in, 
lat  the  Emperor  entertained  a  wish  to  know 
omething  of  our  Constitution.  I  have,  there- 
ore,  selected  the  two  best  works  we  have  on 
hat  subject,  for  which  I  pray  you  to  ask  a 
lace  in  his  library. — To  MR.  HARRIS,  v,  6. 
W.,  1806.) 

261.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Mis- 
ion  to. — Desirous  of  promoting  useful  in- 
ercourse     and     good     understanding     between 
rour  Majesty's  subjects  and  the  citizens  of  the 
Jnited    States    and   especially   to    cultivate   the 
riendship   of  your  Majesty,   I   have  appointed 
William  Short,*  one  of  our  distinguished  citi 
zens,    to    be    in    quality    of    Minister    Plenipo- 
entiary   of   the    United    States,    the   bearer   to 
you  of  assurances  of  their  sincere  friendship, 
,nd    of    their    desire    to    maintain    with    your 
Vlajesty  and  your  subjects  the  strictest  relations 
of  amity  and  commerce ;   he  will  explain  to  your 
Vlajesty  the  peculiar  position   of  these   States, 
separated   by    a   wide   ocean    from   the   powers 
of  Europe,  with  interests  and  pursuits  distinct 
rom    theirs,     and     consequently     without    the 
motives  or  the  appetites  for  taking  part  in  the 
associations   or   oppositions   which    a    different 
system  of  interests  produces  among  them :    he 
s  charged  to  assure  your  Majesty  more  partic 
ularly    of    our    purpose    to    observe    a    faithful 
neutrality   towards   the   contending   powers,    in 
the    war    to    which    your    Majesty    is    a    party, 
rendering  to  all  the  services  and  courtesies  of 
friendship,  and  praying  for  the  reestablishment 
of  peace  and  right  among  them ;  and  we  enter- 
:ain    an    entire    confidence    that    this    just    and 
faithful    conduct    on    the    part    of    the    United 
States  will  strengthen  the  friendly  dispositions 
you  have  manifested  towards  them,   and  be   a 
fresh    motive   with    so   just   and   magnanimous 
a  sovereign  to  enforce,  by  the  high  influence  of 
your  example,  the  respect  due  to  the  character 
and  the  rights  of  a  peaceable  nation. — To  THE 
EMPEROR    OF    RUSSIA,     v,    358.     FORD    ED.,    ix, 
206.     (W.,  Aug.   1808.) 

262.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Neu 
tral  Rights  and.— The  northern  nations  of 
Europe,  at  the  head  of  which  your  Majesty 
is  distinguished,  are  habitually  peaceable.  The 
United  States  of  America,  like  them,  are 
attached  to  peace.  We  have  then  with  them 
a  common  interest  in  the  neutral  rights.  Every 
nation  indeed,  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
belligerent  as  well  as  neutral,  is  interested 
in  maintaining  these  rights,  liberalizing  them 
progressively  with  the  progress  of  science  and 
refinement  of  morality,  and  in  relieving  them 
trom  restrictions  which  the  extension  of  the 
arts  has  long  since  rendered  unreasonable  and 
vexatious, — To  THE  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA,  v,  8. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  440.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

263. .     The    events    of    Europe 

come  to  us  so  late,  and  so  suspiciously,  that 
observations  on  them  would  certainly  be  stale, 
and  possibly  wide  of  their  actual  state.  From 
their  general  aspect,  however,  I  collect  that 
your  Majesty's  interposition  in  them  has  been 
disinterested  and  generous,  and  having  in  view 
only  the  general  good  of  the  great  European 
family.  When  you  shall  proceed  to  the  pacifi 
cation  which  is  to  reestablish  peace  and  com 
merce,  the  same  dispositions  of  mind  will  lead 
you  to  think  of  the  general  intercourse  of 
nations,  and  to  make  that  provision  for  its 

*  Mr.  Short's  appointment  was  negatived  by  the 
senate  partly  on  personal  grounds,  but  more  espec 
ially  because  of  an  unwillingness  to  increase  the 
diplomatic  establishment.— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Alexander  of  Russia 


future  maintenance  which,  in  times  past,  it  has 
so  much  needed. — To  THE  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA. 
v,  8.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  439.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

264. .     Having  taken  no  part  in 

the  past  or  existing  troubles  of  Europe,  we  have 
no  part  to  act  in  its  pacification.  But  as 
principles  may  then  be  settled  in  which  we  have 
a  deep  interest,  it  is  a  great  happiness  for  us 
that  we  are  placed  under  the  protection  of 
an  umpire,  who,  looking  beyond  the  narrow 
bounds  of  an  individual  nation,  will  take  under 
the  cover  of  his  equity  the  rights  of  the  ab 
sent  and  unrepresented.  It  is  only  by  a  happy 
concurrence  of  good  characters  and  good 
occasions,  that  a  step  can  now  and  then  be 
taken  to  advance  the  well-being  of  nations. 
If  the  present  occasion  be  good,  I  am  sure  your 
Majesty's  character  will  not  be  wanting  to 
avail  the  world  of  it.  By  monuments  of  such 
good  offices,  may  your  life  become  an  epoch 
in  the  history  of  the  condition  of  man  ;  and  may 
He  who  called  it  into  being,  for  the  good  of 
the  human  family,  give  it  length  of  days  and 
success,  and  have  it  always  in  His  holy  keep 
ing. — To  THE  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA,  v,  8. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  440.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

265. .  Two  personages  in  Eu 
rope,  of  which  your  Majesty  is  one,  have  it 
in  their  power,  at  the  approaching  pacification, 
to  render  eminent  service  to  nations  in  general, 
by  incorporating  into  the  act  of  pacification  a 
correct  definition  of  the  rights  of  neutrals  on 
the  high  seas.  Such  a  definition  declared  by  all 
the  powers  lately  or  still  belligerent,  would  give 
to  those  rights  a  precision  and  notoriety,  and 
cover  them  with  an  authority,  which  would  pro 
tect  them  in  an  important  degree  against  future 
violation ;  and  should  any  further  sanction 
be  necessary,  that  of  an  exclusion  of  the  vio 
lating  nation  from  commercial  intercourse  with 
all  the  others,  would  be  preferred  to  war,  as 
more  analogous  to  the  offence,  more  easily  and 
likely  to  be  executed  with  good  faith.  The 
essential  articles  of  these  rights,  too,  are  so 
few  and  simple  as  to  be  easily  defined. — To  THE 
EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA,  v,  8.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  440. 
(W.,  April  1806.) 

266. .     That    the    Emperor    may 

be  able,  whenever  a  pacification  takes  place, 
to  show  himself  the  father  and  friend  of  the 
human  race,  to  restore  to  nations  the  moral 
laws  which  have  governed  their  intercourse, 
and  to  prevent,  forever,  a  repetition  of  those 
ravages  by  sea  and  land,  which  will  distinguish 
the  present  as  an  age  of  Vandalism,  I 
sincerely  pray. — To  COUNT  PAHLEN.  v,  527. 
(M.,  1810.) 

267.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Re 
form  and. — The  apparition  of  such  a  man 
[as  Alexander]  on  a  throne  is  one  of  the  phe 
nomena  which  will  distinguish  the  present  epoch 
so  remarkable  in  the  history  of  man.  But  he 
must  have  an  herculean  task  to  devise  and 
establish  the  means  of  securing  freedom  and 
happiness  to  those  who  are  not  capable  of 
taking  care  of  themselves.  Some  preparation 
seems  necessary  to  qualify  the  body  of  a  nation 
for  self-government.  Who  could  have  thought 
the  French  nation  incapable  of  it?  Alexander 
will  doubtless  begin  at  the  right  end,  by  taking 
means  for  diffusing  instruction  and  a  sense  of 
their  natural  rights  through  the  mass  of  his 
people,  and  for  relieving  them  in  the  mean 
time  from  actual  oppression. — To  DR.  JOSEPH 
PRIESTLEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  179.  (W.,  Nov.  1802.) 

268. .     The  information  *  *  *  as 

to  Alexander  kindles  a  great  deal  of  interest 


in  his  existence,  and  strong  spasms  of  the 
heart  in  his  favor.  Though  his  means  of  doing 
good  are  great,  yet  the  materials  on  which  he  is 
to  work  are  retractory.  Whether  he  engages 
in  private  correspondences  abroad,  as  the  King 
of  Prussia  did  much,  his  grandfather  some 
times,  I  know  not ;  but  certainly  such  a  corres 
pondence  would  be  very  interesting  to  those 
who  are  sincerely  anxious  to  see  mankind 
raised  from  their  present  abject  condition. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,  iv,  452.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  177. 
(W.,  Nov.  1802.) 

269.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Trib 
ute  to.— I  am  much  flattered  by  the  kind  no 
tice    of    the    Emperor,    which    you    have    been 
so    obliging    as    to    communicate    to    me.     The 
approbation   of  the  good   is   always   consoling; 
but  that  of  a  sovereign  whose  station  and  en 
dowments  are  so  pre-eminent,  is  received  with 
a  sensibility  which  the  veneration  for  his  char 
acter  inspires.     Among  other  motives  of  com 
miseration    which  the  calamities  of  Europe  can 
not  fail  to  excite  in  every  virtuous  mind,  the 
interruption    which    these    have    given    to    the 
benevolent  views  of  the  Emperor,  is  prominent. 
The    accession    of    a    sovereign,    with    the    dis 
positions  and  qualifications  to  improve  the  con 
dition  of  a  great  nation,  and  to  place  its  happi 
ness   on   a  permanent  basis,   is   a  phenomenon 
so  rare  in  the  annals  of  mankind  that  when  the 
blessing    occurs,     it     is    lamentable    that    any 
portion  of  it  should  be  usurped  by  occurrences 
of  the   character   we   have   seen.     If   separated 
from  these  scenes  by  an  ocean  of  a  thousand 
leagues  breadth,  they  have  required  all  our  cares 
to    keep    aloof    from    their    desolating    effects, 
I   can   readily   conceive   how   much    more   they 
must  occupy  those  to  whose  territories  they  are 
contiguous. — To  COUNT  PAHLEN.     v,  526.    (M., 
1810.) 

270.  ALEXANDER   OF  RUSSIA,   Tri 
umphs  of. — To  the  wonders  of  Bonaparte's 
rise  and   fall,   we  may  add  that  of  a   Czar  of 
Muscovy,    dictating,   in  Paris,   laws   and  limits 
to  all  the  successors  of  the  Caesars,  and  holding 
even  the  balance  in  which  the  fortunes  of  this 
new  world   are   suspended. — To   JOHN   ADAMS. 
vi>  353-     FORD  ED.,  ix,  461.     (M.,  1814.) 

271.  ALEXANDER    OF    RUSSIA,    Vi 
enna  Congress  and.— The  magnanimity  of 
Alexander's    conduct    on    the    first    capture    of 
Paris  still  magnified  everything  we  had  believed 
of    him ;    but    how    he    will    come    out    of    his 
present    trial  ^  remains    to    be    seen.     That    the 
sufferings  which  France  had  inflicted  on  other 
countries   justified   severe   reprisals,    cannot   be 
questioned;    but   I   have   not   yet  learned   what 
crimes    of    Poland,    Saxony,   Belgium,   Venice, 
Lombardy   and   Genoa,    had   merited   for  them, 
not   merely   a  temporary   punishment,   but   that 
of    permanent    subjugation    and    a    destitution 
of     independence     and      self-government.     The 
fable  of   ^Esop  of  the  lion  dividing  the  spoils, 
is,  I  fear,  becoming  true  history,  and  the  moral 
code  of  Napoleon  and  the  English  government 
a  substitute  for  that  of  Grotius,  of  Puffendorf, 
and  even  of  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  great  au 
thor  of  our  holy  religion. — To  DR.  GEORGE  LO 
GAN,     vi,  497.     (M.,  Oct.   1815.) 

272. .  His  character  is  un 
doubtedly  good,  and  the  world,  I  think,  may  ex 
pect  good  effects  from  it.  *  *  *  I  sincerely 
wish  that  the  history  of  the  secret  proceedings 
at  Vienna  may  become  known,  and  may  recon 
cile  to  our  good  opinion  of  him  his  participa 
tion  in  the  demolition  of  ancient  and  inde 
pendent  States,  transferring  them  and  their 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


inhabitants  as  farms  and  stocks  of  cattle  at  a 
market  to  other  owners,  and  even  taking  a 
part  of  the  spoil  himself.  It  is  possible  to  sup 
pose  a  case  excusing  this,  and  my  partiality  for 
his  character  encourages  me  to  expect  it,  and  to 
impute  to  others,  known  to  have  no  moral 
scruples,  the  crimes,  of  that  conclave,  who 
under  pretence  of  punishing  the  atrocities  of 
Bonaparte,  reached  them  themselves,  and 
proved  that  with  equal  power  they  were  equally 
flagitious. — To  DR.  LOGAN,  vii,  20.  (Mv 
1816.) 

273.  ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA,  Vir 
tues  of. — I   had    *    *    *    formed  the  most 
favorable  opinion  of  the  virtues  of  Alexander, 
and  considered  his  partiality  to  this  country  as 
a  prominent   proof   of  them. — To   DR.    GEORGE 
LOGAN,     vi,  497.     (M.,    1815.) 

274.  ALEXANDRIA,  Baltimore  and.— 
It  is   not  amiss  to   encourage  Alexandria,   be 
cause  it  is  a  rival  in  the  very  bosom  of  Balti 
more. — To    TAMES   MONROE.     FORD   ED.,   iv,    10. 
(P.,  1784.) 

275.  ALEXANDRIA,       Future       of.— 
Alexandria   on   the    Potomac   will    undoubtedly 
become  a  very  great  place,  but  Norfolk  would 
be  best  for  cotton  manufactures. — To   M.   DE 
LA  VALEE.     i,  430.     (P.,  1785.) 

—  ALGIERS.— See  BARBARY  POWERS  and 
H37. 

276.  ALIENAGE,    Law    of   Violated.— 

The  bill  for  establishing  a  National  Bank  un 
dertakes  *  *  *  to  form  the  subscribers  into  a 
corporation,  [and]  to  enable  them,  in  their 
corporate  capacities,  to  make  alien  subscribers 
capable  of  holding  lands;  and  so  far  is 
against  the  laws  of  Alienage. — OPINION  ON 
THE  BANK  BILL.  vii,  555.  FORD  ED.,  v,  284. 
(February  1791.) 

—  ALIENATION     OF     TERRITORY. 

— See  TERRITORY. 

277.  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS, 

Hatching. — One  of  the  war  party,  in  a  fit  of 
unguarded  passion,  declared  some  time  ago 
they  would  pass  a  citizen  bill,  an  alien  bill, 
and  a  sedition  bill ;  accordingly,  some  days 
ago,  Coit  laid  a  motion  on  the  table  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  modifying  the 
citizen  law.  Their  threats  point  at  Gallatin, 
and  it  is  believed  they  will  endeavor  to  reach 
him  by  this  bill.  Yesterday  Mr.  Hillhouse 
laid  on  the  table  of  the  Senate  a  motion  for 
giving  power  to  send  away  suspected  aliens. 
This  understood  to  be  meant  for  Volney  and 
Collot.  But  it  will  not  stop  there  when  it 
gets  into  a  course  of  execution.  There  is  now 
only  wanting,  to  accomplish  the  whole  dec 
laration  before  mentioned,  a  sedition  bill, 
which  we  shall  certainly  soon  see  proposed. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  237.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
244.  (Pa.,  April  26  1798.) 

278.  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION  LAWS, 
Introduction  of.— They  have  brought  into 
the  lower  House  a  sedition  bill,  which,  among 
other  enormities,  undertakes  to  make  printing 
certain  matters  criminal,  though  one  of  the 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  has  so  ex 
pressly  taken  religion,   printing  presses,   &c. 
out  of  their  coercion.  Indeed  this  bill,  and  the 


alien  bill  are  both  so  palpably  in  the  teeth  of 
the  Constitution  as  to  show  they  mean  to 
pay  no  respect  to  it. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  266.  (Pa.,  June  1798.) 

279.  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS, 
Petitions     against.— Petitions    and    remon 
strances  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws 
are  coming  from  various  parts  of  New  York, 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  *  *  *  I  am  in  hopes 
Virginia  will  stand  so  countenanced  by  those 
States  as  to  repress  the  wishes  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  coerce  her,  which  they  might  ven 
ture  on  if  they  supposed  she  would  be  left 
alone.     Firmness  on  our  part,  but  a  passive 
firmness,  is  the  true  course.  Anything  rash  or 
threatening  might  check  the  favorable  dispo 
sitions  of  these  middle  States,  and  rally  them 
again  around  the  measures  which  are  ruin 
ing  us.— To  JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  279.    FORD 
ED.,  vii,  341.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1799.) 

280.  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS, 
Planning  Insurrection  against.— In  Penn 
sylvania,  we  fear  that  the  ill-designing  may 
produce  insurrection   [against  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws].     Nothing  could  be  so  fatal. 
Anything  like  force  would  check  the  progress 
of  the  public  opinion,  and  rally  them  around 
the  government.    This  is  not  the  kind  of  op 
position   the   American   people    will     permit. 
But    keep  away  all  show  of  force,  and  they 
will  bear  down  the  evil  propensities  of  the 
government,  by  the  constitutional  means  of 
election  and  petition. — To  EDWARD   PENDLE- 
TON.     iv,  287.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  356.     (Pa.,  Feb. 
I799-) 

281. .     Several     parts     of     this 

State  [Pennsylvania]  are  so  violent  that  we 
fear  an  insurrection.  This  will  be  brought 
about  by  some  if  they  can.  It  is  the  only 
thing  we  have  to  fear.  The  appearance  of  an 
attack  of  force  against  the  government  would 
check  the  present  current  of  the  middle 
States,  and  rally  them  around  the  govern 
ment;  whereas  if  suffered  to  go  on,  it  will 
pass  on  to  a  reformation  of  abuses. — To 
ARCHIBALD  STUART,  iv,  286.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
354-  (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

282.  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS, 

Report  on. — Yesterday  witnessed  a  scandal 
ous  scene  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
It  was  the  day  for  taking  up  the  report  of 
their  committee  against  the  Alien  and  Sedi 
tion  laws,  &c.  They  [the  Federalists]  held  a 
caucus  and  determined  that  not  a  word  should 
be  spoken  on  their  side,  in  answer  to  anything 
which  should  be  said  on  the  other.  Gallatin 
took  up  the  Alien,  and  Nicholas  the  Sedition 
law ;  but  after  a  little  while  of  common  si 
lence,  they  began  to  enter  into  loud  conversa 
tions,  laugh,  cough,  &c.,  so  that  for  the  last 
hour  of  these  gentlemen's  speaking,  they  must 
have  had  the  lungs  of  a  vendue  master  to 
have  been  heard.  Livingston,  however,  at 
tempted  to  speak.  But  after  a  few  sentences, 
the  Speaker  called  him  to  order,  and  told  him 
what  he  was  saying  was  not  to  the  question. 
It  was  impossible  to  proceed.  The  question 
was  carried  in  favor  of  the  report,  52  to  48; 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA     Alien  and  Sedition  Laws 


the  real  strength  of  the  two  parties  is  56  to 
50. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  298.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  371.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

283.  ALIEN   AND   SEDITION  LAWS, 
Scheme  of. — I  consider  these  laws  as  merely 
an  experiment  on  the  American  mind,  to  see 
how  far  it  will  bear  an  avowed  violation  of 
the  Constitution.  If  this  goes  down,  we  shall 
immediately  see    attempted    another    act    of 
Congress,  declaring  that  the  President  shall 
continue  in  office  during  life,  reserving  to  an 
other  occasion  the  transfer  of  the  succession 
to   the   heirs,   and   the   establishment   of   the 
Senate  for  life.     At  least,  this  may  be  the 
aim  of  the  Oliverians,  while  Monk  and  the 
Cavaliers,    (who  are  perhaps  the  strongest,) 
may  be  playing  their  game  for  the  restoration 
of  his   most  gracious   Majesty,   George   III. 
That    these    things    are  in  contemplation,  I 
have  no   doubt ;   nor  can   I   be  confident  of 
their  failure,  after  the  dupery  of  which  our 
countrymen   have   shown   themselves   suscep 
tible. — To  S.  T.  MASON,     iv,  258.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  283.     (M.,  1798.) 

284.  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS, 

Suits  under. — I  discharged  every  person 
under  punishment  or  prosecution  under  the 
Sedition  law,  because  I  considered,  and  MOV 
consider,  that  law  to  be  a  nullity,  as  absolute 
and  as  palpable  as  if  Congress  had  ordered  us 
to  fall  down  and  worship  a  golden  image ; 
and  that  it  was  as  much  my  duty  to  arrest 
its  execution  in  every  stage,  as  it  would  have 
been  to  have  rescued  from  the  fiery  furnace 
those  who  should  have  been  cast  into  it  for 
refusing  to  worship  the  image.  It  was  ac 
cordingly  done  in  every  instance,  without 
asking  what  the  offenders  had  done,  or 
against  whom  they  had  offended,  but  whether 
the  pains  they  were  suffering  were  inflicted 
under  the  pretended  Sedition  law. — To  MRS. 
JOHN  ADAMS,  iv,  536.  FORDED.,  viii,  309.  (W., 
July  1804.) 

285. .  With  respect  to  the  dis 
mission  of  the  prosecutions  for  sedition  in 
Connecticut,  it  is  well  known  to  have  been 
a  tenet  of  the  republican  portion  of  our  fellow 
citizens,  that  the  Sedition  law  was  contrary 
to  the  Constitution  and,  therefore,  void.  On 
this  ground  I  considered  it  as  a  nullity  when 
ever  I  met  it  in  the  course  of  my  duties ;  and 
on  this  ground  I  directed  nolle  prosequis  in 
all  the  prosecutions  which  had  been  insti 
tuted  under  it ;  and,  as  far  as  the  public  senti 
ment  can  be  inferred  from  the  occurrences  of 
the  day,  we  must  say  that  this  opinion  had 
the  sanction  of  the  nation.  The  prosecutions, 
therefore,  which  were  afterwards  instituted 
in  Connecticut,  of  which  two  were  against 
printers,  two  against  preachers,  and  one 
against  a  judge,  were  too  inconsistent  with 
this  principle  to  be  permitted  to  go  on.  We 
were  bound  to  administer  to  others  the  same 
measure  of  law,  not  which  they  had  meted 
to  us,  but  we  to  ourselves,  and  to  extend  to 
all  equally  the  protection  of  the  same  consti 
tutional  principles.  These  prosecutions,  too. 
were  chiefly  for  charges  against  myself,  and 
I  had  from  the  beginning  laid  it  down  as  a 


rule  to  notice  nothing  of  the  kind.  I  believed 
that  the  long  course  of  services  in  which  I 
had  acted  on  the  public  stage,  and  under  the 
eye  of  my  fellow  citizens,  furnished  better 
evidence  to  them  of  my  character  and  prin 
ciples,  than  the  angry  invectives  of  adverse 
partisans  in  whose  eyes  the  very  acts  most 
approved  by  the  majority  were  subjects  of 
the  greatest  demerit  and  censure.  These 
prosecutions  against  them,  therefore,  were  to 
be  dismissed  as  a  matter  of  duty — To  GIDEON 
GRANGER,  vi,  332.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  456.  (M., 
1814.) 

286.  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION  LAWS, 

Tyrannical.— If  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts 
should  stand,  these  conclusions  would  flow 
from  them:  that  the  General  Government 
may  place  any  act  they  think  proper  on  the 
list  of  crimes,  and  punish  it  themselves 
whether  enumerated  or  not  enumerated  by 
the  Constitution  as  cognizable  by  them  :  that 
they  may  transfer  its  cognizance  to  the  Presi 
dent,  or  any  other  person,  who  may  himself 
be  the  accuser,  counsel,  judge  and  jury, 
whose  suspicion  may  be  the  evidence,  his 
order  the  sentence,  his  officer  the  executioner, 
and  his  breast  the  sole  record  of  the  transac 
tion  :  that  a  very  numerous  and  valuable  de 
scription  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  states 
being,  by  this  precedent,  reduced,  as  outlaws, 
to  the  absolute  dominion  of  one  man,  and 
the  barrier  of  the  Constitution  thus  swept 
away  from  us  all,  no  rampart  now  remains 
against  the  passions  and  the  powers  of  a  ma 
jority  in  Congress  to  protect  from  a  like  ex 
portation,  or  other  more  grievous  punish 
ment,  the  minority  of  the  same  body,  the 
legislatures,  judges,  governors,  and  counsel 
lors  of  the  States,  nor  their  other  peaceable 
inhabitants,  who  may  venture  to  reclaim  the 
constitutional  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
States  and  people,  or  who  for  other  causes, 
good  or  bad.  may  be  obnoxious  to  the  views, 
or  marked  by  the  suspicions  of  the  Presi 
dent,  or  be  thought  dangerous  to  his  or  their 
election,  or  other  interests,  public  or  per 
sonal  :  that  the  friendless  alien  has  indeed 
been  selected  as  the  safest  subject  of  a 
first  experiment;  but  the  citizen  will  soon 
follow,  or  rather,  has  already  followed, 
for  already  has  a  Sedition  Act  marked 
him  as  its  prey:  that  these  and  successive 
acts  of  the  same  character,  unless  arrested 
at  the  threshold,  necessarily  drive  these 
States  into  revolution  and  blood,  and 
will  furnish  new  calumnies  aerainst  republi 
can  government,  and  new  pretexts  for  those 
who  wish  it  to  be  believed  that  man  cannot 
be  governed  but  by  a  rod  of  iron. — KEN 
TUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  469.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
302.  (1798.) 

287.  ALIEN   AND   SEDITION  LAWS, 

Unconstitutional.— For  the  present,  I  should 
be  for  resolving  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws 
to  be  against  the  Constitution  and  merely 
void,  and  for  addressing  the  other  States  to 
obtain  similar  declarations :  and  I  would  not 
do  anything  at  this  moment  which  should 
commit  us  further,  but  reserve  ourselves  to 


Alien  and  Sedition  Laws     THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


Alliance 


shape  our  future  measures,  or  no  measures, 
by  the  events  which  may  happen. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,  iv,  260.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  311.  (M.,  Nov. 
1798.) 

288. .     Alien   friends   are   under 

the  jurisdiction  and  protection  of  the  laws  of 
the  State  wherein  they  are:  no  power  over 
them  has  been  delegated  to  the  United  States, 
nor  prohibited  to  the  individual  States,  dis 
tinct  from  their  power  over  citizens.  And  it 
being  true  as  a  general  principle,  and  one  of 
the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  having 
also  declared  that  "  the  powers  not  delegated 
to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to 
the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people,"  the 
act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 

passed  on  the day  of  July,  1798,  intituled 

"  An  Act  concerning  Aliens,"  which  assumes 
powers  over  alien  friends,  not  delegated  by 
the  Constitution,  is  not  law,  but  is  altogether 
void,  and  of  no  force.— KENTUCKY  RESOLU 
TIONS,  ix,  466.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  296.  (1798.) 

289.  ALIEN   AND   SEDITION  LAWS, 

Viciousness  of. — The  Alien  bill  *  *  *  is  a 
most  detestable  thing.— To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  244.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  260.  (Pa.,  May  1798.) 

290. .     That  libel  on  legislation. 

— To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  iv,  374.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  22.  (W.,  March  1801.)  See  SEDITION 
LAW. 

291.  ALIENS,  Forcible  Bemoval  of.— In 

addition  to  the  general  principle,  as  well  as 
the  express  declaration,  that  powers  not 
delegated  are  reserved,  another  and  more 
special  provision,  inserted  in  the  Constitution 
from  abundant  caution,  has  declared  that 
"  the  migration  or  importation  of  such  per 
sons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall 
think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited 
by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  1808."  *  *  * 
This  Commonwealth  [Kentucky]  does  admit 
the  migration  of  alien  friends,  described  as 
the  subject  of  the  said  act  concerning  aliens. 
*  *  *  A.  provision  against  prohibiting 
their  migration  is  a  provision  against  all 
acts  equivalent  thereto,  or  it  would  be 
nugatory.  *  *  *  To  remove  them 
when  migrated,  is  equivalent  to  a  pro 
hibition  of  their  migration,  and  is,  therefore, 
contrary  to  the  said  provision  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  void. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS. 
ix,  466.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  296.  (1798.) 

292.  ALIENS,  The  Revolution  and.— I 

do  not  know  that  there  has  been  any  Ameri 
can  determination  on  the  question  whether 
American  citizens  and  Britsh  subjects,  born 
before  the  Revolution,  can  be  aliens  to  one  an 
other?  I  know  there  is  an  opinion  of  Lord 
Coke's,  in  Colvin's  case,  that  if  England  and 
Scotland  should,  in  the  course  of  descent, 
pass  to  separate  kings,  those  born  under  the 
same  sovereign  during  the  union,  would  re 
main  natural  subjects  and  not  aliens.  Com 
mon  sense  urges  some  considerations  against 
this.  Natural  subjects  owe  allegiance;  but 
we  owe  none.  Aliens  are  the  subjects  of  a 
foreign  power;  we  are  not  subjects  of  a  for 


eign  power.  The  King,  by  the  treaty,  ac 
knowledges  our  independence ;  how,  then,  can 
we  remain  natural  subjects?  The  King's 
power  is,  by  the  Constitution,  competent  to 
the  making  peace,  war  and  treaties.  He  had, 
therefore,  authority  to  relinquish  our  alle 
giance  by  treaty.  But  if  an  act  of  parliament 
had  been  necessary,  the  parliament  passed  an 
act  to  confirm  the  treaty.  So  that  it  appears 
to  me  that,  in  this  question,  fictions  of  law 
alone  are  opposed  to  sound  sense. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  530.  (P.,  1786.) 

293.  ALLEGIANCE,     Renounced.— We, 

therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  General  Congress  as 
sembled,  do  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority 
of  the  good  people  of  these  States  reject  and 
renounce  all  allegiance  and  subjection  to  the 
kings  of  Great  Britain  and  all  others  who 
may  hereafter  claim  by,  through,  or  under 
them;  we  utterly  dissolve  all  political  con 
nection  which  may  heretofore  have  subsisted 
between  us  and  the  people  or  parliament  of 
Great  Britain*  —  DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

294.  ALLEGIANCE,      Repudiated.— He 

has  abdicated  government  here,  withdraw 
ing  his  governors,  and  declaring  us  out 
of  his  allegiance  and  protection.^ — DECLARA 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 

295.  ALLEN,  Protection  of  Ethan.— It 
is  with  pain  we  fear  that  Mr.  [Ethan]  Allen 
and   others,   taken   with   him   while   fighting 
bravely  in  their  country's  cause,  are  sent  to 
Britain  in  irons,  to  be  punished  for  pretended 
treason;    treasons,    too,    created    by    one    of 
those  very  laws  whose  obligation  we  deny, 
and  mean  to  contest  by  the  sword.  This  ques 
tion  will  not  be  decided  by  seeking  vengeance 
on  a  few  helpless  captives  but  by  achieving 
success  in  the  fields  of  war,  and  gathering 
there  those  laurels  which  grow  for  the  war 
rior  brave.    *    *    *     We  have  ordered  Brig 
adier  General  Prescot  to  be  bound  in  irons, 
and  to  be  confined  in  close  jail,  there  to  ex 
perience    corresponding    miseries     to     those 
which  shall  be  inflicted  on  Mr.  Allen.     His 
life  shall  answer  for  that  of  Mr.  Allen.}:  — 
CONGRESS    RESOLUTION.      FORD    ED.,    i,    494. 
(Dec.  I775-) 

296.  ALLIANCE,    Abjure.— I     sincerely 
join  you  in  abjuring  all  political  connection 
with  every  foreign  power ;  and  though  I  cor 
dially  wish  well  to  the  progress  of  liberty  in 
all   nations,   and   would   forever  give  it  the 
weight  of  our  countenance,  yet  they  are  not 

*  Congress  struck  out  the  italicized  words  and 
inserted  :  "  Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare, 
that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  Free  and  Independent  States ;  that  they  are  ab 
solved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and 
that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the 
State  of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally 
dissolved."  Congress  also  inserted  after  the  word 
"assembled,"  the  words,  "appealing  to  the  Su- 

Kreme  Judge  of  the  World  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
itentions.  "—EDITOR. 

t  Congress  struck  out  the  words  in  italics  and  in 
serted  "by  declaring  us  out  of,  his  protection,  and 
waging  war  against  us."— EDITOR. 
\  Not  adopted  by  Congress.— EDITOR. 


33 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Alliance 
Alliances 


to  be  touched  without  contamination  from 
their  other  bad  principles. — To  T.  LOMAX. 
iv,  301.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.  (M.,  March 
I799-) 

297.  ALLIANCE,     Coercion     and.— The 
British  ministers  equivocate  on  every  proposal 
of    a    treaty    of    commerce  *  *  *  unless,  in 
deed,  we  would  agree  to  make  it  a  treaty  of 
alliance  as  well  as  commerce,  so  as  to  under 
mine    our    obligations    with     France.     This 
method  of  stripping  that  rival  nation  of  its  al 
liances,  they  tried  successfully  with  Holland, 
endeavored  at  it  with  Spain,  and  have  plainly 
and  repeatedly  suggested  to  us.    For  this  they 
would  probably  relax  some  of  the  rigors  they 
exercise    against    our    commerce. — OFFICIAL 
REPORT,     vii,  518.     (December  1790.) 

298.  ALLIANCE,   Dangerous.— An  alli 
ance    [with   Great   Britain]    with   a  view  to 
partition  of  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana,  is  not 
what  we  would  wish,  because  it  may  eventu 
ally  lead  us  into  embarrassing  situations  with 
our  best  friend,  and  put  the  power  of  two 
neighbors  into  the  hands  of  one.  Lord     Lans- 
downe  has  declared  he  gave  the  Floridas  to 
Spain    rather   than   the   United    States   as   a 
bone  of  discord  with  the  House  of  Bourbon, 
and  of  reunion  with  Great  Britain. — INSTRUC 
TIONS    TO    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.     ix,    413. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  227.    (1790.) 

299.  ALLIANCE,     Deprecated.— I     sin 
cerely  deplore  the  situation  of  our  affairs  with 
France.     War  with  them,  and  consequent  al 
liance   with   Great   Britain,     will    completely 
compass  the  object  of  the  Executive  council, 
from  the  commencement  of  the  war  between 
France  and  England ;  taken  up  by  some  of 
them  from  that  moment,  by  others,  more  lat 
terly.    I  still,  however,  hope  it  will  be  avoided. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  162.    FORD  ED.,  vii, 
108.     (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

300.  ALLIANCE,  Destructive.— To  take 
part  in  European  conflicts  would  be  to  divert 
our  energies  from  creation  to  destruction. — 
To  GEORGE  LOGAN.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  23.     (W., 
March  1801.) 

301.  ALLIANCE,  Divorce  from  all.— As 

to  everything  except  commerce,  we  ought  to 
divorce  ourselves  from  them  all.  But  this 
system  would  require  time,  temper,  wisdom, 
and  occasional  sacrifice  of  interest;  and  how 
far  all  of  these  will  be  ours,  our  children  may 
see,  but  we  shall  not.  The  passions  are  too 
high  at  present,  to  be  cooled  in  our  day. — To 
EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  191.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
154-  (Pa.,  I797-) 

802. .     Better   keep    together    as 

we  are,  haul  off  from  Europe  as  soon  as  we 
can.  and  from  all  attachments  to  any  portions 
of  it. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR,  iv,  247.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  265.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

303. .  Commerce  with  all  na 
tions,  alliance  with  none,  should  be  our  motto. 
— To  T.  LOMAX.  iv,  301.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  374. 
(M.,  March  1799.) 

304. .  It  ought  to  be  the  very 

first  object  of  our  pursuits  to  have  nothing  to 


do  with  the  European  interests  and  politics. 
Let  them  be  free  or  slaves,  at  will,  navigators 
or  agriculturists,  swallowed  into  one  govern 
ment  or  divided  into  a  thousand,  we  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  them  in  any  form. — 
To  GEORGE  LOGAN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  23.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

305.  ALLIANCES,  Entangling.— I  know 
that  it  is  a  maxim  with  us,  and  I  think  it  a 
wise  one,  not  to  entangle  ourselves  with  the 
affairs  of  Europe. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii, 
334-  FORD  ED.,  iv,  483.  (P.,  1787.) 

306. .     I  am  for  free  commerce 

with  all  nations;  political  connection  with 
none;  and  little  or  no  diplomatic  establish 
ment.  And  I  am  not  for  linking  ourselves  by 
new  treaties  with  the  quarrels  of  Europe;  en 
tering  that  field  of  slaughter  to  preserve  their 
balance,  or  joining  in  the  confederacy  of 
Kings  to  war  against  the  principles  of  lib 
erty. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  328.  (Pa.,  1 799-) 

307. .  Let  our  affairs  be  disen 
tangled  from  those  of  all  other  nations,  ex 
cept  as  to  commerce. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER. 
iv,  331.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  452.  (M.,  1800.) 

308. .     The  Constitution  thought 

it  wise  to  restrain  the  Executive  and  Senate 
from  entangling  and  embroiling  our  affairs 
with  those  of  Europe. — PARLIAMENTARY 
MANUAL,  ix,  81.  (1800.) 

309. .     Honest    friendship    with 

all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none,  I 
deem  [one  of  the]  essential  principles  of  our 
government  and,  consequently,  [one]  which 
ought  to  shape  its  administration. — FIRST  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

310. .     Determined  as  we  are  to 

avoid,  if  possible,  wasting  the  energies  of  our 
people  in  war  and  destruction,  we  shall  avoid 
implicating  ourselves  with  the  powers  of 
Europe,  even  in  support  of  principles  which 
we  mean  to  pursue.  They  have  so  many  other 
interests  different  from  ours,  that  we  must 
avoid  being  entangled  in  them.  We  believe 
we  can  enforce  these  principles,  as  to  our 
selves,  by  peaceable  means,  now  that  we  are 
likely  to  have  our  public  councils  detached 
from  foreign  views. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iv, 
370.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  18.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

311. .     Peace,      and      abstinence 

from  European  interferences,  are  our  objects. 
—To  M.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  436.  (W., 
April  1802.) 

312. .     It  is  against  our  system 

*  *  *  to  entangle  ourselves  at  all  with  the  af 
fairs  of  Europe. — To  PHILIP  MAZZEI.  iv, 
553-  (W.,  July  1864.) 

313. .     pur    nation    has    wisely 

avoided  entangling  itself  in  the  system  of 
European  interests,  has  taken  no  side  be 
tween  its  rival  powers,  attached  itself  to 
none  of  its  ever-changing  confederacies. — 
R.  TO  A.  OF  BALTIMORE  BAPTISTS,  viii,  137. 
(1808.) 


Alliances 

Alluvium 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


34 


314. .     The  less  we  have  to  do 

with  the  amities  or  enmities  of  Europe  the 
better. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  465.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  520.  (M.,  1815.) 

315. .     All    entanglements    with 

that  quarter  of  the  globe  [Europe]  should  be 
avoided  if  we  mean  that  peace  and  justice 
shall  be  the  polar  stars  of  the  American  So 
cieties. — To  J.  CORREA.  vii,  184.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
164.  (M.,  1820.) 

316. .  The  fundamental  princi 
ple  of  our  government, — never  to  entangle  us 
with  the  broils  of  Europe. — To  M.  CORAY. 
vii,  318.  (M.,  1823.) 

317. .     I    have    ever    deemed    it 

fundamental  for  the  United  States  never  to 
take  active  part  in  the  quarrels  of  Europe. 
Their  political  interests  are  entirely  distinct 
from  ours.  Their  mutual  jealousies,  their 
balance  of  power,  their  complicated  alliances, 
their  forms  and  principles  of  government,  are 
all  foreign  to  us.  They  are  nations  of  eternal 
war. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  288.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  257.  (M.,  1823.) 

318.  ALLIANCE,  A  generous.— If  there 
could  have  been  a  doubt  before  as  to  the  event 
of  the  war,  it  is  now  totally  removed  by  the 
interposition  of  France,  and  the  generous  al 
liance  she  has  entered  into  with  us. — To . 

i,  208.   FORD  ED.,  ii,  157.    (W.,  1778.) 

_  ALLIANCE.  The  Holy.— See  HOLY 
ALLIANCE. 

319.  ALLIANCE,  Horror  of.— We  have 
a  perfect  horror  at  everything  like  connecting 
ourselves   with  the   politics   of   Europe.— To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,    iv,  414.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  98. 
(W.,  1801.) 

320.  ALLIANCE,      Inadmissible.— The 
British  talk  of  *  *  *  a  treaty  of  commerce 
and  alliance.     If  the  object  of  the  latter  be 
honorable,  it  is  useless ;  if  dishonorable,  inad 
missible. — ToGoUVERNEUR    MORRIS.       Hi,    l82. 

FORD  ED.,  v,  224.    (N.  Y.,  1790.) 

321.  ALLIANCE,  Inevitable.— The  day 

that  France  takes  possession  of  New  Orleans 
*  *  *  seals  the  union  of  two  nations,  who, 
in  conjunction,  can  maintain  exclusive  posses 
sion  of  the  ocean.  From  that  moment,  we 
must  marry  ourselves  to  the  British  fleet  and 
nation.  We  must  turn  all  our  attention  to  a 
maritime  force  *  *  *.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVING 
STON,  iv,  432.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  145.  (W., 
April  1802.) 

322.  ALLIANCE,    A      lost.— Were    the 
British  court  to  return  to  their  senses  in  time 
to  seize  the  little  advantage  which  still  re 
mains  within  their  reach,  from  this  quarter,  I 
judge,  that,  on  acknowledging  our  absolute 
independence  and  sovereignty,  a  commercial 
treaty  beneficial  to  them,  and  perhaps  even 
a  league  of  mutual  offence  and  defence  might, 
not  seeing  the  expense  or  consequences  of 
such  a  measure,  be  approved  by  our  people,  if 
nothing,  in  the  meantime,  done  on  your  part 
should  prevent  it.     But  they  will  continue  to 
grasp  at  their  desperate  sovereignty,  till  every 


benefit  short  of  that  is  forever  out  of  their 
reach. — To  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  i,  205. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  132.  (August  1777.) 

323.  ALLIANCE,  Suggested    French.— 

If  we  can  obtain  from  Great  Britain  reason 
able  conditions  of  commerce,  (which,  in  my 
idea,  must  forever  include  an  admission  into 
her  [West  India]  islands,)  the  first  ground 
between  these  two  nations  would  seem  to  be 
the  best.  But  if  we  can  obtain  no  equal  terms 
from  her,  perhaps  Congress  might  think  it 
prudent,  as  Holland  has  done,  to  connect  us 
unequivocally  with  France.  Holland  has  pur 
chased  the  protection  of  France.  The  price 
she  pays  is  aid  in  time  of  war.  It  is  interest 
ing  for  us  to  purchase  a  free  commerce  with 
the  French  islands.  But  whether  it  is  best  to 
pay  for  it,  by  aids  in  war,  or  by  privileges  in 
commerce,  or  not  to  purchase  it  at  all,  is  the 
question. — REPORT  TO  CONGRESS.  ix,  244. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  130.  (P.,  1785.) 

324.  ALLIANCE,    Unwise.— I   join   you 

*  *  *  in  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  restoring 
freedom  to  the  ocean.  But  I  doubt,  with  you, 
whether  the  United  States  ought  to  join  in 
an  armed  confederacy  for  that  purpose;  or 
rather   I    am    satisfied   they   ought   not. — To 
GEORGE  LOGAN.      FORD   ED.,    viii,    23.      (W., 
March    1801.) 

325.  ALLIANCES,    Insufficiency    of.— 

Treaties  of  alliance  are  generally  insufficient 
to  enforce  compliance  with  their  mutual  stipu 
lations. —  THE  ANAS,  ix,  88.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
157.  (1818.) 

326.  ALLIANCES,  International  Mar 
riage. — What  a  crowd  of  lessons  do  the  pres 
ent    miseries    of    Holland    teach    us!  *  *  * 
Never  to  let  a  citizen  ally  himself  with  Kings 

*  *  *.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,    ii,  283.    FORD  ED., 
iv,  455-    (P-,  1787.) 

_  ALLODIAL  TENURE.— See  LAND. 
_  ALLOY  IN  MONEY.— See  DOLLAR. 

327.  ALLSTON,  Burr  and  Washington. 
— I  send  you  Allston's  letter  for  perusal.     He 
thinks  to  get  over  this  matter  by  putting  a 
bold  face  on  it.     I  have  the  names  of  three 
persons  whose  evidence,  taken  together,  can 
fix  on  him  the  actual  endeavor  to  engage  men 
in  Burr's  enterprise. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  13.     (W.,  1807.) 

328. .     The  enclosed  copy  of  an 

affidavit  from  General  Wilkinson  authenti 
cates  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  Colonel  Burr  to 
the  General,  affirming  that  Mr.  Allston  his 
son-in-law,  is  engaged  in  the  unlawful  en 
terprises  he  is  carrying  on,  and  is  to  be  an 
actor  in  them.  *  *  *  It  is  further  well  known 
in  Washington  that  Mr.  Allston  is  an  en 
dorser  to  a  considerable  amount,  of  the  bills 
which  have  enabled  Colonel  Burr  to  prepare 
his  treasons.  Nobody  is  a  better  judge  than 
yourself  whether  any  and  what  measures  can 
be  taken  on  this  information. — To  CHARLES 
PINCKNEY.  v,  34.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  13.  (W., 
Jan.  1807.) 

_  ALLUVIUM.— See  BATTURE. 


35 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Almanacs 
America 


329.  ALMANACS,  Improvements  in.— I 

received  your  letter  on  the  publication  of  an 
Ephemeris.  I  have  long  thought  it  desirable 
that  something  of  that  kind  should  be  published 
in  the  United  States,  holding  a  middle  station 
between  the  nautical  and  the  common  popular 
almanacs.  *  *  *  What  you  propose  to  in 
sert  is  very  well  so  far ;  but  I  think  you  might 
give  it  more  of  the  character  desired  by  the 
addition  of  some  other  articles  which  would  not 
enlarge  it  more  than  a  leaf  or  two.  For  in 
stance,  the  equation  of  time  is  essential  to  the 
regulation  of  our  clocks  and  watches,  and  would 
only  add  a  narrow  column  to  your  second  page. 
The  sun's  declination  is  often  desirable  and 
would  only  add  another  narrow  column.  This 
last  would  be  the  more  useful  as  an  element 
for  obtaining  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun 
in  every  part  of  the  United  States  *  *  if 

you  would  add  a  formula  for  that  calculation. — 
To  MELATIAH  NASH,  vi,  29.  (M.,  1811.) 

330.  ALMANACS,   Value  of  Old.— But 
why,  you  will  ask,  do  I  send  you  old  almanacs, 
which    are    proverbially    useless?     Because,    in 
these  publications  have  appeared  from  time  to 
time,  some  of  the  most  precious  things  in  as 
tronomy.     I  have  searched  out  those  particular 
volumes   which    might   be   valuable   to   you   on 
this    account.     That    of    1781,    contains    De    ia 
Caille's  catalogue  of  fixed  stars  reduced  to  the 
commencement  of  that  year,  and  a  table  of  the 
aberrations    and    mutations    of    the    principal 
stars.     1784  contains  the  same  catalogue  with 
the  nebuleuses  of  Messier.     1785   contains  the 
famous  catalogue  of  Hamsteed,  with  the  posi 
tions  of  the  stars  reduced  to  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1784,  and  which  supersedes  the  use  of 
that    immense    book.     1786    gives    von    Euler's 
lunar  tables  corrected;    and  1787  the  tables  for 
the  planet  Herschel.     The  two  last  needed  not 
an  apology,  as  not  being  within  the  description 
of  old  almanacs.     *     *     *     The  volume  of  1787 
gives  you  Mayer's  catalogue  of  the  zodiacal  stars. 
To  DR.    STILES,     i,  363.     (P.,  1785.) 

—  ALMIGHTY,  The.— See  DEITY. 
_  ALMS.— See  CHARITY. 

331.  ALTERCATIONS,    Injurious.— An 
instance  of  acquiescence  on  our  part  under  a 
wrong,  rather  than  disturb  our  friendship  by 
altercations,  may  have  its  value  in  some  fu 
ture  case.— To  JOHN  JAY.    i,  603.    (P.,  1786.) 

332.  ALTERCATIONS,  Nursing.— If  the 

British  troops  should  pass  [through  our  ter 
ritory]  without  having  asked  leave,  I  should 
be  for  expressing  our  dissatisfaction  to  the 
British  Court,  and  keeping  alive  an  alterca 
tion  on  the  subject,  till  events  should  decide 
whether  it  is  most  expedient  to  accept  their 
apologies,  or  profit  of  the  aggression  as  a 
cause  of  war. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 
vii,  510.  FORD  ED.,  v,  239.  (1790.) 

—  AMALGAMATION  OF  PARTIES.— 

See  PARTIES. 

-  AMBASSADORS.— See  MINISTERS. 

333.  AMBITION,  Defeating.— The  minds 
of  the  people  at  large  should  be  illuminated, 
as  far  as  practicable,  *  *  *  that  they  may  be 
enabled  to  know  ambition  under  all  its  shapes, 
and  prompt  to  exert  their  natural  powers  to 
defeat  its  purposes. — DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWL 
EDGE  BILL.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.     (1779.) 


334.  AMBITION,  Eradicated.— Before  I 
ventured  to  declare  to  my  countrymen  my  de 
termination  to  retire  from  public  employment, 
I  examined  well  my  heart  to  know  whether  it 
were  thoroughly  cured  of  every  principle  of 
political   ambition,    whether  no  lurking   par 
ticle  remained  which  might  leave  me  uneasy, 
when  reduced  within  the  limits  of  mere  pri 
vate  life.     I  became  satisfied  that  every  fibre 
of  that  passion  was  thoroughly  eradicated. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,    i,  317.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  56. 
(M.,  1782.) 

335.  AMBITION,     Family.— I     feel     no 
impulse  from  personal  ambition  to  the  office 
now  proposed  to  me,  but  on  account  of  your 
self  and  your  sister  and  those  dear  to  you. — 
To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES.     D.  L.  J.  274. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

336.  AMBITION,    Government   and.— I 

have  no  ambition  to  govern  men;  no  passion 
which  would  lead  me  to  delight  to  ride  in  a 
storm. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  152. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  94.  (M.,  1796.) 

337. .     I    have    no    ambition   to 

govern  men.  It  is  a  painful  and  thankless  of 
fice. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  iv,  154.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  98.  (M.,  1796.) 

338. .     I  have  no  inclination  to 

govern  men.  I  should  have  no  views  of  my 
own  in  doing  it ;  and  as  to  those  of  the  gov 
erned,  I  had  rather  that  their  disappointment 
(which  must  always  happen)  should  be 
pointed  to  any  other  cause,  real  or  supposed, 
than  to  myself. — To  MR.  VOLNEY.  iv,  158. 
(M.,  1797.) 

339.  AMBITION,  Lost.— The  little  spice 
of  ambition  which  I  had  in  my  younger  days 
has  long  since  evaporated,  and  I  set  still  'less 
store  by  a  posthumous  than  present  name. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  117.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
10.   (M.,  April  1795.) 

340.  AMENDMENTS    TO    CONSTITU 
TION,    First.— Congress    were    to    proceed 
about  the  ist  of  June  to  propose  amendments 
to  the  new  Constitution.    The  principal  would 
be,  the  annexing  a  declaration  of  rights  to 
satisfy  the  mind  of  all  on  the  subject  of  their 
liberties. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.    iii,  89. 
(P.,  Aug.   1789.)     See  CONSTITUTION   (FED 
ERAL.  ) 

341.  AMERICA,  Europe  and.— The  Eu 
ropean  nations  constitute  a  separate  division 
of  the  globe ;  their  treaties  make  them  part  of 
a  distinct  system ;  they  have  a  set  of  interests 
of  their  own  in  which  it  is  our  business  never 
to  engage  ourselves.     America  has  a  hemi 
sphere  to  itself.     It  must  have  its  separate 
system  of  interests,  which  must  not  be  sub 
ordinated  to  those  of  Europe.    The  insulated 
state  in  which  nature  has  placed  the  American 
continent,  should  so  far  avail  it  that  no  spark 
of  war  kindled  in  the  other  quarters  of  the 
globe  should  be  wafted  across  the  wide  oceans 
which  separate  us  from  them.    And  it  will  be 
so. — To    BARON    VON    HUMBOLDT.      vi,    268. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  431.  (Dec.  1813.)     See  CANADA, 
COLONIES.    SOUTH  AMERICA,   UNITED  STATES. 


America 
Ancestry 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


342. .     Nothing  is  so  important 

as  that  America  shall  separate  herself  from 
the  systems  of  Europe,  and  establish  one  of 
her  own.  Our  circumstances,  our  pursuits, 
our  interests,  are  distinct;  the  principles  of 
our  policy  should  be  so  also.  All  entangle 
ments  with  that  quarter  of  the  globe  should 
be  avoided  if  we  mean  that  peace  and  justice 
shall  be  the  polar  stars  of  the  American  socie 
ties.  *  *  *  It  would  be  a  leading  principle 
with  me  had  I  longer  to  live. — To  J.  CORREA 
DE  SERRA.  vii,  184.  FORD  ED.,  x,  164.  (M., 
Oct.  1820.)  See  POLICY. 

343.  AMERICA,  No  Kings  nor  Emper 
ors  for. — I  rejoice  to  learn  that  Iturbide  is  a 
mere  usurper,  and  slenderly  supported.    Al 
though  we  have  no  right  to  intermeddle  with 
the  form  of  government  of  other  nations,  yet 
it  is  lawful  to  wish  to  see  no  emperors  nor 
kings  in  our  hemisphere,  and  that  Brazil  as 
well  as  Mexico  will  homologize  with  us. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED.,  x,  244. 

—  AMERICA,  South.— See  SOUTH  AMER 
ICA. 

—  AMERICA,    A    Summary    View    of 
the  Rights  of  British  America.— See  AP 
PENDIX. 

—  AMERICAN     REVOLUTION.— See 
REVOLUTION. 

344.  AMERICUS    VESPUCCIUS,    Pic 
ture  of. — I  have  sent  to  Florence  for  pictures 
of   Columbus    (if  it  exists),   of  Americus  Ves- 
puccius,  Magellan,  &c. — To  WILLIAM  S.  SMITH. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  2.     (P.,  1788.) 

345.  ANARCHY,    Averted.— Much    has 
been  gained  by  the  new  [Federal]   Constitu 
tion,  for  the  former  was  terminating  in  an 
archy,    as    necessarily    consequent   to    ineffi 
ciency. — To  GEORGE  MASON,    iii,    148.    FORD 
ED.,  v,  183.    (N.  Y.,  1790.) 

346.  ANARCHY,      Fatal.— Our     falling 
into  anarchy  would  decide  forever  the  desti 
nies  of  mankind,  and  seal  the  political  heresy 
that  man  is  incapable  of  self-government. — 
To  JOHN  HOLLINS.   v,  597.    (M.,  1811.) 

347.  ANARCHY,    Imputed.— From    the 
London   gazettes    and    the    papers    copying 
them,    you    are   led   to    suppose   that   all    in 
America  is  anarchy,  discontent  and  civil  war. 
Nothing,  however,  is  less  true.  There  are  not 
on  the  face  of  the  earth  more  tranquil  gov 
ernments  than  ours,  nor  a  happier  and  more 
contented   people.— To    BARON    GEISMER.     i, 
427.     (R,  1785.) 

348. .     Wonderful  is  the  effect  of 

impudent  and  persevering  lying.  The  Brit 
ish  ministry  have  so  long  hired  their  gazet 
teers  to  repeat,  and  model  into  every  form, 
lies  about  our  being  in  anarchy,  that  the 
world  has  at  length  believed  them,  *  *  * 
and  what  is  more  wonderful,  we  have  be 
lieved  them  ourselves.  Yet  where  does  this 
anarchy  exist?  Where  did  it  ever  exist,  ex 
cept  in  the  single  instance  of  Massachusetts? 
And  can  history  produce  one  instance  of 
rebellion  so  honorably  conducted? — To  W.  S. 
SMITH,  ii,  318.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  466.  (P.,  1787.) 


349.  ANARCHY,  Suppress.— Let  this  be 
the  distinctive  mark  of  an  American  that,  in 
cases  of  commotion,  he  enlists  himself  under 
no  man's  banner,  inquires  for  no  man's  name, 
but  repairs  to  the  standard  of  the  laws.    Do 
this  and  you  need  never    fear    anarchy    or 
tyranny.     Your   government   will   be   perpet 
ual— FROM  JEFFERSON'S  Mss.    FORD  ED.,  viii, 
i.    (1801?) 

350.  ANATOMY,     Knowledge     of.— No 

knowledge  can  be  more  satisfactory  to  a  man 
than  that  of  his  own  frame,  its  parts,  their 
functions  and  actions. — To  THOMAS  COOPER. 
vi,  390.  (M.,  1814.) 

351. .     I  have  just  received  *  *  * 

two  volumes  of  Comparative  Anatomy  by 
Cuvier,  probably  the  greatest  work  in  that  line 
that  has  ever  appeared.  His  comparisons  em 
brace  every  organ  of  the  animal  carcass ;  and 
from  man  to  the  rotifer. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  iv,  385.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  33.  (W.,  1801.) 

352.  ANCESTORS,  Practices   of.— I   am 

not  bigotted  to  the  practices  of  our  fore 
fathers.  It  is  that  bigotry  which  keeps  the 
Indians  in  a  state  of  barbarism  in  the  midst 
ot  the  arts,  would  have  kept  us  in  the  same 
state  even  now,  and  still  keeps  Connecticut 
where  their  ancestors  were  when  they  landed 
on  these  shores. — To  ROBERT  FULTON,  v,  516. 
(M.,  1810.) 

353.  ANCESTORS,     Regimen     of.— We 

might  as  well  require  a  man  to  wear  still  the 
coat  which  fitted  him  when  a  boy,  as  civil 
ized  society  to  remain  ever  under  the  regimen 
of  their  barbarous  ancestors. — To  SAMUEL 
KERCHIVAL.  vii,  15.  FORD  ED.,  x,  43.  (M., 
1816.) 

354.  ANCESTRY,     Equality     vs.— The 

foundation  on  which  all  [our  constitutions] 
are  built,  is  the  natural  equality  of  man,  the 
denial  of  every  pre-eminence  but  that  an 
nexed  to  legal  office  and,  particularly,  the  de 
nial  of  a  pre-eminence  by  birth. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  i,  334.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  466.  (A., 
1784.) 

355.  ANCESTRY,   Thomas  Jefferson's. 
— The  tradition  in  my  father's  family  was  that 
their  ancestor  came  to  this  country  from  Wales, 
and  from  near  the  mountain  of  Snowdon,  the 
highest  in  Great  Britain.     I  noted  once  a  case 
from  Wales,  in  the  law  reports,  where  a  person 
of  our  name  was  either  plaintiff  or  defendant ; 
and  one  of  the  same  name  was  secretary  to  the 
Virginia    Company.*     These    are    the    only    in 
stances  in  which  I  have  met  with  the  name  in 
that    country.     I    have    found    it   in    our    early 
records ;    but  the  first  particular  information  I 
have  of  any  ancestor  was  of  my  grandfather, 
who   lived   at   the   place   in   Chesterfield   called 
Ozborne's,  and  owned  the  lands  afterwards  the 
glebe    of    the    parish.     He    had    three    sons : 
Thomas  who  died  young,  Field  who  settled  on 
the  waters  of  Roanoke  and  left  numerous  de 
scendants,  and  Peter,  my  father,  who  settled  on 
the  lands  I  still  own,  called  Shadwell,  adjoining 
my  present  residence.     He  was  born  February 

*  No  Jefferson  was  ever  Secretary  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  but  John  Jefferson  was  a  member  of  the 
Company.  He  came  to  Virginia  in  the  Bona  Nova, 
in  1619.— NOTE  IN  FORD'S  EDITION  OF  JEFFERSON'S 
WRITINGS. 


37 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Angels 
Animosities 


29,  1707-8,  and  intermarried  1739.  with  Jane 
Randolph,  of  the  age  of  19,  daughter  of  Isham 
Randolph,  one  of  the  seven  sons  of  that  name 
and  family,  settled  at  Dungeoness  in  Gooch- 
land.  They  trace  their  pedigree  far  back  in 
England  and  Scotland,  to  which  let  every  one 
ascribe  the  faith  and  merit  he  chooses. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  i.  FORD  ED.,  i,  i.  (1831.) 

356.  ANGELS,  Kings  as.-— Have  we 
found  angels  in  the  form  of  kings  to  govern 
him?— FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  3. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  3.  (1801.) 

857.  ANGEB,  Control  over.— When  an 
gry,  count  ten  before  you  speak;  if  very  an 
gry,  an  hundred. — To  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 
SMITH,  vii,  402.  FORD  ED.,  x,  341.  (M.,  1825.) 

358.  ANGLOMANIA,      Danger      in.— I 

fear  nothing  for  our  liberty  from  the  assaults 
of  force ;  but  I  have  seen  and  felt  much,  and 
fear  more  from  English  books,  English  preju 
dices,  English  manners,  and  the  apes,  the 
dupes,  and  designs  among  our  professional 
crafts.  When  I  look  around  me  for  security 
against  these  seductions,  I  find  it  in  the  wide 
spread  of  our  agricultural  citizens,  in  their 
unsophisticated  minds,  their  independence 
and  their  power,  if  called  on,  to  crush  the 
Humists  [Tories]  of  our  cities,  and  to  main 
tain  the  principles  which  severed  us  from 
England. — To  HORATIO  G.  SPAFFORD.  vi,  335. 
(M.,  1814.) 

359.  ANGLOMANIA,     Eradicate.— The 

eradication  of  English  partialities  is  one  of 
the  most  consoling  expectations  from  the  war. 
— To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  76.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
366.  (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

360.  ANGLOMANIA,     Politics     and.— 

The  Anglicism  of  1808,  against  which  we  are 
now  struggling,  is  but  the  same  thing  [as  the 
Toryism  of  1777  and  the  Federalism  of  1799] 
in  still  another  form.  It  is  a  longing  for  a 
king,  and  an  English  King  rather  than  any 
other. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v,  512.  (M., 
1810.) 

361. .     Anglomany,       monarchy, 

and  separation  are  the  principles  of  the  Es 
sex  federalists.  Anglomany  and  monarchy, 
those  of  the  Hamiltonians,  and  Anglomany 
alone,  that  of  the  portion  of  the  people  who 
call  themselves  federalists.— To  JOHN  MEL- 
ISH.  vi,  96.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  375.  (M.,  1813.) 

362.  ANGLOMANIA,  Servile.— I  wish 
any  events  could  induce  us  to  cease  to  copy 
such  a  model,  [the  British  government,]  and 
to  assume  the  dignity  of  being  original.  They 
had  their  paper  system,  stockjobbing,  specu 
lations,  public  debt,  moneyed  interest,  &c., 
and  all  this  was  contrived  for  us.  They 
raised  their  cry  against  jacobinism  and  revo 
lutionists,  we  against  democratic  societies  and 
anti-federalists ;  their  alarmists  sounded  in 
surrection,  ours  marched  an  army  to  look  for 
one,  but  they  could  not  find  it.  I  wish  the  par 
allel  may  stop  here,  and  that  we  may  avoid, 
instead  of  imitating,  a  general  bankruptcy 
and  disastrous  war. — To  HORATIO  GATES,  iv, 
178.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  130.  (Pa.,  1797.) 


363.  ANGLOPHOBIA,     Washington's 
Cabinet  and.— The  Anglophobia  has  seized 
violently  on  three  members  of  our  council. 
This  sets  almost  every  day  on  questions  of 
neutrality.     *     *     *     Everything  hangs  upon 
the    opinion    of    a    single   person     [Edmund 
Randolph],  and  that  the  most  indecisive  one 
I  ever  had  to  do  business  with.    He  always 
contrives  to  agree  in  principle  with  one  but 
in  conclusion  with  the  other.    Anglophobia, 
secret  Anti-Gallomany,  a    federalisme  outree 
and  a  present  ease  in  his  circumstances  not 
usual,   have   decided  the   complexion  of  our 
dispositions,  and  our  proceedings  towards  the 
conspirators  against  human  liberty,   and  the 
asserters  of  it,  which  is  unjustifiable  in  prin 
ciple,  in  interest,  and  in  respect  to  the  wishes 
of  our  constituents. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii, 
556.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  250.    (May  1793.) 

ANGLO-SAXON          LANGUAGE.— See 

LANGUAGES. 

—  ANIMALS,  Do  they  Degenerate  in 
America  P — See  BUFFON. 

364.  ANIMOSITIES,    Individual.— The 

great  cause  which  divides  our  countries  is 
not  to  be  decided  by  individual  animosities. 
The  harmony  of  private  societies  cannot 
weaken  national  efforts.  To  contribute  by 
neighborly  intercourse  and  attention  to  make 
others  happy,  is  the  shortest  and  surest  way 
of  being  happy  ourselves.  As  these  senti 
ments  seem  to  have  directed  your  conduct, 
we  should  be  as  unwise  as  illiberal,  were  we 
not  to  preserve  the  same  temper  of  mind. — 
To  GEN.  WILLIAM  PHILLIPS.  D.  L.  JM  53. 
(I779-) 

865.    ANIMOSITIES,       National.— The 

animosities  of  sovereigns  are  temporary,  and 
may  be  allayed;  but  those  which  seize  the 
whole  body  of  a  people,  and  of  a  people,  too, 
who  dictate  their  own  measures,  produce  ca 
lamities  of  long  duration.* — To  C.  W.  F. 
DUMAS,  i,  553.  (P.,  1786.) 

366.   ANIMOSITIES,     Political.— Party 

animosities  here  have  raised  a  wall  of  separa 
tion  between  those  who  differ  in  political  sen 
timents.  They  must  love  misery  indeed  who 
would  rather,  at  the  sight  of  an  honest  man, 
feel  the  torment  of  hatred  and  aversion  than 
the  benign  spasms  of  benevolence  and  esteem. 
—To  MRS.  CHURCH.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  116.  (Pa., 
Oct.  1792.) 

367. .  While  I  cherish  with  feel 
ing  the  recollections  of  my  friends,  I  banish 
from  my  mind  all  political  animosities  which 
might  disturb  its  tranquillity,  or  the  happi 
ness  I  derive  from  my  present  pursuits. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  532.  (M.,  1810.) 

368.  ANIMOSITIES,  Rekindling.— 
Peace  with  all  the  world,  and  a  quiet  descent 
through  the  remainder  of  my  time,  are  now 
so  necessary  to  my  happiness  that  I  am  un 
willing,  by  the  expression  of  any  opinion  be 
fore  the  public,  to  rekindle  ancient  animosi- 

*  Jefferson  was  describing  the  "  hatred  "  of  Amer 
ica  by  the  English  people.— EDITOR. 


Annapolis 
Anti-Federalists 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


ties,  covered  under  their  ashes  indeed,  but 
not  extinguished. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  FORD  ED., 
x,  265.  (M.,  1823.) 

_  ANNAPOLIS       (FEDERAL)      CON 
VENTION.— See  CONVENTION. 
—  ANNEXATION     OF     TERRITORY. 

— See  TERRITORY. 

369.  ANNUITIES,  Government  Loans 
and. — Annuities  for  single  lives  are  also  be 
yond  our  powers,  because  the  single  life  may 
pass  the  term  of  a  generation.    This  last  prac 
tice  is  objectionable  too,  as  encouraging  ce 
libacy,  and  the  disinherison  of  heirs. — To  J. 
W.  EPPES.  vi,  198.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  397..    (P.  F., 
1813.)     See  GENERATIONS. 

370.  ANONYMOUS  WRITING,  News 
paper. — I  never  did  in  my  life,  either  by  my 
self  or  by  any  other,  have  a  sentence  of  mine 
inserted  in  a  newspaper  without  putting  my 
name  to  it ;  and  I  believe  I  never  shall. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,   iii,  272.   FORD  ED.,  v,  35*5.    (Pa., 
1791.) 

371.  ANTI-FEDERALISTS,     Jefferson 
and. — You  say  that  I  have  been  dished  up  to 
you  as  an  anti-federalist,  and  ask  me  if  it  be 
just.    My  opinion  was  never  worthy  enough 
of  notice  to  merit  citing;  but  since  you  ask 
it,  I  will  tell  it  to  you.    I  am  not  a  federalist, 
because  I  never,  submitted  the  whole  system 
of  my  opinions  to  the  creed  of  any  party  of 
men  whatever,  in  religion,  in  philosophy,  in 
politics,  or  in  anything  else,  where  I  was  ca 
pable  of  thinking  for  myself.     Such  an  ad 
diction  is  the  last  degradation  of  a  free  and 
moral  agent.    If  I  could  not  go  to  heaven  but 
with  a  party,  I  would    not    go    there  at  all. 
Therefore,  I  am  not  of  the  party  of  federal 
ists.   But  I  am  much  farther  from  that  of  the 
anti-federalists.     I    approved    from   the   first 
moment  of  the  great  mass  of  what  is  in  the 
new   Constitution;   the  consolidation   of  the 
government ;  the  organization  into  executive, 
legislative  and  judiciary;  the  subdivision  of 
the  legislative;  the  happy  compromise  of  in 
terests  between  the  great  and  little  States,  by 
the  different  manner  of  voting  in  the  different 
Houses;   the  voting  by  persons    instead    of 
States ;  the  qualified  negative  on  laws  given  to 
the  Executive,  which,  however,  I  should  have 
liked  better  if  associated  with  the  judiciary 
also,  as  in  New  York ;  and  the  power  of  taxa 
tion.    I  thought  at  first  that  the  latter  might 
have  been  limited.  A  little  reflection  soon  con 
vinced  me  it  ought  not  to  be.    What  I  disap 
proved  from  the  first  moment  also,  was  the 
want  of  a  bill  of  rights,    to    guard    liberty 
against  the  legislative  as  well  as  the  execu 
tive  branches  of  the  government ;  that  is  to 
say,  to  secure  freedom  in  religion,  freedom  of 
the  press,  freedom  from  monopolies,  freedom 
from  unlawful  imprisonment,  freedom  from 
a  permanent  military,  and  a  trial  by  jury  in 
all  cases  determinable  by  the  laws  of  the  land. 
I  disapproved  also  the  perpetual  re-eligibility 
of  the  President.    To  these  points  of  disap 
probation  I  adhere.    My  first  wish  was  that 
the  nine  first  conventions  might  accept   the 
Constitution,  as  the  means  of  securing  to  us 


the  great  mass  of  good  it  contained,  and  that 
the  four  last  might  reject  it,  as  the  means  of 
obtaining  amendments.  But  I  was  corrected 
in  this  wish  the  moment  I  saw  the  much  bet 
ter  plan  of  Massachusetts,  and  which  had 
never  occurred  to  me.  With  respect  to  the 
declaration  of  rights,  I  suppose  the  majority 
of  the  United  States  are  of  my  opinion;  for 
I  apprehend  all  the  anti-federalists  and  a  very 
respectable  proportion  of  the  federalists  think 
that  such  a  declaration  should  now  be 
annexed.  The  enlightened  part  of  Europe 
have  given  us  the  greatest  credit  for  in 
venting  this  instrument  of  security  for 
the  rights  of  the  people,  and  have  been 
not  a  little  surprised  to  see  us  so  soon 
give  it  up.  With  respect  to  the  re- 
eligibility  of  the  President,  I  find  myself  dif 
fering  from  the  majority  of  my  countrymen; 
for  I  think  there  are  but  three  States  out  of 
the  eleven  which  have  desired  an  alteration  of 
this.  And,  indeed,  since  the  thing  is  estab 
lished,  I  would  wish  it  not  to  be  altered  dur 
ing  the  life  of  our  great  leader,  whose  execu 
tive  talents  are  superior  to  those,  I  believe, 
of  any  man  in  the  world,  and  who,  alone,  by 
the  authority  of  his  name  and  the  confidence 
reposed  in  his  perfect  integrity,  is  fully  quali 
fied  to  put  the  new  government  so  under  way, 
as  to  secure  it  against  the  efforts  of  opposi 
tion.  But,  having  derived  from  our  error  all 
the  good  there  was  in  it,  I  hope  we  shall  cor 
rect  it,  the  moment  we  can  no  longer  have 
the  same  name  at  the  helm.  These  are  my 
sentiments,  by  which  you  will  see  I  was  right 
in  saying  I  am  neither  federalist  nor  anti- 
federalist  ;  that  I  am  of  neither  party,  nor 
yet  a  trimmer  between  parties.  These,  my 
opinions,  I  wrote  within  a  few  hours  after  I 
had  read  the  Constitution,  to  one  or  two 
friends  in  America.  I  had  not  then  read  one 
single  word  printed  on  the  subject.  I  never 
had  an  opinion  in  politics  or  religion  which  I 
was  afraid  to  own.  A  costive  reserve  on  these 
subjects  might  have  procured  me  more  esteem 
from  some  people,  but  less  from  myself.  My 
great  wish  is  to  go  on  in  a  strict  but  silent 
performance  of  my  duty;  to  avoid  attracting 
notice,  and  to  keep  my  name  out  of  newspa 
pers,  because  I  find  the  pain  of  a  little  cen 
sure,  even  when  it  is  unfounded,  is  more 
acute  than  the  pleasure  of  much  praise.  The 
attaching  circumstance  of  my  present  office 
[Minister]  is  that  I  can  do  its  duties  unseen 
by  those  for  whom  they  are  done. — To  F. 
HOPKINSON.  ii,  585.  FORD  ED.,  v,  75.  (P., 
March  13, 1789.) 

372.  ANTI-FEDERALISTS,       Malevo 
lence  of. — Anti-federalism  is  not  yet  dead  in 
this   country.    The   gentlemen    who   opposed 
the  new  Constitution  retain  a  good  deal  of 
malevolence    towards    the    new    government. 
Henry    is    its    avowed    foe. — To    WILLIAM 
SHORT.    FORD  ED.,  v,  136.    (Ep.,  Dec.  1789.) 

373.  ANTI-FEDERALISTS,  Over 
thrown. — The  opposition  to  our  new   Con 
stitution     has     almost     totally     disappeared. 
Some  few  indeed  had  gone  such  lengths  in 
their  declarations  of  hostility  that  they  feel  it 


39 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Antiquities 
Apportionment  Ratio 


awkward  perhaps  to  come  over;  but  the 
amendments  proposed  by  Congress  have 
brought  over  almost  all  their  followers.  *  *  * 
The  little  vautrien,  Rhode  Island,  will  come 
over  with  a  little  more  time. — To  MARQUIS 
LAFAYETTE,  iii,  132.  FORD  ED.,  v,  152.  (N.  Y., 
April  1790.) 

374.  ANTIQUITIES,  American.— I  thank 
you  for  the  extract  of  the  letter     *     *     *     on 
the   antiquities   found   in   the   western   country. 
I  wish  that  the  persons  who  go  thither  would 
make  very  exact  descriptions  of  what  they  see 
of  that  kind,  without  forming  any  theories.  The 
moment  a  person  forms  a  theory,  his  imagina 
tion  sees,  in  every  object,  only  the  traits  which 
favor  that  theory.     But  it  is  too  early  to  form 
theories   on   those   antiquities.     We   must   wait 
with  patience  till  more   facts   are  collected.     I 
wish   your   Philosophical   Society  would   collect 
exact  descriptions  of  the  several  monuments  as 
yet    known,    and    insert    them    naked    in    their 
Transactions.     Patience    and    observation    may 
enable  us  in  time,  to  solve  the  problem,  whether 
those  who  formed  the  scattering  monuments  in 
our    western    country,    were    colonies    sent    off 
from  Mexico,  or  the  founders  of  Mexico  itself? 
Whether    both    were    the    descendants    or    the 
progenitors     of     the     Asiatic     red     men. — To 
CHARLES  THOMSON,     ii,  276.     (Pa.,   1787.) 

375.  ANTIQUITIES,       Roman.— From 
Lyons  to   Nismes   I   have  been   nourished  with 
the  remains  of  Roman  grandeur.     *     *     *    At 
Vienne,   the   Praetorian   Palace,   as   it   is   called, 
comparable,    for    its    fine    proportions,    to    the 
Maison  quarree,  defaced  by  the  barbarians  who 
have    converted    it   to    its   present   purpose,    its 
beautiful  fluted  Corinthian  columns  cut  out,  in 
part,   to   make  space   for  Gothic  windows,   and 
hewed  down,  in  the  residue,  to  the  plane  of  the 
building,  was  enough     *     *     *     to  disturb  my 
composure.   At  Orange,  I  thought  of  you.   I  was 
sure  you   had   seen   with   pleasure   the   sublime 
triumphal  arch  of  Marius  at  the  entrance  of  the 
city.     I  went  then  to  the  Arenae.    Would  you  be 
lieve  that  in  this  eighteenth  century,  in  France,, 
under    the    reign    of    Louis    XVI.,  they    are    at 
this  moment  pulling  down  the  circular  wall  of 
this  superb  remain,  to  pave  a  road  ?     And  that, 
too,  from  a  hill  which  is  itself  an  entire  mass  of 
stone,  just  as  fit,  and  more  accessible.     *     *     * 
I  thought  of  you  again     *     *     *     at  the  Pont 
du    Card,    a    sublime    antiquity,    and    well-pre 
served ;    but  most  of  all  here  [Nismes],  whose 
Roman    taste,    genius    and    magnificence   excite 
ideas   analogous  to  yours  at  every   step.  *  *   * 
You  will  not  expect  news.     Were  I  to  attempt 
to  give  it,  I  should  tell  you  stories  one  thousand 
years  old.     I  should  detail  to  you  the  intrigues 
of  the  courts  of  the  Caesars,  how  they  affect  us 
here,  the  oppressions  of  their  praetors,  prefects, 
&c.     I  am  immersed  in  antiquities  from  morn 
ing   to    night.     For   me,    the    city    of    Rome    is 
actually  existing  in  all  the  splendor  of  its  em 
pire.     I  am  filled  with  alarms  for  the  event  of 
the  irruptions  darly  mak'ng  on  us,  by  the  Goths, 
the    Visigoths,    Ostrogoths,    and    Vandals,    lest 
they  should  reconquer  us  to   our  original  bar 
barism. — To  LA  COMTESSE  DE  TESSE.     ii,  132. 
(N.,  1787.) 

_  ANTOINETTE,  MARIE.— See  MARIE 
ANTOINETTE. 

376.  APOSTASY,   Defined.— It  is  to  be 
considered    as    apostasy     only    when       they 
[schismatizing     republicans]      purchase     the 
votes   of   federalists   with   a   participation   in 
honor  and  power. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,    v, 
121.   FORD  ED.,  ix,  102.    (W.,  1807.) 


377.  APOSTASY,  Punished.— As  to  the 

effect  of  Mr.  [Patrick]  Henry's  name  among 
the  people,  I  have  found  it  crumble  like  a 
dried  leaf,  the  moment  they  became  satisfied 
of  his  apostasy. — To  TENCH  COXE.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  381.  (M.,  1799.) 

378.  APPLAUSE,    Courting.— I   am   not 

reconciled  to  the  idea  of  a  Chief  Magistrate 
parading  himself  through  the  several  States, 
as  an  object  of  public  gaze,  and  in  quest  of 
applause  which,  to  be  valuable,  should  be 
purely  voluntary.  1  had  rather  acquire  silent 
good  will  by  a  faithful  discharge  of  my  du 
ties,  than  owe  expressions  of  it  to  my  putting 
myself  in  the  way  of  receiving  them. — To 
JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  102.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  77. 
(W.,  1807.) 

379.  APPLAUSE,   Deserve.— Go  on  de 
serving  applause,   and   you   will   be   sure   to 
meet  with  it :  and  the  way  to  deserve  it  is  to 
be  good,  and  to  be  industrious. — To  J.   W. 
EPPES.    ii,  192.    (P.,  1787.) 

380.  APPOINTMENT,  The  Power  of.— 

The  Constitution,  having  declared  that  the 
President  shall  nominate  and,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall 
appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers, 
and  consuls  *  *  *  has  taken  care  to  cir 
cumscribe  this  [power]  within  very  strict 
limits :  for  it  gives  the  nomination  of  the  for 
eign  agents  to  the  President,  the  appoint 
ments  to  him  and  the  Senate  jointly,  and  the 
commissioning  to  the  President.  This  analy 
sis  calls  our  attention  to  the  strict  import  of 
each  term.  To  nominate  must  be  to  propose. 
Appointment  seems  that  act  of  the  will  which 
constitutes  or  makes  the  agent,  and  the  com 
mission  is  the  public  evidence  of  it. — OPINION 
ON  POWERS  OF  SENATE,  vii,  465.  FORD  ED., 
v,  161.  (1790.) 

—  APPOINTMENTS  TO  OFFICE.— See 

OFFICE. 

381.  APPOBTIONMENT,     Basis     of.— 

The  number  of  Representatives  for  each 
county,  or  borough,  shall  be  so  proportioned 
to  the  number  of  its  qualified  electors,  that 
the  whole  number  of  representatives  shall  not 
exceed  300,  nor  be  less  than  125.  For  the 
present  there  shall  be  one  representative  for 
every — qualified  electors  in  each  county  or 
borough;  but  whenever  this,  or  any  future 
proportion,  shall  be  likely  to  exceed  or  fall 
short  of  the  limits  before  mentioned,  it  shall 
be  again  adjusted  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  15.  (June  1776.) 

382.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,  Arbi 
trary. — If  the  [ratio  of]   representation  [is] 
obtained  by  any  process  not  prescribed  in  the 
Constitution,  it  becomes  arbitrary  and  inad 
missible. — OPINION  ON  APPORTIONMENT  BILL. 
vii,  595-    FORD  ED.,  v,  494.     (1792.) 

383.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,  Com 
mon.— The    Constitution    has    declared    that 
representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  ap 
portioned  among  the  several  States  according 
to  their  respective  numbers.     *    *    *    That 


Apportionment  Ratio          THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


40 


is  to  say.  they  shall  be  apportioned  by  some 
common  ratio — for  proportion  and  ratio  are 
equivalent  words ;  and  in  the  definition  of 
proportion  among  numbers,  that  they  have  a 
ratio  common  to  all,  or  in  other  words,  a 
common  divisor. — OPINION  ON  APPORTION 
MENT  BILL,  vii,  594.  FORD  ED.,  v,  493.  (April 
1792.) 

384.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,  Frac 
tions  and.— It  will  be  said  that,  though,  for 
taxes  there  may  always  be  found  a  divisor 
which  will  apportion  them  among  the  States 
according  to  numbers  exactly,  without  leav 
ing  any  remainder,  yet,   for  representatives, 
there  can  be  no  such  common  ratio,  or  di 
visor,  which,  applied  to  the  several  numbers, 
will  divide  them  exactly,  without  a  remainder 
or  fraction.    I  answer,  then,  that  taxes  must 
be   divided    exactly,   and    representatives    as 
nearly  as  the  nearest  ratio  will  admit;  and 
the  fractions  must  be  neglected,  because  the 
Constitution  calls  absolutely  that  there  be  an 
apportionment  or  common  ratio,  and  if  any 
fractions  result  from  the  operation,  it  has  left 
them  unprovided  for.    In  fact  it  could  not  but 
foresee  that  such  fractions  would  result,  and 
it  meant  to  submit  to  them.     It  knew  they 
would  be  in  favor  of  one  part  of  the  Union  at 
one  time,  and  of  another  at  another,  so  as, 
in  the  end,  to  balance  occasional  irregularities. 
— OPINION  ON  APPORTIONMENT  BILL,   vii,  596. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  495.    ,(1792.) 

385.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,  Near 
est  Common. — The  phrase  [of  the  Constitu 
tion]    that   "  the   number   of   representatives 
shall    not    exceed    one    for    every   30,000," 
is    violated    by    this    bill    which    has    given 
to    eight     States    a  number    exceeding   one 
for    every,  30,000,    to    wit,     one    for    every 
27.770.     In     answer     to     this,     it     is     said 
that     this     phrase     may     mean     either    the 
30,000   in   each    State,    or   the  30,000  in  the 
whole  Union,  and  that  in  the  latter  case  it 
serves  only  to  find  the  amount  of  the  whole 
representation ;  which,  in  the  present  state  of 
population,    is    120    members.     Suppose    the 
phrase  might  bear  both  meanings,  which  will 
common  sense  apply  to  it?    Which  did  the 
universal  understanding  of  our  country  apply 
to  it?  Which  did  the  Senate  and  Representa 
tives  apply  to  it  during  the  pendency  of  the 
first  bill,  and  even  till  an  advanced  stage  of 
this  second  bill,  when  an  ingenious  gentleman 
found  out  the  doctrine  of  fractions,  a  doctrine 
so  difficult  and  inobvious,  as  to  be  rejected  at 
first  sight  by  the  very  persons  who  afterwards 
became    its    most    zealous    advocates?    The 
phrase  stands  in  the  midst  of  a  number  of 
others,  every  one  of  which  relates  to  States  in 
their  separate  capacity.    Will  not  plain  com 
mon  sense,  then,  understand  it,  like  the  rest 
of  its  context,  to  relate  to  States  in  their  sep 
arate  capacities?   But  if  the  phrase  of  one  for 
30,000  is  only  meant  to  give  the  aggregate  of 
representatives,    and   not   at   all   to   influence 
their  apportionment  among  the  States,  then 
the  120  being  once  found,  in  order  to  appor 
tion  them,  we  must  recur  to  the  former  rule 
which  does   it  according  to  the  numbers  of 
the  respective  States;  and  we  must  take  the 


nearest  common  divisor,  as  the  ratio  of  dis 
tribution,  that  is  to  say,  that  divisor  which, 
applied  to  every  State,  gives  to  them  such 
numbers  as,  added  together,  come  nearest  to 
120.  This  nearest  common  ratio  will  be  found 
to  be  28,058,  and  will  distribute  119  of  the  120 
members  leaving  only  a  single  residuary  one. 
It  will  be  found,  too,  to  place  96,648  frac 
tional  numbers  in  the  eight  northernmost 
States,  and  105,582  in  the  seven  southern 
most  *  *  *  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  intention,  the  effect  of  neglecting  the 
nearest  divisor  (which  leaves  but  one  residu 
ary  member),  and  adopting  a  distant  one 
(which  leaves  eight),  is  merely  to  take  a 
member  from  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
each,  ami  give  them  to  Vermont  and  New 
Hampshire.  But, it  will  be  said,  this  is  giving 
more  than  one  for  30,000.  True,  but  has  it 
not  been  just  said  that  the  one  for  30,000  is 
prescribed  only  to  fix  the  aggregate  number, 
and  that  we  are  not  to  mind  it  when  we  come 
to  apportion  them  among  the  States?  That 
for  this  we  must  recur  to  the  former  rule 
which  distributes  them  according  to  the  num 
bers  in  each  State?  Besides  does  not  the  bill 
itself  apportion  among  seven  of  the  States 
by  the  ratio  of  27,770?  which  is  much  more 
than  one  for  30,000. — OPINION  ON  APPORTION 
MENT  BILL,  vii,  597.  FORD  EDV  v,  496.  (1702.) 

386.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,  Two 
Divisors. — Instead  of  such  a  single  common 
ratio,  or  uniform  divisor,  as  prescribed  by  the 
Constitution,  the  bill  has  applied  two  ratios, 
at  least,  to  the  different  States,  to  wit,  that 
of   30,026   to   the    seven    following:     Rhode 
Island,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Georgia ;  and  that  of 
27,770  to  the  eight  others,  namely:  Vermont, 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  North  Carolina,  and 
South    Carolina.     *    *    *    And    if    two    ra 
tios  be  applied,  then  fifteen  may.  and  the  dis 
tribution  become  arbitrary,  instead  of  being 
apportioned  to  numbers.    Another  member  of 
the  clause  of  the  Constitution    *    *    *     says 
"  The  number  of  representatives  shall  not  ex 
ceed  one  for  every  30,000,  but  each  State  shall 
have  at  least  one  representative."    This  last 
phrase  proves  that  it  had    no    contemplation 
that  all  fractions,  or  numbers  below  the  com 
mon  ratio  were  to  be  unrepresented;  and  it 
provides  especially  that  in  the  case  of  a  State 
whose  whole  number  shall  be  below  the  com 
mon  ratio,  one  representative  shall  be  given 
to  it.    This  is  the  single  instance  where  it  al 
lows  representation  to  any    smaller    number 
than  the  common  ratio,  and  by  providing  es 
pecially  for  it  in  this,   shows  it  was  under 
stood    that,    without    special    provision,    the 
smaller   number   would   in   this   case,   be   in 
volved  in  the  general  principle. — OPINION  ON 
APPORTIONMENT  BILL,     vii,  596.    FORD  ED.,  v, 
495.    (1792.) 

387.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO,   Sur 
plus  Members. — Where  a  phrase  is  suscepti 
ble  of  two  meanings,  we  ought  certainly  to 
adopt  that  which  will  bring  upon  us  the  few 
est  inconveniences.    Let  us   weigh  those  re 
sulting  from  both  constructions.     From  that 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Apportionment  Ratio 
Apportionment  Bill 


giving  to  each  State  a  member  for  every 
30,000  in  that  State  results  the  single  incon 
venience  that  there  may  be  large  portions  un 
represented,  but  it  being  a  mere  hazard  on 
which  State  this  will  fall,  hazard  will  equalize 
it  in  the  long  run.  From  the  others  result  ex 
actly  the  same  inconvenience.  A  thousand 
cases  may  be  imagined  to  prove  it.  Take 
one.  Suppose  eight  of  the  States  had  45,000 
inhabitants  each,  and  the  other  seven  44.999 
each,  that  is  to  say,  each  one  less  than  each  of 
the  others.  The  aggregate  would  be  674,993, 
and  the  number  of  representatives  at  one  for 
30,000  of  the  aggregate,  would  be  22.  Then, 
alter  giving  one  member  to  each  State,  dis 
tribute  the  seven  residuary  members  among 
the  seven  highest  fractions,  and  though  the 
difference  of  population  be  only  an  unit,  the 
representation  would  be  double.  *  *  * 
Here  a  single  inhabitant  the  more  would 
count  as  30,000.  Nor  is  this  case  imaginable 
only,  it  will  resemble  the  real  one  whenever 
the  fractions  happen  to  be  pretty  equal 
through  the  whole  States.  The  numbers  of 
our  census  happen  by  accident  to  give  the 
fractions  all  very  small,  or  very  great,  so  as 
to  produce  the  strongest  case  of  inequality 
that  could  possibly  have  occurred,  and  which 
may  never  occur  again.  The  probability  is 
that  the  fractions  will  descend  gradually 
from  29,999  to  i.  The  inconvenience,  then, 
of  large  unrepresented  fractions  attends  both 
constructions ;  and  while  the  most  obvious 
construction  is  liable  to  no  other,  that  of  the 
bill  incurs  many  and  grievous  ones.  i.  If 
you  permit  the  large  fraction  in  one  State  to 
choose  a  representative  for  one  of  the  small 
fractions  in  another  State,  you  take  from  the 
latter  its  election,  which  constitutes  real  rep 
resentation,  and  substitute  a  virtual  represen 
tation  of  the  disfranchised  fractions.  *  *  * 
2.  The  bill  does  not  say  that  it  has  given  the 
residuary  representatives  to  the  greatest  frac 
tion:  though  in  fact  it  has  done  so.  It  seems 
to  have  avoided  establishing  that  into  a  rule, 
lest  it  might  not  suit  on  another  occasion. 
Perhaps  it  may  be  found  the  next  time  more 
convenient  to  distribute  them  among  the 
smaller  States;  at  another  time  among  the 
larger  States;  at  other  times  according  to  any 
other  crotchet  which  ingenuity  may  invent, 
and  the  combinations  of  the  day  give  strength 
to  carry ;  or  they  may  do  it  arbitrarily  by  open 
bargains  and  cabal.  In  short,  this  construction 
introduces  into  Congress  a  scramble,  or  a 
vendue  for  the  surplus  members.  It  gener 
ates  waste  of  time,  hot  blood,  and  may  at 
some  time,  when  the  passions  are  high,  ex 
tend  a  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses, 
to  the  perpetual  loss  of  the  thing,  as  happens 
now  in  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  ;  whereas 
the  other  construction  reduces  the  apportion 
ment  always  to  an  arithmetical  operation, 
about  which  no  two  men  can  ever  possibly 
differ.  3.  It  leaves  in  full  force  the  violation 
of  the  precept  which  declares  that  representa 
tives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  States 
according  to  their  numbers  i.  e.,  by  some  com 
mon  ratio. — OPINION  ON  APPORTIONMENT 
BILL,  vii,  599.  FORD  ED.,  v,  498.  (1792.) 


388.  APPORTIONMENT  RATIO, 

Tricks  in. — No  invasions  of  the  Constitution 
are  fundamentally  so  dangerous  as  the  tricks 
played  on  their  own  numbers,  apportionment, 
and  other  circumstances  respecting  them 
selves,  and  affecting  their  legal  qualifica 
tions  to  legislate  for  the  Union. — OPINION  ON 
APPORTIONMENT  BILL,  vii,  601.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
500.  (1792.) 

389.  APPORTIONMENT   BILL,    Oppo 
sition  to. — The  ground  of  the  opposition  to 
the    apportionment    bill    has    been    founded    on 
the    discovery    that    the    ratio    of    30,000    gave 
smaller   fractions   to   the   southern   than   to   the 
eastern    States,    and   to   prevent   this   a   variety 
of  propositions  have  been  made,  among  which 
is  the  following :     To  apply  the  ratio  of  30,000 
to  the  aggregate  population  of  the  Union    (not 
that  of  the  individual  States)   which  will  give 
120  members,   and  then   apportion  those  mem 
bers    among    the    several    States    by    as    many 
different  ratios  as  there  are  States  ;    or  to  the 
population  of  each   State,  giving  them  one  for 
every  30,000  as   far  as  it  will  go,  making   112, 
and  then  distribute  the  remaining  eight  members 
among  those  States  having  the  highest  fractions 
of   which    5    will   be   given   to   the    States   east 
of  this     [Pennsylvania].  *  *  *     The  effect  of 
this   principle   must   be   deemed   a   very   perni 
cious  one,  and  in  my  opinion  [is  a]  subversion 
of   that    contained    in    the    Constitution,    which 
in   the    3d   paragraph   of   the    2d    Section,   first 
Article,    founds      the     representation     on      the 
population  of  each   State,   in  terms  as  explicit 
as   it   could   well    have   been   done.     Besides   it 
takes   the    fractions   of   some    States   to   supply 
the   deficiency   of   others,    and   thus   makes   the 
people    of    Georgia    the    instrument    of    giving 
a  member  to   New   Hampshire.  *  *  *     On  our 
part,    the   principle   will    never   be   yielded,    for 
when  such  obvious  encroachments  are  made  on 
the  plain  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  the  bond 
of   Union   ceases   to   be   the   equal   measure   of 
justice  to  all  its  parts.     On  theirs,  a  very  per 
severing  firmness   is   likewise   observed.      They 
appear  to  me  to  play  a  hazardous  game.     The 
government  secures  them  many  important  bless 
ings,  all  those  which  it  gives  to  us  and  many 
more,  and  yet  with  these  they  seem  not  to  be 
satisfied. — To    ARCHIBALD    STUART.     FORD    ED., 
v,  453.     (Pa.,  March  1792.) 

390.  APPORTIONMENT  BILL,  Veto  of 
Advised. — Viewing    this    bill    either    as    a 
violation  of  the  Constitution,  or  as  giving  an 
inconvenient  exposition  of  its  words,  is  it  a 
case  wherein  the  President  ought  to  interpose 
his  negative?     I   think   it   is.     *    *     *    The 
majorities  by  which  this  bill  has  been  carried 
(to  wit:  of  one  in  the  Senate  and  two  in  the 
Representatives)  show  how  divided  the  opin 
ions  were  there.    The  whole  of  both  Houses 
admit  the  Constitution  will  bear  the  other  ex 
position,  whereas  the  minorities  in  both  deny 
it  will  bear  that  of  the  bill.    The  application 
of  any  one  ratio  is  intelligible  to  the  people 
and  will,  therefore,  be  approved,  whereas  the 
complex  operations  of  this  bill  will  never  be 
comprehended  by  them,  and  though  they  may 
acquiesce,  they  cannot  approve  what  they  do 
not     understand. — OPINION    ON    APPORTION 
MENT  BILL,    vii,  601.  FORD  ED.,  v,  500.  (1792.) 

391.  APPORTIONMENT    BILL,    Veto 
Message. — The   Constitution  has  prescribed 
that    representatives     shall     be    apportioned 


Apportionment  Bill 
Approbation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


42 


among  the  several  States  according  to  their 
respective  numbers ;  and  there  is  no  one  pro 
portion  or  division  which,  applied  to  the  re 
spective  numbers  of  the  States,  will  yield  the 
number  and  allotment  of  representatives  pro 
posed  by  the  bill.  The  Constitution  has  also 
provided  that  the  number  of  representatives 
shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thou 
sand,  which  restriction  is  by  the  contract,  and 
by  fair  and  obvious  construction,  to  be  ap 
plied  to  the  separate  and  respective  numbers 
of  the  States;  and  the  bill  has  allotted  to 
eight  of  the  States  more  than  one  for  thirty 
thousand. — DRAFT  FOR  VETO  MESSAGE.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  501.  (April  1792.) 

392.  APPORTIONMENT  BILL,  His 
tory  of  Veto.— The  President  [Washington] 
*  *  *  [referred]  to  the  representation  bill, 
which  he  had  now  in  his  possession  for  the 
tenth  day.  I  had  before  given  him  my  opinion 
in  writing,  that  the  method  of  apportionment 
was  contrary  to  the  Constitution.  He  agreed 
that  it  was  contrary  to  the  common  understand 
ing  of  that  instrument,  and  to  what  was  under 
stood  at  the  time  by  the  makers  of  it;  that  yet 
it  would  bear  the  construction  which  the  bill 
put,  and  he  observed  that  the  vote  for  and 
against  the  bill  was  perfectly  geographical,  a 
northern  against  a  southern  vote,  and  he  feared 
he  should  be  thought  to  be  taking  side  with 
a  southern  party.  I  admitted  this  motive  of 
delicacy,  but  that  it  should  not  induce  him  to  do 
wrong ;  urged  the  dangers  to  which  the 
scramble  for  the  fractionary  members  would 
always  lead.  He  here  expressed  his  fear  that 
there  would,  ere  long,  be  a  separation  of  the 
Union ;  that  the  public  mind  seemed  dissatis 
fied  and  tending  to  this.  He  went  home,  sent 
for  Randolph,  the  Attorney  General,  desired 
him  to  get  Mr.  Madison  immediately  and  come 
to  me,  and  if  we  three  concurred  in  opinion 
that  he  should  negative  the  bill,  he  desired  to 
hear  nothing  more  about  it,  but  that  we  would 
draw  the  instrument  for  him  to  sign.  They 
came.  Our  minds  had  been  before  made  up. 
We  drew  the  instrument.  Randolph  carried 
it  to  him,  and  told  him  we  all  concurred  in 
it.  He  walked  with  him  to  the  door,  and 
as  if  he  still  wished  to  get  off,  he  said,  J'  and 
you  say  you  approve  of  this  yourself.  "  "  Yes, 
Sir,  "  says  Randolph,  "  I  do  upon  my  honor.  " 
He  sent  it  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
instantly.  A  few  of  the  hottest  friends  of  the 
bill  expressed  passion,  but  the  majority  were 
satisfied,  and  both  in  and  out  of  doors,  it  gave 
pleasure  to  have,  at  length,  an  instance^  of  the 
negative  being  exercised. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  115. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  192.  April  1792.) 

393.  APPROBATION,  Consolation  in — 

Though  I  have  made  up  my  mind  not  to 
suffer  calumny  to  disturb  my  tranquillity,  yet 
I  retain  all  my  sensibilities  for  the  approba 
tion  of  the  good  and  just.  That  is,  indeed, 
the  chief  consolation  for  the  hatred  of  so 
many,  who,  without  the  least  personal  knowl 
edge,  and  on  the  sacred  evidence  of  "  Por 
cupine  "  and  Fenno  alone,  cover  me  with  their 
implacable  hatred.  The  only  return  I  will 
ever  make  to  them  will  be  to  do  them  all  the 
good  I  can,  in  spite  of  their  teeth. — To  SAM 
UEL  SMITH,  iv,  256.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  279.  (M 
1798.) 

394. .     I  thank  God  for  an  op 
portunity   of   retiring    without   censure,    and 


carrying  with  me  the  most  consoling  proofs  of 
public  approbation. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEM 
OURS,  v,  432.  (W.,  1809.) 

395.  APPROBATION     OF    THE    DIS 
CRIMINATING — With  those  who  wish  to 
think  amiss  of  me,  I  have  learned  to  be  per 
fectly  indifferent ;  but  where  I  know  a  mind  to 
be  ingenuous,  and  to  need  only  truth  to  set  it 
to  rights,  I  cannot  be  as  passive. — To  MRS. 
JOHN  ADAMS,     iv,  560.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   311. 
(M.,  1804.) 

396.  APPROBATION  BY  THE  GOOD. 

— To  be  praised  by  those  who  themselves 
deserve  all  praise,  is  a  gratification  of  high  or 
der.  Their  approbation  who,  having  been  high 
in  office  themselves,  have  information  and  tal 
ents  to  guide  their  judgment,  is  a  consolation 
deeply  felt.  A  conscientious  devotion  to  re 
publican  government,  like  charity  in  religion, 
has  obtained  for  me  much  indulgence  from 
my  fellow  citizens,  and  the  aid  of  able  coun 
sellors  has  guided  me  through  many  diffi 
culties. — To  LARKIN  SMITH,  v,  441.  (M., 
April  1809.) 

397.  APPROBATION.      Intelligent.— It 

has  been  a  great  happiness  to  me,  to  have  re 
ceived  the  approbation  of  so  great  a  portion 
of  my  fellow  citizens,  and  particularly  of 
those  who  have  opportunities  of  inquiring, 
reading  and  deciding  for  themselves. — To  C. 
F.  WELLES,  v,  484.  (M.,  1809.) 

398.  APPROBATION,      Legislative.— I 

learn  with  pleasure  the  approbation,  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  of  the 
principles  declared  by  me  [in  the  inaugural  ad 
dress]  ;  principles  which  flowed  sincerely  from 
the  heart  and  judgment,  and  which,  with  sin 
cerity,  will  be  pursued.  While  acting  on  them, 
I  ask  only  to  be  judged  with  truth  and  can 
dor. — To  THE  RHODE  ISLAND  ASSEMBLY,  iv, 
397.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

399. .    For  the  approbation  which 

the  Legislature  of  Vermont  has  been  pleased 
to  express  of  the  principles  and  measures  pur 
sued  in  the  management  of  their  affairs,  I  am 
sincerely  thankful ;  and  should  I  be  so  for 
tunate  as  to  carry  into  retirement  the  equal 
approbation  and  good  will  of  my  fellow  citi 
zens  generally,  it  will  be  the  comfort  of  my 
future  days,  and  will  close  a  service  of  forty 
years  with  the  only  reward  it  ever  wished.* — 
R.  To  A.  VERMONT  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  121. 
(1807.) 

400. .  The  assurances  of  your 

approbation,  and  that  my  conduct  has  given 
satisfaction  to  my  fellow  citizens  generally, 
will  be  an  important  ingredient  in  my  future 
happiness.— R.  To  A.  VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY. 
viii,  148.  (1809.) 

401.  APPROBATION  OF  NEIGHBORS. 
— It  is  a  sufficient  happiness  to  me  to  know 
that  my  fellow  citizens  of  the  country  gen 
erally  entertain  for  me  the  kind  sentiments 
which  have  prompted  this  proposition  [to 

*  To  addresses  from  Georgia,  New  York,  Mary 
land,  Pennsylvania  and  Rhode  Island,  received 
about  the  same  time,  similar  replies  were  sent— 
EDITOR. 


43 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Approbation 
Appropriations 


meet  him  on  his  way  home]  without  giving 
to  so  many  the  trouble  of  leaving  their  homes 
to  meet  a  single  individual.  I  shall  have  op 
portunities  of  taking  them  individually  by  the 
hand  at  our  court  house  and  other  public 
places,  and  of  exchanging  assurances  of  mu 
tual  esteem.  Certainly  it  is  the  greatest  con 
solation  to  me  to  know,  that  in  returning  to 
the  bosom  of  my  native  country,  I  shall  be 
again  in  the  midst  of  their  kind  affections: 
and  I  can  say  with  truth  that  my  return  to 
them  will  make  me  hapoier  than  I  have  been 
since  I  left  them.— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  v, 
431.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  247.  (W.,  Feb.  1809.) 

402.  APPROBATION,  Old  friends  and. 
— The  approbation  of  my  ancient  friends  is, 
above    all    things,    the   most   grateful    to    my 
heart.     They  know  for  what  objects  we  re 
linquished   the   delights   of  domestic   society, 
tranquillity  and  science,  and  committed  our 
selves  to  the  ocean  of  revolution,  to  wear  out 
the  only  life  God  has  given  us  here  in  scenes 
the    benefits    of   which    will    accrue   only   to 
those  who  follow  us. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON. 
iv,   424.      (W.,    1801.) 

403.  APPROBATION,        Popular.— The 

approbation  of  my  constituents  is  truly  the 
most  valued  reward  for  any  services  it  has 
fallen  to  my  lot  to  render  them — their  con 
fidence  and  esteem  the  greatest  consolation  of 
my  life.— R.  To  A.  MASSACHUSETTS  LEGISLA 
TURE,  viii,  116.  (Feb.  1807.) 

404. .     In    a   virtuous    and    free 

State,  no  rewards  can  be  so  pleasing  to  sen 
sible  minds,  as  those  which  include  the  ap 
probation  of  our  fellow  citizens. — INAUGURA 
TION  SPEECH  AS  GOVERNOR.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  187. 
(I779-) 

405.  APPROBATION,  Principle  and.— 
Our  part  is  to  pursue  with  steadiness  what  is 
right,  turning  neither  to  right  nor  left  for  the 
intrigues  or  popular  delusions  of  the  day,  as 
sured  that  the  public  approbation  will  in  the 
end  be  with  us.— To  GENERAL  BRECKENRIDGE. 
vii,  238.     (M.,  1822.) 

406.  APPROBATION,   Rewarded  by.— 

The  approbation  of  my  fellow  citizens  is  the 
richest  reward  I  can  receive. — To  RICHARD 
M.  JOHNSON,  v,  256.  (W.,  1808.) 

407. .     The   approving   voice   of 

pur  fellow  citizens,  for  endeavors  to  be  useful, 
is  the  greatest  of  all  earthly  rewards.* — R. 
To  A.  NEW  LONDON  METHODISTS,  viii,  147. 
(1809.) 

408. .  If,  in  my  retirement  to 

the  humble  station  of  a  private  citizen,  I  am 
accompanied  with  the  esteem  and  approbation 
of  my  fellow  citizens,  trophies  obtained  by 
the  blood-stained  steel,  or  the  tattered  flags 
of  the  tented  field,  will  never  be  envied. — R. 
To  A.  MARYLAND  REPUBLICANS,  viii,  165. 
(1809.) 

409.  APPROBATION,  Right  and.— I 
have  ever  found  in  my  progress  through  life, 

*  Jefferson  retired  with  a  reputation  and  popu 
larity  hardly  inferior  to  that  of  Washington.— John 
T.  Morse,  Jr.,  Life  of  Jefferson.  318. 


that,  acting  for  the  public,  if  we  do  always 
what  is  right,  the  approbation  denied  in  the 
beginning  will  surely  follow  us  in  the  end. 
It  is  from  posterity  we  are  to  expect  remu 
neration  for  the  sacrifices  we  are  making  for 
their  service,  of  time,  quiet  and  good  will. — 
To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vii,  394.  (M.,  1825.) 

410.  APPROBATION,      Undeserved.— I 

have  never  claimed  any  other  merit  than 
of  good  intentions,  sensible  that  in  the  choice 
of  measures,  error  of  judgment  has  too  often 
had  its  influence ;  and  that  with  whatever  in 
dulgence  my  countrymen  *  *  *  have  been  so 
kind  as  to  view  my  course,  yet  they  would 
certainly  not  know  me  in  the  picture  here 
drawn,  and  would,  I  fear,  say  in  the  words  of 
the  poet,  "  praise  undeserved  is  satire  in  dis 
guise."  Were,  therefore,  the  piece  to  be  pre 
pared  for  the  press,  I  should  certainly  entreat 
you  to  revise  that  part  with  a  severe  eye. — To 
AMELOT  DE  LA  CROIX.  v,  422.  (W.,  1809.) 

411.  APPROBATION  BY  THE  VIRTU 
OUS. — Sentiments   of   esteem   from   men   of 
worth,  of  reflection,  and  of  pure  attachment 
to  republican  government,  are  my  consolation 
against  the  calumnies  of  which  it  has  suited 
certain  writers  to  make  me  the  object.  Under 
these  I  hope  I  shall  never  bend. — To  HARRY 
INNES.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  383.     (M.,  1799.) 

412.  APPROPRIATIONS,       Borrowing 
from. — There  are  funds  sufficient  and  regu 
larly  appropriated  to  the  fitting  out  [ships], 
but  for  manning  the  proper  funds   are  ex 
hausted,  consequently  we  must  borrow  from 
other  funds,  and  state  the  matter  to  Congress. 
— ANAS.     FORD  ED.,  i,  308.     (1805.) 

413.  APPROPRIATIONS,    The   Consti 
tution  and.— In  the  answer  to  Turreau,   I 
think  it  would  be  better  to  lay  more  stress  on 
the  constitutional  bar  to  our  furnishing  the 
money,  because  it  would  apply  in  an  occasion 
of  peace  as  well  as  war.     I  submit  to  you, 
therefore,    *    *    *    the  inserting,  "  but,  in  in 
dulging   these   dispositions,   the    President   is 
bound  to  stop  at  the  limits  prescribed  by  our 
Constitution  and  law  to  the  authorities  in  his 
hands.    One  of  the  limits  is  that  '  no  money 
shall   be   drawn   from   the   Treasury   but   in 
consequence  of  appropriations  made  by  law,' 
and  no  law  having  made  any  appropriation  of 
money  for  any  purpose  similar  to  that  ex 
pressed  in  your  letter,  it  lies,  of  course,  be 
yond  his  constitutional  powers." — To  JAMES 
MADISON.      FORD   ED.,   viii,   474.      (M.,    Sep. 
1806.) 

414.  APPROPRIATIONS,       Discretion 
over. — The    question    whether    the    Berceau 
was  to  be  delivered  up  under  the  treaty  was  of 
Executive    cognizance   entirely,    and    witnout 
appeal.     So  was  the  question  as  to  the  con 
dition  in  which  she  should  be  delivered.    And 
it  is  as  much  an  invasion  of  its  independence 
for  a  coordinate  branch  to  call  for  the  reasons 
of  the  decision,  as  it  would  be  to  call  on  the 
Supreme  Court  for  its  reasons  on  any  judi 
ciary  decision.  If  an  appropriation  were  asked 
the   Legislature   would   have   a   right  to   ask 
reasons.     But  in  this  case  they  had  confided 


Appropriations 
Arbitration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


44 


an  appropriation  (for  naval  contingencies)  to 
the  discretion  of  the  Executive.  Under  this 
appropriation  our  predecessors  bought  the 
vessel  (for  there  was  no  order  of  Congress 
authorizing  them  to  buy)  and  began  her  re 
pairs;  we  completed  them.  I  will  not  say 
that  a  very  gross  abuse  of  discretion  in  a  past 
appropriation  would  not  furnish  ground  to  the 
Legislature  to  take  notice  of  it.  In  what  form 
is  not  now  necessary  to  decide.  But  so  far 
from  a  gross  abuse,  the  decision  in  this  case 
was  correct,  honorable  and  advantageous  to 
the  nation.  I  cannot  see  to  what  legitimate  ob 
jects  any  resolution  of  the  House  on  the  sub 
ject  can  lead;  and  if  one  is  passed  on  ground 
not  legitimate,  our  duty  will  be  to  resist  it. — 
To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  142. 
(April  1802.) 

415.  APPROPRIATIONS,    Diverting.— 

The  diversion  of  the  [French]  money  from 
its  legal  appropriation  offers  a  flaw  against 
the  Executive  which  may  place  them  in  the 
wrong. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  179.  (I793-) 

416. .  If  it  should  appear  that 

the  Legislature  has  done  their  part  in  fur 
nishing  the  money  for  the  French  nation,  and 
that  the  Executive  departments  have  applied 
it  to  other  purposes,  then  it  will  certainly  be 
desirable  that  we  get  back  on  legal  ground  as 
soon  as  possible,  by  pressing  on  the  domestic 
funds  and  availing  ourselves  of  any  proper 
opportunity  which  may  be  furnished  of  re 
placing  the  money  to  the  foreign  creditors.— 
To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
177-  (I793-) 

417.  APPROPRIATIONS,  Estimates 
and. — I  like  your  idea  of  kneading  all  Hamil 
ton's  little  scraps  and  fragments  into  one 
batch,  and  adding  to  it  a  complementary  sum, 
which,  while  it  forms  it  into  a  single  mass 
from  which  everything  is  to  be  paid,  will  en 
able  us,  should  a  breach  of  appropriation  ever 
be  charged  on  us,  to  prove  that  the  sum  ap 
propriated,  and  more,  has  been  applied  to  its 
specific  object. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv, 
428.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  140.  (W.,  1802.) 

418. .     Congress,  aware  that  too 

minute  a  specification  has  its  evil  as  well  as  a 
too  general  one,  does  not  make  the  estimate 
a  part  of  their  law,  but  gives  a  sum  in  gross, 
trusting  the  Executive  discretion  for  that 
year,  and  that  sum  only;  so  in  other  depart 
ments,  as  of  War,  for  instance,  the  estimate 
of  the  Secretary  specifies  all  the  items  of 
clothing,  subsistence,  pay,  &c.,  of  the  army 
And  Congress  throws  this  into  such  masses 
as  they  think  best,  to  wit,  a  sum  in  gross  for 
clothing,  another  for  subsistence,  a  third  for 
pay,  &c.,  binding  up  the  Executive  discretion 
only  by  the  sum,  and  the  object  generalized  to 
a  certain  degree.  The  minute  details  of  th< 
estimate  are  thus  dispensed  with  in  point  o 
obligation,  and  the  discretion  of  the  officer  i 
enlarged  to  the  limits  of  the  classification 
which  Congress  thinks  it  best  for  the  public 
interest  to  make.— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv 
529.  (1804.) 


419.  APPROPRIATIONS,        Executive 

power   over. — The   Executive  *  *  *  has   the 

lower,  though  not  the  right,  to  apply  money 

ontrary  to  its  legal  appropriations.  Cases  may 

»e  imagined,  however,  where  it  would  be  their 

duty  to  do  this.     But  they  must  be  cases  of 

\vtreme  necessity.     The  payment  of  interest 

0  the  domestic  creditors  has  been  mentioned 
as  one  of  the  causes  of  diverting  the  foreign 

und.  But  this  is  not  an  object  of  greater  ne 
cessity  than  that  to  which  it  was  legally  ap 
propriated.  It  is  taking  the  money  from  our 
oreign  creditors  to  pay  it  to  the  domestic 
mes;  a  preference  which  neither  justice, 
gratitude,  nor  the  estimation  in  which  these 
wo  descriptions  of  creditors  are  held  in  this 
country  will  justify.  The  payment  of  the 
Army  and  the  daily  expenses  of  the  govern 
ment  have  been  also  mentioned  as  objects  of 
withdrawing  this  money.  These  indeed  are 
jressing  objects,  and  might  produce  that  de- 
_ree  of  distressing  necessity  which  would  be 
a  justification. —  To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  176.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

420.  APPROPRIATIONS,         Expendi 
tures  and. — A  violation  of  a  law  making  ap 
propriations  of  money,  is  a  violation  of  that 
section   of   the    Constitution   of   the    United 
States  which  requires  that  no  money  shall  be 
drawn  from  the  Treasury  but  in  consequences 
of     appropriations     made     by     law. — GILES 
TREASURY  RESOLUTIONS.     FORD  ED.,  vi,   168. 
(I793-) 

421.  APPROPRIATIONS,  Specific.— It 
is  essential  to  the  due  administration  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  that  laws 
making     specific     appropriations     of     money 
should  be  strictly  observed  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  thereof. — GILES  TREASURY  RES 
OLUTIONS.   FORD  ED.,  vi,  168.    (1793.) 

422. .     In  our  care  of  the  public 

contributions  intrusted  to  our  direction,  it 
would  be  prudent  to  multiply  barriers  against 
their  dissipation,  by  appropriating  specific 
sums  to  every  specific  purpose  susceptible  of 
definition;  by  disallowing  applications  of 
money  varying  from  the  appropriation  in  ob 
ject,  or  transcending  it  in  amount;  by  reduc 
ing  the  undefined  field  of  contingencies,  and 
thereby  circumscribing  discretionary  powers 
over  money ;  and  by  bringing  back  to  a  single 
department  all  accountabilities  for  money 
where  the  examination  may  be  prompt,  effica 
cious,  and  uniform. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  10.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  120.  (Dec. 
1801.)  See  MONEY  BILLS. 

423.  ARBITRATION,   Offer  of.— As  to 

our  dispute  with  Schweighauser  and  Dobree, 
in  the  conversation  I  had  with  Dobree  at 
Nantes,  he  appeared  to  think  so  rationally  on 
the  subject,  that  I  thought  there  would  be  no 
difficulty  in  accommodating  it  with  him,  and 

1  wished  rather  to  settle  it  by  accommodation, 
than  to  apply  to  the  minister.     I  afterwards 
had  it  intimated  to  him  *  *  *,  that  I  had  it 
in  idea  to  propose  a  reference  to  arbitrators. 
He  expressed  a  cheerful  concurrence  in  it.     I 
thereupon  made  the  proposition  to  him  for- 


45 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Arbitration 
Architecture 


mally,  by  letter,  mentioning  particularly,  that 
we  would  choose  our  arbitrators  of  some  neu 
tral  nation,  and,  of  preference,  from  among 
the  Dutch  refugees  in  Paris.  I  was  surprised 
to  receive  an  answer  from  him,  wherein,  after 
expressing  his  .own  readiness  to  accede  to  this 
proposition,  he  added,  that  on  consulting  with 
Mr.  Puchilberg,  he  had  declined  it. — To 
JOHN  JAY.  ii,  496.  (P.,  1788.) 

424. .     I    began    by    offering    to 

Schweighauser  and  Dobree  an  arbitration  be 
fore  honest  and  judicious  men  of  a  neutral  na 
tion.  They  declined  this,  and  had  the  modesty 
to  propose  an  arbitration  before  merchants  of 
their  own  tozvn.  I  gave  them  warning  then, 
that  as  the  offer  on  the  part  of  a  sovereign  na 
tion  to  submit  to  a  private  arbitration  was 
an  unusual  cqndescendence,  if  they  did  not 
accept  them,  it  would  not  be  repeated,  and 
that  the  United  States  would  judge  the  case 
for  themselves  hereafter.  They  continued  to 
decline  it. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
365.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

425.  ARBORICULTURE,  Coffee  tree.— 

Bartram  is  extremely  anxious  to  get  a  large 
supply  of  seeds  of  the  Kentucky  coffee  tree. 
I  told  him  I  would  use  all  my  interest  with  you 
to  obtain  it,  as  I  think  I  heard  you  say  that 
some  neighbors  of  yours  had  a  large  number  of 
trees.  Be  so  good  as  to  take  measures  for 
bringing  a  good  quantity,  if  possible,  to  Bart 
ram  when  you  come  to  Congress. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iii,  569.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  279.  (1793.) 

426.  ARBORICULTURE,  Cork  Oak.— I 
expect  from  the  South  of  France  some  acorns 
of  the  cork  oak,  which  I  propose  for  your  so 
ciety     [Agricultural],  as   I    am   persuaded   they 
will  succeed  with  you.     I  observed  it  to  grow 
in   England   without   shelter,    not   well,    indeed, 
but  so  as  to  give  hopes  that  it  would  do  well 
with     you. — To     WILLIAM     DRAYTON.     i,     555. 
(P.,  1786.) 

427. .     I    sent    you    a   parcel    of 

acorns  of  the  cork  oak  by  Colonel  Franks.  To 
WILLIAM  DRAYTON.  ii,  202.  (Pa.,  1787.) 

428. .  I  have  been  long  endeav 
oring  to  procure  the  cork  tree  from  Europe, 
but  without  success.  A  plant  which  I  brought 
with  me  from  Paris  died  after  languishing  some 
time,  and  of  several  parcels  of  acorns  received 
from  a  correspondent  at  Marseilles,  not  one 
has  ever  vegetated.  I  shall  continue  my  en 
deavors,  although  disheartened  by  the  non 
chalance  of  our  southern  fellow  citizens,  with 
whom  alone  they  can  thrive. — To  JAMES 

RONALDSON.       Vi,    92.       FORD    ED.,    ix,     370.       (M., 

Jan.  1813.) 

429.  ARBORICULTURE,  Fruit  trees.— 
Should  you  be  able  to  send  me  any  plants  of 
good  fruit,  and  especially  of  peaches  and  eating 
grapes,    they   will   be   thankfully   received. — To 
PHILLIP     MAZZEI.     FORD    ED.,    viii,     16.     (W., 
March   1801.) 

—  ARBORICULTURE,  the  Olive.— See 
OLIVE. 

430.  ARBORICULTURE,     Pecan.-— The 
pecan    nut    is,    as   you   conjecture,    the    Illinois 
nut.     The    former    is    the    vulgar    name    south 
of  the  Potomac,  as  also  with  the  Indians  and 
Spaniards,    and    enters   also    into   the   botanical 
name    which    is    Juglano   Paean. — To    FRANCIS 
HOPKINSON.     ii,  74.     (P.,   1786.) 


431.  -  — .     Procure  me  two  or  three 
hundred  pecan  nuts  from  the  western  country. 
—To  F.  HOPKINSON.     i,  506.     (P.,   1786.) 

432.  -  — .     I  thank  you  for  the  pecan 
nuts. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  156.     FORD  ED., 
iv,  396.     (P.,   1787.) 

433.  ARBORICULTURE,       Sensitive 
Plant. — Your  attention  to  one  burthen  I  laid 
on    you,     encourages     me    to     remind    you    of 
another,  which  is  the  sending  me  some  of  the 
seeds  of  the  Dionaa  Muscipula,  or  Venus   fly 
trap,  called  also  with  you,  I  believe,  the  Sensi 
tive    Plant.— To     MR.     HAWKINS,     ii,     3.     (P., 
1786.) 

434.  ARBORICULTURE,  Trees.— I  send 
a  packet  of  the  seeds  of  trees  which   I  would 
wish  Anthony  to  sow  in  a  large  nursery,  noting 
well  their  names. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  344.     (P.,    1786.) 

435.  ARBORICULTURE,  Vines.— I  am 

making  a  collection  of  vines  for  wine  and  for 
the  table.— To  A.  CAREY,  i,  508.  (P.,  1786.) 

436.  ARCHITECTURE,  Bad.— The  gen 
ius  of  architecture   seems  to   have   shed   its 
maledictions    over    this    land     [Virginia]. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  394.    FORD  ED.,  iii, 
258.     (1782.) 

437.  ARCHITECTURE,     Beauty     in.— 

How  is  a  taste  in  this  beautiful  art  to  be 
formed  in  our  countrymen  unless  we  avail 
ourselves  of  every  occasion  when  public  build 
ings  are  to  be  erected,  of  presenting  to  them 
models  for  their  study  and  imitation? — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  i,  433.  (P.,  1785.) 

438.  ARCHITECTURE,    Brick,    Stone, 
Wood. — All   we  shall  do  in  the  way  of  ref 
ormation  will  produce  no  permanent  improve 
ment  to  our  country,  while  the  unhappy  prej 
udice  prevails  that  houses  of  brick  or  stone 
are  less  wholesome  than  those  of  wood.     A 
dew  is  often  observed  on  the  walls  of  the  for 
mer  in  rainy  weather,  and  the  most  obvious 
solution    is,    that    the    rain    has    penetrated 
through   these   walls.     The   following   facts, 
however,  are  sufficient  to  prove  the  error  of 
this  solution :     i.  This  dew  on  the  walls  ap 
pears  when  there  is  no  rain,  if  the  state  of  the 
atmosphere  be  moist.     2.  It  appears  on  the 
partition  as  well   as   the  exterior  walls.     3. 
So,  also  on  pavements  of  brick  or  stone.     4. 
It  is  more  copious  in  proportion  as  the  walls 
are  thicker ;  the  reverse  of  which  ought  to  be 
the  case,  if  this  hypothesis  were  just.    If  cold 
water  be  poured  into  a  vessel  of  stone,  or 
glass,  a  dew  forms  instantly  on  the  outside; 
but  if  it  be  poured  into  a  vessel  of  wood,  there 
is  no  such  appearance.    It  is  not  supposed,  in 
the   first   case,    that    the    water   has    exuded 
through  the  glass,  but  that  it  is  precipitated 
from  the   circumambient   air;   as   the   humid 
particles  of  vapor,  passing  from  the  boiler  of 
an  alembic  through  its  refrigerant,  are  pre 
cipitated  from  the  air,  in  which  they  are  sus 
pended,  on  the  internal  surface  of  the  refrig 
erant.    Walls  of  brick  or  stone  act  as  the  re 
frigerant   in   this   instance.      They   are    suffi 
ciently  cold  to  condense  and  precipitate  the 
moisture  suspended  in  the  air  of  the  room, 
when  it  is  heavily  charged  therewith.     But 


Architecture 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


46 


walls  of  wood  are  not  so.  The  question  then 
is,  whether  the  air  in  which  this  moisture  is 
left  floating,  or  that  which  is  deprived  of  it, 
be  most  wholesome?  In  both  cases,  the  rem 
edy  is  easy.  A  little  fire  kindled  in  the  room, 
whenever  the  air  is  damp,  prevents  the  pre 
cipitation  on  the  walls;  and  this  practice, 
found  healthy  in  the  warmest  as  well  as 
coldest  seasons,  is  as  necessary  in  a  wooden 
as  in  a  stone  or  brick  house.  I  do  not  mean 
to  say,  that  the  rain  never  penetrates  through 
walls  of  brick.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  seen 
instances  of  it.  But  with  us  it  is  only  through 
the  northern  and  eastern  walls  of  the  house, 
after  a  north-easterly  storm,  these  being  the 
only  ones  which  continue  long  enough  to 
force  through  the  walls.  This,  however,  hap 
pens  too  rarely  to  give  a  just  character  of 
unwholesomeness  to  such  houses.  In  a  house, 
the  walls  of  which  are  of  well-burnt  brick  and 
good  mortar,  I  have  seen  the  rain  penetrate 
through  but  twice  in  a  dozen  or  fifteen  years. 
The  inhabitants  of  Europe,  who  dwell  chiefly 
in  houses  of  stone  or  brick,  are  surely  as 
healthy  as  those  of  Virginia.  These  houses 
have  the  advantage,  too,  of  being  warmer  in 
winter  and  cooler  in  summer  than  those  of 
wood ;  of  being  cheaper  in  their  first  construc 
tion,  where  lime  is  convenient,  and  infinitely 
more  durable.  The  latter  consideration  ren 
ders  it  of  great  importance  to  eradicate  this 
prejudice  from  the  minds  of  our  countrymen. 
A  country  whose  buildings  are  of  wood,  can 
never  increase  in  its  improvements  to  any 
considerable  degree.  Their  duration  is  highly 
estimated  at  fifty  years.  Every  half  century 
then  our  country  becomes  a  tabula  _  rasa, 
whereon  we  have  to  set  out  anew,  as  in  the 
first  moment  of  seating  it.  Whereas  when 
buildings  are  of  durable  materials,  every  new 
edifice  is  an  actual  and  permanent  acquisition 
to  the  State,  adding  to  its  value  as  well  as 
to  its  ornament. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii, 
395.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  258.  (1782.) 

439.  ARCHITECTURE,    Delight    in.— 

Architecture  is  my  delight,  and  putting  up 
and  pulling  down,  one  of  my  favorite  amuse 
ments. — RAYNER'S  LIFE  OF  JEFFERSON.  524. 

440.  ARCHITECTURE,  Economy  in.— 
I  have  scribbled  some  general  notes  on  the 
plan  of  a  house  you  enclosed.     I  have  done 
more.    I  have  endeavored  to  throw  the  same 
area,  the  same  extent  of  walls,  the  same  num 
ber  of  rooms,  and  of  the  same  sizes,  into  an 
other  form  so  as  to  offer  a    choice    to    the 
builder.    Indeed,  I  varied  my  plan  by  showing 
what  it  would  be  with  alcove  bed  rooms,  to 
which  I   am   so  much  attached. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  259.     (Pa.,  I793-) 

441.  ARCHITECTURE,  English.— Eng 
lish  architecture  is  in  the  most  wretched  style 
I  ever  saw,  not  meaning  to  except  America, 
where  it  is  bad,  nor  even  Virginia,  where  it  is 
worse   than   in   any   other  part   of   America, 
which  I  have  seen.— To  JOHN  PAGE,     i,  550. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.     (P.,  1786.) 

442.  ARCHITECTURE,  Fascination  of. 
— Here    I    am    gazing    whole    hours    at   the 
Maison    quarree,  like  a  lover  at  his  mistress. 


The  stocking  weavers  and  silk  spinners 
around  it  consider  me  a  hypochondriac  Eng 
lishman,  about  to  write  with  a  pistol  the  last 
chapter  of  his  history.  This  is  the  second 
time  I  have  been  in  love  since  I  left  Paris. 
The  first  was  with  a  Diana  at  the  Chateau  de 
Laye-Epinaye  in  Beaujolois,  a  delicious  mor 
sel  of  sculpture,  by  M.  A.  Slodtz.  This,  you 
will  say,  was  in  rule,  to  fall  in  love  with  a 
female  beauty ;  but  with  a  house !  it  is  out  of 
all  precedent.  No,  madame,  it  is  not  without 
a  precedent  in  my  own  history.  While  in 
Paris  I  was  violently  smitten  with  the  Hotel 
de  Salm,  and  used  to  go  to  the  Tuileries  al 
most  daily,  to  look  at  it— To  MADAME  LA 
COMTESSE  DE  TESSE.  ii,  131.  (N.,  1787.) 

443.  ARCHITECTURE,  Faulty.— Build 
ings    are    often    erected,    by    individuals,    of 
considerable    expense.      To    give  these  sym 
metry  and  taste,  would  not  increase  their  cost. 
It  would  only  change  the  arrangement  of  the 
materials,  the  form  and  combination  of  the 
members.    This  would  often  cost  less  than  the 
burden  of  barbarous  ornaments  with  which 
these  buildings  are  sometimes  charged.     But 
the  first  principles  of  the  art  are  unknown, 
and  there  exists  scarcely  a  model  among  us 
sufficiently  chaste  to  give  an  idea  of  them. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  394.     FORD  ED.,  iii, 
258.     (1782.) 

444.  ARCHITECTURE,    French.— Were 
I  to  proceed  to  tell  you  how  much  I  enjoy 
French     architecture  *  *  *  I     should     want 
words. — To  MR.    BELLINI,    i,  445.  (P.,  1785.) 

445.  ARCHITECTURE,  Importance  of. 

— Architecture  is  worth  great  attention.  As 
we  double  our  number  every  twenty  years  we 
must  double  our  houses.  *  *  *  It  is,  then, 
among  the  most  important  arts ;  and  it  is  de 
sirable  to  introduce  taste  into  an  art  which 
shows  so  much. — TRAVELLING  HINTS,  ix,  404. 
(1788.) 

446.  ARCHITECTURE,  Plan  of  Prison. 

— With  respect  to  the  plan  of  a  Prison,  re 
quested  [by  the  Virginia  authorities]  in  1785, 
(being  then  in  Paris),  I  had  heard  of  a  benev 
olent  society,  in  England,  which  had  been  in 
dulged  by  the  government,  in  an  experiment 
of  the  effect  of  labor,  in  solitary  confinement, 
on  some  of  their  criminals :  which  experiment 
had  succeeded  beyond  expectation.  The  same 
idea  had  been  suggested  in  France,  and  an 
architect  of  Lyons  had  proposed  a  plan  of  a 
well-contrived  edifice,  on  the  principle  of  soli 
tary  confinement.  I  procured  a  copy,  and  as 
it  was  too  large  for  our  purposes,  I  drew  one 
on  a  scale  less  extensive,  but  susceptible  of 
additions  as  they  should  be  wanting.  This  I 
sent  to  the  directors,  instead  of  a  plan  of  a 
common  prison,  in  the  hope  that  it  would 
suggest  the  idea  of  labor  in  solitary  confine 
ment,  instead  of  that  on  the  public  works, 
which  we  had  adopted  in  our  Revised  Code. 
Its  principle,  accordingly,  but  not  its  exact 
form,  was  adopted  by  Latrobe  in  carrying  the 
plan  into  execution,  by  the  erection  of  what 
is  now  called  the  Penitentiary,  built  under  his 
direction. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  46.  FORD  ED., 
64.  (1821.) 

447.  ARCHITECTURE,        Porticos.— A 
portico  may  be  from  five  to  ten  diameters 


47 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Architecture 


of  the  column  deep,  or  projected  from  the 
building.  If  of  more  than  five  diameters, 
there  must  be  a  column  in  the  middle  of  each 
flank,  since  it  must  never  be  more  than  five 
diameters  from  center  to  center  of  column. 
The  portico  of  the  Maison  quarree  is  three 
intercolonnations  deep.  I  never  saw  as  much 
to  a  private  house.— To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  327.  (I793-) 

_  ARCHITECTURE,  Roman.— See  AN 
TIQUITIES. 

448.  ARCHITECTURE,         Ugly.— The 
private  buildings  [in  Virginia]  are  very  rarely 
constructed  of    stone    or    brick,    much    the 
greater  portion  being  of  scantling  and  boards, 
plastered  with  lime.    It  is  impossible  to  devise 
things   more   ugly,   uncomfortable,   and   hap 
pily   more   perishable. — NOTES   ON   VIRGINIA. 
viii,  393-     FORD  ED.,  iii,  257.     (1782.) 

449.  ARCHITECTURE,  Virginia  Capi 
tol. — I  was  written  to  in  1785  (being  then  in 
Paris)    by    directors    appointed    to    superintend 
the  building  of  a  Capitol  in  Richmond,  to  ad 
vise  them  as  to  a  plan,  and  to  add  to  it  one 
of  a  Prison.     Thinking  it  a  favorable  opportun 
ity   of   introducing   into   the   State   an   example 
of  architecture,  in  the  classic  style  of  antiquity, 
and  the  Maison  qarree  of  Nismes,  an  ancient 
Roman   temple,    being   considered   as   the   most 
perfect  model   existing  of  what  may  be   called 
Cubic  architecture,  I  applied  to  M.  Clerissault, 
who  had  published  drawings  of  the  Antiquities 
of  Nismes,  to  have  me  a  model  of  the  building 
made  in  stucco,  only  changing  the  order  from 
Corinthinan  to   Ionic,   on  account  of  the  diffi 
culty    of    the    Corinthian    capitals.     I    yielded, 
with  reluctance,  to  the  taste  of  Clerissault,   in 
his     preference     of     the     modern     capital     of 
Scamozzi  to  the  more  noble  capital  of  antiquity. 
This  was  executed   by   the  artist  whom    Choiseul 
Goumer  had  carried  with  him  to  Constantinople, 
and  employed,  while  ambassador  there,  in  mak 
ing  those  beautiful   models   of  the  remains   of 
Grecian   architecture  which   are  to   be   seen   at 
Paris.     To  adapt  the  exterior  to  our  use,  I  drew 
a   plan    for   the   interior,    with   the   apartments 
necessary   for   legislative,    executive,    and   judi 
ciary  purposes ;  and  accommodated  in  their  size 
and  distribution  to  the  form  and  dimensions  of 
the    building.     These    were    forwarded    to    the 
directors,  in  1786,  and  were  carried  into  execu 
tion,  with  some  variations,   not  for  the  better, 
the  most   important  of  which,   however,   admit 
of   future   correction. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,   45. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  63.     (1821.) 

450. .    We  took  for  our  model 

what  is  called  the  Maison  quarree  of  Nismes, 
one  of  the  most  beautiful,  if  not  the  most 
beautiful  and  precious  morsel  of  architecture 
left  us  by  antiquity.  It  was  built  by  Caius  and 
Lucius  Cc-esar,  and  repaired  by  Louis  XIV.,  and 
has  the  suffrage  of  all  the  judges  of  architecture 
who  have  seen  it,  as  yielding  to  no  one  of  the 
beautiful  monuments  of  Greece,  Rome,  Palmyra 
and  Balbec,  which  late  travellers  have  communi 
cated  to  us.  It  is  very  simple,  but  it  is  noble 
beyond  expression,  and  would  have  done  honor 
to  our  country,  as  presenting  to  travellers  a 
specimen  of  taste  in  our  infancy,  promising 
much  for  our  maturer  age. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
i,  432.  (P.,  1785.) 

451. .     I  shall  send  them  a  plan 

taken  from  the  best  morsel  of  ancient  archi 
tecture  now  remaining.  It  has  obtained  the 


approbation  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  centuries,  and 
is,  therefore,  preferable  to  any  design  which 
might  be  newly  contrived.  It  will  give  more 
room,  be  more  convenient  and  cost  less  than 
the  plan  they  sent  me.  Pray  encourage  them 
to  wait  for  it,  and  to  execute  it.  It  will  be 
superior  in  beauty  to  anything  in  America,  and 
not  inferior  to  anything  in  the  world.  It  is 
very  simple. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  i,  415. 
(P.,  1785.) 

452. .  The  designs  for  the  Capi 
tol  are  simple  and  sublime.  More  cannot  be 
said.  They  are  not  the  brat  of  a  whimsical 
conception  never  before  brought  to  light,  but 
copied  from  the  most  precious,  the  most  perfect 
model,  of  ancient  architecture  remaining  on 
earth  ;  one  which  has  received  the  approbation 
of  near  2000  years,  and  which  is  sufficiently 
remarkable  to  have  been  visited  by  all  travellers. 
— To  DR.  JAMES  CURRIE.  FORD  EDV  iv,  133. 

453. .  I  have  been  much  morti 
fied  with  information  I  received  *  *  *  from 
Virginia,  that  the  first  brick  of  the  Capitol 
would  be  laid  within  a  few  days.  But  surely, 
the  delay  of  this  piece  of  a  summer  would 
have  been  repaired  by  the  savings  in  the  plan 
preparing  here,  were  we  to  value  its  other 
superiorities  as  nothing. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
i,  432.  (P.,  1785.) 

454.  -        .     Do  *  *  *  exert  yourself 

to  get  the  plan  [of  the  Capitol]  begun  on, 
set  aside  and  that  adopted  which  was  drawn 
here.  It  was  taken  from  a  model  which  has 
been  the  admiration  of  sixteen  centuries  ;  which 
has  been  the  object  of  as  many  pilgrimages 
as  the  tomb  of  Mahomet  ;  which  will  give 
unrivalled  honor  to  our  State,  and  furnish  a 
model  whereon  to  form  the  taste  of  our  young 
men.  It  will  cost  much  less,  too,  than  the 
one  begun  because  it  does  not  cover  one-half 
the  area. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  i,  534.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  196.  (P.,  1785.) 

455. .     Pray  try  if  you  can  effect 

the  stopping  of  this  work.  *  *  *  The  loss  will 
be  only  of  the  laying  the  bricks  already  laid, 
or  a  part  of  them.  The  bricks  themselves 
will  do  again  for  the  interior  walls,  and  one 
side  wall  and  one  end  wall  may  remain, 
as  they  will  answer  equally  well  for  our  plan. 
This  loss  is  not  to  be  weighed  against  the  saving 
of  money  which  will  arise,  against  the  comfort 
of  laying  out  the  public  money  for  something 
honorable,  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  an  object 
and  proof  of  national  good  taste,  and  the  regret 
and  mortification  of  erecting  a  monument  of 
our  barbarism,  which  will  be  loaded  with  exe 
crations  as  long  as  it  shall  endure. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  i,  433.  (P.,  1785.) 

456. .     Our   new    Capitol,    when 

the  corrections  are  made,  of  which  it  is  suscep 
tible,  will  be  an  edifice  of  first  rate  dignity. 
Whenever  it  shall  be  finished  with  the  proper 
ornaments  belonging  to  it  (which  will  not  be 
in  this  age),  it  will  be  worthy  of  being  ex 
hibited  alongside  the  most  celebrated  remains 
of  antiquity.  Its  extreme  convenience  has 
acquired  it  universal  approbation. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  136.  (1789.) 

457.  -  — .     The  capitol  in  the  city  of 

Richmond,  in  Virginia,  is  the  model  of  the 
Temples  of  F.rectheus  at  Athens,  of  Balbec, 
and  of  the  Maison  quarree  of  Nismes.  All  of 
which  are  nearly  of  the  same  form  and  pro 
portions,  and  are  considered  as  the  most  per 
fect  examples  of  cubic  architecture,  as  the 


Architecture 
Aristocracy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


48 


Pantheon  of  Rome  is  of  the  spherical.  Their 
dimensions  not  being  sufficient  for  the  purposes 
of  the  Capitol,  they  were  enlarged,  but  their 
proportions  rigorously  observed.  The  Capitol 
is  of  brick,  one  hundred  and  thirty  four  feet 
long,  seventy  feet  wide,  and  forty-five  feet  high, 
exclusive  of  the  basement.  Twenty-eight  feet 
of  its  length  is  occupied  by  a  portico  of  the 
whole  breadth  of  the  house,  showing  six 
columns  in  front,  and  two  intercolonnations  in 
flank.  It  is  of  a  single  order,  which  is  Ionic ; 
its  columns  four  feet  two  inches  diameter,  and 
their  entablature  running  round  the  whole 
building.  The  portico  is  crowned  by  a  pedi 
ment,  the  height  of  which  is  two-ninths  of  its 
span. — JEFFERSON  MANUSCRIPTS,  ix,  446. 

458.  ARCHITECTURE,  Washington 
Capitol. — I  have  had  under  consideration 
Mr.  Hallet's  plans  for  the  Capitol,  which  un 
doubtedly  have  a  great  deal  of  merit.  Dr. 
Thornton  has  also  given  me  a  view  of  his.  * 
*  *  The  grandeur,  simplicity  and  beauty  of 
the  exterior,  the  propriety  with  which  the  apart 
ments  are  distributed,  and  economy  in  the  mass 
of  the  whole  structure,  will,  I  doubt  not,  give 
it  a  preference  in  your  eyes,  as  it  has  done  in 
mine  and  those  of  several  others  whom  I  have 
consulted.  *  *  *  Some  difficulty  arises  with  re 
spect  to  Mr.  Hallet,  who  you  know  was  in 
some  degree  led  into  his  plan  by  ideas  we  all 
expressed  to  him.  This  ought  not  to  induce 
us  to  prefer  it  to  a  better  ;  but  while  he  is 
liberally  rewarded  for  the  time  and  labor  he 
has  expended  on  it,  his  feelings  should  be  saved 
and  soothed  as  much  as  possible. — To  THE 
WASHINGTON  COMMISSIONERS,  iii,  507.  (i793-) 

459. .  Dr.  Thornton's  plan  of  a 

Capitol  has  *  *  *  so  captivated  the  eyes  and 
judgment  of  all  as  to  leave  no  doubt  you  will 
prefer  it.  *  *  *  Among  its  admirers  none  is 
more  decided  than  he  [Washington]  whose  de 
cision  is  most  important.  It  is  simple,  noble, 
beautiful,  excellently  distributed,  and  moderate 
in  size.  *  *  *  A  just  respect  for  the  right 
of  approbation  in  the  commissioners  will  pre 
vent  any  formal  decision  in  the  President  till 
the  plan  shall  be  laid  before  you  and  be  ap 
proved  by  you. — To  MR.  CARROLL,  iii,  508. 
(Pa.,  1793.) 

460. .  The  Representative's  cham 
ber  will  remain  a  durable  monument  of 
your  talents  as  an  architect.  *  *  *  The  Senate 
room  I  have  never  seen. — To  MR.  LATROBE.  vi, 
75.  (M.,  1812.) 

461. .  I  shall  live  in  the  hope 

that  the  day  will  come  when  an  opportunity 
will  be  given  you  of  finishing  the  middle  build 
ing  in  a  style  worthy  of  the  two  wings,  and 
worthy  of  the  first  temple  dedicated  to  the  sov 
ereignty  of  the  people,  embellishing  with 
Athenian  taste  the  course  of  a  nation  looking 
far  beyond  the  range  of  Athenian  destinies. — 
To  MR.  LATROBE.  vi,  75-  (M.,  1812.)  See 
CAPITOL(U.  S.  )and  WASHINGTON  CITY. 

462.  ARCHITECTURE,  Williamsburg 
Capitol.— The  only  public  buildings  worthy 
mention  [in  Virginia]  are  the  Capitol,  the 
Palace,  the  College,  and  the  Hospital  for  Luna 
tics,  all  of  them  in  Williamsburg,  heretofore 
the  seat  of  our  government.  The  Capitol  is  a 
light  and  airy  structure,  with  a  portico  in  front 
of  two  orders,  the  lower  of  which,  being  Doric, 
is  tolerably  just  in  its  proportions  and  orna 
ments,  save  only  that  the  intercolonnations  are 
too  large.  The  upper  is  Ionic,  much  too  small 
for  that  on  which  it  is  mounted,  its  ornaments 
not  proper  to  the  order,  nor  proportioned  within 


themselves.  It  is  crowned  with  a  pediment, 
which  is  too  large  for  its  span.  Yet,  on  the 
whole,  it  is  the  most  pleasing  piece  of  architec 
ture  we  have.  The  Palace  is  not  handsome  with 
out,  but  it  is  spacious  and  commodious  within, 
is  prettily  situated,  arid  with  the  grounds  an 
nexed  to  it,  is  capable  of  being  made  an  ele 
gant  seat.  The  College  and  Hospital  are  rude, 
misshapen  piles,  which,  but  that  they  have 
roofs,  would  be  taken  for  brick-kilns.  There 
are  no  other  public  buildings  but  churches  and 
court-houses,  in  which  no  attempts  are  made 
at  elegance.  Indeed,  it  would  not  be  easy  to 
execute  such  an  attempt,  as  a  workman  could 
scarcely  be  found  here  capable  of  drawing  an 
order. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  394.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  257.  (1782.) 

463.  ARISTOCRACY,  Artificial  vs. 
Natural. — There  is  a  natural  aristocracy 
among  men.  The  grounds  of  this  are  virtue 
and  talents.  Formerly,  bodily  powers  gave 
place  among  the  aristoi.  But  since  the  in 
vention  of  gunpowder  has  armed  the  weak  as 
well  as  the  strong  with  missile  death,  bodily 
strength,  like  beauty,  good  humor,  politeness 
and  other  accomplishments,  has  become  but 
an  auxiliary  ground  of  distinction.  There  is, 
also,  an  artificial  aristocracy,  founded  on 
wealth  and  birth,  without  either  virtue  or  tal 
ents  :  for  with  these  it  would  belong  to  the 
first  class.  The  natural  aristocracy  I  consider 
as  the  most  precious  gift  of  nature  for  the  in 
struction,  the  trusts,  and  government  of  so 
ciety.  And  indeed,  it  would  have  been  in 
consistent  in  creation  to  have  formed  man  for 
the  social  state,  and  not  to  have  provided  vir 
tue  and  wisdom  enough  to  manage  the  con 
cerns  of  the  society.  May  we  not  even  say, 
that  that  form  of  government  is  the  best, 
which  provides  the  most  effectually  for  a  pure 
selection  of  these  natural  aristoi  into  the  of 
fices  of  government?  The  artificial  aristoc 
racy  is  a  mischievous  ingredient  in  govern 
ment,  and  provision  should  be  made  to  pre 
vent  its  ascendency.  On  the  question,  what 
is  the  best  provision,  you  and  I  differ ;  but  we 
differ  as  rational  friends,  using  the  free  exer 
cise  of  our  own  reason,  and  mutually  indulg 
ing  its  errors.  You  think  it  best  to  put  the 
pseudo-aristoi  into  a  separate  chamber  of  leg 
islation,  where  they  may  be  hindered  from 
doing  mischief  by  their  coordinate  branches 
and  where,  also,  they  may  be  a  protection  to 
wealth  against  the  agrarian  and  plundering  en 
terprises  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  I  think 
that  to  give  them  power  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  doing  mischief,  is  arming  them  for 
it,  and  increasing  instead  of  remedying  the 
evil.  For,  if  the  coordinate  branches  can 
arrest  their  action,  so  may  they  that  of  the 
coordinates.  Mischief  may  be  done  negatively 
as  well  as  positively.  Of  this,  a  cabal  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  has  furnished 
many  proofs.  Nor  do  I  believe  them  neces 
sary  to  protect  the  wealthy;  because  enough 
of  these  will  find  their  way  into  every  branch 
of  the  legislature  to  protect  themselves.  From 
fifteen  to  twenty  legislatures  of  our  own,  in 
action  for  thirty  years  past,  have  proved  that 
no  fears  of  an  equalization  of  property  are  to 
be  apprehended  from  them.  I  think  the  best 
remedy  is  exactly  that  provided  by  all  our 


49 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Aristocracy 


constitutions,  to  leave  to  the  citizens  the  free 
election  and  separation  of  the  aristoi  from  the 
pseudo-aristoi,  of  the  wheat  from  the  chaff. 
In  general  they  will  elect  the  really  good  and 
wise.  In  some  instances,  wealth  may  cor 
rupt,  and  birth  blind  them,  but  not  in  suf 
ficient  degree  to  endanger  the  society. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  223.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  425. 
(M.,  1813.) 

464.  ARISTOCRACY,          Banking.— I 
hope   we   shall  *  *  *  crush   in   its  birth   the 
aristocracy    of    our    moneyed    corporations, 
which  dare  already  to  challenge  our  govern 
ment  to  a  trial  of  strength  and  bid  defiance  to 
the  laws  of  our  country. — To  GEORGE  LOGAN. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  69.    (P.  F.,  Nov.  1816.) 

—  ARISTOCRACY,     Cincinnati     Soci 
ety  and.— See  CINCINNATI.. 

465.  ARISTOCRACY,  Despised.— An  in 
dustrious   farmer   occupies   a  more   dignified 
place  in  the  scale  of  beings,  whether  moral 
or  political,  than  a  lazy  lounger,  valuing  him 
self  on  his  family,  too  proud  to  work,  and 
drawing  out  a  miserable  existence  by  eating 
on  that  surplus  of  other  men's  labor,  which 
is  the  sacred  fund  of  the  helpless  poor. — To 
M.  DE  MEUNIER.     ix,  271.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  176. 
(P.,  1786.) 

466.  ARISTOCRACY.  Education  and.— 
The  bill   [of  the  Revised  Code  of  Virginia] 
for   the   more   general   diffusion   of   learning 
proposed  to  divide  every  county  into  wards 
of  five  or  six  miles   square,  like  the    [New 
England]     townships;    to    establish   in  each 
ward  a  free  school  for  reading,  writing  and 
common  arithmetic ;  to  provide  for  the  an 
nual  selection  of  the  best  subjects  from  these 
schools,  who  might  receive,  at  the  public  ex 
pense,  a  higher  degree  of  education  at  a  dis 
trict  school ;  and  from  these  district  schools 
to  select  a  certain  number  of  the  most  prom 
ising  subjects,  to  be  completed  at  an  Univer 
sity,  where  all  the  useful  sciences  should  be 
taught.     Worth  and  genius  would  thus  have 
been  sought  out  from  every  condition  of  life, 
and  completely  prepared  by  education  for  de 
feating  the  competition  of  wealth  and  birth 
for  public  trusts. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vi,  225. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  427.    (P.,  1813.) 

467.  -  — .     This    bill    on    education 
would  have  raised  the  mass  of  the  people  to 
the  high  ground  of  moral  respectability  nec 
essary  to  their   own   safety,  and  to  orderly 
government;  and  would  have  completed  the 
great  object  of  qualifying  them  to  secure  the 
veritable  aristoi  for  the  trusts  of  government 
to    the    exclusion    of    the    pseudalists.  *  *  * 
Although  this  law  has  not  yet  been  acted  on 
but  in  a  small  and  inefficient  degree,  it  is  still 
considered  as  before  the    Legislature,     *    *  * 
and   I   have  great  hope  that  some  patriotic 
spirit  will,  at  a  favorable  moment,  call  it  up, 
and  make  it  the  key  stone  of  the  arch  of  our 
government. — To     JOHN     ADAMS,      vi,    226. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  428.     (M.,  1813.) 

468.  ARISTOCRACY,  Evils  of.— To  de 
tail  the  real  evils  of  aristocracy,   they  must 


be  seen  in  Europe. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix, 
267.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  172.  (P.,  1786.) 

469. .     A  due  horror  of  the  evils 

which  flow  from  these  distinctions  could  be 
excited  in  Europe  only,  where  the  dignity  of 
man  is  lost  in  arbitrary  distinctions,  where 
the  human  species  is  classed  into  several 
stages  of  degradation,  where  the  many  are 
crushed  under  the  weight  of  the  few,  and 
where  the  order  established  can  present  to  the 
contemplation  of  a  thinking  being  no  other 
picture  than  that  of  God  Almighty  and  his 
angels  trampling  under  foot  the  host  of  the 
damned. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  270.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  175.  (P.,  1786.) 

470. .     To  know  the  mass  of  evil 

which  flows  from  this  fatal  source,  a  person 
must  be  in  France.  He  must  see  the  finest 
soil,  the  finest  climate,  the  most  compact 
state,  the  most  benevolent  character  of  people, 
and  every  earthly  advantage  combined,  in 
sufficient  to  prevent  this  scourge  from  ren 
dering  existence  a  curse  to  twenty-four  out 
of  twenty-five  parts  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
country. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  62. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  329.  (P.,  1786.) 

471.  ARISTOCRACY,     Insurrection 
against. — But  even  in  Europe  a  change  has 
sensibly    taken    place    in  the  mind  of  man. 
Science  has  liberated  the  ideas  of  those  who 
read  and  reflect,  and  the  American  example 
has  kindled  feelings  of  right  in  the  people. 
An   insurrection   has   consequently  begun   of 
science,  talents,  and  courage,  against  rank  and 
birth,   which  have   fallen   into  contempt.     It 
has  failed  in  its  first  effort,  because  the  mobs 
of  the  cities,  the  instrument  used  for  its  ac 
complishment,  debased  by  ignorance,  poverty 
and  vice,  could  not  be  restrained  to  rational 
action.    But  the  world  will  soon  recover  from 
the  panic  of  this  first  catastrophe.     Science  is 
progressive,    and   talents   and   enterprise   are 
on  the  alert.    Resort  may  be  had  to  the  people 
of  the  country,  a  more  governable  power  from 
their  principles  and  subordination ;  and  rank, 
and  birth,  and  tinsel-aristocracv   will  finally 
shrink  into  insignificance,  even  there.     This, 
however,  we  have  no  right  to  meddle  with.    It 
suffices  for  us,  if  the  moral  and  physical  con 
dition  of  our  own  citizens  qualifies  them  to 
select  the  able  and  good  for  the  direction  of 
their  government,  with  a  recurrence  of  elec 
tions  at  such  short  periods  as  will  enable  them 
to  displace  an  unfaithful  servant,  before  the 
mischief  he  meditates  may  be  irremediable. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vi,  227.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  420. 
(M.,  1813.) 

_  ARISTOCRACY,  Kings,  Priests  and. 
—See  472. 

472.  ARISTOCRACY,     Liberty     and.— 
The  complicated  organization  of  kings,  nobles, 
and  priests,  is  not  the  wisest  or  best  to  effect 
the  happiness  of  associated  man.  *  *  *  The 
trappings   of  such  a  machinery  consume  by 
their  expense  those  earnings  of  industry  they 
were  meant  to  protect,  and,  by  the  inequalities 
they  produce,  expose  liberty  to  sufferance. — 
To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,     vii,  291.     FORD  ED., 
x,  227.     (M.,  1823.) 


Aristocracy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


473.  ARISTOCRACY,     Religious.— The 

law  for  religious  freedom,  *  *  *  put  down 
the  aristocracy  of  the  clergy  [in  Vir 
ginia  ]  and  restored  to  the  citizen  the  free 
dom  of  the  mind. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  226. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  428.  (M.,  1813.) 

474.  ARISTOCRACY,  Repressed  by.— A 

heavy  aristocracy  and  corruption  are  two 
bridles  in  the  mouths  of  the  Irish  which  will 
prevent  them  from  making  any  effectual  ef 
forts  against  their  masters. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  38.  (P.,  1785.) 

475.  ARISTOCRACY,  Reverence  for.— 

From  what  I  have  seen  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  myself,  and  still  more^from  what 
I  have  heard,  and  the  character  given  of  the 
former  by  yourself,  who  know  them  so 
much  better,  there  seems  to  be  in  those  two 
States  a  traditionary  reverence  for  certain 
families,  which  has  rendered  the  offices  of  the 
government  nearly  hereditary  in  those  fam 
ilies.  I  presume  that  from  an  early  period  of 
your  history,  members  of  those  families  hap 
pening  to  possess  virtue  and  talents,  have 
honestly  exercised  them  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  and  by  their  services  have  endeared 
their  names  to  them.  In  coupling  Connecti 
cut  with  you,  I  mean  it  politically  only,  not 
morally.  For  haying  made  the  Bible  the  com 
mon  law  of  their  land,  they  seem  to  have 
modeled  their  morality  on  the  story  of  Jacob 
and  Laban.  But  although  this  hereditary  suc 
cession  to  office  with  you,  may,  in  some  de 
gree,  be  founded  in  real  family  merit,  yet  in 
a  much  higher  degree,  it  has  proceeded  from 
your  strict  alliance  of  Church  and  State. 
Those  families  are  canonized  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people  on  common  principles,  "  you  tickle 
me,  and  I  will  tickle  you."— To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  224.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  426.  (M.,  1813.) 

476.  ARISTOCRACY,    Royalty    and.— 
The   [French]    aristocracy    [in    1788-9]     was 
cemented  by  a  common  principle  of  preserving 
the  ancient  regime,   or  whatever   should  be 
nearest  to  it.     Making  this  their  Polar  star, 
they  moved  in  phalanx,  gave  preponderance 
on  every  question  to  the  minorities  of  the  Pa 
triots,  and  always  to  those  who  advocated  the 
least  change. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  104.    FORD 

ED.,  i,   144.      (l82I.) 

—    ARISTOCRACY,     Trappings     of.— 
See  472- 

477.  ARISTOCRACY,      Unpopular.— In 
Virginia,  we  have  no  traditional  reverence  for 
certain  families.    Our  clergy,  before  the  Rev 
olution,    having   been   secured   against    rival- 
ship  by  fixed  salaries,  did  not  give  themselves 
the  trouble  of  acquiring  influence  over  the 
people.     Of  wealth,  there  were  great  accum 
ulations  in  particular  families,  handed  down 
from    generation    to    generation,    under    the 
English  law  of  entails.     But  the  only  object 
of  ambition  for  the  wealthy  was  a  seat  in  the 
King's  council.     All  their  court  was  paid  to 
the  crown  and  its  creatures;  and  they  Philip- 
ised  in  all  collisions  between  the  King  and 
the  people.    Hence  they  were  unpopular ;  and 
that  unpopularity  continues  attached  to  their 


names.  A  Randolph,  a  Carter,  or  a  Burwell 
must  have  great  personal  superiority  over  a 
common  competitor  to  be  elected  by  the 
people  even  at  this  day. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
224.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  426.  (M.,  1813.) 

478.  ARISTOCRACY,      Uprooting.— At 

the  first  session  of  our  Legislature  after  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  we  passed  a 
law  abolishing  entails.  And  this  was  fol 
lowed  by  one  abolishing  the  privilege  of  prim 
ogeniture,  and  dividing  the  lands  of  intes 
tates  equally  among  all  the  children,  or  other 
representatives.  These  laws,  drawn  by  myself, 
laid  the  axe  to  the  root  of  pseudo-aristocracy. 
And  had  another  which  I  had  prepared  been 
adopted  by  the  Legislature,  our  work  would 
have  been  complete.  It  was  a  bill  for  the  more 
general  diffusion  of  learning. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  225.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  427.  (M., 
1813.) 

479. .     I     considered     four     of 

these  bills  [of  the  Revised  Code  of  Virginia] 
*  *  *  as  forming  a  system  by  which  every 
fibre  would  be  eradicated  of  ancient  or  future 
aristocracy;  and  a  foundation  laid  for  a  gov 
ernment  truly  republican.  The  repeal  of  the 
laws  of  entail  would  prevent  the  accumula 
tion  and  perpetuation  of  wealth,  in  select  fam 
ilies,  and  preserve  the  soil  of  the  country  from 
being  daily  more  and  more  absorbed  in  mort 
main.  The  abolition  of  primogeniture,  and 
equal  partition  of  inheritances  removed  the 
feudal  and  unnatural  distinctions  which  made 
one  member  of  every  family  rich,  and  all  the 
rest  poor,  substituting  equal  partition,  the 
best  of  all  Agrarian  laws.  The  restoration  of 
the  rights  of  conscience  relieved  the  people 
from  taxation  for  the  support  of  a  religion  not 
theirs;  for  the  Establishment  was  truly  of 
the  religion  of  the  rich,  the  dissenting  sects 
being  entirely  composed  of  the  less  wealthy 
people ;  and  these,  by  the  bill  for  a  general 
education,  would  be  qualified  to  understand 
their  rights,  to  maintain  them,  and  to  exer 
cise  with  intelligence  their  parts  in  self-gov 
ernment  ;  and  all  this  would  be  effected  with 
out  the  violation  of  a  single  natural  right  of 
any  one  individual  citizen. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  49.  FORD  ED.,  i,  68.  (1821.) 

480.  ARISTOCRACY  IN"  VIRGINIA.— 

To  state  the  difference  between  the  classes  of 
society  and  the  lines  of  demarcation  which 
separated  them  [in  Virginia]  would  be  diffi 
cult.  The  law  admitted  none  except  as  to  our 
twelve  counsellors.  Yet  in  a  country  insu 
lated  from  the  European  world,  insulated  from 
its  sister  colonies,  with  whom  there  was 
scarcely  any  intercourse,  little  visited  by  for 
eigners,  and  having  little  matter  to  act  upon 
within  itself,  certain  families  had  risen  to 
splendor  by  wealth  and  the  preservation  of  it 
from  generation  to  generation  under  the  law 
of  entails ;  some  had  produced  a  series  of 
men  of  talents ;  families  in  general  had  re 
mained  stationary  on  the  grounds  of  their 
forefathers,  for  there  was  no  emigration  to  the 
westward  in  those  days ;  the  wild  Irish,  who 
had  gotten  possession  of  the  valley  between 
the  Blue  Ridge  and  North  Mountain,  forming 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Aristocracy 
Arms 


a  barrier  over  which  none  ventured  to  leap, 
and  would  still  less  venture  to  settle  among. 
In  such  a  state  of  things,  scarcely  admitting 
any  change  of  station,  society  would  settle  it 
self  down  into  several  strata,  separated  by  no 
marked  lines,  but  shading  off  imperceptibly 
from  top  to  bottom,  nothing  disturbing  the 
order  of  their  repose.  There  were  there  aris 
tocrats,  half-breeds,  pretenders,  a  solid  yeo 
manry,  looking  askance  at  those  above  yet 
venturing  to  jostle  them,  and  last  and  lowest, 
a  feculum  of  beings  called  overseers,  the  most 
abject,  degraded  and  unprincipled  race,  al 
ways  cap  in  hand  to  the  Dons  who  employed 
them,  and  furnishing  materials  for  the  exer 
cise  of  their  pride,  insolence  and  spirit  of 
domination.— To  WILLIAM  WIRT.  vi,  484. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  473.  (M.,  1815.) 

481. .     You  surprise  me  with  the 

account  you  give  of  the  strength  of  family 
distinction  still  existing  in  Massachusetts. 
With  us  it  is  so  totally  extinguished,  that  not 
a  spark  of  it  is  to  be  found  but  working  in  the 
hearts  of  some  of  our  old  tories ;  but  all  bigot 
ries  hang  to  one  another,  and  this  in  the  East 
ern  States  hangs,  as  I  suspect,  to  that  of  the 
priesthood.  Here  youth,  beauty,  mind  and 
manners,  are  more  valued  than  a  pedigree. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  305.  (M.,  1814.) 

482.  ARISTOCRACY,     Virtuous.— Na 
ture   has   wisely   provided   an   aristocracy   of 
virtue  and  talent  for  the  direction  of  the  in 
terests  of  society,  and  scattered  it  with  equal 
hand  through  all  its  conditions. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,    i,  36.    FORD  ED.,  i,  49.    (1821.) 

483.  ARISTOCRACY   OF   WEALTH.— 
An  aristocracy  of  wealth  [is]  of  more  harm 
and  danger  than  benefit  to  society. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,     i,  36.     FORD  ED.,  i,  49.     (1821.) 

484.  ARISTOCRATS,      Impotent.— We, 
too.  have  our  aristocrats  and  monocrats,  and 
as  they  float  on  the  surface,  they  show  much 
though  they  weigh  little. — To  J.  P.  BRISSOT 
DE  WARVILLE.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  249.    (Pa.,  1793.) 

485.  ARISTOCRATS,  The  People  and.— 
Aristocrats  fear  the  people,  and  wish  to  trans 
fer  all  power  to  the  higher  classes  of  society. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,   vii,  391.    FORD  ED.,  x, 
335-    (M.,  1825.) 

486.  ARISTOTLE,      Writings      of.— So 
different  was  the  style  of  society  then,  and 
with  those  people,  from  what  it  is  now  and 
with  us,  that  I  think  little  edification  can  be 
obtained  from  their  writings  on  the  subject  of 
government.  They  had  just  ideas  of  the  value 
of  personal   liberty,   but  none  at  all  of  the 
structure   of  government  best  calculated   to 
preserve  it.     They  knew  no  medium  between 
a  democracy  (the  only  pure  republic,  but  im 
practicable  beyond  the  limits  of  a  town)  and 
an  abandonment  of  themselves  to  an  aristoc 
racy,  or  a  tyranny  independent  of  the  people. 
It  seems  not  to  have  occurred  that  where  the 
citizens  can  not  meet  to  transact  their  business 
in  person,  they  alone  have  the  right  to  choose 
the  agents  who  shall  transact  it ;  and  that  in 
this  way  a  republican,  or  popular  government, 
of  the  second  grade  of  purity,  may  be  exer 


cised  over  any  extent  of  country.  The  full 
experiment  of  a  government,  democratical, 
but  representative,  was  and  is  still  reserved 
for  us.  *  *  *  The  introduction  of  this  new 
principle  of  representative  democracy  has  ren 
dered  useless  almost  everything  written  before 
on  the  structure  of  government;  and,  in  a 
great  measure,  relieves  our  regret,  if  the  po 
litical  writings  of  Aristotle,  or  of  any  other 
ancient,  have  been  lost,  or  are  unfaithfully 
rendered  or  explained  to  us. — To  ISAAC  H. 
TIFFANY,  vii,  32.  (M.,  1816.) 

—  ARITHMETIC.— See  MATHEMATICS. 

487.  ARMS,  Loan  of.— I  am  in  hopes  that 
your    State    [New    York]    will    provide   by    the 
loan   of   arms   for  your   immediate   safety. — To 
JACOB  J.   BROWN,     v,   240.     (W.   1808.) 

488.  -  — .     I  enclose  you    *    *    *    an 
application   from  *  *  *  citizens  of   New   York, 
residing   on   the    St.    Lawrence    and    Lake    On 
tario,   setting   forth   their   defenceless   situation 
for    the    want    of    arms,    and    praying    to    be 
furnished    from   the   magazines   of   the    United 
States.     Similar   applications   from   other   parts 
of   our   frontier   in   every   direction   have   suffi 
ciently  shown  that  did  the  laws  permit  such  a 
disposition   of  the  arms  of  the   United   States, 
their  magazines  would  be  completely  exhausted, 
and  nothing  would  remain  for  actual  war.     But 
it  is  only  when  troops  take  the  field,  that  the 
arms  of  the  United  States  can  be  delivered  to 
them.     For  the  ordinary  safety  of  the  citizens 
of  the  several  States,  whether  against  dangers 
within   or   without,   their   reliance   must   be   on 
the   means   to   be  provided  by  their  respective 
States.      Under     the     circumstances     I      have 
thought  it  my  duty  to  transmit  to  you  the  rep 
resentation  received,  not  doubting  that  you  will 
have  done  for  the  safety  of  our  fellow  citizens, 
on   a   part   of   our   frontier   so    interesting   and 
so  much  exposed,  what  their  situation  requires, 
and  the  means  under  your  control  may  permit. 
— To     GOVERNOR     TOMPKINS.     v,     238.      (W., 
1808.) 

489.  ARMS,  Right  to  bear.— No  freeman 
shall  be  debarred  the  use  of  arms  [within  his 
own  lands].* — PROPOSED  VA.   CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  27.     (June,  1776.) 

—ARMS     OF     CABOT     FAMILY.— See 

BIRDS. 

490.  ARMS,   Device  for  the  American 

States. — A  proper  device  (instead  of  arms) 
for  the  American  states  united  would  be  the 
Father  presenting  the  bundle  of  rods  to  his 
sons.  The  motto  "  Insuperabiles  si  Insepara- 
biles " ,  an  answer  given  in  part  to  the  H.  of 
Lds  &  Comm.  4.  Inst.  35.  He  cites  4.  H.  6. 
ru.  12.  parl.  rolls,  which  I  suppose  was  the  time 
it  happd.  f — FORD  ED.,  i,  420. 

*  Brackets  by  Jefferson.— EDITOR. 

t  This  is  a  note  written  in  Jefferson's  copy  of  the 
Virginia  Almanack  for — 1774.  All  his  other  entries  in 
this  volume  are  contemporary  with  the  date  of  the  al 
manac,  and  if,  as  all  the  internal  evidence  indicates, 
this  was  also  written  at  that  time,  it  is  not  merely  in 
teresting  as  a  proposed  emblem,  but  even  more  so  as 
the  earliest  reference  to  the  u  American  States."  In  a 
letter  of  John  Adams  (Familiar  Letters,  211),  Aug.  4, 
1776,  on  the  subject  of  the  national  arms,  is  the  follow 
ing  :  "  Mr.  Jefferson  proposed  the  children  of  Israel 
in  the  wilderness,  led  by  a  cloud  by  day  and  a  pillar 
of  fire  by  night ;  and  on  the  other  side,  Hengist  and 
Horsa,  the  Saxon  chiefs  from  whom  we  claim  the 
honor  of  being  descended,  and  whose  political  prin 
ciples  and  forms  of  government  we  have  assumed." 
—NOTE  IN  FORD'S  ED. 


Arms 
Army 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


491.  ABMS,  Device  for  Virginia  State. 
—I  like  the  device  of  the  first  side  of  the  seal 
[for  Virginia]    much.     The  second   I   think,   is 
too  much  crowded,  nor  is  the  design  so  strik 
ing.     But  for   God's   sake   what   is   the   "  Deus 
twbis   haze   otia   facit  "  !     It  puzzles   everybody 
here.     If  my  country  really  enjoys  that  otium 
it    is    singular,    as    every    other    Colony    seems 
to  be  hard  struggling.     I   think  it  was   agreed 
on     before     Dunmore's     flight     from     Gwyn's 
Island,  so  that  it  can  hardly  be  referred  to  the 
temporary   holiday   that   was   given   you.     This 
device    is    too    enigmatical.      Since    it    puzzles 
now,  it  will  be  absolutely  insoluble  fifty  years 
hence. — To  JOHN  PAGE.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  70.     (Pa., 
1776.) 

492.  ARMS  OF  JEFFERSON  FAMILY. 
—Search  the  Herald's  office  for  the  arms  of 
my  family.     I  have  what  I  have  been  told  were 
the  family  arms,  but  on  what  authority  I  know 
not.     It  is  possible  there  may  be  none.     If  so, 
I   would   with   your   assistance   become   a   pur 
chaser,  having  Sterne's  word  for  it  that  a  coat 
of  arms  may  be  purchased  as  cheap  as  any  other 
coat. — To   THOMAS   ADAMS.     FORD   ED.,   i,   388. 
(M.,  1771.) 

493.  ARMSTRONG     (John),     Hostility 
against. — An   unjust   hostility   against   Gen 
eral  Armstrong  will,   I   am   afraid,   show   itself 
whenever    any    treaty    [with    Spain]    made    by 
him    shall     be     offered     for     ratification. — To 
WILSON    C.    NICHOLAS,     v,    4.     FORD    ED.,   viii. 
435.     (W.,  April  1806.) 

494.  ARMSTRONG     (John),     Secretary 
of  War. — I  have  long  ago  in  my  heart  con 
gratulated    my    country    on    your    call    to    the 
place    you    now    occupy.  *  *  *     Whatever   you 
do  in  office,  I  know  will    be  honestly  and  ably 
done,    and    although    we   who    do    not    see   the 
whole    ground    may    sometimes    impute    error, 
it    will    be    because    we,    not    you,    are    in    the 
wrong  ;  or  because  your  views  are  defeated  by 
the  wickedness  or  inc9mpetence   of  those  you 
are  obliged  to  trust  with  their  execution. — To 
GENERAL  JOHN  ARMSTRONG,     vi,  103.     (M.,  Feb. 
1813-) 

495. .  Armstrong  is  presumptu 
ous,  obstinate  and  injudicious. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  484.  (M.,  1814.) 

496.  ARMY,    Adverse    to    large.— The 

spirit  of  this  country  is  totally  adverse  to  a 
large  military  force. — To  CHANDLER  PRICE. 
v,  47-  (W.,  1807.) 

497.  ARMY,    Control   over.— I   like   the 
declaration  of  rights  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  I 
should  have  been  for  going  further.     For  in 
stance,  the  following  alterations  and  additions 
would    have    pleased    me:  *  *  *  Article    10. 
All  troops  of  the  United  States  shall  stand 
ipso  facto  disbanded,  at  the  expiration  of  the 
term  for  which  their  pay  and  subsistence  shall 
have  been  last  voted  by  Congress,  and  all  of 
ficers  and  soldiers,  not  natives  of^the^United 
States,  shall  be  incapable  of  serving  in  their 
armies  by  land  except  during  a  foreign  war. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     iii,  101.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
113.     (P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

498.  ARMY,  Deserters.— Deserters  [Brit 
ish]  ought  never  to  be  enlisted  [by  us].— To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED v  ix,  128.   (M.,  1807.) 

499.  ARMY,  Deserters  from  Enemy's. 
— American      citizens,    *    *    *    whether    im 


pressed  or  enlisted  into  the  British  service, 
*  *  *  [are]  equally  right  in  returning  to 
:he  duties  they  owe  their  own  country. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  v,  173.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  128. 
(M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

500. .  Resolved,  that  [Con 
gress]  will  give  all  such  of  the  *  *  *  foreign 
[Hessian]  officers  as  shall  leave  the  armies  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty  in  America,  and  choose 
to  become  citizens  of  these  States,  unappro 
priated  lands  in  the  following  quantities  and 
proportions  to  them  and  their  heirs  in  abso 
lute  dominion.* — CONGRESS  RESOLUTION.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  89.  (August  1776.) 

501.  ARMY,  Discipline  of.— The  British 
consider    our    army  *  *  *  a    rude,    undisci 
plined    rabble.      I    hope  they  will  find  it  a 
Bunker's    Hill    rabble. — To    FRANCIS    EPPES. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  77.     (Pa.,  Aug.  1776.) 

502.  ARMY,     Enlistments     in.— Tardy 
enlistments  proceed  from  the  happiness  of  our 
people  at  home. — To  JAMES  MONROE,    vi,  130. 
(M.,  June  1813.) 

503. .    Our  men  are  so  happy  at 

home  that  they  will  not  hire  themselves  to 
be  shot  at  for  a  shilling  a  day.  Hence  we  can 
have  no  standing  armies  for  defence,  because 
we  have  no  paupers  to  furnish  the  materials. 
—To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  379.  (M.,  1814.) 

504.  ARMY,  Fear  of.— How  happy  that 
our    army    had  been  disbanded    [before  the 
Presidential    crisis    of    1801]  !     What    might 
have  happened  otherwise  seems  rather  a  sub 
ject     of     reflection     than     explanation. — To 
NATHANIEL  NILES.     iv,  377.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
24.    (W.,  March  1801.) 

505.  ARMY,   Increase   of. — An  act  has 

passed  for  raising  upon  the  regular  establish 
ment  for  the  war  3000  additional  troops  and  a 
corps  of  300  more,  making  in  the  whole  about 
5000  men.  To  this  I  was  opposed  from  a  con 
viction  they  were  useless  and  that  1200  or 
1500  woodsmen  would  soon  end  the  [Indian] 
war,  and  at  a  trifling  expense. — To  ARCHI 
BALD  STUART.  FORD  ED.,  v,  454.  (Pa.,  March 
1792.) 

506. .    It  is  agreed    [in  cabinet] 

that  about  15000  regular  troops  will  be  req 
uisite  for  garrisons,  and  about  as  many  more 
as  a  disposable  force,  making  in  the  whole 
30,000  regulars. — ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  329. 
(July  1807.) 

507.    .    We    are    raising    some 

regulars  in  addition  to  our  present  force,  for 
garrisoning  our  seaports,  and  forming  a  nu 
cleus  for  the  militia  to  gather  to. — To  GEN 
ERAL  KOSCIUSKO.     v,  282.     (W.,  May  1808.) 

508.  ARMY,   Inefficiency  in.— I   thank 
you  for  the  military  manuals.  *  *  *  This  is 
the  sort  of  book  most  needed  in  our  country, 
where  even  the  elements  of  tactics  are  un 
known.     The  young  have  never  seen  service, 
the  old  are  past  it,  and  of  those  among  them 
who  are  not  superannuated  themselves,  their 

*  Jefferson,  Franklin  and  Adams  reported  this  res 
olution  which  was  adopted.— EDITOR. 


53 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Army 


science  is  become  so. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
vi,  75.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  365.  (M.,  1812.) 

509.  ARMY,  A  mercenary.— He  [George 
III.]  has  endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercise 
of  the  kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a  detest 
able  and  insupportable  tyranny  *  *  *  by 
transporting  at  this  time  a  large  army  of  for 
eign  mercenaries  [to  complete]  the  works  of 
death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already  begun 
with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy  so 
unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
ii.  (June  1776.) 

510. .  He  is  at  this  time,  trans 
porting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries 
to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation, 
and  tyranny,  already  begun,  with  circum 
stances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy*  unworthy  the 
head  of  a  civilized  nation. — DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

511. .    At    this    very    time,    too, 

they  [British  people]  are  permitting  their 
chief  magistrate  to  send  over  not  only  sol 
diers  of  our  common  blood,  but  Scotch  and 
foreign  mercenaries  to  invade  and  destroy  us. 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN 
BY  JEFFERSON. 

512.  ARMY,  Morality  in.— It  is  more  a 
subject  of  joy  [than  of  regret]  that  we  have  so 
few  of  the  desperate  characters  which  com 
pose  modern  regular  armies.     But  it  proves 
more  forcibly  the  necessity  of  obliging  every 
citizen  to  be  a  soldier ;  this  was  the  case  with 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  must  be  that  of 
every  free  State.     Where  there  is  no  oppres 
sion  there  can  be  no  pauper  hirelings. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  130.     (M.,  June  1813.) 

513.  ARMY,  An  obedient.— Some  think 
the  [French]  army  could  not  be  depended  on 
by  the  government ;  but  the  breaking  men  to 
military  discipline,  is  breaking  their  spirits  to 
principles    of    passive    obedience. — To    JOHN 
JAY.    ii,  392.     (P.,  1788.) 

514.  ARMY,   Obligations  to  the.— We 
feel   with  you  our  obligations  to  the  army 
in  general,  and  will  particularly  charge  our 
selves  with  the  interests  of  those  confidential 
officers,   who  have  attended  your  person  to 
this  affecting  moment. — CONGRESS  TO  WASH 
INGTON      SURRENDERING     HIS     COMMISSION. 
(Dec.  1783.) 

515.  ARMY,  Overpowering.— There    is 
neither  head  nor  body  in  the  [French]  nation 
to   promise    a    successful    opposition    to    two 
hundred  thousand  regular  troops.— To  JOHN 
JAY.    ii,  392.     (P.,  1788.) 

516.  ARMY,  The  People  as  an.— I  am 
satisfied  the  good  sense  of  the  people  is  the 
strongest    army    our    government     can     ever 
have,    and    that   it   will   not   fail   them.— To 
WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.     ii,  81.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
346.     (P.,  1786.) 

*  Congress  inserted  after  "  perfidy "  the  words 
u  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages  and 
totally .  "—EDITOR. 

t  Congress  struck  out  this  passage.— EDITOR. 


517.   — .     I    am   persuaded   myself 

that  the  good   sense  of  the  people  will  al 
ways   be   found   to   be   the   best   Army. — To 
EDWARD  CARRINGTON.     ii,  99.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
359-      (P.,    1787.) 

518.  ARMY,  Reduction  of. — A  statement 
has  been  formed  by  the   Secretary  of  War 
*  *  *  of  all  the  posts  and  stations  where  gar 
risons  will  be  expedient,  and  of  the  number 
of   men    requisite    for   each    garrison.      The 
whole   amount   is   considerably   short  of  the 
present  military  establishment.  For  the  surplus 
no  particular  use  can  be  pointed  out.    For  de 
fence   against   invasion,    their   number   is   as 
nothing;  nor  is  it  conceived  needful  or  safe 
that  a  standing  army  should  be  kept  up  in 
time  of  peace  for  that  purpose. — FIRST  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  n.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  121. 
(Dec.  1801.) 

519. .    The  army  is  undergoing  a 

chaste  reformation. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON. 
iv,  397.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

520.  — .     The  session  of  the  first 

Congress  convened  since  republicanism  has 
recovered  its  ascendency  *  *  *  will  pretty 
completely  fulfil  all  the  desires  of  the  people. 
They  have  reduced  the  army  *  *  *  to  what 
is  barely  necessary. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO. 
iv,  430.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

521. — .  We  are  now  actually  en 
gaged  in  reducing  our  military  establishment 
one-third,  and  discharging  one-third  of  our 
officers.  We  keep  in  service  no  more  than 
men  enough  to  garrison  the  small  posts  dis 
persed  at  great  distances  on  our  frontiers, 
which  garrisons  will  generally  consist  of  a 
captain's  company  only,  and  in  no  cases  of 
more  than  two  or  three,  in  not  one,  of  a  suf 
ficient  number  to  require  a  field  officer.  * — To 
GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  iv,  430.  (W.,  April 
1802.) 

522.  ARMY,  Regulation  of.— The  wise 
proposition  of  the  Secretary  of  War  for  fill 
ing  our  ranks  with  regulars,  and  putting  our 
militia   into   an   effective   form,   seems   to   be 
laid  aside. — To  M.  CORREA.    vi,    406.       (M., 
Dec.  1814.) 

523.  -  — .    To   supply  the   want   of 
men,    nothing   more   wise   or   efficient   could 
have  been  imagined  than  what  you  proposed. 
It  would  have  filled  our  ranks  with  regulars, 
and  that,  too,  by  throwing  a  just  share  of  the 
burthen  on  the  purses  of  those  whose  per 
sons  are  exempt  either  by  age  or  office;  and 
it  would  have  rendered  our  militia,  like  those 
of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  a  nation  of  war 
riors. — To  JAMES   MONROE,     vi,   408.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  497.     (M.,  Jan.  1815.) 

524. .  Nothing  wiser  can  be  de 
vised  than  what  the  Secretary  of  War  (Mon 
roe)  proposed  in  his  report  at  the  commence 
ment  of  Congress.  It  would  have  kept  our 
regular  army  always  of  necessity  full,  and 
by  classing  our  militia  according  to  ages, 
would  have  put  them  into  a  form  ready  for 

*  Kosciusko  had  written  to  Jefferson,  recommend 
ing  Polish  officers  for  employment.— EDITOR. 


Army 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


54 


whatever  service,  distant  or  at  home,  should 
require  them. — To  W.  H.  CRAWFORD,  vi,  418. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  502.  (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

525.  ARMY,  Seniority  in.— We  received 
from  Colonel  R.  H.  Lee  a  resolution  of  Con 
vention,  recommending  us  to  endeavor  that 
the  promotions  of  the  officers  be  according  to 
seniority  without  regard  to  regiments  or  com 
panies.  In  one  instance,  indeed,  the  Congress 
reserved  to  themselves  a  right  of  departing 
from  seniority;  that  is  where  a  person  either 
out  of  the  line  of  command,  or  in  an  inferior 
part  of  it,  has  displayed  eminent  talents.  Most 
of  the  general  officers  have  been  promoted  in 
this  way.  Without  this  reservation,  the  whole 
continent  must  have  been  supplied  with  gen 
eral  officers  from  the  Eastern  Colonies,  where 
a  large  army  was  formed  and  officered  before 
any  other  colony  had  occasion  to  raise  troops 
at  all,  and  a  number  of  experienced,  able  and 
valuable  officers  must  have  been  lost  to  the 
public  merely  from  the  locality  of  their  situa 
tion. — To  GOVERNOR  PATRICK  HENRY.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  67.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

526. .    We  [Congress]  wait  your 

recommendation  for  the  two  vacant  majori 
ties.  Pray  regard  militaryment  alone. — To 
JOHN  PAGE.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  88.  (Pa.,  1776.) 


527. 


-.    Several  vacancies  having 


happened  in  our  battalions,  we  [Congress] 
are  unable  to  have  them  filled  for  want  of  a 
list  of  the  officers,  stating  their  seniority.  We 
must  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  furnish  us 
with  one. — To  GOVERNOR  HENRY.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  67.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

528. .    The  unfortunate  obstinacy 

of  the  Senate  in  preferring  the  greatest  block 
head  to  the  greatest  military  genius,  if  one 
day  longer  in  commission,  renders  it  doubly 
important  to  sift  well  the  candidates  for  com 
mand  in  new  corps,  and  to  marshal  them  at 
first,  towards  the  head,  in  proportion  to  their 
qualifications.— To  GENERAL  ARMSTRONG. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

529.  -  — .    There    is   not,    I    believe, 

a  service  on  earth  where  seniority  is  per 
mitted  to  give  a  right  to  advance  beyond  the 
grade  of  captain. — To  GENERAL  ARMSTRONG. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

530. .    We  are  doomed.  *  *  *  to 

sacrifice  the  lives  of  our  citizens  by  thousands 
to  this  blind  principle,  for  fear  the  peculiar  in 
terest  and  responsibility  of  our  Executive 
should  not  be  sufficient  to  guard  his  selection 
of  officers  against  favoritism. — To  GENERAL 
ARMSTRONG.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  1813.) 

531. — .  When  you  have  new  corps 

to  raise  you  are  free  to  prefer  merit :  and  our 
mechanical  law  of  promotion,  when  once 
men  have  been  set  in  their  places,  makes  it 
most  interesting  indeed  to  place  them  origi 
nally  according  to  their  capacities.  It  is  not 
for  me  even  to  ask  whether  in  the  raw  regi 
ments  now  to  be  raised,  it  would  not  be  ad 
visable  to  draw  from  the  former  the  few 
officers  who  may  already  have  discovered 
military  talent,  and  to  bring  them  forward 


in  the  new  corps  to  those  higher  grades,  to 
which,  in  the  old,  the  blocks  in  their  way  do 
not  permit  you  to  advance  them? — To  GEN 
ERAL  ARMSTRONG.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M., 
Feb.  1813.)  See  GENERALS. 

532.  ARMY,  A  standing.— Standing  ar 
mies  [are]  inconsistent  with  the  freedom  [of 
the  Colonies],  and  subversive  of  their  quiet. — 
REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  477.  (July  1775.) 

533. .  There  shall  be  no  stand 
ing  army  but  in  time  of  actual  war. — PRO 
POSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  27. 
(June  1776.) 

534 .  He  [George  III.]  has  en 
deavored  to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the  kingly 
office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  in 
supportable  tyranny  *  *  *  by  [keeping 
among  us],  in  time  of  peace,  standing  armies 
and  ships  of  war. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  10.  (June  1776.) 

535. .  He  has  kept  among  us,  in 

times  of  peace,  standing  armies  and  ships  of 
war  *  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN 
BY  JEFFERSON. 

536. .    I  do  not  like  [in  the  new 

Federal  Constitution]  the  omission  of  a  bill  of 
rights,  providing  clearly  and  without  the  aid 
of  sophisms  for  *  *  *  protection 
against  standing  armies. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  ii,  329.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  476.  (P.,  Dec. 
1787.) 

537. .  I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the 

acceptance  of  our  new  Constitution  by  nine 
States.  It  is  a  good  canvas,  on  which  some 
strokes  only  want  retouching.  What  these 
are,  I  think  are  sufficiently  manifested  by  the 
general  voice  from  north  to  south,  which 
calls  for  a  bill  of  rights.  It  seems  pretty 
generally  understood  that  this  should  go  to 
*  *  *  standing  armies.  *  *  *  If  no 
check  can  be  found  to  keep  the  number  of 
standing  troops  within  safe  bounds,  while 
they  are  tolerated  as  far  as  necessary,  aban 
don  them  altogether,  discipline  well  the  mi 
litia,  and  guard  the  magazines  with  them. 
More  than  magazine  guards  will  be  useless  if 
few,  and  dangerous  if  many.  No  European 
nation  can  ever  send  against  us  such  a  regu 
lar  army  as  we  need  fear,  and  it  is  hard  if 
our  militia  are  not  equal  to  those  of  Canada, 
or  Florida. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  445. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  45.  (P.,  July  1788.) 


538. 


.    By  declaration  of  rights,  I 


mean  one  which  shall  stipulate    * 

standing  armies. — To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  355.  (P., 

1788.) 

539. .  There  are  instruments  so 

dangerous  to  the  rights  of  the  nation,  and 
which  place  them  so  totally  at  the  mercy  of 
their  governors,  that  those  governors, 
whether  legislative  or  executive,  should  be 
restrained  from  keeping  such  instruments  on 
foot,  but  in  well-defined  cases.  Such  an  in- 
*  Congress  struck  out  "  and  ships  of  war." — EDITOR, 


55 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Army 


a    standing    army. — To  DAVID 
iii,  13.     FORD  ED.,  v,  90.     (P., 


strument  is 
HUMPHREYS 
1789.) 

540. .     I  hope  a  militia  bill  will 

be  passed.  Anything  is  preferable  to  nothing, 
as  it  takes  away  one  of  the  arguments  for  a 
standing  army. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  454.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

541. .    I  am  not  for  a  standing 

army  in  time  of  peace,  which  may  overawe 
the  public  sentiment.— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 
iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  328.  (Pa.,  I799-) 

542. .  Bonaparte  has  transferred 

the  destinies  of  the  republic  from  the  civil 
to  the  military  arm.  Some  will  use  this  as  a 
lesson  against  the  practicability  of  republican 
government.  I  read  it  as  a  lesson  against  the 
danger  of  standing  armies. — To  SAMUEL 
ADAMS,  iv,  322.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  425.  (Pa.,  Feb. 
1800.) 

543. .  It  is  not  conceived  need 
ful  or  safe  that  a  standing  army  should  be 
kept  up  in  time  of  peace  for  defence  against 
invasion. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  n. 
FORD  ED.,  121.  (1801.) 

544.    .    I    hope     Kentucky     will 

*     *     *     finish  the  matter  [Burr's  enterprise] 
for  the  honor  of  popular  government,  and  the 
discouragement  of  all  arguments  for  standing 
armies.— To      REV.    CHARLES  CLAY,    v,    28. 
FORDED.,  ix,  7.    (W.,  1807.) 

545.    .    We    propose    to    raise 

seven  regiments  only  for  the  present  year,  de 
pending  always  on  our  militia  for  the  opera 
tions  of  the  first  year  of  war.    On  any  other 
plan,  we  should  be  obliged  always  to  keep  a 
large   standing  army.— To   CHARLES    PINCK- 
NEY.    v,  266.     (W.,  March  1808.) 

546. .    The  Greeks  and  Romans 

had  no  standing  armies,  yet  they  defended 
themselves.  The  Greeks  by  their  laws,  and 
the  Romans  by  the  spirit  of  their  people,  took 
care  to  put  into  the  hands  of  their  rulers  no 
such  engine  of  oppression  as  a  standing  army. 
Their  system  was  to  make  every  man  a  sol 
dier,  and  oblige  him  to  repair  to  the  standard 
of  his  country  whenever  that  was  reared. 
This  made  them  invincible;  and  the  same 
remedy  will  make  us  so. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,  vi,  379-  (M.,  1814.) 

547.  ARMY,    Threatened   by    an.— We 
cannot,  my  lord,  close  with  the  terms  of  that 
Resolution,  [Lord  North's  conciliatory  propo 
sitions]     *    *    *    because  at  the  very  time 
of  requiring  from  us  grants,  they  are  making 
disposition  to  invade  us  with  large  armaments 
by  sea  and  land,  which  is  a  style  of  asking 
gifts    not    reconcilable  to  our  freedom.' — AD 
DRESS  TO  LORD  DUN  MORE.    FORD  ED.,  i,  457. 
(I775-) 

548.  ARMY,  An   unnecessary.— One  of 
my  favorite  ideas  is,  never  to  keep  an  un 
necessary  soldier.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  431.    FORD 
ED.,  i,  198.    (1792-) 

549. .    Were  armies  to  be  raised 

whenever  a  speck  of  war  is  visible  in  our 


horizon,  we  never  should  have  been  without 
them.  Our  resources  would  have  been  ex 
hausted  on  dangers  which  have  never  hap 
pened,  instead  of  being  reserved  for  what  is 
really  to  take  place. — SIXTH  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  69.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  495.  (Dec. 
1806.) 

550.  ARMY,  An   unauthorized.— When, 
in  the  course  of  the  late  war,  it  became  ex 
pedient   that   a   body   of   Hanoverian   troops 
should  be  brought  over  for  the  defence  of 
Great  Britain,  his  Majesty's  grandfather,  our 
late  sovereign,  did  not  pretend  to  introduce 
them  under  any  authority  he  possessed.    Such 
a  measure  would  have  given  just  alarm  to 
his  subjects  in  Great  Britain,  whose  liberties 
would  not  be  safe  if  armed  men  of  another 
country,    and    of    another    spirit,    might    be 
brought  into  the  realm  at  any  time  without 
the  consent  of  their  legislature.    He,  there 
fore,  applied  to  Parliament,  who  passed  an 
act  for  that  purpose,  limiting  the  number  to 
be  brought  in,  and  the  time  they  were  to  con 
tinue.      In   like   manner   is   his   Majesty   re 
strained  in  every  part  of  the  empire. — RIGHTS 
OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,   i,   140.     FORD  ED.,    i, 
445-    (I774-) 

551.    .    He   has    combined    with 

others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  constitutions,  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws;  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of 
pretended    legislation    for    quartering    large 
bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us;  for  pro 
tecting  them  by  a  mock  trial    from    punish 
ment  for  any  murders  which    they    should 
commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

552 .  He  [George  III.]  has 

endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the 
kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and 
insupportable  tyranny  *  *  *  by  com 
bining  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  foreign 
jurisdiction,  giving  his  assent  to  their  pre 
tended  acts  of  legislation  for  quartering  large 
bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us. — PROPOSED 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  10.  (June 
1776.) 

553. .  in  order  to  enforce  [his] 

arbitrary  measures  *  *  *  his  Majesty 
has,  from  time  to  time,  sent  among  us  large 
bodies  of  armed  forces,  not  made  up  of  the 
people  here,  nor  raised  by  authority  of  our 
laws.  Did  his  Majesty  possess  such  a  right 
as  this,  it  might  swallow  up  all  our  other 
rights  whenever  he  should  think  proper.  But 
his  Majesty  has  no  right  to  land  a  single 
armed  man  on  our  shores,  and  those  whom  he 
sends  here  are  liable  to  our  laws  made  for 
the  suppression  and  punishment  of  riots,  and 
unlawful  assemblies ;  or  are  hostile  bodies, 
invading  us  in  defiance  of  the  law. — RIGHTS 
OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  140.  FORD  ED.,  i,  445. 
(I774-) 

554. .  The  proposition  [of  Lord 

North]  is  altogether  unsatisfactory  *  *  * 
because  it  does  not  propose  to  repeal  the  acts 
of  Parliament  *  *  *  for  quartering  sol- 


Arnold  (Benedict) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


56 


diers  on  us  in  times  of  profound  peace. — RE 
PLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD  ED., 
i,  480.  (July  I775-) 

555.  ARMY,   A  volunteer.— [With   re 
spect   to]    the   proposition     for     substituting 
32,000    twelve-month   volunteers    instead    of 
15,000  regulars  as  a  disposable  force,   I  like 
the  idea  much.    It  will,  of  course,  be  a  subject 
of  consideration  when  we  all  meet  again,  but 
I  repeat  that  I  like  it  greatly.— To  GENERAL 
DEARBORN,    v,  155.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  123.     (M., 
Aug.  1807.) 

556.    .    General    Dearborn    has 

sent    me    a    plan    of    a    war    establishment 
for    15,000    regulars    for    garrisons,    and    in 
stead     of     15,000    others,     as     a     disposable 
force,     to     substitute     32,000     twelve-month 
volunteers,   to  be   exercised   and   paid   three 
months  in  the  year,  and  consequently  cost 
ing   no    more   than   8,000   permanent,    giving 
us  the  benefit  of  32,000  for  any  expedition, 
who    would    be    themselves    nearly    equal    to 
regulars,  but  could  on  occasion  be  put  into 
the  garrisons,  and  the  regulars  employed  in 
the  expedition  prima  facie.    I  like  it  well. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,    v,   154.    FORD  ED.,  ix, 
123.    (M.,  Aug.  1807.)    See  WAR. 

557.  ARMY,      (French),     Dangerous 

standing.— The  French  flatter  themselves 
they  shall  form  a,  better  Constitution  than  the 
English  one.  I  think  it  will  be  better  in  some 
points — worse  in  others.  *  *  *  It  will 
be  worse,  as  their  situation  obliges  them  to 
keep  up  the  dangerous  machine  of  a  standing 
army. — To  DR.  PRICE,  ii,  557.  (P.,  Jan. 
1789.) 

558.  ARMY  (French),  Decision  by  the. 
— If  the  appeal  to  arms  is  made  fin  France] 
it  will  depend  entirely  on  the  disposition  of 
the  army  whether  it  issue  in  liberty  or  des 
potism. — To  E.  RUTLEDGE.    ii,   435.    FORD  ED., 
v,  42.    (P.,  1788.) 

559.  ARMY    OFFICERS,    Accountabil 
ity    of. — Whereas    it    is    apprehended    that 
sufficient    care    and    attention    hath    not    been 
always   had    by    officers    to    the    cleanliness,    to 
the  health   and  to  the  comfort  of  the  soldiers 
entrusted   to   their   command,     Be   it   therefore 
enacted,  that  so  long  as  any  troops  from  this 
Commonwealth   [Virginia]   shall  be  in  any  ser 
vice  to  the  northward  thereof,  it  shall  and  may 
be   lawful   for  our  delegates   in   Congress,   and 
they    are    hereby    required    from    time    to    time 
to  enquire  into  the  state  and  condition  of  the 
troops,    and   the   conduct   of   the   officers   com 
manding  ;  and  where  any  troops,  raised  in  this 
Commonwealth,  are  upon  duty  within  the  same, 
or     anywhere     to     the     southward,     there     the 
Governor    and    Council    are    required    to    make 
similar  enquiry  by  such  ways  or  means  as  shall 
be  in  their  power  :    and  whensoever  it  shall  be 
found  that  any  officer,  appointed  by  this  Com 
monwealth,    shall    have    been    guilty    of    negli 
gence,    or    want   of    fatherly    care,    of   the    sol 
diers  under  his  command,  they  are  hereby  re 
spectively  required  to  report  to  this  Assembly 
the   whole   truth   of   the   case,   who   hereby   re 
serve  to  themselves  a  power  of  removing  such 
officer ;  and  whenever  they  shall  find  that  such 
troops    shall    have    suffered   through   the   negli 
gence    or    inattention    of   any    officer   of    Conti 


nental  appointment,  they  are,  in  like  manner, 
to  make  report  thereof  to  this  Assembly,  whose 
duty  it  will  be  to  represent  the  same  to  Con 
gress :  and  they  are  further  respectively  re 
quired,  from  time  to  time,  to  procure  and  lay 
before  this  Assembly  exact  returns  of  the 
numbers  and  conditions  of  such  of  their  troops. 
— ARMY  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  115.  (1776.) 

560.  ARMY      OFFICERS,      Foreign.— I 

believe  I  mentioned  to  you,  on  a  former  occa 
sion,  that  the  last  act  of  Congress  for  raising 
additional  troops  required  that  the  officers, 
should  all  be  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
Should  there  be  war,  however,  I  am  persuaded 
this  policy  must  be  abandoned,  and  that  we 
must  avail  ourselves  of  the  experience  of  other 
nations,  in  certain  lines  of  service  at  least. — 
To  AMELOT  DE  LA  CROIX.  v,  422.  (W.,  Feb 
1809.) 

561.  ARMY    OFFICERS,    Prosecutions 

of.— Many  officers  of  the  army  being  in 
volved  in  the  offence  of  intending  a  military 
enterprise  [Burr's]  against  a  nation  at  peace 
with  the  United  States,  to  remove  the  whole 
without  trial,  by  the  paramount  authority  of  the 
executive,  would  be  a  proceeding  of  unusual 
gravity.  Some  line  must,  therefore,  be  drawn 
to  separate  the  more  from  the  less  guilty.  The 
only  sound  one  which  occurs  to  me  is  between 
those  who  believed  the  enterprise  was  with  the 
approbation  of  the  government,  open  or  secret, 
and  those  who  meant  to  proceed  in  defiance  of 
the  government.  Concealment  would  be  no  line 
at  all,  because  all  concealed  it.  Applying  the 
line  of  defiance  to  the  case  of  Lieutenant  Mead, 
it  does  not  appear  by  any  testimony  I  have  seen, 
that  he  meant  to  proceed  in  defiance  of  the  gov 
ernment,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  made 
to  believe  the  government  approved  of  the  ex 
pedition.  If  it  be  objected  that  he  concealed  a 
part  of  what  had  taken  place  in  his  communica 
tions  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  yet  if  a  conceal 
ment  of  the  whole  would  not  furnish  a  proper 
line  of  distinction,  still  less  would  the  conceal 
ment  of  a  part.  This  too  would  be  a  removal 
for  prevarication,  not  for  unauthorized  enter 
prise,  and  could  not  be  a  proper  ground  for  ex 
ercising  the  extraordinary  power  of  removal 
by  the  President. — To  GENERAL  DEARBORN,  v, 
60.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  38.  (W.,  March  1807.) 

562.  ARMY    OFFICERS,     Undesirable 
French. — I  would  not  advise  that  the  French 
gentlemen    should   come    here.      [Philadelphia.] 
We  have   so  many  of  that  country,   and  have 
been    so   much    imposed   on    that   the    Congress 
begins  to  be   sore  on   that  head.     *     *     *     If 
you  approve  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Aubin,  why 
not  appoint  him  yourselves,  as  your  troops  of 
horse  are  colonial,  not  continental  ?— To  JOHN 
PAGE.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  70.     (Pa.,  1776.) 

563.  ARNOLD    (Benedict),    Expedition 

to  Quebec. — The  march  of  Arnold  [to  Que 
bec]  is  equal  to  Xenophon's  retreat. — To  JOHN 
PAGE.  FORD  ED.,  i,  496.  (i775-) 

564. .     I   never   understood   that 

Arnold  formed  this  enterprise,  nor  do  I  believe 
he  did.  I  heard  and  saw  all  General  Wash 
ington's  letters  on  this  subject.  I  do  not  think 
he  mentioned  Arnold  as  author  of  the  proposi 
tion  ;  yet  he  was  always  just  in  ascribing  to 
every  officer  the  merit  of  his  own  works  ;  and 
he  was  disposed  particularly  in  favor  of 
Arnold.  This  officer  is  entitled  to  great  merit 
in  the  execution,  but  to  ascribe  to  him  that  of 
having  formed  the  enterprise,  is  probably  to 
ascribe  to  him  what  belongs  to  General  Wash- 


57 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Arnold  (Benedict) 
Artisans 


ington  or  some  other  person. — ANSWERS  TO 
M.  SOULES.  ix,  301.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  300.  (P., 
1786.) 

565. .     General  Arnold,    (a   fine 

sailor)  has  undertaken  to  command  our  fleet  on 
the  Lakes. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD  ED.  ii, 
77.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

566.  ARNOLD   (Benedict),  RewarcJ  for 

capture  of. — It  is  above  all  things  desirable 
to  drag  Arnold  from  those  under  whose  wing 
he  is  now  sheltered.  On  his  march  to  and  from 
this  place  [Richmond],  I  am  certain  it  might 
have  been  done  with  facility  by  men  of  enter 
prise  and  firmness.  I  think  it  may  still  be 
done.  *  *  *  Having  peculiar  confidence  in 
the  men  from  the  western  side  of  the  moun 
tains,  I  meant,  as  soon  as  they  should  come 
down,  to  get  the  enterprise  proposed  to  a 
chosen  number  of  them  :  such  whose  courage 
and  whose  fidelity  would  be  above  all  doubt. 
Your  perfect  knowledge  of  those  men  person 
ally,  and  my  confidence  in  your  discretion,  in 
duce  me  to  ask  you  to  pick  from  among  them 
proper  characters,  in  such  number  as  you  think 
best,  to  reveal  to  them  our  desire,  and  engage 
them  to  undertake  to  seize  and  bring  off  this 
greatest  of  all  traitors.  Whether  this  may  be 
best  effected  by  their  going  in  (within  the  Brit 
ish  lines)  as  friends  and  awaiting  their  oppor 
tunity,  or  otherwise,  is  left  to  themselves.  The 
smaller  the  number  the  better,  so  that  they  be 
sufficient  to  manage  him.  Every  necessary  cau 
tion  must  be  used  on  their  part,  to  prevent  a 
discovery  of  their  design  by  the  enemy ;  as, 
should  they  be  taken,  the  laws  of  war  will  jus 
tify  against  them  the  most  rigorous  sentence. 
I  will  undertake,  if  they  are  successful  in  bring 
ing  him  off  alive,  that  they  shall  receive  five 
thousand  guineas  reward  among  them.  And  to 
men,  formed  for  such  an  enterprise,  it  must  be 
a  great  incitement  to  know  that  their  names  will 
be  recorded  with  glory  in  history,  with  those  of 

Van  Wart,  Paulding  and  Williams.*— To  . 

i,  289.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  441.     (R.,  1781.) 

567.  ARNOLD   (Benedict),   Treason  of. 
—The      parricide      Arnold. — To      GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,     i,  284.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  408.     (R., 
1781.) 

568.  ART,    Selecting    works    of.— With 
respect  to  the  figures,  I  could  only  find  three  of 
those  you  named,  matched  in  size.     Those  were 
Minerva,  Diana  and  Apollo.     I  was  obliged  to 
add  a  fourth,  unguided  by  your  choice.     They 
offered  me  a  fine  Venus  ;    but  I  thought  it  out 
of  taste  to  have  two  at  table  at  the  same  time. 
Paris  and  Helen  were  represented.     I  conceived 
it  would  be  cruel   to  remove  them   from  their 
peculiar  shrine.     When  they  shall  pass  the  At 
lantic,   it   will   be   to    sing   a   requiem   over   our 
freedom  and  happiness.     At  length  a  fine  Mars 
was  offered,  calm,  bold,  his  falchion  not  drawn 
but   ready   to   be   drawn.     This   will   do,   thinks 
I.   for  the  table   of  the   American   Minister   in 
London,  where  those  whom  it  may  concern  may 
look    and    learn    that    though    Wisdom    is    our 
guide,   and   the    Song   and   Chase   our   supreme 
delight,   yet  we  offer  adoration   to  that  tutelar 
God  also   who  rocked  the  cradle  of  our  birth, 
who  has  accepted  our  infant  offerings,  and  has 
shown    himself   the    patron    of    our    rights    and 
avenger  of  our  wrongs.     The  group  then  was 
closed  and  your  party  formed.     Envy  and  mal 
ice  will  never  be  quiet.     I  hear  it  already  whis- 

*  This  letter  is  without  an  address,  but,  it  is  thought 
was  written  to  General  George  Rogers  Clark  or  to 
General  Muhlenberg.  Jefferson  was  Governor  of 
Virginia.— EDITOR, 


pered  to  you  that  in  admitting  Minerva  to  your 
table,  I  have  departed  from  the  principle  which 
made  me  reject  Venus;  in  plain  English  that 
I  have  paid  a  just  respect  to  the  daughter  but 
failed  to  the  mother.  No,  Madam,  my  respect 
to  both  is  sincere.  Wisdom,  I  know,  is  social. 
She  seeks  her  fellows,  but  Beauty  is  jealous, 
and  illy  bears  the  presence  of  a  rival. — To  MRS. 
JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  99.  (P.,  1785.) 

569.  ARTISANS,  Americans  as.— While 
we  have  land  to  labor,  let  us  never  wish  to 
see  our  citizens  occupied  at  a  work-bench,  or 
twirling  a   distaff.    Carpenters,   masons,   and 
smiths,   are   wanting  in   husbandry ;   but   for 
the   general   operations    of   manufacture,    let 
our  workshops  remain  in  Europe. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  405.   FORD  ED.,  iii,  269.    (1782.) 

570.  ARTISANS,    Condemnation  of.— I 

consider  the  class  of  artificers  as  the  panders  of 
vice,  and  the  instruments  by  which  the  liberties 
of  a  country  are  generally  overturned. — To 
JOHN  JAY.  i,  404.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  88.  (P., 
1785.) 

571.  ARTISANS,  Explanation  of  views 
on. — Mr.  Duane  informed  me  that  he  meant 
to  publish  a  new  edition  of  the  Notes  on  Vir 
ginia,  and  I  had  in  contemplation  some  particu 
lar  alterations  which  would  require  little  time  to 
make.     My  occupations  by  no  means  permit  me 
at  this  time  to  revise  the  text,  and  make  those 
changes  in  it  which  I  should  now  do.     I  should 
in   that   case   certainly   qualify   several    expres 
sions  *  *  *  which  have  been  construed  differ 
ently   from   what   they   were   intended.      I    had 
under  my  eye,  when  writing,  the  manufacturers 
of  the  great  cities  in  the  old  countries,  at  the 
time  present,  with  whom  the  want  of  food  and 
clothing  necessary  to  sustain  life,  has  begotten 
a  depravity  of  morals,  a  dependence  and  corrup 
tion,  which  render  them  an  undesirable  acces 
sion  to  a  country  whose  morals  are  sound.     My 
expressions   looked   forward  to   the   time   when 
our  great  cities  would  get  into  the  same  state. 
But  they  have  been  quoted  as  if  meant  for  the 
present  time  here.     As  yet  our  manufacturers 
are  as  much  at  their  ease,  as  independent  and 
moral  as  our  agricultural  inhabitants,  and  they 
will   continue   so   as   long   as  there   are   vacant 
lands  for  them  to  resort  to ;  because  whenever 
it  shall  be  attempted  by  the  other  classes  to  re 
duce  them  to  the  minimum  of  subsistence,  they 
will   quit   their   trades   and   go   to   laboring   the 
earth.    A  first  question  is,  whether  it  is  desirable 
for  us  to  receive  at  present  the  dissolute  and 
demoralized  handicraftsmen  of  the  old  cities  of 
Europe?     A  second  and  more  difficult  one  is, 
when  even  good  handicraftsmen  arrive  here,  is 
it  better  for  them  to  set  up  their  trade,  or  go  to 
the  culture  of  the  earth  ?     Whether  their  labor 
in  their  trade  is  worth  more  than  their  labor  on 
the  soil,   increased  by  the  creative  energies  of 
the  earth  ?     Had  I  time  to  revise  that  chapter, 
this    question    should    be    discussed,    and    other 
views  of  the  subject  taken,  which  are  presented 
by    the    wonderful    changes    which    have    taken 
place  here  since  1781,  when  the  Notes  on  Vir 
ginia  were  written. — To  MR.  LITHGOW.    iv,  563. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  269.     (W.,  Jan.  1805.) 

572.  ARTISANS,  French  and  English. 
— The  English  mechanics  certainly  exceed  all 
others  in  some  lines.  But  be  just  to  your  own 
nation.  They  have  not  patience,  it  is  true,  to 
sit  rubbing  a  piece  of  steel  from  morning  to 
night,  as  a  lethargic  Englishman  will  do,  full 
charged  with  porter.  But  do  not  their  benev 
olence,  their  cheerfulness,  their  amiability, 


Artisans 
Assumption  of  State 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


when  compared  with  the  growling  temper  and 
manners  of  the  people  among  whom  you  are, 
compensate  their  want  of  patience? — To  MAD 
AME  DE  CARNY.  ii,  161.  (P.,  1787.) 

573.  ARTISANS,  Science  and.— The  me 
chanic  needs  ethics,  mathematics,  chemistry  and 
natural  philosophy.     To  them  the  languages  are 
but  ornament  and  comfort. — To  JOHN  BRAZIER. 
vii,  133-     (P-  F.,  1819.) 

574.  ARTISTS,  Member  of  Society  of. 
— I  am  very  justly  sensible  of  the  honor  the 
Society  of  Artists  of  the  United  States  has  done 
me  in  making  me  an  honorary  member  of  their 
Society.     *     *     *     I  fear  that  I  can  be  but  a 
very  useless  associate.     Time  which  withers  the 
fancy,    as    the    other    faculties    of    the    mind 
and  body  presses  on  me  with  a  heavy  hand,  and 
distance    intercepts    all    personal    intercourse. 
I    can    offer,    therefore,    but    my    zealous    good 
wishes   for  the  success   of  the  institution,   and 
that,  embellishing  with  taste  a  country  already 
overflowing  with  the  useful  productions,  it  may 
be  able  to  give  an  innocent  and  pleasing  direc 
tion  to  accumulations  of  wealth,  which  would 
otherwise  be  employed  in  the  nourishment  of 
coarse  and  vicious  habits. — To  THOMAS  SULLY. 
vi,  34-     (M.,  Jan.  1812.) 

575.  ARTS,  Enthusiasm  for  the. — I  am 
an  enthusiast  on  the  subject  of  the  arts.    But 
it    is    an    enthusiasm    of    which    I    am    not 
ashamed,  as  its  object  is  to  improve  the  taste 
of  my  countrymen,  to  increase  their  reputa 
tion,  to  reconcile  to  them  the  respect  of  the 
world,    and    procure    them    its    praise. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,    i,  433.    (P.,  1785-) 

576.  ARTS,     French    Excellence    in. — 
Were    I    to   proceed   to   tell   you   how   much   1 
enjoy  the  architecture,  sculpture,  painting,  mu 
sic   [of  the  French],  I  should  want  words.     It 
is  in  these  arts  they  shine. — To  MR.  BELLINI. 
i,  445-      (P-,   1785.) 

577.  ARTS,    Mechanical.— The    mechan 
ical  arts  in  London  are  carried  to  a  wonderful 
perfection.     But  of  these  I  need  not  speak,  be 
cause   of   them   my   countrymen   have   unfortu 
nately*  too  many  samples  before  their  eyes. — 
To  JOHN  PAGE,     i,  550.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.  (P., 
1786.) 

578.  ASSASSINATION,        Government 
and. — Assassination,  poison,  perjury    *    ; 
were  legitimate  principles  [of  government]  in 
the  dark  ages  which  intervened  between  an 
cient  and  modern  civilization,  but  exploded 
and   held   in    just   horror    in    the   eighteenth 
century.— To  JAMES  MADISON,    iii,  99.    FORD 
ED.,  v,  in.    (P.,  1789.) 

—  ASSEMBLIES.— See  LEGISLATURES. 
_  ASSENISIPIA,  Proposed  State  of.— 
See  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

579.  ASSIGNATS,     Payments     in.— I 
have  communicated    to  the    President  what 
passed  between  us    *    *    *    on  the  subject 
of    the    payments    made    to    France    by    the 
United  States  in  the  assignats  of  that  coun 
try,  since  they  have  lost  their  par  with  gold 
and  silver;  and  after  conferences,  by  his  in 
struction,   with  the   Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  I  am  authorized  to  assure  you,  that  the 

*  The  allusion  is  to  the  extravagance  of  the  period. 

—EDITOR. 


government  of  the  United  States  have  no  idea 
of  paying  their  debt  in  a  depreciated  me 
dium,  and  that  in  the  final  liquidation  of  the 
payments  *  *  :  due  regard  will  be  had 
to  an  equitable  allowance  for  the  circum 
stance  of  depreciation.* — To  JEAN  BAPTISTE 
TERNANT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  383.  (Pa.,  Nov. 
1791.) 

580.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Acrimony  over.— The  assumption 
of    State    debts    has    appeared    as    revolting    to 
several  States  as  their  non-assumption  to  others. 
It  is  proposed  to  strip  the  proposition  of  the  in 
justice  it  would  have  done  by  leaving  the  States 
who  have  redeemed  much  of  their  debts  on  no 
better   footing  than   those   who   have  redeemed 
none ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  recommended  to  as 
sume  a  fixed  sum,  allotting  a  portion  of  it  to 
every  State  in  proportion  to  its  census.     Con 
sequently,  every  State  will  receive  exactly  what 
they  will  have  to  pay,  or  they  will  be  exonerated 
so  far  by  the  General  Government's  taking  their 
creditors  off  their  hands.     There  will  be  no  in 
justice  then.     But  there  will  be  the  objection 
still,    that    Congress    must   then    lay    taxes    for 
those  debts  which  would  have  been  much  better 
laid   and   collected   by   the    State   governments. 
And  this  is  the  objection  on  which  the  accommo 
dation  now  hangs  with  the  non-assumptioners, 
many  of  whom  committed  themselves  in  their 
advocation   of   the   new   Constitution   by   argu 
ments  drawn  from  the  improbability  that  Con 
gress   would   ever   lay   taxes   where   the   States 
could  do  it  separately.  These  gentlemen  feel  the 
reproaches  which  will  be  levelled  at  them  per 
sonally.    I  have  been,  and  still  am  of  their  opin 
ion  that  Congress  should  always  prefer  letting 
the  States  raise  money  in  their  own  way,  where 
it  can  be  done.     But,  in  the  present  instance,  I 
see  the  necessity  of  yielding  for  this  time  to  the 
cries   of  the   creditors   in   certain   parts   of  the 
Union  ;  for  the  sake  of  Union,  and  to  save  us 
from  the  greatest  of  all  calamities,  the  total  ex 
tinction   of   our   credit   in    Europe. — To   JAMES 
MONROE,     iii,   153.     FORD  ED.,  v,   188.     (N.  Y., 
June  1790.) 

581.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Compromise  plans. — The  question 
for  assuming  the  State  debts  has  created  greater 
animosities  than  I  ever  yet  saw  take  place  on 
any  occasion.     There  are  three  ways  in  which 
it   may   yet   terminate,      i.  A   rejection   of   the 
measure,  which  will  prevent  their  funding  any 
part  of  the  public  debt,  and  will  be  something 
very  like  a  dissolution  of  the  government.     2. 
A  bargain  between  the  Eastern  members,  who 
have  had  it  so  much  at  heart,  and  the  middle 
members,  who  are  indifferent  about  it,  to  adopt 
those  debts  without  any  modification  on  condi 
tion    of    removing   the    seat   of   government   to 
Philadelphia  or  Baltimore.     3.  An  adoption  of 
them    with    this    modification.,    that    the    whole 
sum  to  be  assumed  shall  be  divided  among  the 
States   in   proportion   to   their   census ;    so   that 
each  shall  receive  as  much  as  they  are  to  pay  ; 
and   perhaps   this   might  bring   about   so   much 
good  humor  as  to  induce  them  to  give  the  tem 
porary  seat  of  government  to  Philadelphia,  and 
then  to  Georgetown  permanently.     It  is  evident 
that  this  last  is  the  least  bad  of  all  the  turns  the 
thing  can  take.     The  only  objection  to  it  will  be 

*  Jefferson's  first  draft  of  this  letter  ended  as  fol 
lows  :  "  And  that  they  will  take  measures  for  making 
these  payments  in  their  just  value,  avoiding  all  bene 
fit  from  depreciation,  and  desiring  on  their  part  to 
be  guarded  against  any  unjust  loss  from  the  circum 
stances  of  mere  exchange."  It  was  changed  to  meet 
Hamilton's  views.— EDITOR. 


i 


59 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA          Assumption  of  state 


that  Congress  will  then  have  to  lay  and  collect 
taxes  to  pay  these  debts,  which  could  much  bet 
ter  have  been  laid  and  collected  by  the  State 
governments.  This,  though  an  evil,  is  a  less  one 
than  any  of  the  others  in  which  it  may  issue, 
and  will  probably  give  us  the  seat  of  government 
at  a  day  not  very  distant,  which  will  vivify  our 
agriculture  and  commerce  by  circulating  through 
our  State  an  additional  sum  every  year  of  half  a 
million  of  dollars. — To  DR.  GEORGE  GILMER.  iii, 
150.  FORD  ED.,  v,  192.  (N.  Y.,  June  1790.) 

582.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Credit,  Union  and. — Congress  has 
been  long  embarrassed  by  two  of  the  most  ir 
ritating  questions  that  can  ever  be  raised  among 
them:      i.  The  funding  of  the  public  debt;    and 
2,  the  fixing  on  a  more  central  residence.    After 
exhausting    their    arguments    and    patience    on 
these   subjects,   they  have   for  some  time  been 
resting  on  their  oars,  unable  to  get  along  as  to 
these   businesses,   and   indisposed   to   attend   to 
anything  else  till  they  are  settled.    And,  in  fine, 
it  has  become  probable  that  unless  they  can  be 
reconciled  by  some  plan  of  compromise,  there 
will  be  no   funding  bill  agreed  to  ;    our  credit 
(raised  by  late  prospects  to  be  the  first  on  the 
exchange   at  Amsterdam,   where  our  money   is 
above  par),  will  burst  and  vanish, and  the  States 
separate,  to  take  care  every  one  of  itself.     This 
prospect  appears  probable  to  some  well-informed 
and  well-disposed  minds.     Endeavors  are,  there 
fore,  using  to  bring  about  a  disposition  to  some 
mutual  sacrifices. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     iii,  153. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  187.     (N.  Y.,  June  1790.) 

583.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Federal  capital  and. — It  is  proposed 
to  pass  an  act  fixing  the  temporary  residence  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  years  at  Philadelphia,  and  that 
at  the  end  of  that  time,  it  shall  stand  ipso  facto, 
and  without  further  declaration  transferred  to 
Georgetown.     In  this  way,  there  will  be  some 
thing    to    displease    and    something    to    soothe 
every  part  of  the  Union  but  New  York,  which 
must  be  contented  with  what  she  has  had.     If 
this  plan  of  compromise  does  not  take  place,  I 
fear    one    infinitely    worse,    an    unqualified    as 
sumption,   and   the  perpetual   residence   on   the 
Delaware.     The  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  dele 
gates  have  conducted  themselves  honorably  and 
unexceptionably   on  the  question   of  residence. 
Without  descending  to  talk  about  bargains,  they 
have  seen  that  their  true  interests  lay  in  not 
listening  to  insidious  propositions,  made  to  di 
vide  and  defect  them,  and  we  have  seen  them  at 
times    voting    against    their    respective    wishes 
rather  than  separate. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     iii, 
153-     FORD  ED.,  v,  189.     (N.  Y.,  June  1790.) 

584.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,     Justice     and. — The     assumption 
must  be  admitted,  but  in  so  qualified  a  form  as 
to  divest  it  of  its  injustice.     This  may  be  done 
by  assuring  to  the  creditors  of  every   State,   a 
sum  exactly  proportioned  to  the  contribution  of 
the  State;    so  that  the  State  will  on  the  whole 
neither  gain  nor  lose.  There  will  remain  against 
the  measure  only  the  objection  that   Congress 
must  lay  taxes  for  these  debts  which  might  be 
better    laid    and    collected    by    the    States. — To 
T.   M.  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v,    185.     (N.  Y. 
1790.) 

585.  -  — .     I    am    in    hopes    the    as- 
•    sumption  will  be  put  into  a  jxist  form,  by  assum 
ing  to  the  creditors  of  each  State  in  proportion 
to  the  census  of  each   State,  so  that  the  State 
will  be  exonerated  towards  its  creditors  just  as 
much  as  it  will  have  to  contribute  to  the  as 


sumption,  and  consequently  no  injustice  done. 
— To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  v,  194.  (N.  Y., 
July  1790.) 

586.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,   Mutual  sacrifices.— The  impossi- 
Dility   that   certain    States   could   ever   pay   the 
debts  they  had  contracted,  the  acknowledgment 
:hat  nine-tenths  of  these  debts  were  contracted 
tor  the  general  defence  as  much  as  those  con 
tracted  by  Congress  directly,  the  clamors  of  the 
creditors    within    those    States,    and   the    possi 
bility  that  they  might  defeat  the  funding  of  any 
part  of  the  public  debt,  if  theirs  also  were  not 
assumed,  were  motives  not  to  be  neglected.     I 
saw  the  first  proposition   for  their  assumption 
with  as  much  aversion  as  any  man,  but  the  de 
velopment  of  circumstances  have  convinced  me 
that    if    it    is    obdurately    rejected,    something 
much  worse  will  happen.     Considering  it,  there 
fore,  as  one  of  the  cases  in  which  mutual  sacri 
fice  and  accommodation  are  necessary,   I   shall 
see  it  pass  with  acquiescence. — To  JOHN  HAR- 
VIE.     FORD  ED.,  v,  214.      (N.  Y.,  July   1790.) 

587.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Opposition  engendered. — It  is  not 
to  be  expected  that  our  system  of  finance  has 
met  your  approbation  in  all   its  parts.     It  has 
excited  even  here  great  opposition  ;    and  more 
especially  that  part  of  it  which  transferred  the 
State  debts  to  the   General   Government.     The 
States  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  are  pecu 
liarly  dissatisfied  with  this  measure.     I  believe, 
however,  that  it  is  harped  on  by  many  to  mask 
their  disaffection   to   the  government  on   other 
grounds. — To    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS,     iii,     198. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  250.     (Pa.,  Nov.  1790.) 

588.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,  Payment  by  States. — With  respect 
to  the  increase  of  the  debt  by  the  Assumption,  I 
observed  to  him    [Washington]    that  what  was 
meant  and  objected  to  was,  that  it  increased  the 
debt  of  the  General  Government,  and  carried  it 
beyond  the  possibility  of  payment ;    that  if  the 
balances  had  been  settled,  and  the  debtor  States 
directed  to  pay  their  deficiencies  to  the  creditor 
States,  they  would  have  done  it  easily,  and  by 
resources  of  taxation  in  their  power,   and   ac 
ceptable  to  the  people ;    by  a  direct  tax  in  the 
South,  and  an  excise  in  the  North. — THE  ANAS. 
ix,  118.     FORD  ED.,  i,  200.     (July  1792.) 

589.  ASSUMPTION      OF      STATE 
DEBTS,   Review  of.— The  game    [Funding 
the  debt]  was  over,  and  another  was  on  the  car 
pet   at   the    moment    of   my    arrival  *    [in    New 
York   in    1790],   and   to   this   I   was   most   igno- 
rantly  and  innocently  made  to  hold  the  candle. 
This  fiscal  maneuvre  is  well  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Assumption.     Independently  of  the  debts 
of  Congress,   the   States   had,   during   the   war, 
contracted  separate  and  heavy  debts ;  and  Mas 
sachusetts    particularly    in    an    absurd    attempt, 
absurdly    conducted,    on    the    British    post    of 
Penobscott ;    and  the  more  debt  Hamilton  could 
rake  up  the  more  plunder  for  his  mercenaries. 
This  money,  whether  wisely  or  foolishly  spent, 
was  pretended  to  have  been  spent  for  general 
purposes,  and  ought,  therefore,  to  be  paid  from 

*  Jefferson  has  here  made  the  curious  errors  of 
separating  the  funding  and  assumption  act,  and  of 
supposing  the  latter  "  was  over  "  before  he  reached 
New  York.  Hamilton's  report  was  debated  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  February  to  April, 
and  it  was  not  till  May  6th  that  the  funding  bill  was 
presented,  the  section  relating  to  assumption  having 
been  negatived  in  committee.  This  bill  passed  the 
House  on  June  zd,  and  in  the  Senate  had  the  assump 
tion  section  restored.  Not  till  August  4th  did  the 
bill  so  altered  become  a  law.— NOTE  IN  FORD'S  ED. 


Assumption  of  State 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


60 


the  general  purse.  But  it  was  objected  that  no 
body  knew  what  these  debts  were,  what  their 
amount,  or  what  their  proofs.  No  matter ;  we 
will  guess  them  to  be  twenty  millions.  But  of 
these  twenty  millions,  we  do  not  know  how 
much  should  be  reimbursed  to  one  State,  nor 
how  much  to  another.  No  matter ;  we  will 
guess.  And  so  another  scramble  was  set  on 
foot  among  the  several  States,  and  some  got 
much,  some  little,  some  nothing.  But  the  main 
object  was  attained,  the  phalanx  of  the  treasury 
was  reinforced  by  additional  recruits.  This 
measure  produced  the  most  bitter  and  angry 
contests  ever  known  in  Congress,  before  or 
since  the  Union  of  the  States.  I  arrived  in  the 
midst  of  it.  But  a  stranger  to  the  ground,  a 
stranger  to  the  actors  on  it,  so  long  absent  [in 
France]  as  to  have  lost  all  familiarity  with  the 
subject,  and  as  yet  unaware  of  its  object,  I 
took  no  concern  in  it.  The  great  and  trying 
question,  however,  was  lost  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  So  high  were  the  feuds  ex 
cited  by  this  subject,  that  on  its  rejection  busi 
ness  was  suspended.  Congress  met  and  ad 
journed  from  day  to  day  without  doing  any. 
thing,  the  parties  being  too  much  out  of  temper 
to  dp  business  together.  The  Eastern  members 
particularly,  who,  with  Smith  from  South  Caro 
lina,  were  the  principal  gamblers  in  these 
scenes,  threatened  a  secession  and  dissolution. 
Hamilton  was  in  despair.  As  I  was  going  to 
the  President's  one  day,  I  met  him  in  the 
street.  He  walked  me  backwards  and  forwards 
before  the  President's  door  for  half  an  hour. 
He  painted  pathetically  the  temper  into  which 
the  Legislature  had  been  wrought ;  the  disgust 
of  those  who  were  called  the  creditor  States; 
the  danger  of  the  secession  of  their  members, 
and  the  separation  of  the  States.  He  observed 
that  the  members  of  the  administration  ought 
to  act  in  concert ;  that  though  this  question 
was  not  one  of  my  department,  yet  a  common 
duty  should  make  it  a  common  concern  ;  that 
the  President  was  the  centre  on  which  all  ad 
ministrative  questions  ultimately  rested,  and 
that  all  of  us  should  rally  around  him,  and  sup 
port,  with  joint  efforts,  measures  approved  by 
him  ;  and  that  the  question  having  been  lost  by 
a  small  majority  only,  it  was  probable  that  an 
appeal  from  me  to  the  judgment  and  discretion 
of  some  of  my  friends  might  effect  a  change  in 
the  vote,  and  the  machine  of  government,  now 
suspended,  might  be  again"  set  into  motion.  I 
told  him  that  I  was  really  a  stranger  to  the 
whole  subject ;  that  not  having  yet  informed 
myself  of  the  system  of  finance  adopted,  I  knew 
not  how  far  this  was  a  necessary  sequence ;  that 
undoubtedly,  if  its  rejection  endangered  a  dis 
solution  of  our  Union  at  this  incipient  stage,  I 
should  deem  that  the  most  unfortunate  of  all 
consequences,  to  avert  which  all  partial  and 
temporary  evils  should  be  yielded.  I  proposed 
to  him,  however,  to  dine  with  me  the  next  day, 
and  I  would  invite  another  friend  or  two,  to 
bring  them  into  conference  together,  and  I 
thought  it  impossible  that  reasonable  men,  con 
sulting  together  coolly,  could  fail,  by  some  mu 
tual  sacrifices  of  opinion,  to  form  a  compromise 
which  was  to  save  the  Union.  The  discussion 
took  place.  I  could  take  no  part  in  it,  but  an 
exhortatory  one,  because  I  was  a  stranger  to  the 
circumstances  which  should  govern  it.  But  it 
was  finally  agreed  that,  whatever  importance 
had  been  attached  to  the  rejection  of  this  prop 
osition,  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  of 
,oncord  among  the  States  was  more  important, 
and  that  therefore,  it  would  be  better  that  the 
vote  of  rejection  should  be  rescinded,  to  effect 
which  some  members  should  change  their  votes. 
But  it  was  observed  that  this  bill  would  be 


peculiarly  bitter  to  the  Southern  States,  and 
that  some  concomitant  measure  should  be 
adopted,  to  sweeten  it  a  little  to  them.  There 
had  before  been  proposals  to  fix  the  seat  of 
government  either  at  Philadelphia,  or  at  George 
town  on  the  Potomac  ;  and  it  was  thought  that 
by  giving  it  to  Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and 
to  Georgetown  permanently  afterwards,  this 
might,  as  an  anodyne,  calm  in  some  degree  the 
ferment  which  might  be  excited  by  the  other 
measure  alone.  So  two  of  the  Potomac  mem 
bers  ([Alexander]  White  and  [Richard  Bland] 
Lee  but  White  with  a  revulsion  of  stomach 
almost  convulsive),  agreed  to  change  their 
votes,  and  Hamilton  undertook  to  carry  the 
other  point.  In  doing  this  the  influence  he 
had  established  over  the  Eastern  members, 
with  the  agency  of  Robert  Morris  with  those 
of  the  middle  States  effected  his  side  of  the 
engagement,  and  so  the  Assumption  was 
passed,  and  twenty  millions  of  stock  divided 
among  the  favored  States,  and  thrown  in  as 
pabulum  to  the  stock-jobbing  herd.  This  ad 
ded  to  the  number  of  votaries  to  the  Treasury, 
and  made  its  Chief  the  master  of  every  vote  in 
the  Legislature  which  might  give  to  the  govern 
ment  the  directions  suited  to  his  political 
views. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  92.  FORD  ED.,  i,  161. 
(1818.) 

590.  ASSUMPTION  OF  STATE 
DEBTS,  Jefferson's  agency  in.— The  As 
sumption  of  the  State  debts  in  1790,  was  a 
supplementary  measure  in  Hamilton's  fiscal  sys 
tem.  When  attempted  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  it  failed.  This  threw  Hamilton  him 
self,  and  a  number  of  members  into  deep 
dismay.  Going  to  the  President's  one  day  I 
met  Hamilton,  as  I  approached  the  door.  His 
look  was  sombre,  haggard,  and  dejected  beyond 
description ;  even  his  dress  uncouth  and  neg 
lected.  He  asked  to  speak  with  me.  He  stood 
in  the  street  near  the  door ;  he  opened  the 
subject  of  the  Assumption  of  the  State  debts, 
the  necessity  of  it  in  the  general  fiscal  arrange 
ment,  and  its  indispensable  necessity  towards 
a  preservation  of  the  Union ;  and  particularly 
of  the  New  England  States,  who  had  made 
great  expenditures  during  the  war  on  expedi 
tions  which,  though  of  their  own  undertaking, 
were  for  the  common  cause :  that  they  consid 
ered  the  Assumption  of  these  by  the  Union  so 
just,  and  its  denial  so  probably  injurious  that 
they  would  make  it  a  sine  qua  non  of  a  continu 
ance  of  the  Union.  That  as  to  his  own  part, 
if  he  had  not  credit  enough  to  carry  such  a 
measure  as  that,  he  could  be  of  no  use  and  was 
determined  to  resign.  He  observed  at  the  same 
time,  that  though  our  particular  business  lay 
in  separate  departments,  yet  the  administration 
and  its  success  was  a  common  concern,  and  that 
we  should  make  common  cause  in  supporting 
one  another.  He  added  his  wish  that  I  would 
interest  my  friends  from  the  South,  who  were 
those  most  opposed  to  it.  I  answered  that  I 
had  been  so  long  absent  from  my  country  [in 
France]  that  I  had  lost  a  familiarity  with  its 
affairs,  and  being  but  lately  returned  had  not 
yet  got  into  the  train  of  them  ;  that  the  fiscal 
system  being  out  of  my  department  I  had  not 
yet  undertaken  to  consider  and  understand  it ; 
that  the  Assumption  had  struck  me  in  an  un 
favorable  light,  but  still,  not  having  considered 
it  sufficiently,  I  had  not  concerned  [myself]  in 
it,  but  that  I  would  revolve  what  he  had  urged 
in  my  mind.  It  was  a  real  fact  that  the  Eastern  ^ 
and  Southern  members  (South  Carolina  how 
ever  was  with  the  former)  had  got  into  the  most 
extreme  ill  humor  with  one  another.  This 
broke  out  on  every  question  with  the  most 


61 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Assumption  of  State 
Astronomy 


alarming  heat ;  the  bitterest  animosity  seemed 
to  be  engendered,  and  though  they  met  every 
day,  little  or  nothing  could  be  done  from  mutual 
distrust  and  antipathy.  On  considering  the 
situation  of  things,  I  thought  the  first  step  to 
wards  some  conciliation  of  views  would  be  to 
bring  Mr.  Madison  and  Colonel  Hamilton  to 
a  friendly  discussion  of  the  subject.  I  imme 
diately  wrote  to  each  to  come  and  dine  with 
me  the  next  day,  mentioning  that  we  should 
be  alone,  that  the  object  was  to  find  some 
temperament  for  the  present  fever,  and  that 
I  was  persuaded  that  men  of  sound  heads  and 
honest  views  needed  nothing  more  than  ex 
planation  and  mutual  understanding  to  enable 
them  to  unite  in  some  measures  which  might 
enable  us  to  get  along.  They  came  ;  I  opened 
the  subject  to  them,  acknowledged  that  my 
situation  had  not  permitted  me  to  understand  it 
sufficiently  but  encouraged  them  to  consider 
the  thing  together.  They  did  so.  It  ended  in 
Mr.  Madison's  acquiescence  in  a  proposition 
that  the  question  should  be  again  brought  be 
fore  the  House  by  way  of  amendment  from  the 
Senate :  that  though  he  would  not  vote  for  it, 
nor  entirely  withdraw  his  opposition,  yet  he 
should  not  be  strenuous  but  leave  it  to  its  fate. 
It  was  observed,  I  forget  by  which  of  them, 
that  as  the  pill  would  be  a  bitter  one  to  the 
Southern  States,  something  should  be  done  to 
soothe  them ;  that  the  removal  of  the  seat  of 
government  to  the  Potomac  was  a  just  measure, 
and  would  probably  be  a  popular  one  with 
them,  and  would  be  a  proper  one  to  follow 
the  Assumption.  It  was  agreed  to  speak  to 
Mr.  [Hugh]  White  and  Mr.  [Richard  Bland] 
Lee  whose  districts  lay  on  the  Potomac,  and  to 
refer  to  them  to  consider  how  far  the  interests 
of  their  particular  districts  might  be  a  sufficient 
inducement  in  them  to  yield  to  the  Assump 
tion.  This  was  done.  Lee  came  into  it  without 
hesitation :  Mr.  White  had  some  qualms  but 
finally  agreed.  The  measure  came  down  by 
way  of  amendment  from  the  Senate  and  was 
finally  carried  by  the  change  of  White  and 
Lee's  votes.  But  the  removal  to  the  Potomac 
could  not  be  carried  unless  Pennsylvania  could 
be  engaged  in  it.  This  Hamilton  took  on  him 
self,  and  chiefly,  as  I  understood,  through  the 
agency  of  Robert  Morris,  obtained  a  vote  of 
that  State,  on  agreeing  to  an  intermediate  resi 
dence  at  Philadelphia.  This  is  the  real  history 
of  the  Assumption,  about  which  many  erro 
neous  conjectures  have  been  published.  It  was 
unjust  in  itself,  oppressive  to  the  States,  and 
was  acquiesced  in  merely  from  a  fear  of  discus 
sion.  While  our  government  was  still  in  its 
most  infant  state,  it  enabled  Hamilton  so  to 
strengthen  himself  by  corrupt  services  to  many 
that  he  could  afterwards  carry  his  bank  scheme, 
and  every  measure  he  proposed  in  defiance  of 
all  opposition.  In  fact,  it  was  a  principal 
ground  whereon  was  reared  up  that  speculating 
phalanx,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  which  has 
since  been  able  to  give  laws  to  change  the  polit 
ical  complexion  of  the  government  of  the  United 

States. — To  .      FORD     ED.,     vi,      172. 

(i793.) 

591.  ASTOB'S  SETTLEMENT,  Protec 
tion  of. — I  learn  with  great  pleasure  the 
progress  you  have  made  towards  an  establish 
ment  on  Columbia  river.  I  view  it  as  the  germ 
of  a  great,  free,  and  independent  empire  on  that 
side  of  our  continent,  and  that  liberty  and  self- 
government  spreading  from  that  as  well  as  from 
this  side,  will  insure  their  complete  establish 
ment  over  the  whole.  It  must  be  still  more 
gratifying  to  yourself  to  foresee  that  your  name 
will  be  handed  down  with  that  of  Columbus  and 
Raleigh,  as  the  father  of  the  establishment  and 


founder  of  such  an  empire.  It  would  be  an 
afflicting  thing,  indeed,  should  the  English  be 
able  to  break  up  the  settlement.  Their  bigotry 
to  the  bastard  liberty  of  their  own  country,  and 
habitual  hostility  to  every  degree  of  freedom 
in  any  other,  will  induce  the  attempt ;  they 
would  not  lose  the  sale  of  a  bale  of  furs  for  the 
empire  of  the  whole  world.  But  I  hope  your 
party  wilt  be  able  to  maintain  themselves  *  *  * 
and  have  no  doubt  our  government  will  do  for 
its  success  whatever  they  have  power  to  do 
and  especially  that  at  the  negotiations  for 
peace,  they  will  provide,  by  convention  with 
the  English,  for  the  safety  and  independence 
of  that  country,  and  an  acknowledgment  of 
our  right  of  patronizing  the  Indians  in  all 
cases  of  injury  from  foreign  nations. — To 
JOHN  JACOB  ASTOR.  vi,  247.  (M.,  1813.)  See 
FUR  TRADE. 

592.  ASTOB'S    SETTLEMENT,    Terri 
tory  and. — On  the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  we 
can  found  no  claim  in  right  of  Louisiana.     If 
we   claim   that   country    at   all,    it   must   be   on 
Astor's   settlement   near  the  mouth   of  the   Co 
lumbia,  and  the  principle  of  the  jus  gentium  of 
America,    that    when    a    civilized    nation    takes 
possession   of  the  mouth   of  a  river  in   a  new 
country,    that   possession    is    considered    as    in 
cluding  all  its  waters. — To  JOHN    MELISH.     vii, 
51.     (M.,  1816.) 

593.  ASTRONOMY,    Apparatus    for.— 

This  letter  [is]  to  remind  you  of  your  kind 
promise  of  making  me  an  accurate  clock ; 
which,  being  intended  for  astronomical  pur 
poses  only,  I  would  have  divested  of  all  appara 
tus  for  striking,  or  for  any  other  purpose,  which, 
by  increasing  its  complication,  might  disturb 
its  accuracy.  A  companion  to  it,  for  keeping 
seconds,  and  which  might  be  moved  easily, 
would  greatly  add  to  its  value. — To  DAVID  RIT- 

TENHOUSE.       i,      210.       FORD      ED.,      ii,       162.        (M., 

1778.) 

594.  ASTRONOMY,  Bowditch's  papers. 
— I  am  indebted  to  you  for  Mr.   Bowditch's 
very  learned  mathematical  papers,  the  calcula 
tions    of   which    are    not    for    every    reader,    al 
though  their  results  are  readily  enough  under 
stood.     One  of  these  impairs  the  confidence   I 
had    reposed    in    Laplace's    demonstration,    that 
the  eccentricities  of  the  planets  of  our  system 
could  oscillate  only  within  narrow  limits,   and 
therefore  could  authorize  no  inference  that  the 
system  must,  by  its  own  laws,  come  one  day  to 
an  end.     This  would  have  left  the  question  one 
of  infinitude,  at  both  ends  of  the  line  of  time, 
clear  of  physical  authority. — To  JOHN   ADAMS. 
vii,   112.      (M.,    1819.) 

595.  ASTRONOMY,     Discoveries   in.— 

Herschel  has  pushed  his  discoveries  of  double 
stars,  now,  to  upwards  of  nine  hundred,  being 
twice  the  nvimber  of  those  communicated  in  the 
Philosophical  Transactions.  You  have  prob 
ably  seen,  that  a  Mr.  Pigott  had  discovered 
periodical  variations  of  light  in  the  star  Algol. 
He  has  observed  the  same  in  the  ??  of  Antinous, 
and  makes  the  period  of  variation  seven  days, 
four  hours,  and  thirty  minutes,  the  duration  of 
the  increase  sixty-three  hours,  and  of  the  de 
crease  thirty-six  hours.  What  are  we  to  con 
clude  from  this?  That  there  are  suns  which 
have  their  orbits  of  revolution  too?  But  this 
would  suppose  a  wonderful  harmony  in  their 
planets,  and  present  a  new  scene,  where  the 
attracting  powers  should  be  without,  and  not 
within  the  orbit.  The  motion  of  our  sun  would 
be  a  miniature  of  this.  But  this  must  be  left 
to  you  astronomers. — To  PROFESSOR  JAMES 
MADISON,  i,  447.  (P.,  1785.) 


Astronomy 
Athens 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


62 


596.  ASTRONOMY,  Planet  Herschel.— I 

shall  send  you  *  *  *  the  "  Connoissance 
de  Terns"  for  the  years  1786  and  1787,  being 
all  as  yet  published.  You  will  find  in  these  the 
tables  for  the  planet  Herschel,  as  far  as  the 
observations  hitherto  made,  admit  them  to  be 
calculated.  You  will  see,  also,  that  Herschel 
was  only  the  first  astronomer  who  discovered  it 
to  be  a  planet,  and  not  the  first  who  saw  it. 
Meyer  saw  it  in  the  year  1756,  and  placed  it  in 
the  catalogue  of  his  zodiacal  stars,  supposing  it 
to  be  such.  A  Prussian  astronomer,  in  the 
year  1781,  observed  that  the  964th  star  of 
Meyer's  catalogue  was  missing ;  and  the  cal 
culations  now  prove  that  at  the  time  Meyer 
saw  his  964th  star,  the  planet  Herschel  should 
have  been  precisely  in  the  place  where  he  noted 
that  star. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  402.  (P.,  1785.) 

597. .     It    is    fixed    on    grounds 

which  scarcely  admit  a  doubt  that  the  planet 
Herschel  was  seen  by  Meyer  in  the  year  1756, 
and  was  considered  by  him  as  one  of  the  zodi 
acal  stars,  and,  as  such,  arranged  in  his  cat 
alogue,  being  the  964th  which  he  describes. 
This  964th  of  Meyer  has  been  since  missing, 
and  the  calculations  for  the  planet  Herschel 
show  that  it  should  have  been,  at  the  time  of 
Meyer's  observation,  where  he  places  his  964th 
star.— To  DR.  STILES,  i,  363.  (P.,  1785.) 

598.  ASTRONOMY,   Solar  eclipse.— We 
•were  much   disappointed  in   Virginia  generally 
on  the  day  of  the  great  eclipse,  which  proved  to 
be  cloudy.     In  Williamsburg,  where  it  was  total, 
I  understand  only  the  beginning  was  seen.     At 
this  place,    (Montjcello,)    which  is  latitude   38° 
8'  and  longitude  west  from  Williamsburg,  about 
i°   45',  as  is  conjectured,    n   digits  only  were 
supposed  to  be  covered.     It  was  not  seen  at  all 
until  the  moon  had  advanced  nearly  one-third 
over  the  sun's  disc.     Afterwards  it  was  seen  at 
intervals  through  the  whole.     The   egress  par 
ticularly   was   visible.     It   proved,    however,    of 
little  use  to  me,  for  want  of  a  time  piece  that 
could    be    depended    on. — To    DAVID    RITTEN- 
HOUSE.     i,  210.     FORD  ED.,  ii,    162.     (M.,  July, 
1778.) 

599.  ASTRONOMY,      Variations     of 
light. — I  think   your   conjecture  that  the  peri 
odical  variation  of  light  in  certain  fixed  stars  pro 
ceeds  from  maculae,  is  more  probable  than  that 
of  Maupertius,  who  supposes  those  bodies  may 
be  flat,  and  more  probable  also  than  that  which 
supposes  the  star  to  have  an  orbit  of  revolution 
so  large  as  to  vary  sensibly  its  degree  of  light. 
The  latter  is  rendered  more  difficult  of  belief 
from  the  shortness  of  the  period  of  variation. — 
To  PROFESSOR  J.  MADISON,    ii,  247.     (P.,  1787.) 

600.  ASYLUM,  America  as  an.— Amer 
ica  is  now,  I  think,  the  only  country  of  tran 
quillity,  and  should  be  the  asylum  of  all  those 
who   wish   to   avoid   the   scenes    which   have 
crushed     our    friends     in     Paris. — To     MRS. 
CHURCH.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  289.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

601.  -  — .     I   think   it   fortunate    for 
the  United  States  to  have  become  the  asylum 
for  so  many  virtuous  patriots  of  different  de 
nominations;   but  their  circumstances,    with 
which  you  were  so  well  acquainted  before,  en 
abled  them  to  be  but  a  bare  asylum,  and  to 
offer  nothing  for  them  but  an  entire  freedom 
to  use  their  own  means  and  faculties  as  they 
please. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  13, 
(M.,  1795.) 

602.   .     Small     means    of    being 

useful  to  you  are  left  to  me,  but  they  shall  be 


freely  exercised  for  your  advantage,  and  that, 
not  on  the  selfish  principle  of  increasing  our 
own  population  at  the  expense  of  other  na 
tions,  *  *  *  but  to  consecrate  a  sanctuary  for 
those  whom  the  misrule  of  Europe  may  com 
pel  to  seek  happiness  in  other  climes.  This 
refuge,  once  known,  will  produce  reaction  on 
the  happiness  even  of  those  who  remain  there, 
by  warning  their  task-masters  that  when  the 
evils  of  Egyptian  oppression  become  heavier 
than  those  of  the  abandonment  of  country, 
another  Canaan  is  open  where  their  subjects 
will  be  received  as  brothers,  and  secured 
against  like  oppressions  by  a  participation  in 
the  right  of  self  government. — To  GEORGE 
FLOWER,  vii,  84.  (P.F.,  1817.) 

603.  ASYLUM,      Consuls      and.— The 
clause     in     the     Consular     convention     with 
France  of  1784  giving  the  right  of  sanctuary 
to  consuls'  houses,  was  reduced  to  a  protection 
of  their    chancery    room    and    its    papers. — 
NOTES  ON  CONSULAR  CONVENTION,     ix,  46^. 
(1803.) 

604.  ASYLUM,    Public    vessels    and.— 
Article    12    [of    the    French    treaty],    giving 
asylum  in  the  ports  of  either  to  the  armed 
vessels  of  the  other,   with  the  prizes  taken 
from    the    enemies    of   that   other,    must   be 
qualified  as  it  is   in  the   I9th  article  of  the 
Prussian    treaty;    as    the    stipulation    in    the 
latter  part  of  the  article,  "  that  no  shelter  or 
refuge  shall  be  given  in  the  ports  of  the  one, 
to  such  as  shall  have  made  prize  on  the  sub 
jects  of  the  other  of  the  parties,"  would  forbid 
us   in   case   of   a  war  between    France    and 
Spain,  to  give  shelter  in  our  ports  to  prizes 
made  by  the  latter  on  the  former,  while  the 
first  part  of  the  article  would  oblige  us  to 
shelter  those  made  by  the  former  on  the  lat 
ter — a  very  dangerous   covenant,    and   which 
ought  never  to  be  repeated  in  any  other  in 
stance. — MISSISSIPPI      RIVER      INSTRUCTIONS. 
vii,  588.    FORD  ED.,  v,  478.     (March  1792.) 

605.  -  — .     The  Executive  has  never 
denied  the  right  of  asylum  in  our  ports  to 
the  public  armed  vessels  of  [the  British]  na 
tion.     They,  as  well  as  the  French,  are  free 
to  come  to  them,  in  all  cases  of  weather,  pira 
cies,  enemies,  or  other  urgent  necessity,  and 
to  refresh,  victual  and  repair,  &c. — To  GEORGE 
HAMMOND,     iv,  65.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  423.     (Pa., 
1793- )      See    EXPATRIATION,    FUGITIVES,    IM 
PRESSMENT. 

606.  ATHEISM,     Calumnious     charges 
of. — As  to  the  calumny  of  Atheism,  I  am  so 
broken    to    calumnies    of    every    kind,    from 
every  department  of  government,  Executive, 
Legislative,    and   Judiciary,    and    from   every 
minion  of  theirs  holding  office  or  seeking  it, 
that  I  entirely  disregard  it,  and  from  Chace  it 
will  have  less  effect  than  from  any  other  man 
in   the   United    States. — To  JAMES    MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  447.   (Ep.,  May  1800.) 

607.  ATHEIST,     Not     an.— An     atheist 
*  *  *  I     can     never   be. — To   JOHN    ADAMS. 
vii,  281.     (M.,   1823.) 

608.  ATHENS,     Government     of. — The 
government  of  Athens  was  that  of  the  people 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Atmosphere 
Authority 


of  one  city  making  laws  for  the  whole  country 
subjected  to  them.  That  of  Lacedaemon  was 
the  rule  of  military  monks  over  the  laboring 
class  of  the  people,  reduced  to  abject  slavery. 
These  are  not  the  doctrines  of  the  present  age. 
The  equal  rights  of  man,  and  the  happiness  of 
every  individual,  are  now  acknowledged  to  be 
the  only  legitimate  objects  of  government. — To 
M.  CORAY.  vii,  319.  (M.,  1823.) 

_  ATMOSPHERE.— See  209. 

_  ATTACHMENTS,  Foreign.— See  FOR 
EIGN  INFLUENCE. 

609.  ATTAINDER,  Bills  of.— The  9cca- 
sion  and  proper  office  of  a  bill  of  attainder 
is    this :      When    a    person    charged    with    a 
crime  withdraws  from  justice,  or  resists  it  by 
force,  either  in  his  own  or  a  foreign  country, 
no  other  recourse  of  bringing  him  to  trial  or 
punishment   being   practicable,    a   special    act 
is  passed  by  the  legislature  adapted  to  the 
particular   case.      This   prescribes   to   him   a 
sufficient    time   to    appear    and    submit    to    a 
trial  by  his  peers;  declares  that  his  refusal  to 
appear  shall  be  taken  as  a  confession  of  guilt, 
as  in  the  ordinary  case  of  an  offender  at  the 
bar   refusing   to   plead,    and   pronounces   the 
sentence  which  would  have  been  rendered  on 
his   confession   or   conviction    in   a   court  of 
law.     No  doubt  that  these  acts  of  attainder 
have  been  abused  in  England  as  instruments 
of  vengeance  by  a  successful  over  a  defeated 
party.     But  what  institution  is  insusceptible 
of  abuse  in  wicked  hands? — To  L.  H.  GIRAR- 
DIN.    vi,  440.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  151.     (M.,  1815.) 

_  ATTIRE.— See  DRESS. 

610.  ATTORNEY       GENERAL,       Ap 
pointment  of. — An   Attorney  General   shall 
be  appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  EDV  ii,  20. 
(June   1776.) 

611.  ATTORNEYS,   Federal  District.— 

The  only  shield  for  our  republican  citizens 
against  the  federalism  of  the  courts  is  to 
have  the  attorneys  and  marshals  republicans. 
— To  A.  STUART,  iv,  394.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  47. 
(M.,  April  1801.) 

612. .     Republican   attorneys  and 

marshals,  being  the  doors  of  entrance  into 
the  courts,  are  indispensably  necessary  as  a 
shield  to  the  republican  part  of  our  fellow 
citizens,  which,  I  believe,  is  the  main  body  of 
the  people. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  iv,  381. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  25.  (W.,  1801.) 

613.  AUBAINE,  Droit  d'.— The  expres 
sion  in  the  eleventh  article  of  our  treaty  of 
commerce  and  amity  with  France,  "  that  the 
subjects  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  re 
puted  Aubaines  in  France,  and  consequently 
shall  be  exempted  from  the  Droit  d'Aubaine, 
or  other  similar  duty,  under  what  name  so 
ever,"  has  been  construed  so  rigorously  to 
the  letter,  as  to  consider  us  as  Aubaines  in 
the  colonies  of  France.  Our  intercourse  with 
those  colonies  is  so  great,  that  frequent  and 
important  losses  will  accrue  to  individuals,  if 
this  construction  be  continued.  *  *  *  I  pre 
sume  that  the  enlightened  Assembly  now  en 
gaged  in  reforming  the  remains  of  feudal 


abuse  among  them,  will  not  leave  so  inhospit 
able  an  one  as  the  Droit  d'Aubaine  existing 
in  France,  or  any  of  its  dominions.  If  this 
may  be  hoped  it  will  be  better  that  you  should 
not  trouble  the  minister  with  any  application 
for  its  abolition  in  the  colonies  as  to  us.  This 
would  be  creating  into  a  special  favor  to  us 
the  extinction  of  a  general  abuse,  which  will, 
I  presume,  extinguish  of  itself.  Only  be  so 
good  as  to  see,  that  in  abolishing  this  odious 
law  in  France,  its  abolition  in  the  colonies, 
also,  be  not  omitted  by  mere  oversight;  but 
if,  contrary  to  expectation,  this  fragment  of 
barbarism  be  suffered  to  remain,  then  it  will 
become  necessary  to  bring  forward  the  en 
closed  case,  and  press  a  liberal  and  just  ex 
position  of  our  treaty,  so  as  to  relieve  our 
citizens  from  this  species  of  risk  and  ruin 
hereafter. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  iii,  189. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  234.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

—  AURORA       NEWSPAPER.— See 

DUANE. 

—  AUSTRIA,  Emperor  of. — See  JOSEPH 
II. 

614.  AUTHORITY,  Civil  and  Military. 
— Instead  of  subjecting  the  military  to  the 
civil  power,  his  Majesty  has  expressly  made 
the  civil  subordinate  to  the  military.  But 
can  his  Majesty  thus  put  down  all  law  under 
his  feet?  Can  he  erect  a  power  superior  to 
that  which  erected  himself?  He  has  done  it 
indeed  by  force,  but  let  him  remember  that 
force  cannot  give  right. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,  i,  140.  FORD  ED.,  i,  445.  (1774.) 

615. .     He    [George    III.],    has 

endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercises  of  the 
Kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and 
insupportable  tyranny,  *  *  *  by  [affecting]  to 
render  the  military  independent  of  and  su 
perior  to  the  civil  power. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  19.  (June  1776.) 

616.  -  — .He  has  affected  to  render 
the  military  independent  of,  and  superior  to, 
the  civil  power. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

617. .      The    military    shall    be 

subordinate  to  the  civil  power. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION,     viii,  452.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  3^2. 
(1783.) 

618. .     A  distinction  is  kept  up 

between  the  civil  and  military  which  it  is 
for  the  happiness  of  both  to  obliterate. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i,  335.  FORD  ED., 
iii.  467.  (A.,  1784.) 

619. .     A    distinction     [will    be 

continued]  between  the  civil  and  military 
which  it  would  be  for  the  good  of  the  whole 
to  obliterate  as  soon  as  possible. — To  M.  DE 
MEUNIER.  ix,  270.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  175.  (P., 
1786.) 

620. .    I  do  not  see  how  they  [the 

framers  of  the  French  constitution]  can  pro 
hibit  altogether  the  aid  of  the  military  in 
cases  of  riot,  and  yet  I  doubt  whether  they 
can  descend  from  the  sublimity  of  ancient 
military  pride,  to  let  a  MarechrJ  of  France 


Authority 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


64 


-vith  his  troops,  be  commanded  by  a  magis 
trate.  They  cannot  conceive  that  General 
Washington,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  during 
the  late  war,  could  have  been  commanded  by 
a  common  constable  to  go  as  his  posse  comi- 
tatus  to  suppress  a  mob,  and  that  Count 
Rochambeau,  when  he  was  arrested  at  the 
head  of  his  army  by  a  sheriff,  must  have  gone 
to  jail  if  he  had  not  given  bail  to  appear  in 
court.  Though  they  have  gone  astonishing 
lengths,  they  are  not  yet  thus  far.  It  is 
probable,  therefore,  that  not  knowing  how  to 
use  the  military  as  a  civil  weapon,  they  will 
do  too  much  or  too  little  with  it. — To  WILL 
IAM  CARMICHAEL.  iii,  90.  (P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

621. .  The  military  shall  be 

subordinate  to  the  civil  authority. — FRENCH 
CHARTER  OF  RIGHTS,  iii,  47.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
102.  (P.,  1789.) 

622. .  Bonaparte  has  transferred 

the  destinies  of  the  republic  from  the  civil 
to  the  military  arm.  Some  will  use  this  as  a 
lesson  against  the  practicability  of  republican 
government.  I  read  it  as  a  lesson  against  the 
danger  of  standing  armies. — To  SAMUEL 
ADAMS,  iv,  322.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  425.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1800.) 

623. .  The  supremacy  of  the 

civil  over  the  military  authority,  I  deem  [one 
of  the]  essential  principles  of  our  government 
and,  consequently  [one]  which  ought  to 
shape  its  administration.— FIRST  INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS,  viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.  (1801.) 

624. .     I  sincerely  wish  General 

Wilkinson  could  be  appointed  as  you  pro 
pose.  But  besides  the  objection  from  prin 
ciple,  that  no  military  commander  should  be 
so  placed  as  to  have  no  civil  superior,  his 
residence  at  Natchez  is  entirely  inconsistent 
with  his  superintendence  of  the  military  posts. 
— To  SAMUEL  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  29. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

625. .  Not  a  single  fact  has  ap 
peared,  which  occasions  me  to  doubt  that  I 
could  have  made  a  fitter  appointment  than 
General  Wilkinson.  One  qualm  of  principle 
I  acknowledge  I  do  feel,  I  mean  the  union 
of  the  civil  and  military  authority.  You  re 
member  that  when  I  went  into  office  *  *  *  he 
was  pressed  on  me  to  be  made  Governor  of 
the  Mississippi  Territory,  and  that  I  refused 
it  on  that  very  principle.  When,  therefore, 
the  House  of  Representatives  took  that 
ground,  I  was  not  insensible  to  _  its  having 
some  weight.  But  in  the  appointment  to 
Louisiana,  I  did  not  think  myself  departing 
from  my  own  principle,  because  I  consider 
it  not  as  a  civil  government,  but  merely  a 
military  station.  The  Legislature  had  sanc 
tioned  that  idea  by  the  establishment  of  the 
office  of  the  Commandant,  in  which  were 
completely  blended  the  civil  and  military 
powers.  It  seemed  therefore,  that  the  Gov 
ernor  should  be  in  suit  with  them.  I  ob 
served,  too,  that  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  on  the  very  day  they  passed  the  stric 
ture  on  this  union  of  authorities,  passed  a  bill 
making  the  Governor  of  Michigan  com 


mander  of  the  regular  troops  which  should 
at  any  time  be  within  his  government.  —  To 
SAMUEL  SMITH,  v,  13.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  450. 
(W.,  May  1806.) 

626.  AUTHORITY,  Civil  and  Military 
united.  —  From  a  belief  that,  under  the  pres 
sure  of  the    [British]    invasion  under  which 
we  [Virginia]  were  then  [1781]  laboring,  the 
public  would  have  more  confidence  in  a  mil 
itary  chief,  and  that  the  military  commander, 
being    invested    with    the    civil    power    also, 
both    might   be    wielded    with    more    energy, 
promptitude  and  effect  for  the  defence  of  the 
State.    I    resigned    the     administration     [the 
Governorship]  at  the  end  of  my  second  year, 
[1781]  and  General  Nelson  was  appointed  to 
succeed  me.  —  AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,   50.     FORD 
ED.,  i,  70.     (1821.) 

627.  AUTHORITY,    Conflict    of.—  Con 
gress  having  *  *  *  directed  that  they  [British 
prisoners  in  Virginia]  should  not  be  removed, 
and  our  Assembly  that  they  should,  the  Ex 
ecutive  [of  Virginia]  are  placed  in  a  very  dis 
agreeable  situation.     We  can  order  them  to 
the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  but  our  authority 
will  not  land  them  on  the  opposite  shore.  — 
To  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  439. 


628.  AUTHORITY,    Constitution    and. 

—  The  authority  of  the  people  is  a  necessary 
foundation  for  a  constitution.  —  To  JOHN  H. 
PLEASANTS.  vii,  345.  FORD  ED.,  x,  302.  (M., 
1824.) 

629.  AUTHORITY,    Custom    as.—  Gen 
eral    example    is  weighty  authority.  —  NOTES 
ON  COINAGE,     vii,  164.     (1790.) 

630.  AUTHORITY,         Enforcing.—  We 

would  do  anything  in  our  power  to  support 
and  manifest  your  authority,  were  anything 
wanting.  But  nothing  can  be  added  to  the 
provision  which  the  military  institutions  have 
made  to  enforce  obedience,  and  it  would  be 
presumption  in  us  to  say  what  is  that  pro 
vision  to  you.  —  To  MAJOR-GENERAL  STEUBEN. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  491.  (R.,  1781.) 

631.  ---  .   We  cannot  be  respected  by 
France  as  a  neutral  nation,  nor  by  the  world 
ourselves   as   an   independent  one,   if  we   do 
not   take    effectual    measures    to    support,    at 
every  risk,  our  authority  in  our  own  harbors. 
—To  JAMES   MADISON,     iv,   558.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  315.     (M.,  Aug.  1804.) 

632.  AUTHORITY,   Habits   of.—  If  the 

President  can  be  preserved  a  few  years  till 
habits  of  authority  and  obedience  [to  the  new 
government]  can  be  established  generally,  we 
have  nothing  to  fear.  —  To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
iii,  132.  FORD  ED.,  v.  152.  (N.Y.,  April  1790.) 

633.  AUTHORITY,  Obligation  and.—  It 
is  not  the  name,  but  the  authority  that    ren 
ders  an  act  obligatory.  —  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  365.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  228.     (1782.) 

634.  AUTHORITY,  Opposition  to.—  My 
long  and  intimate  knowledge  of  my  country 
men  satisfies  me,  that  let  there  ever  be  occa 
sion  to  display  the  banners  of  the  law,  and 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Authority 


the  world  will  see  how  few  and  pitiful  are 
those  who  will  array  themselves  in  opposi 
tion  — TO  DR.  JAMES  BROWN,  v,  379.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  211.  (W.,  1808.) 

635.  AUTHORITY,   The  People  and.— 

Leave  no  authority  not  responsible  to  the 
people. — To  ISAAC  H.  TIFFANY.  vii,  32. 
(M.,  1816.) 

636. .     All  authority  belongs  to 

the  people. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  213. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  190.  (M.,  1821.) 

637.  AUTHORITY,  Religion  and  Fed 
eral. — Civil  powers  alone  have  been  given  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  no 
authority  to  direct  the  religious  exercises  of 
his  constituents.— To  REV.  SAMUEL  MILLER. 
v,  237.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  175.  (W.,  1808.) 

638. .    No  power  to  prescribe  any 

religious  exercise,  or  to  assume  authority  in 
religious  discipline,  has  been  delegated  to  the 
General  Government.  It  must  then  rest  with 
States,  so  far  as  it  can  be  in  any  human  au 
thority. — To  REV.  SAMUEL  MILLER,  v,  237. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  174.  (W.,  1808.) 

639.  AUTHORITY,      Repudiated.— The 
British   Parliament  has  no  right  to  exercise 
authority  over  us — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AM 
ERICA,    i,  130.    FORD  ED.,  i,  434.  ((1774.) 

640.  AUTHORITY,        Resistance        to 
usurped. — It  is  a  dangerous  lesson  to  say  to 
the  people  "  whenever  your  functionaries  ex 
ercise  unlawful  authority  over  you,  if  you  do 
not   go   into    actual     resistance,     it    will    be 
deemed  acquiescence  and  confirmation."  How 
long  had  we  acquiesced  under  usurpations  of 
the  British  parliament?     Had  that  confirmed 
them  in  right,  and  made  our  Revolution  a 
wrong?     Besides   no   authority  has  yet  de 
cided    whether    this    resistance    must   be   in 
stantaneous:  when  the  right  to  resist  ceases, 
or    whether    it   has   yet   ceased?— To   JOHN 
HAMBDEN  PLEASANTS.     vii,     345.     FORD    ED., 
x,  302.     (M.,  1824.) 

641.  AUTHORITY,        Self -constituted. 
— I  deem  no  government  safe  which  is  under 
the  vassalage  of  any  self-constituted  author 
ities,  or  any  other  authority  than  that  of  the 
nation,  or  its  regular  functionaries. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.     iv,  519.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  285. 
(W.,  Dec.   1803.) 

642.  AUTHORITY,    Source   of.— I    con 
sider  the  source  of  authority  with  us  to  be 
the  Nation.     Their  will,  declared  through  its 
proper  organ,  is  valid,  till  revoked  by  their 
will  declared  through  its  proper  organ  again 
also.     Between  1776  and  1789.  the  proper  or 
gan  for  pronouncing  their  will,  whether  legis 
lative  or  executive,  was  a  Congress  formed 
in  a  particular  manner.     Since   1789,  it  is  a 
Congress  formed  in  a  different  manner,  for 
laws,  and  a  President,  elected  in  a  particular 
way,    for    making    appointments    and    doing 
other  executive  acts.     The  laws  and  appoint 
ments  of  the  ancient  Congress  were  as  valid 
and  permanent  in  their  nature,  as  the  laws 
of  the  new  Congress,  or  appointments  of  the 


new  Executive ;  these  laws  and  appointments, 
in  both  cases,  deriving  equally  their  source 
from  the  will  of  the  Nation. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON.  iii,  332.  FORD  ED.,  v,  437 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

643- .     I  consider  the  people  who 

constitute  a  society  or  nation  as  the  source 
of  all  authority  in  that  nation;  as  free  to 
transact  their  common  concerns  by  any 
agents  they  think  proper;  to  change  these 
agents  individually,  or  the  organization  of 
them  in  form  or  function  whenever  they 
please ;  that  all  the  acts  done  by  these  agents 
under  the  authority  of  the  nation  are  the  acts 
of  the  nation,  are  obligatory  to  them  and  in 
ure  to  their  use,  and  can  in  no  wise  be  an 
nulled  or  affected  by  any  change  in  the  form 
of  the  government,  or  of  the  persons  admin 
istering  it. — OPINION  ON  FRENCH  TREATIES. 
vii,  612.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  220.  (1793.) 

644.  AUTHORITY,  Upholding.— In  no 
country  on  earth  is  it  [forcible  opposition  to  the 
law]   so  impracticable  as  in  one  where  every 
man  feels  a  vital  interest  in  maintaining  the 
authority  of  the  laws,  and  instantly  engages 
in  it  as  in  his  own  personal  cause. — To  BEN 
JAMIN   SMITH,     v,   293.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   195. 
(M.,  1808.) 

645.  -  — .    Forcible    opposition      [to 
the  embargo]    will   rally  the   whole  body  of 
republicans  of  every  shade  to  a  single  point. — 
that  of  supporting  the  public  authority. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.    v,  347.     (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

646.  AUTHORITY,    Usurpation    of.— 

Necessities  which  dissolve  a  government  do 
not  convey  its  authority  to  an  oligarchy  or  a 
monarchy.  They  throw  back  into  the  hands 
of  the  people  the  powers  they  had  delegated, 
and  leave  them  as  individuals  to  shift  for 
themselves.— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  369. 
FORD  EDV  iii,  233.  (1782.) 

647.  AUTHORITY,     Washington     and 
Civil. — You     [General     Washington]     have 
conducted    the    great    military    contest    with 
wisdom   and    fortitude,    invariably   regarding 
the  rights  of  the  civil  power  through  all  dis 
asters     and     changes.* — CONGRESS    TO    GEN. 
WASHINGTON.     (Dec.  23,1783.) 

-  AUTHORS.— See  LITERATURE. 

648.  AVARICE,  Commercial. — It  seems 
to  me  that  in  proportion  as  commercial  ava 
rice  and  corruption  advance  on  us  from  the 
North  and  East,  the  principles  of  free  gov 
ernment   are   to   retire    to    the    agricultural 
States  of  the  South  and  West,  as  their  last 
asylum    and    bulwark. — To    HENRY    MIDDLE- 
TON,   vi,  91.    (M.,  1813.) 

_  BACON'S  REBELLION.— See  REBEL 
LION. 

649.  BADGES,     Utilizing.— Let     them 
[Cincinnati  society]  melt  up  their  eagles  and 
add  the  mass  to  the  distributable  fund,  that 

*  Jefferson  wrote  the  address  to  Washington  on 
surrendering  his  commission.  It  is  not  included  in 
either  of  the  two  leading  editions  of  Jefferson's 
writings.— EDITOR. 


Bainbridge  (William) 
Bank 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


66 


their  descendants  may  have  no  temptation 
to  hang  them  in  their  button  holes. — To  M. 
DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  271.  FORD  ED.,  iv.,  176. 
(P.,  1786.)  See  BIRTHDAY. 

650.  BAINBRIDGE  (William),  Victory 
of.— After  the  loss  of  the  Philadelphia,  Cap 
tain  Bainbridge  had  a  character  to  redeem.     He 
has  done  it  most  honorably,  and  no  one  is  more 
gratified    by    it    than    myself. — To     MATTHEW 
CARR.    vi,  132.     (M.,  1813.) 

651.  BALLOONS,  Experiments  with.— 

There  seems  a  possibility  that  the  great  desid 
eratum  in  the  use  of  the  balloon  may  be  ob 
tained.  There  are  two  persons  at  Javel  (oppo 
site  to  Auteuil),  who  are  pushing  this  matter. 
They  are  able  to  rise  and  fall  at  wity,  without 
expending  their  gas,  and  they  can  deflect  forty- 
five  degrees  from  the  course  of  the  wind. — To 
R.  IZARD.  i,  443-  (P-,  1785-) 

652.  BALLOONS,   Tall  from.— An   acci 
dent   has   happened   here    [France]    which   will 
probably    damp    the    ardor    with    which    aerial 
navigation  has  been  pursued.    Monsieur  Pilatre 
de  Roziere  had  been  waiting  for  many  months 
at  Boulogne  a  fair  wind  to  cross  the  channel  in 
a    balloon    which    was    compounded    of    one    of 
inflammable    air,    and    another    called   a    Mont- 
golfier    with    rarefied    air    only.     He    at    length 
thought  the  wind   fair  and  with   a  companion, 
Romain,     ascended.     After     proceeding     in     a 
proper   direction   about  two   leagues,   the   wind 
changed    and    brought    them     again    over    the 
French  coast.     Being  at  the  height  of  about  six 
thousand   feet,    some   accident,   unknown,   burst 
the  balloon  of  inflammable  air,  and  the  Mont- 
golfier,    being    unequal    alone    to    sustain    their 
weight,   they   precipitated   from   that   height   to 
the    earth    and    were    crushed    to    atoms. — To 
JOSEPH  JONES,     i,  353.     (P-,  June  1785.) 

653. .  The  arts,  instead  of  ad 
vancing,  have  lately  received  a  check  which  will 
probably  render  stationary  for  awhile,  that 
branch  of  them  which  had  promised  to  elevate 
us  to  the  skies.  Pilatre  de  Roziere,  who  had 
first  ventured  into  that  region,  has  fallen  a  sac 
rifice  to  it.  In  an  attempt  to  pass  from  Bou 
logne  over  to  England,  a  change  in  the  wind 
having  brought  him  on  the  coast  of  France, 
some  accident  happened  to  his  balloon  of  in 
flammable  air,  which  occasioned  it  to  burst, 
and  that  of  rarefied  air  combined  with  it  being 
then  unequal  to  the  weight,  they  fell  to  the 
earth  from  a  height,  which  the  first  reports 
made  six  thousand  feet,  but  later  ones  have 
reduced  to  sixteen  hundred.  Pilatre  de  Roziere 
was  dead  when  a  peasant  distant  one  hundred 
yards  away,  ran  to  him  ;  but  Romain,  his  com 
panion,  lived  about  ten  minutes,  though  speech 
less,  and  without  his  senses. — To  CHARLES 
THOMSON,  i,  355.  (P.,  1785.) 

654.  BALLOONS,      Peril      of.— Though 
navigation  by  water  is  attended  with   frequent 
accidents,   and   in   its   infancy   must  have  been 
attended    with    more,    yet    these    are    now    so 
familiar  that  we  think  little  of  them,  while  that 
which   has   signalized   the  two  first  martyrs  to 
the    aeronautical    art   will    probably    deter   very 
many   from   the   experiments   they   would   have 
been   disposed   to   make. — To    CHARLES   THOM 
SON,     i,   354.     (P.,    1785.) 

-  BALLOT.— See  SUFFRAGE. 
—  BANISHMENT.— See  EXILE. 

655.  BANK    (National    1813),    Charter 
of. — The  scheme  is  for  Congress  to  establish 


a  national  bank,  suppose  of  thirty  millions 
capital,  of  which  they  shall  contribute  ten 
millions  in  six  per  cent,  stock,  the  States  ten 
millions,  and  individuals  ten  millions,  one 
half  of  the  two  last  contributions  to  be  of  a 
similar  stock,  for  which  the  parties  are  to 
give  cash  to  Congress;  the  whole,  however, 
to  be  under  the  exclusive  management  of  the 
individual  subscribers,  who  are  to  name  all 
the  directors ;  neither  Congress  nor  the  States 
having  any  power  of  interference  in  its  ad 
ministration.  Discounts  are  to  be  at  five  per 
cent.,  but  the  profits  are  expected  to  be  at  seven 
per  cent.  Congress  then  will  be  paying  six 
per  cent,  on  twenty  millions,  and  receiving 
seven  per  cent,  on  ten  millions,  being  its 
third  of  the  institution;  so  that  on  the  ten 
millions  cash  which  they  receive  from  the 
States  and  individuals,  they  will,  in  fact,  have 
to  pay  but  five  per  cent,  interest.  This  is  the 
bait.  The  charter  is  proposed  to  be  for  forty 
or  fifty  years,  and  if  any  future  augmenta 
tions  should  take  place,  the  individual  propri 
etors  are  to  have  the  privilege  of  being  the 
sole  subscribers  for  that.  Congress  are  fur 
ther  allowed  to  issue  to  the  amount  of  three 
millions  of  notes,  bearing  interest,  which  they 
are  to  receive  back  in  payment  for  lands  at  a 
premium  of  five  or  ten  per  cent.,  or  as  sub 
scriptions  for  canals,  roads,  and  bridges,  in 
which  undertakings  they  are,  of  course,  to 
be  engaged.  This  is  a  summary  of  the  case 
as  I  understand  it;  but  it  is  very  possible  I 
may  not  understand  it  in  all  its  parts,  these 
schemes  being  always  made  unintelligible  for 
the  gulls  who  are  to  enter  into  them. — To  J. 
W.  EPPES.  vi,  228.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  403.  (M., 
Nov.  1813.) 

656.  BANK  (National  1813),  Consid 
erations  on. — The  advantages  and  disadvan 
tages  shall  be  noted  promiscuously  as  they 
occur;  leaving  out  the  speculation  of  canals 
&c.,  which,  being  an  episode  only  in  the 
scheme,  may  be  omitted,  to  disentangle  it  as 
much  as  we  can.  i.  Congress  are  to  receive 
five  millions  from  the  States  (if  they  will  en 
ter  into  this  "partnership,  which  few  probably 
will),  and  five  millions  from  the  individual 
subscribers,  in  exchange  for  ten  millions  of 
six  per  cent,  stock,  one  per  cent,  of  which, 
however,  they  will  make  on  their  ten  millions 
of  stock  remaining  in  bank,  and  so  reduce  it, 
in  effect,  to  a  loan  of  ten  millions  at  five  per 
cent,  interest.  This  is  good ;  but,  2.  They  au 
thorize  this  bank  to  throw  into  circulation 
ninety  millions  of  dollars  (three  times  the 
capital),  which  increases  our  circulating  me 
dium  fifty  per  cent.;  depreciates  proportion- 
ably  the  present  value  of  a  dollar,  and  raises 
the  price  of  all  future  purchases  in  the  same 
proportion.  3.  This  loan  of  ten  millions  at 
five  per  cent.,  is  to  be  once  for  all,  only. 
Neither  the  terms  of  the  scheme,  nor  their 
own  prudence  could  ever  permit  them  to 
add  to  the  circulation  in  the  same,  or  any 
other  way,  for  the  supplies  of  the  succeeding 
years  of  the  war.  These  succeeding  years 
then  are  to  be  left  unprovided  for.  and  the 
means  of  doing  it  in  a  great  measure  pre 
cluded.  4.  The  individual  subscribers,  on 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bank 


paying  their  own  five  millions  of  cash  to  Con 
gress,  become  the  depositors  of  ten  millions 
of  stock  belonging  to  Congress,  five  millions 
belonging  to  the  States,  and  five  millions  to 
themselves,  say  twenty  millions,  with  which, 
as  no  one  has  a  right  ever  to  see  their  books, 
or  to  ask  a  question,  they  may  choose  their 
time  for  running  away,  after  adding  to  their 
booty  the  proceeds  of  as  much  of  their  own 
notes  as  they  shall  be  able  to  throw  into  cir 
culation.  5.  The  subscribers  may  be  one, 
two,  or  three,  or  more  individuals  (many 
single  individuals  being  able  to  pay  in  the  five 
millions),  whereupon  this  bank  oligarchy  or 
monarchy  enters  the  field  with  ninety  millions 
of  dollars,  to  direct  and  control  the  politics  of 
the  nation ;  and  of  the  influence  of  these  in 
stitutions  on  our  politics,  and  into  what  scale 
it  will  be  thrown,  we  have  had  abundant  ex 
perience.  Indeed,  England  herself  may  be 
the  real,  while  her  friend  and  trustee  here 
shall  be  the  nominal  and  sole  subscriber. 
6.  This  state  of  things  is  to  be  fastened  on 
us,  without  the  power  of  relief,  for  forty  or 
fifty  years.  That  is  to  say,  the  eight  millions 
of  people  now  existing,  for  the  sake  of  re*- 
ceiving  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents 
apiece,  at  five  per  cent,  interest,  are  to  sub 
ject  the  fifty  millions  of  people  who  are  to 
succeed  them  within  that  term,  to  the  pay 
ment  of  forty-five  millions  of  dollars,  prin 
cipal  and  interest,  which  will  be  payable  in  the 
course  of  the  fifty  years.  7.  But  the  great 
and  national  advantage  is  to  be  the  relief  of 
the  present  scarcity  of  money,  which  is  pro 
duced  and  proved  by,  i.  The  additional  in 
dustry  created  to  supply  a  variety  of  articles 
for  the  troops,  ammunition,  &c.  2.  By  the 
cash  sent  to  the  frontiers,  and  the  vacuum  oc 
casioned  in  the  trading  towns  by  that.  3. 
By  the  late  loans.  4.  By  the  necessity  of 
recurring  to  shavers  with  good  paper,  which 
the  existing  banks  are  not  able  to  take  up; 
and  5.  By  the  numerous  applications  of  bank 
charters  showing  that  an  increase  of  circu 
lating  medium  is  wanting. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
vi,  229.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  403.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 
657.  BANK  (National  1813),  Increased 
Medium  and. — Let  us  examine  these  causes 
and  proofs  of  the  want  of  our  increase  of  me 
dium,  one  by  one.  i.  The  additional  In 
dustry  created  to  supply  a  variety  of  articles 
for  troops,  ammunition,  &c.  Now,  I  had  al 
ways  supposed  that  war  produced  a  diminu 
tion  of  industry,  by  the  number  of  hands 
it  withdraws  from  industrious  pursuits  for 
employment  in  arms,  &c.,  which  are  totally 
unproductive.  And  if  it  calls  for  new  in 
dustry  in  the  articles  of  ammunition  and  other 
military  supplies,  the  hands  are  borrowed 
from  other  branches  on  which  the  demand  is 
slackened  by  the  war ;  so  that  it  is  but  a  shift 
ing  of  these  hands  from  one  pursuit  to  another. 
2.  The  cash  sent  to  the  frontiers  occasions  a 
vacuum  in  the  trading  towns,  which  re 
quires  a  new  supply.  Let  us  examine  what 
are  the  calls  for  money  to  the  frontiers.  Not 
for  clothing,  tents,  ammunition,  arms,  which 
are  all  bought  in  the  trading  towns.  Not  for 
provisions;  for  although  these  are  bought 


partly  in  the  immediate  country,  bank  bills 
are  more  acceptable  there  than  even  in  the 
trading  towns.  The  pay  of  the  army  calls 
for  some  cash,  but  not  a  great  deal,  as  bank 
notes  are  as  acceptable  with  the  military  men, 
perhaps  more  so ;  and  what  cash  is  sent  must 
find  its  way  back  again  in  exchange  for  the 
wants  of  the  upper  from  the  lower  country. 
For  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  cash  stays 
accumulating  there  forever.  3.  This  scarcity 
has  been  occasioned  by  the  late  loans.  But 
does  the  government  borrow  money  to  keep 
it  in  their  coffers?  Is  it  not  instantly  re 
stored  to  circulation  by  payment  for  its  nec 
essary  supplies?  And  are  we  to  restore  a 
vacuum  of  twenty  millions  of  dollars  by  an 
emission  of  ninety  millions?  4.  The  want  of 
medium  is  proved  by  the  recurrence  of  indi 
viduals  with  good  paper  to  brokers  at  exor 
bitant  interest;  and  5.  By  the  numerous  ap 
plications  to  the  State  governments  for  ad 
ditional  banks;  New  York  wanting  eighteen 
millions,  Pennsylvania  ten  millions,  &c.  But 
say  more  correctly,  the  speculators  and  spend 
thrifts  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  but 
never  consider  them  as  being  the  States  of 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  These  two 
items  shall  be  considered  together. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  231.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  405.  (M., 
Nov.  1813.) 

658.  BANK    (National     1813),    Paper, 
Specie    and.— It     is    a    litigated    question, 
whether  the  circulation  of  paper,  rather  than 
of  specie,  is  a  good  or  an  evil.    In  the  opinion 
of   England   and   of   English   writers   it  is   a 
good ;   in  that  of  all  other  nations  it  is  an 
evil ;  and  excepting  England  and  her  copyist, 
the  United  States,  there  is  not  a  nation  ex 
isting.  I  believe,  which  tolerates  a  paper  cir 
culation.     The  experiment  is  going  on,  how 
ever,    desperately   in    England,    pretty   boldly 
with  us.  and  at  the  end  of  the  chapter,  we 
shall  see  which  opinion  experience  approves : 
for  I  believe  it  to  be  one  of  those  cases  where 
mercantile  clamor  will  bear  down  reason,  un 
til  it  is  corrected  by  ruin. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
vi,  232.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  405.     (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

659.  BANK    (National    1813),    Uncon 
stitutional. — After   the    solemn   decision   of 
Congress  against  the  renewal  of  the  charter  of 
the  Bank    of    the    United    States,    and    the 
grounds  of  that  decision    (the  want  of  con 
stitutional  power),  I  had  imagined  that  ques 
tion  at  rest,  and  that  no  "more  applications 
would  be  made  to  them  for  the  incorporation 
of  banks.     The  opposition  on  that  ground  to 
its  first  establishment,  the  small  majority  by 
which  it  was  overborne,  and  the  means  prac 
ticed  for  obtaining  it.  cannot  be  already  for 
gotten.     The  law  having  passed,  however,  by 
a  majority,  its  opponents,  true  to  the  sacred 
principle  of  submission  to  a  majority,  suffered 
the  law  to  flow  through  its  term  without  ob 
struction.     During  this,  the  nation  had  time 
to  consider  the  constitutional   question,   and 
when   the   renewal   was   proposed,   they  con 
demned    it,    not   by    their    representatives    in 
Congress    only,    but   by   express    instructions 
from   different   organs  of  their  will.     Here 


Bank 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


68 


then  we  might  stop,  and  consider  the  me 
morial  as  answered.  But,  setting  authority 
apart,  we  will  examine  whether  the  Legisla 
ture  ought  to  comply  with  it,  even  if  they 
had  the  power. —  To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  232. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  406.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

660. .     The    idea    of    creating   a 

national  bank,  I  do  not  concur  in,  because  it 
seems  now  decided  that  Congress  has  not  that 
power  (although  I  sincerely  wish  they  had 
it  exclusively),  and  because  I  think  there  is 
already  a  vast  redundancy,  rather  than  a 
scarcity  of  paper  medium.  The  rapid  rise  in 
the  nominal  price  of  land  and  labor  (while 
war  and  blockade  should  produce  a  fall) 
proves  the  progressive  state  of  the  depre 
ciation  of  our  medium. — To  THOMAS  LAW. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  433.  (M.,  1813.) 

661.  BANK    OF    NORTH    AMERICA, 

Incorporation  of. — The  Philadelphia  Bank 
was  incorporated  by  Congress.  This  is, 
perhaps,  the  only  instance  of  their  having 
done  that  which  they  had  no  power  to  do. 
Necessity  obliged  them  to  give  this  institution 
the  appearance  of  their  countenance,  because 
in  that  moment  they  were  without  any  other 
resource  for  money. — COUNT  VAN  HOGEN- 
DORP.  ii,  24.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  286.  (P.,  1786.) 

662.  BANK    OF    NORTH    AMERICA, 

Pennsylvania  ,  and.— The  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania  passed  an  act  of  incorporation 
for  the  bank,  and  declared  that  the  holders  of 
stock  should  be  responsible  only  to  the 
amount  of  their  stock.  Lately  that  Legisla 
ture  has  repealed  their  act.  The  consequence 
is,  that  the  bank  is  now  altogether  a  private 
institution,  and  every  holder  is  liable  for  its 
engagements  in  his  whole  property.  This 
has  had  a  curious  effect.  It  has  given  those 
who  deposit  money  in  the  bank  a  greater 
faith  in  it,  while  it  has  rendered  the  holders 
very  discontented,  as  being  more  exposed  to 
risk,  and  it  has  induced  many  to  sell  it,  so 
that  I  have  heard  (I  know  not  how  truly) 
the  bank  stock  sells  somewhat  below  par. — 
To  COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP.  ii,  24.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  286.  (P.,  1786.) 

663.  BANK    (TJ.    S.),    Beginning    of. 

— A  division,  not  very  unequal,  had  *  *  * 
taken  place  in  the  honest  part  of  *  *  *  [Con 
gress  in  1791]  between  the  parties  styled  re 
publican  and  federal.  The  latter,  being  mon 
archists  in  principle,  adhered  to  [Alexander] 
Hamilton  of  course,  as  their  leader  in 
that  principle,  and  this  mercenary  pha 
lanx,*  added  to  them,  ensured  him  always 
a  majority  in  both  Houses;  so  that  the 
whole  action  of  the  Legislature  was  now  un 
der  the  direction  of  the  Treasury.  Still  the 
machine  was  not  complete.  The  effect  of  the 
Funding  system,  and  of  the  Assumption  [of 
the  State  debts],  would  be  temporary.  It 
would  be  lost  with  the  loss  of  the  individual 
members  whom  it  had  enriched,  and  some 
engine  of  influence  more  permanent  must  be 

*  Those  members  of  Congress  who,  Jefferson  be 
lieved  and  charged,  voted  for  the  Assumption  of  the 
State  debts  from  corrupt  motives.  See  ASSUMPTION. 
—EDITOR. 


contrived  while  these  myrmidons  were  yet  in 
place  to  carry  it  through  all  opposition.  This 
engine  was  the  Bank  of  the  United  States. — 
THE  ANAS,  ix,  95.  FORD  EDV  i,  164.  (1818.) 

664.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Constitutionality 
of.— The  bill  for  establishing  a  National 
Bank  undertakes  among  other  things  :— i.  To 
form  the  subscribers  into  a  corporation.  2. 
To  enable  them  in  their  corporate  capacities 
to  receive  grants  of  land;  and  so  far  is 
against  the  laws  of  Mortmain.*  3.  To  make 
alien  subscribers  capable  of  holding  lands; 
and  so  far  is  against  the  laws  of  Alienage. 
4-  To  transmit  these  lands,  on  the  death  of 
a  proprietor,  to  a  certain  line  of  successors; 
and  so  far  changes  the  course  of  Descents. 
5.  To  put  the  lands  out  of  the  reach  of  for 
feiture  or  escheat;  and  so  far  is  against  the 
laws  of  Forfeiture  and  Escheat.  6.  To  trans 
mit  personal  chattels  to  successors  in  a  cer 
tain  line;  and  so  far  is  against  the  laws  of 
Distribution.  7.  To  give  them  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  of  banking  under  the  national 
authority;  and  so  far  is  against  the  laws  of 
Monopoly.  8.  To  communicate  to  them  a 
power  to  make  laws  paramount  to  the  laws 
of  the  States ;  for  so  they  must  be  construed, 
to  protect  the  institution  from  the  control  of 
the  State  Legislatures ;  and  so,  probably,  they 
will  be  construed. 

I  consider  the  foundation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  as  laid  on  this  ground :  f  That  "  all 
powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States, 
by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to 
the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  or  to 
the  people."  (Xllth  amendment.)  To  take 
a  single  step  beyond  the  boundaries  thus  spe 
cially  drawn  around  the  powers  of  Congress, 
is  to  take  possession  of  a  boundless  field  of 
power,  no  longer  susceptible  of  any  definition. 
The  incorporators  of  a  bank,  and  the  powers 
assumed  by  this  bill,  have  not,  in  my  opinion, 
been  delegated  to  the  United  States,  by  the 
Constitution.  I.  They  are  not  among  the 
powers  specially  enumerated:  for  these  are: 
ist  A  power  to  lay  taxes  for  the  purpose  of 
paying  the  debts  of  the  United  States;  but 
no  debt  is  paid  by  this  bill,  nor  any  tax  laid. 
Were  it  a  bill  to  raise  money,  its  origination 
in  the  Senate  would  condemn  it  by  the  Con 
stitution.  2nd  "  To  borrow  money."  But 
this  bill  neither  borrows  money  nor  ensures 
the  borrowing  it.  The  proprietors  of  the 
bank  will  be  just  as  free  as  any  other  money 
holders,  to  lend  or  not  to  lend  their  money 
to  the  public.  The  operation  proposed  in  the 
bill,  first,  to  lend  them  two  millions,  and 
then  to  borrow  them  back  again,  cannot 

*  Though  the  Constitution  controls  the  laws  of 
Mortmain  so  far  as  to  permit  Congress  itself  to  hold 
land  for  certain  purposes,  yet  not  so  far  as  to  permit 
them  to  communicate  a  similar  right  to  other  corpo 
rate  bodies.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 

t  Washington  requested  the  written  opinions  of 
the  Cabinet  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  bill. 
Those  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  and  of 
War,  were  in  favor  of  the  constitutionalty  of  the  act. 
Those  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Attorney  Gen 
eral,  were  against  it.  The  opinion  of  Jefferson  is  an 
unanswerable  argument  against  the  doctrine  of  im 
plied  powers,  and  is  justly  considered  the  text  of  the 
true  republican  faith,  on  the  subject  of  constitutional 
interpretation.— RAYNER'S  Life  of  Jefferson,  p.  304. 


69 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bank 


change  the  nature  of  the  latter  act,  which  will 
still  be  in  a  payment,  and  not  a  loan,  call  it 
by  what  name  you  please.  3rd  To  "  regulate 
commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among 
the  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes."  To 
erect  a  bank,  and  to  regulate  commerce,  are 
very  different  acts.  He  who  erects  a  bank, 
creates  a  subject  of  commerce  in  its  bills;  so 
does  he  who  makes  a  bushel  of  wheat,  or 
digs  a  dollar  out  of  the  mines ;  yet  neither  of 
these  persons  regulates  commerce  thereby.  To 
make  a  thing  which  may  be  bought  and  sold, 
is  not  to  prescribe  regulations  for  buying  and 
selling.  Besides,  if  this  was  an  exercise  of 
the  power  of  regulating  commerce,  it  would 
be  void,  as  extending  as  much  to  the  internal 
commerce  of  every  State  as  to  its  external. 
For  the  power  given  to  Congress  by  the  Con 
stitution  does  not  extend  to  the  internal  regu 
lation  of  the  commerce  of  a  State  (that  is  to 
say  of  the  commerce  between  citizen  and 
citizen),  which  remains  exclusively  with  its 
own  legislature ;  but  to  its  external  commerce 
only,  that  is  to  say,  its  commerce  with  an 
other  State,  or  with  foreign  nations,  or  with 
the  Indian  tribes.  Accordingly  the  bill  does 
not  propose  the  measure  as  a  regulation  of 
trade,  but  as,  "  productive  of  considerable 
advantages  to  trade."  Still  less  are  these 
powers  covered  by  any  other  of  the  special 
enumerations. 

II.  Nor  are  they  within  either  of  the  gen 
eral  phrases,  which  are  the  two  following: — 
i.  To  lay  taxes  to  provide  for  the  general 
welfare  of  the  United  States,  that  is  to  say, 
"  to  lay  taxes  for  the  purpose  of  providing 
for  the  general  welfare."  For  the  laying  of 
taxes  is  the  power,  and  the  general  welfare 
the  purpose  for  which  the  power  is  to  be  ex 
ercised.  They  are  not  to  lay  taxes  ad  libi 
tum  for  any  purpose  they  please;  but  only 
to  pay  the  debts  or  provide  for  the  welfare  of 
the  Union.  In  like  manner,  they  are  not  to 
do  anything  they  please  to  provide  for  the 
general  welfare,  but  only  to  lay  taxes  for  that 
purpose.  To  consider  the  latter  phrase,  not 
as  describing  the  purpose  of  the  first,  but  as 
giving  a  distinct  and  independent  power  to  do 
any  act  they  please,  which  might  be  for  the 
good  of  the  Union,  would  render  all  the  pre 
ceding  and  subsequent  enumerations  of  power 
completely  useless.  It  would  reduce  the  whole 
instrument  to  a  single  phrase,  that  of  in 
stituting  a  Congress  with  power  to  do  what 
ever  would  be  for  the  good  of  the  United 
States;  and,  as  they  would  be  the  sole  judges 
of  the  good  or  evil,  it  would  be  also  a  power 
to  do  whatever  evil  they  please.  It  is  an  es 
tablished  rule  of  construction  where  a  phrase 
will  bear  either  of  two  meanings,  to  give  to 
it  that  which  will  allow  some  meaning  to  the 
other  parts  of  the  instrument  and  not  that 
which  would  render  all  the  others  useless. 
Certainly  no  such  universal  power  was  meant 
to  be  given  them.  It  was  intended  to  lace  them 
up  straitly  within  the  enumerated  powers,  and 
those  without  which,  as  means,  these  powers 
could  not  be  carried  into  effect.  It  is  known 
that  the  very  power  now  proposed  as  a  means 
was  rejected  as  an  end  by  the  Convention 


which  formed  the  Constitution.  A  propo 
sition  was  made  to  them  to  authorize  Congress 
to  open  canals,  and  an  amendatory  one  to  em 
power  them  to  incorporate.  But  the  whole 
was  rejected,  and  one  of  the  reasons  for  re 
jection  urged  in  debate  was,  that  then  they 
would  have  power  to  erect  a  bank,  which 
would  render  the  great  cities,  where  there 
were  prejudices  and  jealousies  on  the  subject, 
adverse  to  the  reception  of  the  Constitution. 
2.  The  second  general  phrase  is,  "  to  make 
all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying 
into  execution  the  enumerated  powers."  But 
they  can  all  be  carried  into  execution  with 
out  a  bank.  A  bank  therefore  is  not  neces 
sary,  and  consequently  not  authorized  by  this 
phrase. 

It  has  been  urged  that  a  bank  will  give  great 
facility  or  convenience  in  the  collection  of 
taxes.  Suppose  this  were  true:  yet  the  Con 
stitution  allows  only  the  means  which  are 
"necessary"  not  those  which  are  merely 
"  convenient "  for  effecting  the  enumerated 
powers.  If  such  a  latitude  of  construction 
be  allowed  to  this  phrase  as  to  give  any  non- 
enumerated  power,  it  will  go  to  every  one, 
for  there  is  not  one  which  ingenuity  may  not 
torture  into  a  convenience  in  some  instance 
or  other,  to  some  one  of  so  long  a  list  of 
enumerated  powers.  It  would  swallow  up 
all  the  delegated  powers,  and  reduce  the 
whole  to  one  power,  as  before  observed. 
Therefore  it  was  that  the  Constitution  re 
strained  them  to  the  necessary  means,  that 
is  to  say,  to  those  means  without  which  the 
grant  of  power  would  be  nugatory.  But  let 
us  examine  this  convenience  and  see  what  it 
is.  The  report  on  this  subject,  page  3.  states 
the  only  general  convenience  to  be,  the  pre 
venting  the  transportation  and  retransporta- 
tion  of  money  between  the  States  and  the 
treasury  (for  I  pass  over  the  increase  of 
circulating  medium,  ascribed  to  it  as  a  want, 
and  which,  according  to  my  ideas  of  paper 
money,  is  clearly  a  demerit).  Every  State 
will  have  to  pay  a  sum  of  tax  money  into  the 
treasury ;  and  the  treasury  will  have  to  pay, 
in  every  State,  a  part  of  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  salaries  to  the  officers  of 
government  resident  in  that  State.  In  most 
of  the  States  there  will  still  be  a  surplus  of 
tax  money  to  come  up  to  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  for  the  officers  residing  there.  The 
payments  of  interest  and  salary  in  each  State 
may  be  made  by  treasury  orders  on  the  State 
collector.  This  will  take  up  the  great  export 
of  the  money  he  has  collected  in  his  State, 
and  consequently  prevent  the  great  mass  of  it 
from  being  drawn  out  of  the  State.  If  there 
be  a  balance  of  commerce  in  favor  of  that 
State  against  the  one  in  which  the  govern 
ment  resides,  the  surplus  of  taxes  will  be  re 
mitted  by  the  bills  of  exchange  drawn  for 
that  commercial  balance.  And  so  it  must  be 
if  there  was  a  bank.  But  if  there  be  no  bal 
ance  of  commerce,  either  direct  or  circuitous, 
all  the  banks  in  the  world  could  not  bring  up 
the  surplus  of  taxes,  but  in  the  form  of 
money.  Treasury  orders  then,  and  bills  of 
exchange  may  prevent  the  displacement  of  the 


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THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


70 


main  mass  of  the  money  collected,  without 
the  aid  of  any  bank;  and  where  these  fail, 
it  cannot  be  prevented  even  with  that  aid. 
Perhaps,  indeed,  bank  bills  may  be  a  more 
convenient  vehicle  than  treasury  orders.  But 
a  little  difference  in  the  degree  of  conve 
niences,  cannot  constitute  the  necessity  which 
the  Constitution  makes  the  ground  for  as 
suming  any  non-enumerated  power. 

Besides ;  the  existing  banks  will,  without  a 
doubt,  enter  into  arrangements  for  lending 
their  agency,  and  the  more  favorable,  as  there 
will  be  a  competition  among  them  for  it; 
whereas  the  bill  delivers  us  up  bound  to  the 
national  bank,  who  are  free  to  refuse  all  ar 
rangement,  but  on  their  own  terms,  and  the 
public  not  free,  on  such  refusal,  to  employ 
any  other  bank.  That  of  Philadelphia,  I  be 
lieve,  now  does  this  business,  by  their  post- 
notes,  which,  by  an  arrangement  with  the 
treasury,  are  paid  by  any  State  collector  to 
whom  they  are  presented.  This  expedient 
alone  suffices  to  prevent  the  existence  of  that 
necessity  which  may  justify  the  assumption 
of  a  non-enumerated  power  as  a  means  for 
carrying  into  effect  an  enumerated  one.  The 
thing  may  be  done,  and  has  been  done,  and 
well  done,  without  this  assumption ;  therefore, 
it  does  not  stand  on  that  degree  of  necessity 
which  can  honestly  justify  it.  It  may  be  said 
that  a  bank  whose  bills  would  have  a  currency 
all  over  the  States,  would  be  more  convenient 
than  one  whose  currency  is  limited  to  a  single 
State.  So  it  would  be  still  more  convenient 
that  there  should  be  a  bank,  whose  bills 
should  have  a  currency  all  over  the  world. 
But  it  does  not  follow  from  this  superior 
conveniency,  that  there  exists  anywhere  a 
power  to  establish  such  a  bank;  or  that  the 
world  may  not  go  on  very  well  without  it. 
Can  it  be  thought  that  the  Constitution  in 
tended  that  for  a  shade  or  two  of  convenience. 
more  or  less,  Congress  should  be  authorized 
to  break  down  the  most  ancient  and  funda 
mental  laws  of  the  several  States;  such  as 
those  against  Mortmain,  the  laws  of  Alienage. 
the  rules  of  Descent,  the  acts  of  Distribu 
tion,  the  laws  of  Escheat  and  Forfeiture,  the 
laws  of  Monopoly?  Nothing  but  a  necessity 
invincible  by  any  other  means,  can  justify 
such  a  prostitution  of  laws,  which  constitute 
the  pillars  of  our  whole  system  of  jurispru 
dence.  Will  Congress  be  too  straight-laced 
to  carry  the  Constitution  into  honest  effect, 
unless  they  may  pass  over  the  foundation 
laws  of  the  State  government  for  the  slightest 
convenience  of  theirs? 

The  negative  of  the  President  is  the  shield 
provided  by  the  Constitution  to  protect 
against  the  invasions  of  the  Legislature:  I. 
The  right  of  the  Executive.  2.  Of  the  Ju 
diciary.  3.  Of  the  States  and  State  Legisla 
tures.  The  present  is  the  case  of  a  right  re 
maining  exclusively  with  the  States,  and  con 
sequently  one  of  those  intended  by  the  Con 
stitution  to  be  placed  under  its  protection. 
It  must  be  added,  however,  that  unless  the 
President's  mind  on  a  view  of  everything 
which  is  urged  for  and  against  this  bill,  is 
tolerably  clear  that  it  is  unauthorized  by  the 
Constitution ;  if  the  pro  and  the  con  hang  so 


even  as  to  balance  his  judgment,  a  just  re 
spect  for  the  wisdom  of  the  Legislature  would 
naturally  decide  the  balance  in  favor  of  their 
opinion.  It  is  chiefly  for  cases  where  they 
are  clearly  misled  by  error,  ambition,  or  in 
terest,  that  the  Constitution  has  placed  a 
check  in  the  negative  of  the  President.— 
NATIONAL  BANK  OPINION,  vii,  555.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  284.  (February  1791.) 

665.  BANK     (IT.     S.),     Directors    of.— 

While  the  Government  remained  at  Philadel 
phia,  a  selection  of  members  of  both  Houses 
were  constantly  kept  as  directors,  who,  on 
every  question  interesting  to  that  institution, 
or  to  the  views  of  the  federal  head,  voted  at 
the  will  of  that  head;  and,  together  with  the 
stockholding  members,  could  always  make 
the  federal  vote  that  of  the  majority.  By 
this  combination,  legislative  expositions  were 
given  to  the  Constitution,  and  all  the  admin 
istrative  laws  were  shaped  on  the  model  of 
England,  and  so  passed.  And  from  this  in 
fluence  we  were  not  relieved,  until  the  re 
moval  from  the  precincts  of  the  Bank,  to 
Washington. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  95.  FORD  ED 
i,  164.  (1818.) 

666.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Dividends  of.— The 

bank  has  just  notified  its  proprietors  that 
they  may  call  for  a  dividend  of  ten  per  cent, 
on  their  capital  for  the  last  six  months.  This 
makes  a  profit  of  twenty-six  per  cent,  per  an 
num.  Agriculture,  commerce,  and  everything 
useful  must  be  neglected,  when  the  useless 
employment  of  money  is  so  much  more 
lucrative. — To  PLUMARD  DE  RIEUX.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  420.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

667.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Fall  in  stock.— The 

failure  of  some  stock  gamblers  and  some 
other  circumstances,  have  brought  the  public 
paper  low.  The  6  per  cents  have  fallen  from 
26  to  21 1-4,  and  bank  paper  stock  from  115 
or  120  to  73  or  74,  within  two  or  three  weeks. 
This  nefarious  business  is  becoming  more 
and  more  the  public  detestation,  and  cannot 
fail,  when  the  knowledge  of  it  shall  be  suffi 
ciently  extended,  to  tumble  its  authors  head 
long  from  their  heights. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  iii,  342.  FORD  ED.,  v,  459.  (Pa., 
March  1792.) 

668.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Hostility  to  U.  S. 
Government. — This  institution  is  one  of  the 
most    deadly    hostility    existing,    against    the 
principles  and  form  of  our  Constitution.  The 
nation  is,  at  this  time,  so  strong  and  united 
in  its  sentiments,  that  it  cannot  be  shaken  at 
this  moment.    But  suppose  a  series  of  unto 
ward  events  should  occur,  sufficient  to  bring 
into   doubt   the   competency   of   a   republican 
government  to  meet  a  crisis  of  great  danger, 
or  to  unhinge  the  confidence  of  the  people  in 
the  public   functionaries:   an   institution   like 
this,  penetrating  by  its  branches  every  part  of 
the    Union,     acting    by    command     and     in 
phalanx,  may,  in  a  critical  moment,  upset  the 
government..     I    deem    no    government    safe 
which  is  under  the  vassalage  of  any  self-con 
stituted    authorities,   or   any   other   authority 
than  that  of  the  nation,  or  its  regular  func- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bank 


tionaries.  What  an  obstruction  could  not  this 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  with  all  its  branch 
banks,  be  in  time  of  war?  It  might  dictate 
to  us  the  peace  we  should  accept,  or  withdraw 
its  aids.  Ought  we  then  to  give  further 
growth  to  an  institution  so  powerful,  so 
hostile?  That  it  is  so  hostile  we  know:  I, 
from  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  the 
persons  composing  the  body  of  directors  in 
every  bank,  principal  or  branch  ;  and  those  of 
most  of  the  stockholders;  2,  from  their  op 
position  to  the  measures  and  principles  of  the 
government,  and  to  the  election  of  those 
friendly  to  them;  and  3,  from  the  sentiments 
of  the  newspapers  they  support.  Now,  while 
we  are  strong,  it  is  the  greatest  debt  we  owe 
to  the  safety  of  our  Constitution,  to  bring  its 
powerful  enemy  to  a  perfect  subordination 
under  its  authorities.  The  first  measure 
would  be  to  reduce  them  to  an  equal  footing 
only  with  other  banks,  as  to  the  favors  of  the 
government.  But,  in  order  to  be  able  to  meet 
a  general  combination  of  the  banks  against 
us,  in  a  critical  emergency,  could  we  not 
make  a  beginning  towards  an  independent  use 
of  our  own  money,  towards  holding  our  own 
bank  in  all  the  deposits  where  it  is  received, 
and  letting  the  treasurer  give  his  draft  or 
note,  for  payment  at  any  particular  place, 
which,  in  a  well-conducted  government,  ought 
to  have  as  much  credit  as  any  private  draft, 
or  bank  note,  or  bill,  and  would  give  us  the 
same  facilities  which  we  derive  from  •  the 
banks? — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  519.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  284.  (W.,  Dec.  1803.) 

669.  BANK  (U.S.),  Inflation  projects. 
—The  Bank  is  so  firmly  mounted  on  us  that 
we  must  go  where  they   will    guide.     They 
openly  publish  a  resolution,  that  the  national 
property  being  increased  in  value,  they  must 
by  an  increase  of  circulating  medium  furnish 
an  adequate  representation  of  it,  and  by  fur 
ther  additions  of  active  capital  promote  the 
enterprises  of  our  merchants.    It  is  supposed 
that  the  paper  in  circulation  in  and  around 
Philadelphia,  amounts  to  twenty  millions  of 
dollars,  and  that  in  the  whole  Union,  to  one 
hundred    millions. — To   JAMES    MONROE,    iv, 
140.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  80.     (M.,  June  1796.) 

670.  BANK   (IT.   S.),   Regulation    of.— 

The  Attorney  General  having  considered  and 
decided  that  the  prescription  in  the  law  for 
establishing  a  bank,  that  the  officers  in  the 
subordinate  offices  of  discount  and  deposit, 
shall  be  appointed  "  on  the  same  terms  and 
in  the  same  manner  practiced  in  the  principal 
bank,"  does  not  extend  to  them  the  principle 
of  rotation,  established  by  the  Legislature  in 
the  body  of  directors  in  the  principal  bank, 
it  follows  that  the  extension  of  that  principle 
has  been  merely  a  voluntary  and  prudential 
act  of  the  principal  bank,  from  which  they 
are  free  to  depart.  I  think  the  extension  was 
wise  and  proper  on  their  part,  because  the 
Legislature  having  deemed  rotation  useful  in 
the  principal  bank  constituted  by  them,  there 
would  be  the  same  reason  for  it  in  the  sub 
ordinate  banks  to  be  established  by  the  princi 
pal.  It  breaks  in  upon  the  esprit  de  corps 


so  apt  to  prevail  in  permanent  bodies:  it 
gives  a  chance  for  the  public  eye  penetrating 
into  the  sanctuary  of  those  proceedings  and 
practices,  which  the  avarice  of  the  directors 
may  introduce  for  their  personal  emolument, 
and  which  the  resentments  of  excluded  direct 
ors,  or  the  honesty  of  those  duly  admitted, 
might  betray  to  the  public;  and  it  gives  an 
opportunity  at  the  end  of  the  year,  or  at 
other  periods,  of  correcting  a  choice,  which, 
on  trial,  proves  to  have  been  unfortunate:  an 
evil  of  which  themselves  complain  in  their 
distant  institutions.  Whether,  however,  they 
have  a  power  to  alter  this,  or  not,  the  Execu 
tive  has  no  right  to  decide :  and  their  consul 
tation  with  you  has  been  merely  an  act  of 
complaisance,  or  a  desire  to  shield  so  im 
portant  an  innovation  under  the  cover  of  ex 
ecutive  sanction.  But  ought  we  to  volunteer 
our  sanction  in  such  a  case?  Ought  we  to 
disarm  ourselves  of  any  fair  right  of  ani 
madversion,  whenever  that  institution  shall 
be  a  legitimate  subject  of  consideration?  I 
own,  I  think  the  most  proper  answer  would 
be  that  we  do  not  think  ourselves  authorized 
to  give  an  opinion  on  the  question. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  518.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  284. 
(W.,  1803.) 

671.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Richmond  Branch. 
— It  seems  nearly  settled  with  the  Treasuro- 
bankites  that  a  branch  shall  be  established  at 
Richmond.    Could  not  a  counter-bank  be  set 
up  to  befriend  the  agricultural   man  by  let 
ting  him  have  money  on  a  deposit  of  tobacco 
notes,  or  even  wheat,  for  a  short  time,  and 
would  not  such  a  bank  enlist  the  legislature  in 
its  favor,  and  against  the  Treasury  bank? — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  98.     (Pa., 
1792.) 

672.  BANK   (IT.   S.),  Ruin  by.— It  was 
impossible  the  Bank  and  paper  mania  should 
not  produce  great  and  extensive  ruin.     The 
President  is  fortunate  to  get  off  just  as  the 
bubble  is  bursting,  leaving  others  to  hold  the 
bag.     Yet,  as  his  departure  will  mark  the  mo 
ment  when  the  difficulties  begin  to  work,  you 
will  see,  that  they  will  be  ascribed  to  the  new 
administration,    and    that    he    will    have    his 
usual  good  fortune  of  reaping  credit  from  the 
good  acts  of  others,  and  leaving  to  them  that 
of  his  errors. — To  JAMES  MADISON.    FORD  ED., 
vii,  104.      (Jan.    1797.) 

673.  BANK  (IT.   S.),   Saddled    by.— We 

are  completely  saddled  and  bridled,  and  the 
bank  is  so  firmly  mounted  on  us  that  we  must 
go  where  they  will  guide. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  iv,  140.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  80.  (M.,  June 
1796.) 

674.  BANK  (U.  S.),  Subscriptions  to.— 
You  will  have  seen  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  subscriptions  to  the  bank  were  filled.     As 
yet  the  delirium  of  speculation  is  too  strong 
to  admit  sober  reflection.     It  remains  to  be 
seen  whether  in  a  country  whose  capital  is 
too  small  to  carry  on  its  own  commerce,  to 
establish   manufactures,   erect  buildings,   &c., 
such  sums  should  have  been  withdrawn  from 
these  useful  pursuits  to  be  employed  in  gam 
bling?    Whether  it  was  well  judged  to  force 


Bank 
Bankruptcy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


on  the  public  a  paper  circulation  of  so  many 
millions  for  which  they  will  be  paying  about 
7  per  cent,  per  ann.  and  thereby  banish  as 
many  millions  of  gold  and  silver  for  which 
they  would  have  paid  no  interest?  I  am  afraid 
it  is  the  intention  to  nourish  this  spirit  of 
gambling  by  throwing  in  from  time  to  time 
new  aliment. — To  EDMUND  PENDLETON.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  357.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

675. .  The  subscriptions  to  the 

Bank  from  Virginia  were  almost  none.  *  *  * 
This  gives  so  much  uneasiness  to  Colonel 
Hamilton  that  he  thinks  to  propose  to  the 
President  to  sell  some  of  the  public  shares  to 
subscribers  from  Virginia  and  North  Caro 
lina,  if  any  more  should  offer.  This  partial 
ity  would  offend  the  other  States  without 
pleasing  those  two :  for  I  presume  they  would 
rather  the  capitals  of  their  citizens  should  be 
employed  in  commerce  than  be  locked  up  in 
a  strong  box  here  [Philadelphia]  :  nor  can 
sober  thinkers  prefer  a  paper  medium  at  13 
per  cent,  interest  to  gold  and  silver  for  noth 
ing. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  350. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

676. .  The  bank  filled  and  over 
flowed  in  the  moment  it  was  opened.  In 
stead  of  twenty  thousand  shares,  twenty-four 
thousand  were  offered,  and  a  great  many  were 
presented,  who  had  not  suspected  that  so 
much  haste  was  necessary.  Thus  it  is  that  we 
shall  be  paying  13  per  cent,  per  ann.  for  eight 
millions  of  paper  money,  instead  of  having 
that  circulation  of  gold  and  silver  for  noth 
ing.  Experience  has  proved  to  us  that  a 
dollar  of  silver  disappears  for  every  dollar  of 
paper  emitted;  and,  for  the  paper  emitted 
from  the  bank,  seven  per  cent,  profits  will  be 
received  by  the  subscribers  for  it  as  bank 
paper  (according  to  the  last  division  of  profits 
by  the  Philadelphia  bank),  and  six  per  cent, 
on  the  public  paper  of  which  it  is  the  repre 
sentative.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  believe, 
that  either  the  six  millions  of  public  paper, 
or  the  two  millions  of  specie  deposited,  will 
not  be  suffered  to  be  withdrawn,  and  the 
paper  thrown  into  circulation.  The  cash  de 
posited  by  strangers  for  safe  keeping  will 
probably  suffice  for  cash  demands. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iii,  268.  FORD  ED.,  v,  352.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

677.  BANKRUPTCY,       Agriculture, 
Commerce  and.— I  find  you  are  to  be  har 
assed  again  with  a  bankrupt  law.    Could  you 
not  compromise  between  agriculture  and  com 
merce  by  passing  such  a  law  which  like  the 
by-laws  of  incorporate  towns,  should  be  bind 
ing  on  the   inhabitants  of  such  towns  only, 
being  the  residence  of  commerce,  leaving  the 
agriculturists,   inhabitants  of  the  country,  in 
undisturbed    possession    of    the    rights    and 
modes  of  proceedings  to  which  their  habits, 
their    interests    and    their    partialities    attach 
them?     This  would  be  as  uniform  as  other 
laws  of  local  obligation. — To  JAMES  PLEAS- 
ANTS.    FORD  ED.,  x,  198.    (M.,  1821.) 

678.  BANKRUPTCY,   Agriculturists 
and. — A  bankrupt  bill  is  brought  in  in  such  a 
form  as  to  render  almost  all  the  landholders 
south  of  Pennsylvania  liable  to  be  declared 


bankrupts.  Hitherto  we  had  imagined  that  the 
General  Government  could  not  meddle  with 
the  title  to  lands. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  149.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

679. .       The    bankrupt    bill    is 

brought  on  with  some  very  threatening  fea 
tures  to  landed  and  farming  men,  who  are 
in  danger  of  being  drawn  into  its  vortex.  It 
assumes  the  right  of  seizing  and  selling  lands, 
and  so  cuts  the  knotty  question  of  the  Consti 
tution,  whether  the  General  Government  may 
direct  the  transmission  of  land  by  descent  or 
otherwise. — To  JOHN  FRANCIS  MERCER,  iii, 
495.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  148.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

680.  BANKRUPTCY,  English  Law  of. 
— The  British  statute  excepts  expressly  farm 
ers,  graziers,  drovers,  as  such  though  they 
buy  to  sell  again.  This  bill  has  no  such  ex 
ception.  The  British  adjudications  exempt 
the  buyers  and  sellers  of  bank  stock,  govern 
ment  paper,  &c.  What  feelings  guided  the 
draughtsman  [of  this  bill]  in  adhering  to  his 
original  in  this  case  and  then  departing  from 
it  in  the  other?  The  British  courts  adjudge 
that  any  artists  may  be  bankrupts  if  the  ma 
terials  of  their  art  are  bought,  such  as  shoe 
makers,  blacksmiths,  carpenters,  &c.  Will  the 
body  of  our  artists  desire  to  be  brought  within 
the  vortex  of  this  law?  It  will  follow  as  a 
consequence  that  the  master  who  has  an  artist 
of  this  kind  in  his  family,  whether  hired,  in 
dentured,  or  a  slave,  to  serve  the  purposes  of 
his  farm  or  family,  but  who  may  at  leisure 
time  do  something  for  his  neighbors  also,  may 
be  a  bankrupt.  The  British  law  makes  a  de 
parture  from  the  realm,  i.  e.  out  of  the  media 
tion  of  British  law,  an  act  of  bankruptcy. 
This  bill  makes  a  departure  from  the  State 
wherein  he  resides  (though  into  a  neighbor 
ing  one  where  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
run  equally),  an  act  of  bankruptcy.  The 
commissioners  may  enter  houses,  break  open 
doors,  chests  &c.  Are  we  really  ripe  for 
this?  Is  that  spirit  of  independence  and  sov 
ereignty,  which  a  man  feels  in  his  own  house, 
and  which  Englishmen  felt  when  they  denom 
inated  their  houses  their  castles,  to  be  abso 
lutely  subdued,  and  is  it  expedient  that  it 
should  be  subdued?  The  lands  of  the  bank 
rupt  are  to  be  taken,  sold.  Is  not  this  a  pre 
dominant  question  between  the  General  and 
State  legislatures?  Is  commerce  so  much  the 
basis  of  the  existence  of  the  United  States  as 
to  call  for  a  bankrupt  law?  On  the  contrary, 
are  we  not  almost  agricultural  ?  Should  not  all 
laws  be  made  with  a  view  essentially  to  the 
poor  husbandman?  When  laws  are  wanting 
for  particular  descriptions  of  other  callings, 
should  not  the  husbandman  be  carefully  ex 
cused  from  their  operation,  and  preserved  un 
der  that  of  the  general  system  only,  which 
general  system  is  fitted  to  the  condition  of 
the  husbandman?* — NOTES  ON  THE  BANK 
RUPT  BILL,  ix,  431.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  145.  (Dec. 
1792.) 

*  This  paper  is  without  date.  Jefferson  gave  it  this 
caption:  "Extempore  thoughts  and  doubts  on  very 
superficially  running  over  the  bankrupt  bill."  A 
bankrupt  bill,  introduced  in  the  House  in  December, 
1702,  by  W.  L.  Smith,  is  probably  the  one  referred  to. 
—EDITOR. 


73 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Banks 


681.  BANKS,  Abuses  of.— The  crisis  of 
the  abuses  of  banking  is  arrived.  The  banks 
have  pronounced  their  own  sentence  of  death. 
Between  two  and  three  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  of  their  promissory  notes  are  in  the 
hands  of  the  people,  for  solid  produce  and 
property  sold,  and  they  formally  declare  they 
will  not  pay  them.  This  is  an  act  of  bank 
ruptcy,  of  course,  and  will  be  so  pronounced 
by  any  court  before  which  it  shall  be  brought. 
But  cui  bono?  The  laws  can  only  uncover 
their  insolvency,  by  opening  to  its  suitors 
their  empty  vaults.  Thus  by  the  dupery  of 
our  citizens,  and  tame  acquiescence  of  our 
legislators,  the  nation  is  plundered  of  two  or 
three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  treble  the 
amount  of  debt  contracted  in  the  Revolution 
ary  war,  and  which,  instead  of  redeeming  our 
liberty,  has  been  expended  on  sumptuous 
houses,  carriages,  and  dinners.  A  fearful 
tax!  if  equalized  on  all;  but  overwhelming 
and  convulsive  by  its  partial  fall. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  381.  (M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

682. .      Everything  predicted  by 

the  enemies  of  banks,  in  the  beginning,  is  now 
coming  to  pass.  We  are  to  be  ruined  now  by 
the  deluge  of  bank  paper,  as  we  were  formerly 
by  the  old  Continental  paper.  It  is  cruel  that 
such  revolutions  in  private  fortunes  should 
be  at  the  mercy  of  avaricious  adventurers, 
who,  instead  of  employing  their  capital,  if 
any  they  have,  in  manufactures,  commerce, 
and  other  useful  pursuits,  make  it  an  instru 
ment  to  burthen  all  the  interchanges  of  prop 
erty  with  their  swindling  profits,  profits 
which  are  the  price  of  no  useful  industry  of 
theirs.  Prudent  men  must  be  on  their  guard 
in  this  game  of  Robin's  alive,  and  take  care 
that  the  spark  does  not  extinguish  in  their 
hands.  I  am  an  enemy  to  all  banks  discount 
ing  bills  or  notes  for  anything  but  coin.  But 
our  whole  country  is  so  fascinated  by  this 
Jack-lantern  wealth,  that  they  will  not  stop 
short  of  its  total  and  fatal  explosion.* — To 
DR.  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  295.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

683. .  The  enormous  abuses  of 

the  banking  system  are  not  only  prostrating 
our  commerce,  but  producing  revolution  of 
property,  which  without  more  wisdom  than 
we  possess,  will  be  much  greater  than  were 
produced  by  the  Revolutionary  paper.  That, 
too,  had  the  merit  of  purchasing  our  liberties, 
while  the  present  trash  has  only  furnished 
aliment  to  usurers  and  swindlers. — To  RICH 
ARD  RUSH.  FORD  ED.,  x,  133.  (M.,  June 
1819.) 

684.  BANKS,  Aristocracy.— I  hope  we 
shall  *  *  *  crush  in  its  birth  the  aristoc 
racy  of  our  moneyed  corporations,  which  dare 
already  to  challenge  our  government  to  a  trial 
of  strength,  and  bid  defiance  to  the  laws  of 
our  country. — To  GEORGE  LOGAN.  FORD  ED., 
x,  69.  (P.F.,  Nov.  1816.) 

685. .  The  bank  mania  *  *  * 

is  raising  up  a  moneyed  aristocracy  in  our 
country  which  has  already  set  the  govern 
ment  at  defiance,  and  although  forced  at 

*  This  accordingly  took  place  four  years  later. — 
NOTE,  WASHINGTON  EDITION, 


length  to  yield  a  little  on  this  first  essay 
of  their  strength,  their  principles  are  un- 
yielded  and  unyielding.  These  have  taken 
deep  root  in  the  hearts  of  that  class  from 
which  our  legislators  are  drawn,  and  the  sop 
to  Cerberus  from  fable  has  become  history. 
Their  principles  lay  hold  of  the  good,  their 
pelf  of  the  bad,  and  thus  those  whom  the  Con 
stitution  had  placed  as  guards  to  its  portals, 
are  sophisticated  or  suborned  from  their  du 
ties.— To  DR.  J.  B.  STUART,  vii,  64.  (M., 
1817.) 

686.  BANKS,  Capital  and.— At  the  time 
we  were  funding  our  national  debt,  we  heard 
much  about  "  a  public  debt  being  a  public 
blessing  "  ;  that  the  stock  representing  it  was 
a  creation  of  active  capital  for  the  aliment  of 
commerce,  manufactures  and  agriculture. 
This  paradox  was  well  adapted  to  the  minds  of 
believers  in  dreams,  and  the  gulls  of  that  size 
entered  bond  fide  into  it.  But  the  art  and  mys 
tery  of  banks  is  a  wonderful  improvement  on 
that.  It  is  established  on  the  principle  that 
"  private  debts  are  a  public  blessing."  That 
the  evidences  of  those  private  debts,  called 
bank  notes,  become  active  capital,  and  aliment 
the  whole  commerce,  manufactures,  and  agri 
culture  of  the  United  States.  Here  are  a  set 
of  people,  for  instance,  who  have  bestowed  on 
us  the  great  blessing  of  running  in  our  debt 
about  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  with 
out  our  knowing  who  they  are,  where  they 
are,  or  what  property  they  have  to  pay  this 
debt  when  called  on ;  nay,  who  have  made  us 
so  sensible  of  the  blessings  of  letting  them 
run  in  our  debt,  that  we  have  exempted  them 
by  law  from  the  repayment  of  these  debts  be 
yond  a  given  proportion  (generally  estimated 
at  one-third).  And  to  fill  up  the  measure  of 
blessing,  instead  of  paying,  they  receive  an 
interest  on  what  they  owe  from  those  to 
whom  they  owe;  for  all  the  notes,  or  evi 
dences  of  what  they  owe,  which  we  see  In 
circulation,  have  been  lent  to  somebody  on 
an  interest  which  is  levied  again  on  us 
through  the  medium  of  commerce.  And  they 
are  so  ready  still  to  deal  out  their  liberalities 
to  us,  that  they  are  now  willing  to  let  them 
selves  run  in  our  debt  ninety  millions  more, 
on  our  paying  them  the  same  premium  of  six 
or  eight  per  cent,  interest,  and  on  the  same 
legal  exemption  from  the  repayment  of  more 
than  thirty  millions  of  the  debt,  when  it  shall 
be  called  for.  But  let  us  look  at  this  principle 
in  its  original  form,  and  its  copy  will  then  be 
equally  understood.  "A  public  debt  is  a  pub 
lic  blessing."  That  our  debt  was  juggled 
from  forty-three  up  to  eighty  millions,  and 
funded  at  that  amount,  according  to  this  opin 
ion  was  a  great  public  blessing,  because  the 
evidences  of  it  could  be  vested  in  commerce, 
and  thus  converted  into  active  capital,  and 
then  the  more  the  debt  was  made  to  be,  the 
more  active  capital  was  created.  That  is  to 
say,  the  creditors  could  now  employ  in  com 
merce  the  money  due  them  from  the  public, 
and  make  from  it  an  annual  profit  of  five  per 
cent.,  or  four  millions  of  dollars.  But  ob 
serve,  that  the  public  were  at  the  same  time 
paying  on  it  an  interest  of  exactly  the  same 


Banks 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


74 


amount  of  four  millions  of  dollars.  Where, 
then,  is  the  gain  to  either  party,  which  makes 
it  a  public  blessing?  There  is  no  change  in 
the  state  of  things,  but  of  persons  only.  A 
has  a  debt  due  to  him  from  the  public,  of 
which  he  holds  their  certificate  as  evidence, 
and  on  which  he  is  receiving  an  annual  inter 
est.  He  wishes,  however,  to  have  the  money 
itself,  and  to  go  into  business  with  it.  B  has 
an  equal  sum  of  money  in  business,  but  wishes 
now  to  retire,  and  live  on  the  interest.  He 
therefore  gives  it  to  A  in  exchange  for  A's 
certificates  of  public  stock.  Now,  then,  A  has 
the  money  to  employ  in  business,  which  B  so 
employed  before.  B  has  the  money  on  inter 
est  to  live  on,  which  A  lived  on  before ;  and 
the  public  pays  the  interest  to  B  which  they 
paid  to  A  before.  Here  is  no  new  creation  of 
capital,  no  additional  money  employed,  nor 
even  a  change  in  the  employment  of  a  single 
dollar.  The  only  change  is  of  place  between 
A  and  B  in  which  we  discover  no  creation  of 
capital,  nor  public  blessing.  Suppose,  again, 
the  public  to  owe  nothing.  Then  A  not  hav 
ing  lent  his  money  to  the  public,  would  be  in 
possession  of  it  himself,  and  would  go  into 
business  without  the  previous  operation  of 
selling  stock.  Here  again,  the  same  quantity 
of  capital  is  employed  as  in  the  former  case, 
though  no  public  debt  exists.  In  neither  case 
is  there  any  creation  of  active  capital,  nor 
other  difference  than  that  there  is  a  public 
debt  in  the  first  case,  and  none  in  the  last; 
and  we  safely  ask  which  of  the  two  situa 
tions  is  most  truly  a  public  blessing?  If, 
then,  a  public  debt  be  no  public  blessing,  we 
may  pronounce,  a  fortiori,  that  a  private  one 
cannot  be  so.  If  the  debt  which  the  bank 
ing  companies  owe  be  a  blessing  to  anybody, 
it  is  to  themselves  alone,  who  are  realizing  a 
solid  interest  of  eight  or  ten  per  cent,  on  it. 
As  to  the  public,  these  companies  have  ban 
ished  all  our  gold  and  silver  medium,  which, 
before  their  institution,  we  had  without  in 
terest,  which  never  could  have  perished  in 
our  hands,  and  would  have  been  our  salvation 
now  in  the  hour  of  war ;  instead  of  which 
they  have  given  us  two  hundred  millions  of 
froth  and  bubble,  on  which  we  are  to  pay 
them  heavy  interest,  until  it  shall  vanish  into 
air,  as  Morris's  notes  did.  We  are  warranted, 
then,  in  affirming  that  this  parody  on  the  prin 
ciple  of  "  a  public  debt  being  a  public  bless 
ing,"  and  its  mutation  into  the  blessing  of 
private  instead  of  public  debts,  is  as  ridicu 
lous  as  the  original  principle  itself. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  239.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  411.  (M.,  Nov. 
1813.) 

687.  .     Capital  may  be  produced 

by  industry,   and   accumulated  by  economy; 
but  jugglers  only  will  propose  to  create  it  by 
legerdemain    tricks    with    paper. — To    J.    W. 
EPPES.    vi,  241.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  413.    (M.,  Nov. 
1813.) 

688.  BANKS,  Criticism    of.— I    am    too 
desirous  of  tranquillity  to  bring  such  a  nest  of 
hornets  on  me  as  the  fraternity  of  banking 
companies. — To  JOSEPH  C.   CABELL.     vi,  300. 
(M.,  1814.) 


689.  BANKS,    Dangerous. — Banking    es 
tablishments  are  more  dangerous  than  stand 
ing  armies. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR,    vi,  608.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  31.     (M.,  1816.) 

690.  BANKS,     Deposit.— Banks    of    de 
posit,  where  cash  should  be  lodged,  and  a  pa 
per  acknowledgment  taken  out  as  its  repre 
sentative,  entitled  to  a  return  of  the  cash  on 
demand,  would  be  convenient  for  remittances, 
traveling  persons,  &c.     But,  liable  as  its  cash 
would  be  to  be  pilfered  and  robbed,  and  its 
paper  to  be  fraudulently  reissued,  or  issued 
without  deposit,  it  would  require  skilful  and 
strict  regulation.     This  would  differ  from  the 
bank  of  Amsterdam,  in  the  circumstance  that 
the  cash  could  be  redeemed  on  returning  the 
note. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.   vi,  247.    FORD  ED.,  ix, 
417.     (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

691.  BANKS,    Depreciated   Paper   of.— 

Everything  predicted  by  the  enemies  of  banks, 
in  the  beginning,  is  now  coming  to  pass.  We 
are  to  be  ruined  now  by  the  deluge  of  bank 
paper,  as  we  were  formerly  by  the  old  Con 
tinental  paper.  It  is  cruel  that  such  revolu 
tions  in  private  fortunes  should  be  at  the 
mercy  of  avaricious  adventurers,  who,  instead 
of  employing  their  capital,  if  they  have  any,  in 
manufactures,  commerce,  and  other  useful 
pursuits,  make  it  an  instrument  to  burden  all 
the  interchanges  of  property  with  their  swind 
ling  profits,  profits  which  are  the  price  of  no 
useful  industry  of  theirs.  Prudent  men  must 
be  on  their  guard  in  this  game  of  Robin's 
alive,  and  take  care  that  the  spark  does  not 
extinguish  in  their  hands.  I  am  an  enemy 
to  all  banks  discounting  bills  or  notes  for 
anything  but  coin.  But  our  whole  country  is 
so  fascinated  by  this  Jack-lantern  wealth,  that 
they  will  not  stop  short  of  its  total  and  fatal 
explosion. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  295. 
(M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

692. .    Already  there  is  so  much 


of  their  trash  afloat  that  the  great  holders  of 
it  show  vast  anxiety  to  get  rid  of  it.  They 
perceive  that  now,  as  in  the  Revolutionary 
war,  we  are  engaged  in  the  old  game  of  Rob 
in's  alive.  They  are  ravenous  after  lands  and 
stick  at  no  price.  In  the  neighborhood  of 
Richmond,  the  seat  of  that  sort  of  sensibility, 
they  offer  twice  as  much  now  as  they  would 
give  a  year  ago. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  453.  (M.,  Feb.  1814.) 

693. .  The  depreciation  of  bank 

paper  swells  nominal  prices,  without  furnish 
ing  any  stable  index  of  value.  I  will  endeavor 
briefly  to  give  you  an  idea  of  this  state  of 
things  by  an  outline  of  its  history. 

In  1781  we  had  I  bank,  its  capital  $1,000,000. 

In  1791  we  had  6  banks,  their  capital  $13,- 
135,000. 

In  1794  we  had  17  banks,  their  capital  $18,- 
642,000. 

In  1796  we  had  24  banks,  their  capital  $20,- 
472,000. 

In  1803  we  had  34  banks,  their  capital  $29,- 
112,000. 

In  1804  we  had  66  banks,  their  amount  of 
capital  not  known. 


75 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Banks 


And  at  this  time  we  have  probably  one 
hundred  banks,  with  capital  amounting  to 
one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  on  which 
they  are  authorized  by  law  to  issue  notes  to 
three  times  that  amount,  so  that  our  circulating 
medium  may  now  be  estimated  at  from  two 
to  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  on  a 
population  of  eight  and  a  half  millions.  The 
banks  were  able  for  awhile,  to  keep  this  trash 
at  par  with  metallic  money,  or  rather  to  de 
preciate  the  metals  to  a  par  with  their  paper, 
by  keeping  deposits  of  cash  sufficient  to  ex 
change  for  such  of  their  notes  as  they  were 
called  on  to  pay  in  cash.  But  the  circum 
stances  of  the  war  draining  away  all  our 
specie,  all  these  banks  have  stopped  payment, 
but  with  a  promise  to  resume  specie  ex 
changes  whenever  circumstances  shall  produce 
a  return  of  the  metals.  Some  of  the  most 
prudent  and  honest  will  possibly  do  this ;  but 
the  mass  of  them  never  will  nor  can.  Yet, 
having  no  other  medium,  we  take  their  pa 
per,  of  necessity,  for  purposes  of  the  instant, 
but  never  to  lay  by  us.  The  government  is 
now  issuing  treasury  notes  for  circulation, 
bottomed  on  solid  funds,  and  bearing  interest. 
The  banking  confederacy  (and  the  merchants 
bound  to  them  by  their  debts)  will  endeavor 
to  crush  the  credit  of  these  notes ;  but  the 
country  is  eager  for  them,  as  something  they 
can  trust  to,  and  so  soon  as  a  convenient 
quantity  of  them  can  get  into  circulation,  the 
bank  notes  die. — To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  SAY. 
vi,  434.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

694.  BANKS,  Difficulties  caused  by.— 
For  the  emolument  of  a  small  proportion  of 
our   society,   who  prefer  those   demoralizing 
pursuits    [banking  and  commerce]    to  labors 
useful  to  the  whole,  the  peace  of  the  whole 
is   endangered,   and  all   our  present  difficul 
ties  produced. — To  ABBE  SALIMANKIS.  v,  516. 
(M.,  1810.) 

695.   .     The   fatal   possession   of 

the  whole  circulating  medium  by  our  banks, 
the    excess    of   those    institutions,    and    their 
present  discredit,  cause  all  our  difficulties. — 
To  W.  H.  CRAWFORD,    vi,  419.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
503.    (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

696.  BANKS,    Dominion    of.— -The    do 
minion  of  the  banks  must  be  broken,   or   it 
will  break  us. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  409. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  498.     (M.,  Jan.  1815.) 

697.  BANKS,  Dropsical.— I  wish  I  could 
see  Congress  get  into  a  better  train  of  finance. 
Their  banking  projects  are  like  dosing  dropsy 
with   more   water.  *     *    *  Their   new   bank, 
if   not    abortive    at    its    birth,    will    not    last 
through  one  campaign;   and  the  taxes  pro 
posed  cannot  be  paid. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
vi,  400.    (M.,  Nov.  1814.) 

698.  BANKS,   Evils   of.— The   evils   they 
[the  banks]   have  engendered  are  now  upon 
us,  and  the  question  is  how  we  are  to  get  out 
of  them?     Shall  we  build  an  altar  to  the  old 
paper  money  of  the  Revolution,  which  ruined 
individuals  but  saved  the  republic,  and  burn 
on  that  all  the  bank  charters,  present  and  fu 
ture,  and  their  notes  with  them?     For  these 


are  to  ruin  both  republic  and  individuals. 
This  cannot  be  done.  The  mania  is  too 
strong.  It  has  seized  by  its  delusions  and 
corruptions,  all  the  members  of  pur  govern 
ments,  general,  special  and  individual. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  305.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

699.  -  — .    I  think  it  impossible  but 

that  the  whole  system  must  blow  up  before 
the  year  is  out ;  and  thus  a  tax  of  three  or 
four  hundred  millions  will  be  levied  on  our 
citizens  who  had  found  it  a  work  of  so  much 
time  and  labor  to  pay  off  a  debt  of  eighty 
millions  which  had  redeemed  them  from  bond 
age.— To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
453-  (M.,  Feb.  1814.) 

— .  I  see  that  this  infatuation 
of  banks  must  take  its  course,  until  actual  ruin 
shall  awaken  us  from  its  delusions.  Until  the 
gigantic  banking  propositions  of  this  winter 
had  made  their  appearance  in  the  different 
Legislatures,  I  had  hoped  that  the  evil  might 
still  be  checked;  but  I  see  now  that  it  is  des 
perate,  and  that  we  must  fold  our  arms  and 
go  to  the  bottom  with  the  ship. — To  JOSEPH 
C  CABELL.  vi,  300.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

701.  -  _.     The  evils  of  this  deluge 
of  paper  money  are  not  to  be  removed  until 
our  citizens  are  generally  and   radically  in 
structed  in  their  cause  and  consequences,  and 
silence  by  their  authority  the  interested  clam 
ors    and    sophistry    of    speculating,    shaving, 
and  banking  institutions.     Till  then  we  must 
be  content  to  return,  quoad  hoc,  to  the  savage 
state,  to  recur  to  barter  in  the  exchange  of 
our  property,  for  want  of  a  stable,  common 
measure  of  value,  that  now  in  use  being  less 
fixed  than  the  beads  and  wampum  of  the  In 
dian,   and   to   deliver   up   our   citizens,   their 
property  and  their  labor,   passive  victims  to 
the  swindling  tricks  of  bankers  and  mounte- 
bankers. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,    115.     (M. 
1819.) 

702.  BANKS,  Excess  of.— That    we    are 
overdone    with    banking    institutions,    which 
have  banished  the  precious  metals,  and  sub 
stituted  a   more  fluctuating  and   unsafe   me 
dium,  that  these  have  withdrawn  capital  from 
useful    improvements    and    employments    to 
nourish    idleness      *     *     *      are    evils    more 
easily    to    be    deplored    than    remedied. — To 
ABBE  SALIMANKIS.     v,  516.     (M.,  1810.) 

703.  -  — .A   parcel    of    mushroom 
banks  have  set  up  in  every  State,  have  filled 
the  country  with  their  notes,  and  have  thereby 
banished  all  our  specie.     A  twelvemonth  ago 
they  all  declared  they  could  not  pay  cash  for 
their  own  notes,  and  notwithstanding  this  act 
of  bankruptcy,  this  trash  has  of  necessity  been 
passing  among  us,  because  we  have  no  other 
medium  of  exchange,  and  is  still  taken  and 
passed  from  hand  to  hand,  as  you  remember 
the  old  Continental  money  to  have  been  in 
the  Revolutionary  war;  every  one  getting  rid 
of  it  as  quickly  as  he  can,  by  laying  it  out  in 
property  of   any    sort   at   double,    treble   and 
manifold  higher  prices.     *     *     *     A  general 
crush  is  daily  expected  when  this  trash  will 
be  lost  in  the  hands  of  the  holders.    This  will 
take  place  the  moment  some  specie   returns 


Banks 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


76 


among  us,  or  so  soon  as  the  government  will 
issue  bills  of  circulation.  The  little  they  have 
issued  is  greatly  sought  after,  and  a  premium 
given  for  them  which  is  rising  fast. — To 
PHILLIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  524.  (M., 
Aug.  1815.) 

704.  BANKS,  Failures  of.— The  failure 
of  our  banks  will  occasion  embarrassment  for 
awhile,  although  it  restores  to  us  a  fund 
which  ought  never  to  have  been  surrendered 
by  the  nation,  and  which  now,  prudently  used, 
will  carry  us  through  all  the  fiscal  difficulties 
of  the  war. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi,  386. 
(M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

705. .  The  banks  have  discon 
tinued  themselves.  We  are  now  without  any 
medium ;  and  necessity,  as  well  as  patriotism, 
and  confidence,  will  make  us  all  eager  to  re 
ceive  treasury  notes,  if  founded  on  specific 
taxes.  Congress  may  now  borrow  of  the  pub 
lic,  and  without  interest,  all  the  money  they 
may  want,  to  the  amount  of  a  competent  cir 
culation,  by  merely  issuing  their  own  promis 
sory  notes,  of  proper  denominations  for  the 
larger  purposes  of  circulation,  but  not  for  the 
small.  Leave  that  door  open  for  the  entrance 
of  metallic  money. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi, 
382.  (M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

706. .  Providence  seems,  in 
deed,  by  a  special  dispensation,  to  have  put 
down  for  us,  without  a  struggle,  that  very 
paper  enemy  which  the  interest  of  our  citi 
zens  long  since  required  ourselves  to  put 
down,  at  whatever  risk.  The  work  is  done. 
The  moment  is  pregnant  with  futurity,  and 
if  not  seized  at  once  by  Congress,  I  know  not 
on  what  shoal  our  bark  is  next  to  be  stranded. 
— To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  382.  (M.,  Sep. 
1814.) 

707.    -  _.     The   crush    will    be   tre 

mendous  ;  very  different  from  that  brought 
on  by  our  paper  money.  That  rose  and  fell 
so  gradually  that  it  kept  all  on  their  guard, 
and  affected  severely  only  early  or  long- 
winded  contracts.  Here  the  contract  of  yester 
day  crushes  in  an  instant  the  one  or  the  other 
party.  The  banks  stopping  payment  suddenly, 
all  their  mercantile  and  city  debtors  do  the 
same;  and  all,  in  short,  except  those  in  the 
country,  who,  possessing  property,  will  be 
good  in  the  end.  But  this  resource  will  not 
enable  them  to  pay  a  cent  on  the  dollar. — 
To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  381.  (M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

708. .    The  paper  interest  is  now 

defunct.  Their  gossamer  castles  are  dis 
solved,  and  they  can  no  longer  impede  and 
overawe  the  salutary  measures  of  the  govern 
ment.  Their  paper  was  received  on  a  belief 
that  it  was  cash  on  demand.  Themselves 
have  declared  it  was  nothing,  and  such 
scenes  are  now  to  take  place  as  will  open  the 
eyes  of  credulity  and  of  insanity  itself  to  the 
dangers  of  a  paper  medium,  abandoned'  to 
the  discretion  of  avarice  and  of  swindlers.  It 
is  impossible  not  to  deplore  our  past  follies, 
and  their  present  consequences,  but  let  them 
at  least  be  warnings  against  like  follies  in 
future. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  382.  (M., 
Sep.  1814.) 


709.  BANKS,    Fictitious    Capital.— The 
banks  themselves  were  doing  business  on  cap 
itals,   three-fourths  of  which  were  fictitious; 
and  to  extend  their  profit  they  furnished  ficti 
tious  capital  to  every  man,  who  having  noth 
ing    and    disliking   the    labors    of    the    plow, 
chose  rather  to  call  himself  a  merchant,  to 
set  up  a  house  of  $5,000  a  year  expense,  to 
dash   into   every   species   of  mercantile  gam 
bling,   and   if  that   ended   as   gambling   gen 
erally  does,  a  fraudulent  bankruptcy  was  an 
ultimate   resource  of  retirement  and  compe 
tence.    This  fictitious  capital,  probably  of  one 
hundred  millions  of  dollars,  is  now  to  be  lost, 
and  to  fall  on  somebody ;  it  must  take  on  those 
who  have  property  to  meet  it,  and  probably 
on  the  less  cautious  part,  who,  not  aware  of 
the     impending     catastrophe     have     suffered 
themselves  to  contract,  or  to  be  in  debt,  and 
must  now  sacrifice  their  property  of  a  value 
many  times  the  amount  of  their  debt.     We 
have   been   truly   sowing   the   wind,    and   are 
now  reaping  the  whirlwind.     If  the  present 
crisis  should  end  in  the  annihilation  of  these 
pennyless  and  ephemeral  interlopers  only,  and 
reduce  our  commerce  to  the  measure  of  dur 
own  wants   and   surplus   productions,   it  will 
be  a  benefit  in  the  end.   But  how  to  effect  this, 
and  give  time  to  real  capital,  and  the  holders 
of  real  property,  to  back  out  of  their  entan 
glements  by  degrees  requires  more  knowledge 
of  political  economy  than  we  possess.     I  be 
lieve  it  might  be  done,  but  I  despair  of  its 
being  done.     The  eyes  of  our  citizens  are  not 
sufficiently  open  to  the  true  cause  of  our  dis 
tress.     They  ascribe  them  to  everything  but 
their  true  cause,  the  banking  system ;  a  sys 
tem,  which,  if  it  could  do  good  in  any  form, 
is  yet  so  certain  of  leading  to  abuse,  as  to  be 
utterly    incompatible    with    the   public    safety 
and  prosperity.     At  present,  all  is  confusion, 
uncertainty  and  panic. — To  RICHARD  RUSH. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  133.     (M.,  June  1819.) 

710.  BANKS,      Government      Deposits 
and. — The  application  of  the  Bank  of  Balti 
more  is  of  great  importance.     The  considera 
tion  is  very  weighty  that  it  is  held  by  citizens, 
while  the  stock  of  the  United  States  bank  is 
held  in  so  great  a  proportion  by  foreigners. 
Were  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to  swal 
low  up  the  others  and  monopolize  the  whole 
banking  business  of  the  United  States,  which 
the    demands    we    furnish    them    with    tend 
shortly  to  favor,  we  might,  on  a  misunder 
standing  with  a  foreign  power,  be  immensely 
embarrassed  by  any  disaffection  in  that  bank. 
It  is  certainly  for  the  public  good  to  keep  all 
the  banks  competitors  for  our  favors  by  a  ju 
dicious  distribution  of  them,  and  thus  to  en 
gage  the  individuals  who  belong  to  them  in 
the  support  of  the  reformed  order  of  things, 
or  at   least  in   an   acquiescence  under   it.     I 
suppose  that,  on  the  condition  of  participating 
in  the  deposits,  the  banks  would  be  willing  to 
make    such   communications    of   their   opera 
tions  and  the  state  of  their  affairs  as  might 
satisfy  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  their 
stability.   It  is  recommended  to  Mr.  Gallatin 
to  leave  such  an  opening  in  his  answer  to  this 
letter,  as  to  leave  us  free  to  do  hereafter  what 


77 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Banks 


shall  be  advisable  on  a  broad  view  of  all  the 
banks  in  the  different  parts  of  the  Union. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  172.  (Oct 
1802.) 

711. .    As  to  the  patronage  of 

the  Republican  Bank  at  Providence,  I  am  de 
cidedly  in  favor  of  making  all  the  banks  re 
publican,  by  sharing  deposits  with  them  in 
proportion  to  the  dispositions  they  show.  If 
the  law  now  forbids  it,  we  should  not  permit 
another  session  of  Congress  to  pass  without 
amending  it.  It  is  material  to  the  safety  of 
republicanism  to  detach  the  mercantile  in 
terest  from  its  enemies  and  incorporate  them 
into  the  body  of  its  friends. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  252.  (July  1803.) 

712.  BANKS,    Jefferson's    disapproba 
tion  of  Paper. — My  original  disapprobation 
of  banks  circulating  paper   is  not  unknown, 
nor  have  I  since  observed  any  effects  either  on 
the  morals  or  fortunes  of  our  citizens,  which 
are  any  counter  balance  for  the  public  evils 
produced. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.     vi,  203.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  402.     (P.F.,    Sep.  1813.) 

713.  -  _.     The  toleration  of  banks 
of  paper-discount  costs  the  United  States  one 
half    their    war    taxes;    or,    in    other    words, 
doubles  the  expense  of  every  war. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.     vi,  201.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  400.       (P.F., 
Sep.  1813.) 

714.  .    From    the    establishment 

of  the  United  States  Bank  to  this  day,  I  have 
preached  against  this  system,  and  have  been 
sensible  no  cure  could  be  hoped,  but  in  the 
catastrophe     now     happening. — To    THOMAS 
COOPER,    vi,  381.     (M.,  1814.) 

715. .  I  have  ever  been  the  en 
emy  of  banks,  not  of  those  discounting  for 
cash,  but  of  those  foisting  their  own  paper 
into  circulation,  and  thus  banishing  our  cash. 
My  zeal  against  those  institutions  was  so 
warm  and  open  at  the  establishment  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  that  I  was  derided 
as  a  maniac  by  the  tribe  of  bank-mongers, 
who  were  seeking  to  filch  from  the  public 
their  swindling  and  barren  gains. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  305.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

716.    .    I    am    an    enemy    to    all 

banks  discounting  bills  or  notes  for  anything 
but  coin. — To  DR.  THOMAS  COOPER,    vi,  295. 
(M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

717.   .    The    system   of   banking 

we  have  both   equally  and  ever   reprobated. 
I  contemplate  it  as  a  blot  left  in  all  our  con 
stitutions,  which,  if  not  covered,  will  end  in 
their  destruction,  which  is  already  hit  by  the 
gamblers  in  corruption,  and  is  sweeping  away 
in  its  progress  the  fortunes  and  morals  of  our 
citizens. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR,     vi,  605.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  28.     (M.,  May  1816.) 

718.   .    I   do   not   know    whether 

you  may  recollect  how  loudly  my  voice  was 
raised  against  the  establishment  of  banks  in 
the  beginning ;  but  like  that  of  Cassandra  it 
was  not  listened  to.     I  was  set  down  as  a 
madman  by  those  who  have  since  been  vic 
tims  to  them.    I  little  thought  then  how  much 


I  was  to  suffer  by  them  myself;  for  I,  too,  am 
taken  in  by  endorsements  for  a  friend  to  the 
amount  of  $20,000,  for  the  payment  of  which 
I  shall  have  to  make  sale  of  that  much  of  my 
property.  And  yet  the  general  revolution  of 
fortunes,  which  these  instruments  have  pro 
duced,  seems  not  at  all  to  have  cured  our 
country  of  this  mania. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  254.  (May  1823.) 

719.  BANKS,  Mania  for.— We  are  un 
done  if  this  banking  mania  be  not  suppressed. 
Aut  Carthago,  out  Roma  delcnda  cst. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  498.  (M.,  Oct.  1815.) 

720. .     The  mania    *    *    *     has 

seized,  by  its  delusions  and  corruptions,  all 
the  members  of  our  governments,  general, 
special,  and  individual. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  306.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

721. .    Knowing    well    that    the 

Bank  mania  still  possessed  the  great  body  of 
our  countrymen,  it  was  not  expected  that  any 
radical  cure  of  that  could  be  at  once  effected. 
We  must  go  further  wrong,  probably  to  a  ne 
plus  ultra  before  we  shall  be  forced  into  what 
is  right.     Something  will  be  obtained  how 
ever,  if  we  can  excite,  in  those  who  think, 
doubt  first,  reflection  next,  and  conviction  at 
last. — To  JOSEPH   C.   CABELL.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
499-     (M.,  1815.) 

722.  -  — .     Like     a    dropsical     man 
calling  out  for  water,  water,  our  deluded  cit 
izens   are   clamoring   for   more   banks,   more 
banks.     The  American  mind  is  now  in  that 
state  of  fever  which  the  world  has  so  often 
seen  in  the  history  of  other  nations.    We  are 
under  the  bank  bubble,  as  England  was  under 
the  South  Sea  bubble,  France  under  the  Mis 
sissippi  bubble,  and  as  every  nation  is  liable  to 
be,  under  whatever  bubble,  design  or  delusion 
may  puff  up  in  moments  when  off  their  guard. 
—To  CHARLES  YANCEY.     vi,  515.     FORD  ED., 
x,  2.     (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

723.  -  — .    This  infatuation  of  banks 
is  a  torrent  which  it  would  be  a  folly  for  me 
to  get  in  the  way  of.    I  see    that  it  must  take 
its  course,  until  actual  ruin  shall  awaken  us 
from  its  delusions. — To  JOSEPH   C.   CABELL. 
vi,  300.     (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

724.  BANKS,  Monopoly.— The  monopoly 
of  a  single  bank  is  certainly  an  evil.     The 
multiplication  of  them  was  intended  to  cure 
it ;  but  it  multiplied  an  influence  of  the  same 
character  with  the  first,  and  completed  the 
supplanting  of  the  precious  metals  by  a  paper 
circulation.    Between  such  parties  the  less  we 
meddle    the    better.— To    ALBERT    GALLATIN. 
iv,  446.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  158.     (W.,  1802.) 

725.  BANKS,   Paper.— Interdict    forever, 
to  both  the  State  and  National  governments 
the  power  of  establishing  any  paper  bank;  for 
without   this   interdiction   we   shall   have  the 
same  ebbs  and  flows  of  medium,  and  the  same 
revolutions  of  property  to  go  through  every 
twenty  or  thirty  years. — To  W.  C.  RIVES,  vii, 
147.    FORD  ED.,  x,  151.     (M.,  1819.) 

726.  BANKS,  Power  to  establish.— The 
States  should  be  applied  to,  to  transfer  the 


Banks 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


78 


right  of  issuing  circulating  paper  to  Congress 
exclusively,  in  perpetuum,  if  possible,  but  dur 
ing  the  war  at  least,  with  a  saving  of  charter 
rights. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  140.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  393.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

727.  -  — .      The    States    should    be 

urged  to  concede  to  the  General  Government, 
with  a  saving  of  chartered  rights,  the  exclu 
sive  power  of  establishing  banks  of  discount 
for  paper. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  427.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  417.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

728. .    I    still    believe     that     on 

proper  representations  of  the  subject,  a  great 
proportion  of  the  Legislatures  would  cede  to 
Congress  their  power  of  establishing  banks, 
saving  the  charter  rights  already  granted. 
And  this  should  be  asked,  not  by  way  of 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  because  until 
three-fourths  should  consent,  nothing  could 
be  done ;  but  accepted  from  them  one  by  one, 
singly,  as  their  consent  might  be  obtained. 
Any  single  State,  even  if  no  other  should 
come  into  the  measure,  would  find  its  interest 
in  arresting  foreign  bank  paper  immediately, 
and  its  own  by  degrees.  Specie  would  flow 
in  on  them  as  paper  disappeared.  Their  own 
banks  would  call  in  and  pay  off  their  notes 
gradually,  and  their  constituents  would  thus 
be  saved  from  the  general  wreck.  Should  the 
greater  part  of  the  States  concede,  as  is  ex 
pected,  their  power  over  banks  to  Congress, 
besides  insuring  their  own  safety,  the  paper  of 
the  non-conceding  States  might  be  so  checked 
and  circumscribed,  by  prohibiting  its  receipt 
in  any  of  the  conceding  States,  and  even  in 
the  non-conceding  as  to  duties,  taxes,  judg 
ments,  or  other  demands  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  the  citizens  of  other  States,  that 
it  would  soon  die  of  itself,  and  the  me 
dium  of  gold  and  silver  be  universally  re 
stored.  This  is  what  ought  to  be  done.  But 
it  will  not  be  done.  Carthago  non  delibi- 
tur.  The  overbearing  clamor  of  merchants, 
speculators,  and  projectors,  will  drive  us  be 
fore  them  with  our  eyes  open,  until,  as  in 
France,  under  the  Mississippi  bubble,  our  cit 
izens  will  be  overtaken  by  the  crash  of  this 
baseless  fabric,  without  other  satisfaction  than 
that  of  execrations  on  the  heads  of  those  func 
tionaries,  who,  from  ignorance,  pusillanimity 
or  corruption,  have  betrayed  the  fruits  of 
their  industry  into  the  hands  of  projectors 
and  swindlers. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  245. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  415.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

729.  -  — .     The      State      Legislature 
should  be  immediately  urged  to  relinquish  the 
right  of  establishing  banks  of  discount.    Most 
of  them  will  comply,  on  patriotic  principles, 
under  the  convictions  of  the  moment  and  the 
non-complying  may  be  crowded  into  concur 
rence    by    legitimate    devices. — To   THOMAS 
COOPER,    vi,  382.     (M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

730.   .     I   do  not   remember   the 

conversation  between  us  which  you  mention 
*     *     *    on  your  proposition  to  vest  in  Con 
gress    the    exclusive    power    of    establishing 
banks.     My  opposition  to  it  must  have  been 

§  rounded,  not  on  taking  the  power  from  the 
tafes,  but  on  leaving  any  vestige  of  it  in  ex 


istence,  even  in  the  hands  of  Congress,  be 
cause  it  would  only  have  been  a  change  of 
the  organ  of  abuse. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
305.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

731.  BANKS,   Precautions  against.-— In 
order  to  be  able  to  meet  a  general  combination 
of  the  banks  against  us,   in  a  critical  emer 
gency,  could  we  not  make  a  beginning  to 
wards  an  independent  use  of  our  own  money, 
towards  holding  our  own  bank  in  all  the  de 
posits  where  it  is   received,   and  letting  the 
treasurer  give  his  draft  or  note,  for  payment 
at  any  particular  place,  which,  in  a  well-con 
ducted  government,  ought  to  have  as  much 
credit  as  any  private  draft,  or  bank  note,  or 
bill,   and   would   give   us   the   same   facilities 
which  we  derive  from  the  banks. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.    v,  520.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  285.     (W., 
Dec.  1803.) 

732.  BANKS,  Private  Fortunes  and.-— 
Private  fortunes,  in  the  present  state  of  our 
circulation,   are  at  the   mercy  of   those   self- 
created  money-lenders,  and  are  prostrated  by 
the  floods  of  nominal  money  with  which  their 
avarice  deluges  us.     He  who  lent  his  money 
to  the  public  or  to  an  individual,  before  the 
institution  of  the  United  States  Bank,  twenty 
years  ago,   when  wheat   was  well   sold  at  a 
dollar  the  bushel,  and  receives  now  his  nom 
inal    sum    when    it    sells   at   two    dollars,    is 
cheated  of  half  his  fortune;  and  by  whom  ? 
By  the  banks,  which,  since  that,  have  thrown 
into  circulation  ten  dollars  of  their  nominal 
money  where  there  was  one  at  that  time. — To 
JOHN  W.  EPPES.    vi,    142.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  394. 
(M.,  June  1813.) 

733. .  It  is  cruel  that  such  revo 
lutions  in  private  fortunes  should  be  at  the 
mercy  of  avaricious  adventurers,  who  in 
stead  of  employing  their  capital,  if  any  they 
have,  in  manufactures,  commerce,  and  other 
useful  pursuits,  make  it  an  instrument  to  bur 
den  all  the  interchanges  of  property  with  their 
swindling  profits,  profits  which  are  the  price 
of  no  useful  industry  of  theirs. — To  DR. 
THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  295.  (M.,  1814.) 

734. .    The  flood  of  paper  money 

had  produced  an  exaggeration  of  nominal 
prices,  and  at  the  same  time  a  facility  of  ob 
taining  money,  which  not  only  encouraged 
speculations  on  fictitious  capital,  but  seduced 
those  of  real  capital,  even  in  private  life,  to 
contract  debts  too  freely.  Had  things  con 
tinued  in  the  same  course,  these  might  have 
been  manageable ;  but  the  operations  of  the 
United  States  bank  for  the  demolition  of  the 
State  banks  obliged  these  suddenly  to  call  in 
more  than  half  their  paper,  crushed  all  ficti 
tious  and  doubtful  capital,  and  reduced  the 
prices  of  property  and  produce  suddenly  to 
one-third  of  what  they  had  been. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  176.  (M.,  Dec.  1820.) 

735.  BANKS,  Scarcity  of  Medium  and. 

— Instead  of  yielding  to  the  cries  of  scarcity 
of  medium  set  up  by  speculators,  projectors 
and  commercial  gamblers,  no  endeavors 
should  be  spared  to  begin  the  work  of  reduc 
ing  it  by  such  gradual  means  as  may  give 


79 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


time  to  private  fortunes  to  preserve  their 
poise,  and  settle  down  with  the  subsiding 
medium. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  246.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  417.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

736. .    We  are  called  on  to  add 

ninety  millions  more  to  the  circulation.  Pro 
ceeding  in  this  career,  it  is  infallible,  that  we 
must  end  where  the  Revolutionary  paper 
ended.  Two  hundred  millions  was  the  whole 
amount  of  all  the  emissions  of  the  old  Con 
gress,  at  which  point  their  bills  ceased  to  cir 
culate.  We  are  now  at  that  sum,  but  with 
treble  the  population,  and  of  course  a  longer 
tether.  Our  depreciation  is.  as  yet,  but  about 
two  for  one.  Owing  to  the  support  its  credit 
receives  from  the  small  reservoirs  of  specie  in 
the  vaults  of  the  banks,  it  is  impossible  to  say 
at  what  point  their  notes  will  stop.  Nothing 
is  necessary  to  effect  it  but  a  general  alarm; 
and  that  may  take  place  whenever  the  public 
shall  begin  to  reflect  on,  and  perceive  the  im 
possibility  that  the  banks  should  repay  this 
sum.  At  present,  caution  is  inspired  no 
farther  than  to  keep  prudent  men  from  selling 
property  on  long  payments.  Let  us  suppose 
the  panic  to  arise  at  three  hundred  millions,  a 
point  to  which  every  session  of  the  Legis 
lature  hastens  us  by  long  strides.  Nobody 
dreams  that  they  would  have  three  hundred 
millions  of  specie  to  satisfy  the  holders  of 
their  notes.  Were  they  even  to  stop  now,  no 
one  supposes  they  have  two  hundred  millions 
in  cash,  or  even  the  sixty-six  and  two-third 
millions,  to  which  amount  alone  the  law  com 
pels  them  to  repay.  One  hundred  and  thirty- 
three  and  one-third  millions  of  loss,  then,  is 
thrown  on  the  public  by  law;  and  as  to  the 
sixty-six  and  two-thirds,  which  they  are  legally 
bound  to  pay,  and  ought  to  have  in  their 
vaults,  every  one  knows  there  is  no  such 
amount  of  cash  in  the  United  States,  and 
what  would  be  the  course  with  what  they 
really  have  there?  Their  notes  are  refused. 
Cash  is  called  for.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
banking  towns  will  get  what  is  in  the  vaults, 
until  a  few  banks  declare  their  insolvency ; 
when,  the  general  crush  becoming  evident, 
the  others  will  withdraw  even  the  cash  they 
have,  declare  their  bankruptcy  at  once,  and 
have  an  empty  house  and  empty  coffers  for 
the  holders  of  their  notes.  In  this  scramble 
of  creditors,  the  country  gets  nothing,  the 
towns  but  little.  What  are  they  to  do?  Bring 
suits?  A  million  of  creditors  bring  a  million 
of  suits  against  John  Nokes  and  Robert 
Styles,  wheresoever  to  be  found?  All  non 
sense.  The  loss  is  total.  And  a  sum  is  thus 
swindled  from  our  citizens,  of  seven  times 
the  amount  of  the  real  debt,  and  four  times 
that  of  the  fictitious  one  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  close  of  the  war.  All  this  they  will 
justly  charge  on  their  Legislatures ;  but  this 
will  be  poor  satisfaction  for  the  two  or  three 
hundred  millions  they  will  have  lost.  It  is 
time,  then,  for  the  public  functionaries  to  look 
to  this.  Perhaps  it  may  not  be  too  late.  Per 
haps,  by  giving  time  to  the  banks,  they  may 
call  in  and  pay  off  their  paper  by  deerrees. 
But  no  remedy  is  ever  to  be  expected  while 
it  rests  with  the  State  Legislatures.  Personal 


motive  can  be  excited  through  so  many  ave 
nues  to  their  will,  that,  in  their  hands,  it  will 
continue  to  go  on  from  bad  to  worse,  until 
the  catastrophe  overwhelms  us.  —  To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  243.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  414.  (M.,  Nov. 
1813.) 


—  .    Our  circulating  paper  of 

the  last  year  was  estimated  at  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.  The  new  banks  now 
petitioned  for,  to  the  several  Legislatures,  are 
for  about  sixty  millions  additional  capital,  and 
of  course  one  hundred  and  eighty  millions 
of  additional  circulation,  nearly  doubling  that 
of  the  last  year,  and  raising  the  whole  mass 
to  near  four  hundred  millions,  or  forty  for 
one,  of  the  wholesome  amount  of  circulation 
for  a  population  of  eight  millions  circum 
stanced  as  we  are,  and  you  remember  how 
rapidly  our  money  went  down  after  our  forty 
for  one  establishment  in  the  Revolution.  I 
doubt  if  the  present  trash  can  hold  as  long. 
I  think  the  three  hundred  and  eighty  mil 
lions  must  blow  all  up  in  the  course  of  the 
present  year,  or  certainly  it  will  be  consum 
mated  by  the  reduplication  to  take  place  of 
course  at  the  legislative  meetings  of  the  next 
winter.  Should  not  prudent  men,  who  pos 
sess  stock  in  any  moneyed  institution,  either 
draw  and  hoard  the  cash  now  while  they  can, 
or  exchange  it  for  canal  stock,  or  such  other 
as  being  bottomed  on  immovable  property 
will  remain  unhurt  by  the  crush?  —  To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  306.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

738.  -  --  .  —  .     Two  hundred  millions  in 
actual  circulation  and  two  hundred  millions 
more  likely  to  be  legitimated  by  the  legislative 
sessions   of   this    winter,   will   give   us   about 
forty    times    the    wholesome    circulation    for 
eight  millions  of  people.    When  the  new  emis 
sions  get  out,  our  legislatures  will  see,  what 
they  otherwise  cannot  believe,  that  it  is  pos 
sible  to  have  too  much  money.  —  To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON.   FORD  ED.,  ix,  453.     (M.,  Feb.  1814.) 

739.  -  —  .     The  evils  of  this  deluge 
of  paper  money  are  not  to  be  removed,  until 
our  citizens  are  generally  and   radicallv  in 
structed    in    their   course   and    consequences, 
and  silence  by  their  authority  the  interested 
clamors  and   sophistry  of   speculating,   shav 
ing,  and  banking  institutions.     Till  then  we 
must  be  content  to  return,  quoad  hoc,  to  the 
savage  state,  to  recur  to  barter  in  the  ex 
change  of  our  property,   for  the  want  of  a 
stable,  common  measure  of  value,  that  now  in 
use    being    less    fixed    than    the    beads    and 
wampum  of  the  Indian,  and  to  deliver  up  our 
citizens,  their  property  and  their  labor,  pas 
sive  victims  to  the  swindling  tricks  of  bankers 
and  mountebankers.  —  To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii, 
115.      (M.,    1819.) 

740.  BANKS,  Sound  Money.—  But,  it  will 
be  asked,  are  we  to  have  no  banks  ?    Are  mer 
chants  and  others  to  be  deprived  of  the  re 
source  of  short  accommodations,  found  so  con 
venient?     I  answer,  let  us  have  banks;  but 
let  them  be  such  as  are  alone  to  be  found  in 
any  country  on  earth,  except  Great  Britain. 
There  is  not  a  bank  of  discount  on  the  con- 


Banks 
Barbary  States 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


80 


tinent  of  Europe  (at  least  there  was  not  one 
when  I  was  there),  which  offers  anything 
but  cash  in  exchange  for  discounted  bills. 
No  one  has  a  natural  right  to  the  trade  of  a 
money  lender,  but  he  who  has  the  money  to 
lend.  Let  those  then  among  us,  who  have  a 
moneyed  capital,  and  who  prefer  employing 
it  in  loans  rather  than  otherwise,  set  up 
banks,  and  give  cash  or  national  bills  for  the 
notes  they  discount.  Perhaps,  to  encourage 
them,  a  larger  interest  than  is  legal  in  the 
other  cases  might  be  allowed  them,  on  the 
condition  of  their  lending  for  short  periods 
only.  It  is  from  Great  Britain  we  copy  the 
idea  of  giving  paper  in  exchange  for  dis 
counted  bills ;  and  while  we  have  derived 
from  that  country  some  good  principles  of 
government  and  legislation,  we  unfortunately 
run  into  the  most  servile  imitations  of  all  her 
practices,  ruinous  as  they  prove  to  her,  and 
with  the  gulf  yawning  before  us  into  which 
these  very  practices  are  precipitating  her. — 
To  JOHN  W.  EPPES.  vi,  141.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
394.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

741. .  Let  banks  continue  if 

they  please,  but  let  them  discount  for  cash 
alone  or  for  treasury  notes.  They  discount 
for  cash  alone  in  every  other  country  on 
earth  except  Great  Britain,  and  her  too  often 
unfortunate  copyist,  the  United  States.  If 
taken  in  time  they  may  be  rectified  by  degrees, 
but  if  let  alone  till  the  alternative  forces  it 
self  on  us,  of  submitting  to  the  enemy  for 
want  of  funds,  or  the  suppression  of  bank 
paper,  either  by  law  or  by  convulsion,  we  can 
not  foresee  how  it  will  end. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
vi,  199.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  399.  (P.  F.,  Sept. 
1813-) 

742. .  To  the  existence  of  banks 

of  discount  for  cash,  as  on  the  continent  of 
Europe,  there  can  be  no  objection,  because 
there  can  be  no  danger  of  abuse,  and  they 
are  a  convenience  both  to  merchants  and  in 
dividuals.  I  think  they  should  even  be  en 
couraged,  by  allowing  them  a  larger  than 
legal  interest  on  short  discounts,  and  tapering 
thence  in  proportion  as  the  term  of  discount 
is  lengthened,  down  to  legal  interest  on  those 
of  a  year  or  more. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  247. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  417.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

743.  BANKS,  Suspend  Specie  Pay 
ments. — The  paper  bubble  is  burst.  This  is 
what  you  and  I,  and  every  reasoning  man. 
seduced  by  no  obliquity  of  mind  or  interest, 
have  long  foreseen.  We  were  laboring  under 
a  dropsical  fulness  of  circulating  medium. 
Nearly  all  of  it  is  now  called  in  by  the  banks, 
who  have  the  regulation  of  the  safety-valves 
of  our  fortunes,  and  who  condense  and  ex 
plode  them  at  their  will.  Lands  in  this  State 
[Virginia"!  cannot  now  be  sold  for  a  year's 
rent;  and  unless  our  Legislature  have  wis 
dom  enough  to  effect  a  remedy  by  a  gradual 
diminution  only  of  the  medium,  there  will 
be  a  general  revolution  of  property  in  this 
State.  Over  our  own  paper  and  that  of  other 
States  coming  among  us,  they  have  competent 
powers ;  over  that  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  there  is  doubt,  not  here,  but  elsewhere. 


That  bank  will  probably  conform  voluntarily 
to  such  regulations  as  the  Legislature  may 
prescribe  for  the  others.  If  they  do  not,  we 
must  shut  their  doors,  and  join  the  other 
States  which  deny  the  right  of  Congress  to 
establish  banks,  and  solicit  them  to  agree  to 
some  mode  of  settling  this  constitutional 
question.  They  have  themselves  twice  de 
cided  against  their  right,  and  twice  for  it. 
Many  of  the  States  have  been  uniform  in 
denying  it,  and  between  such  parties  the  Con 
stitution  has  provided  no  umpire. — To  JOHN- 
ADAMS,  vii,  142.  FORD  ED.,  x,  147.  (M., 
Nov.  1819.)  See  MONEY  and  PAPER  MONEY. 

744.  BANNEKER   (Benjamin),  Talents 

of. — We  have  now  in  the  United  States  a 
negro,  the  son  of  a  black  man  born  in  Africa, 
and  a  black  woman  born  in  the  United  States, 
who  is  a  very  respectable  mathematician.  I 
procured  him  to  be  employed  under  one  of  our 
chief  directors  in  laying  out  the  new  Federal 
city  on  the  Potomac,  and  in  the  intervals  of 
his  leisure,  while  on  that  work,  he  made  an 
almanac  for  the  next  year,  which  he  sent  me 
in  his  own  handwriting,  and  which  I  enclose  to 
you.  I  have  seen  very  elegant  solutions  of 
geometrical  problems  by  him.  Add  to  this  that 
he  is  a  very  worthy  and  respectable  member  of 
society.  He  is  a  free  man.  I  shall  be  delighted 
to  see  these  instances  of  moral  eminence  so 
multiplied  as  to  prove  that  the  want  of  talents, 
observed  in  them,  is  merely  the  effect  of  their 
degraded  condition,  and  not  proceeding  from 
any  difference  in  the  structure  of  the  parts  on 
which  intellect  depends. — To  MARQUIS  DE  CON- 
DORCET.  FORD  EDV  v,  379.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

745.  BARBARISM,  America    and.— We 

are  destined  to  be  a  barrier  against  the  re 
turn  of  ignorance  and  barbarism. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  27.  (M.,  1816.) 

746.  BARBARISM,  End  to.— Barbarism 

*  *  *  will  in  time,  I  trust,  disappear  from  the 
earth.— To  WILLIAM  LUDLOW.  vii,  377.  (M., 
1824.) 

-  BARBARY  STATES,  Algerine  Cap 
tives. — See  CAPTIVES. 

747.  BARBARY    STATES,    A    Confed 
eration  against. — I  was  very  unwilling  that 
we  should  acquiesce  in  the  European  humil 
iation  of  paying  a  tribute  to  those  *  *  *  pi 
rates,  and  endeavored  to  form  an  association 
of  the  powers   subject  to  habitual   depreda 
tions  from  them.    I  accordingly  prepared,  and 
proposed  to  their  ministers  at  Paris,  for  con 
sultation  with  their  governments,  articles  of  a 
special     confederation. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY.       i, 
65.    FORD  ED.,  i,  91.    (1821.) 

748.  BARBARY    STATES,    Confedera 
tion     Articles.— Proposals     for     concerted 
operation   among  the  powers   at  war  with   the 
piratical  States  of  Barbary:     i.  It  is  proposed, 
that  the  several  powers  at  war  with  the  pirat 
ical  States  of  Barbary,  or  any  two  or  more  of 
them   who   shall   be  willing,   shall   enter   into   a 
convention  to  carry  on  their  operations  against 
those    States,    in    concert,    beginning    with    the 
Algerines.     2.  This     convention     shall     remain 
open  to  any  other  power  who  shall   at  any  fu 
ture  time  wish  to  accede  to  it ;    the  parties  re 
serving  the  right  to  prescribe  the  conditions  of 
such  accession,  according  to  the  circumstances 
existing   at  the  time   it   shall  be  proposed.     3. 


8i 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Barbary  States 


The  object  of  the  convention  shall  be  to  compel 
the  piratical  States  to  perpetual  peace,  without 
price,  and  to  guarantee  that  peace  to  each  other. 
4.  The  operations  for  obtaining  this  peace  shall 
be  constant  cruisers  on  their  coast,  with  a  naval 
force  now  to  be  agreed  on.  It  is  not  proposed 
that  this  force  shall  be  so  considerable  as  to  be 
inconvenient  to  any  party.  It  is  believed  that 
half  a  dozen  frigates,  with  as  many  tenders  or 
Xebecs,  one  half  of  which  shall  be  in  cruise, 
while  the  other  half  is  at  rest,  will  suffice.  5. 
The  force  agreed  to  be  necessary  shall  be  fur 
nished  by  the  parties  in  certain  quotas  now  to 
be  fixed ;  it  being  expected  that  each  will  be 
willing  to  contribute  in  such  proportion  as  cir 
cumstances  may  render  reasonable.  6.  The  mis 
carriages  often  proceed  from  the  want  of  har 
mony  among  officers  of  different  nations,  the 
parties  shall  now  consider  and  decide  whether 
it  will  not  be  better  to  contribute  their  quotas 
in  money  to  be  employed  in  fitting  out,  and 
keeping  on  duty,  a  single  fleet  of  the  force 
agreed  on.  7.  The  difficulties  and  delays  too 
which  will  attend  the  management  of  these 
operations,  if  conducted  by  the  parties  them 
selves  separately,  distant  as  their  Courts  may 
be  from  one  another,  and  incapable  of  meeting 
in  consultation,  suggest  a  question  whether  it 
will  not  be  better  for  them  to  give  full  powers 
for  that  purpose  to  their  Ambassadors  or  other 
Ministers  Resident  at  some  one  Court  of  Eu 
rope,  who  shall  form  a  Committee  or  Council 
for  carrying  this  convention  into  effect ;  wherein 
the  vote  of  each  member  shall  be  computed  in 
proportion  to  the  quota  of  his  sovereign,  and 
the  majority  so  computed  shall  prevail  in  all 
questions  within  the  view  of  this  convention. 
The  Court  of  Versailles  is  proposed,  on  account 
of  its  neighborhood  to  the  Mediterranean,  and 
because  all  those  powers  are  represented  there, 
who  are  likely  to  become  parties  to  this  con 
vention.  8.  To  save  to  that  council  the  embar 
rassment  of  personal  solicitations  for  office,  and 
to  assure  the  parties  that  their  contributions 
will  be  applied  solely  to  the  object  for  which 
they  are  destined,  there  shall  be  no  establish 
ment  of  officers  for  the  said  Council,  such  as 
Commissioners,  Secretaries,  or  any  other  kind, 
with  either  salaries  or  perquisites,  nor  any 
other  lucrative  appointments  but  such  whose 
functions  are  to  be  exercised  on  board  the  said 
vessels.  9.  Should  war  arise  between  any  two 
of  the  parties  to  this  convention  it  shall  not 
extend  to  this  enterprise,  nor  interrupt  it ;  but 
as  to  this  they  shall  be  reputed  at  peace.  10. 
When  Algiers  shall  be  reduced  to  peace,  the 
other  piratical  States,  if  they  refuse  to  dis 
continue  their  piracies,  shall  become  the  objects 
of  this  convention,  either  successively  or 
together,  as  shall  seem  best.  n.  Where  this 
convention  would  interfere  with  treaties  actu 
ally  existing  between  any  two  of  the  parties  and 
the  said  States  of  Barbary,  the  treaty  shall 
prevail,  and  such  party  shall  be  allowed  to 
withdraw  from  the  operations  against  that 
State. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  65.  FORD  ED.,  \, 
91- 

749.  BARBARY  STATES,  Congress 
and. — Nothing  was  now  wanting  to  bring  it 
into  direct  and  formal  consideration  but  the 
assent  of  our  government,  and  their  author 
ity  to  make  the  formal  proposition.  I  com 
municated  to  them  the  favorable  prospect  of 
protecting  our  commerce  from  the  Barbary 
depredations,  and  for  such  a  continuance  of 
time  as,  by  an  exclusion  of  them  from  the 
sea,  to  change  their  habits  and  characters 
from  a  predatory  to  an  agricultural  people: 
towards  which  however  it  was  expected  they 


would  contribute  a  frigate,  and  its  expenses 
to  be  in  constant  cruise.  But  they  were  in 
no  condition  to  make  any  such  engagement. 
Their  recommendatory  powers  for  obtaining 
contributions  were  so  openly  neglected  by  the 
several  States  that  they  declined  an  engage 
ment  which  they  were  conscious  they  could 
not  fulfil  with  punctuality;  and  so  it  fell 
through. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  67.  FORD  ED., 

1,  93.     (1821.) 

750.  BARBARY  STATES,  Europe  and. 

— Spain  had  just  concluded  a  treaty  with  Al 
giers,  at  the  expense  of  three  millions  of  dol 
lars,  and  did  not  like  to  relinquish  the  benefit 
of  that  until  the  other  party  should  fail  in  their 
observance  of  it.  Portugal,  Naples,  the  two 
Sicilies,  Venice,  Malta,  Denmark  and  Sweden 
were  favorably  disposed  to  such  an  association  ; 
but  their  representatives  at  Paris  expressed 
apprehensions  that  France  would  interfere,  and, 
either  openly  or  secretly  support  the  Barbary 
powers  ;  and  they  required  that  I  should  ascer 
tain  the  dispositions  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
on  the  subject.  I  had  before  taken  occasion 
to  inform  him  of  what  we  were  proposing,  and 
therefore  did  not  think  it  proper  to  insinuate 
any  doubt  of  the  fair  conduct  of  his  govern 
ment  ;  but  stating  our  propositions,  I  mentioned 
the  apprehensions  entertained  by  us  that  Eng 
land  would  interfere  in  behalf  of  those  pirat 
ical  governments.  "  She  dares  not  do  it/  said 
he.  I  pressed  it  no  further.  The  other  Agents 
were  satisfied  with  this  indication  of  his  senti 
ments. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  67.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
93-  (1821.) 

751.  BARBARY  STATES,   Great  Brit 
ain   and.— I    hinted   to    the    Count   de   Ver 
gennes  that   I   thought  the   English   capable  of 
administering  aid  to  the  Algerines.     He  seemed 
to  think  it  impossible  on  account  of  the  scandal 
it  would  bring  on  them. — To  JOHN  JAY.     i,  575. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  228.     (P.,  1786.) 

752.  BARBARY    STATES,    Jefferson's 
Views  on. — Our  instructions  relative  to  the 
Barbary   States  haying  required  us  to  proceed 
by  way  of  negotiation  to  obtain  their  peace,  it 
became  our  duty  to  do  this  to  the  best  of  our 
power.     Whatever  might  be   our  private   opin 
ions,  they  were  to  be  suppressed,  and  the  line 
marked  out  to  us  was  to  be  followed.     It  has 
been  so,  honestly  and  zealously.     It  was,  there 
fore,  never  material  for  us  to  consult  together, 
on  the  best  plan  of  conduct  toward  these  States. 
I  acknowledge,  I  very  early  thought  it  would  be 
best  to  effect  a  peace  through  the  medium  of 
war.     Though   it  is  a  question  with  which  we 
have  nothing  to   do,  yet  as  you  propose   some 
discussion   of  it,    I   shall   trouble   you   with   my 
reasons.     Of   the   four   positions   laid   down   by 
you,   I   agree  to  the  three  first,   which   are,   in 
substance,  that  the  good  offices  of  our  friends 
cannot  procure  us  a  peace  without  paying   its 
price ;    that  they  cannot  materially  lessen  that 
price ;     and   that   paying   it,    we   can    have   the 
peace  in  spite  of  the  intrigues  of  our  enemies. 
As  to  the  fourth,  that  the  longer  the  negotia 
tion  is  delayed,  the  larger  will  be  the  demand ; 
this  will  depend  on  the  intermediate  captures : 
if  they  are  many  and   rich,   the  price  may  be 
raised ;     if   few   and   poor,    it   will   be   lessened. 
However,  if  it  is  decided  that  we  shall  buy  a 
peace,  I  know  no  reason  for  delaying  the  opera 
tion,    but    should    rather   think    it    ought   to    be 
hastened  ;    but  I  should  prefer  the  obtaining  it 
by  war.      i.  Justice  is  in  favor  of  this  opinion. 

2.  Honor  favors   it.     3.  It  will   procure  us  re 
spect  in  Europe ;    and  respect  is  a  safeguard  to 


Barbary  States 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


82 


interest.  4.  It  will  arm  the  Federal  head  with 
the  safest  of  all  the  instruments  of  coercion 
over  its  delinquent  members,  and  prevent  it 
from  using  what  would  be  less  safe.  I  think 
that  so  far,  you  go  with  me.  But  in  the  next 
steps,  we  shall  differ.  5.  I  think  it  least  ex 
pensive.  I  ask  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
guns,  the  one-half  of  which  shall  be  in  constant 
cruise.  This  fleet,  built,  manned  and  victualled 
for  six  months  will  cost  four  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  pounds  sterling.  Its  annual  expense 
will  be  three  hundred  pounds  sterling  a  gun, 
including  everything;  this  will  be  forty-five 
thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year.  I  take  the 
British  experience  for  the  basis  of  my  calcula 
tion  ;  though  we  know,  from  our  own  experi 
ence,  that  we  can  do  it  in  this  way,  for  pounds 
lawful,  what  costs  them  pounds  sterling.  Were 
we  to  charge  all  this  to  the  Algerine  war,  it 
would  amount  to  little  more  than  we  must  pay, 
if  we  buy  peace.  But  as  it  is  proper  and  neces 
sary  that  we  should  establish  a  small  marine 
force  (even  were  we  to  buy  a  peace  from  the 
Algerines),  and  as  that  force,  laid  up  in  our 
dockyards,  would  cost  us  half  as  much  annu 
ally,  as  if  kept  in  order  for  service,  we  have  a 
right  to  say  that  only  twenty-two  thousand  and 
five  hundred  pounds  sterling,  per  annum,  should 
be  charged  to  the  Algerine  war.  6.  It  will  be 
as  effectual.  To  all  the  mismanagements  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  urged  to  show  that  war 
against  these  people  is  ineffectual,  I  urge  a 
single  fact  to  prove  the  contrary,  where  there  is 
any  management.  About  forty  years  ago,  the 
Algerines  having  broken  their  treaty  with 
France,  that  court  sent  Monsieur  de  Massiac, 
with  one  large  and  two  small  frigates ;  he  block 
aded  the  harbor  of  Algiers  three  months,  and 
they  subscribed  to  the  terms  he  proposed.  If  it 
be  admitted,  however,  that  war,  on  the  fairest 
prospects,  is  still  exposed  to  uncertainties,  I 
weigh  against  this  the  greater  uncertainty  of 
the  duration  of  a  peace  bought  with  money, 
from  such  a  people,  from  a  Dey  eighty  years 
old,  and  by  a  nation  who,  on  the  hypothesis  of 
buying  peace,  is  to  have  no  power  on  the  sea 
to  enforce  an  observance  of  it.  So  far,  I  have 
gone  on  the  supposition  that  the  whole  weight 
of  this  war  would  rest  on  us.  But,  i.  Naples 
will  join  us.  The  character  of  their  naval 
minister  (Acton),  his  known  sentiments  with 
respect  to  the  peace  Spain  is  officiously  trying 
to  make  for  them,  and  his  dispositions  against 
the  Algerines,  give  the  best  grounds  to  believe 
it.  2..  Every  principle  of  reason  assures  us  that 
Portugal  will  join  us.  I  state  this  as  taking 
for  granted,  what  all  seem  to  believe,  that  they 
will  not  be  at  peace  with  Algiers.  I  suppose, 
then,  that  a  convention  might  be  formed  be 
tween  Portugal,  Naples  and  the  United  States, 
by  which  the  burthen  of  the  war  might  be 
quotaed  on  them,  according  to  their  respective 
wealth ;  and  the  term  of  it  should  be,  when 
Algiers  should  subscribe  to  a  peace  with  all 
three,  on  equal  terms.  This  might  be  left  open 
for  other  nations  to  accede  to.  and  many,  if 
not  most,  of  the  powers  of  Europe  (except 
France,  England,  Holland,  and  Spain,  if  her 
peace  be  made),  would  sooner  or  later  enter 
into  the  confederacy,  for  the  sake  of  having 
their  peace  with  the  piratical  States  guaranteed 
by  the  whole.  I  suppose,  that,  in  this  case,  our 
proportion  of  force  would  not  be  the  half  of 
what  I  first  calculated  on. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
i,  SQL  (P.,  July  1786.) 

753. .  Were  the  honor  and  ad 
vantage  of  establishing  such  a  confederacy 
[against  tbe  piratical  powers]  out  of  the  ques 
tion,  yet  the  necessity  that  the  United  States 
should  have  some  marine  force,  and  the  hap 


piness  of  this,  as  the  ostensible  cause  for  be 
ginning  it,  would  decide  on  its  propriety.  It 
will  be  said,  there  is  no  money  in  the  treasury. 
There  never  will  be  money  in  the  treasury,  till 
the  confederacy  shows  its  teeth.  The  States 
must  see  the  rod ;  perhaps  it  must  be  felt  by 
some  one  of  them.  I  am  persuaded,  all  of 
them  would  rejoice  to  see  every  one  obliged  to 
furnish  its  contributions.  It  is  not  the  diffi 
culty  of  furnishing  them,  which  beggars  the 
treasury,  but  the  fear  that  others  will  not  fur 
nish  as  much.  Every  rational  citizen  must  wish 
to  see  an  effective  instrument  of  coercion,  and 
should  fear  to  see  it  on  any  other  element  than 
the  water. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  606.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  264.  (P.,  1786.) 

754.  BABBABY  STATES,  The  Medi 
terranean  and.— Algiers,  Tunis  and  Tripoli, 
remaining  hostile,  will  shut  up  the  Mediterra 
nean  to  us. — To  GOVERNOR  HENRY,  i,  601.  (P., 
1786.) 

755. .     The    Algerines    form    an 

obstacle;  but  the  object  of  our  commerce  in 
the  Mediterranean  is  so  immense  that  we  ought 
to  surmount  that  obstacle,  and  I  believe  it  can 
be  done  by  means  in  our  power,  and  which, 
instead  of  fouling  us  with  the  dishonorable  and 
criminal  baseness  of  France  and  England,  will 
place  us  in  the  road  to  respect  with  all  the 
world. — To  E.  RUTLEDGE.  iii,  no.  (P.,  1789.) 

—  BABBABY   STATES,   Morocco.— See 

MOROCCO. 

756.  BABBABY  STATES,  Purchasing 
Peace  with.— What  will  you  do  with  the 
piratical  States?  Buy  a  peace  at  their  enor 
mous  price;  force  one;  or  abandon  the  car 
riage  into  the  Mediterranean  to  other  powers? 
All  these  measures  are  disagreeable. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  i,  557.  (P.,  1786.) 

757. .     The    States    of    Algiers, 

Tunis  and  Tripoli  hold  their  peace  at  a  price 
which  would  be  felt  by  every  man  in  his  set 
tlement  with  the  taxgatherer. — To  PATRICK 
HENRY,  i,  601.  (P.,  1786.) 

758. .     It  is  not  in  the  choice  of 

the  States,  whether  they  will  pay  money  to 
cover  their  trade  against  the  Algerines.  If  they 
obtain  a  peace  by  negotiation,  they  must  pay 
a  great  sum  of  money  for  it ;  if  they  do  noth 
ing,  they  must  pay  a  great  sum  of  money  in  the 
form  of  insurance ;  and  in  either  way,  as  great 
a  one  as  in  the  way  of  force,  and  probably  less 
effectual. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  607.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  265.  (P.,  1786.) 

759. .     Congress  must  begin  by 

getting  money.  When  they  have  this,  it  is  a 
matter  of  calculation  whether  they  will  buy  a 
peace,  or  force  one,  or  do  nothing. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  585.  (P.,  1786.) 

760. .     The    continuance    of    [a 

purchased]  peace  with  the  Barbary  States  will 
depend  on  their  idea  of  our  power  to  enforce 
it.  and  on  the  life  of  the  particular  Dey,  or 
other  head  of  the  government,  with  whom  it  is 
contracted.  Congress  will,  no  doubt,  weigh 
these  circumstances  against  the  expense  and 
probable  success  of  compelling  a  peace  by  arms. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  565.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
221.  (P.,  1786.) 


761. 


In    London    Mr.    Adams 


and  I  had  conferences  with  a  Tripoline  am 
bassador,  named  Abdrahaman.  He  asked  us 
thirty  thousand  guineas  for  a  peace  with  his 
court,  and  as  much  for  Tunis,  for  which  he 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Barbary  States 
Barclay  (Thomas) 


said  he  could  answer.  What  we  were  author 
ized  to  offer,  being  to  this  but  as  a  drop  to  a 
bucket,  our  conferences  were  repeated  only  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  information.  If  the 
demands  of  Algiers  and  Morocco  should  be  in 
proportion  to  this,  according  to  their  superior 
power,  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that  the  United 
States  will  not  buy  a  peace  with  money. — To 
WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  i,  551.  (P.,  1786.) 

762. .  The  Tripoline  ambassa 
dor  offered  peace  for  30,000  guineas  for  Tripoli, 
and  as  many  for  Tunis.  Calculating  on  this 
scale,  Morocco  should  ask  60,000,  and  Algiers 
120,000. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  i,  559.  (P., 
1786.) 

763. .     A  second  plan  might  be 

to  obtain  peace  by  purchasing  it.  For  this  we 
have  the  example  of  rich  and  powerful  nations, 
in  this  instance  counting  their  interest  more 
than  their  honor. — REPORT  ON  MEDITERRANEAN 
TRADE,  vii,  522.  (1790.) 

764. .     As  the   duration  of  this 

peace  cannot  be  counted  on  with  certainty,  and 
we  look  forward  to  the  necessity  of  coercion  by 
cruises  on  their  coast,  to  be  kept  up  during  the 
whole  of  their  cruising  season,  you  will  be 
pleased  to  inform  yourself  *  *  *  of  every 
circumstance  which  may  influence  or  guide  us 
in  undertaking  and  conducting  such  an  opera 
tion. — To  JOHN  PAUL  JONES,  iii,  438.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

765.  BABBABY  STATES,  Suppression 

of- — The  attempts  heretofore  made  to  sup 
press  the  [Barbary]  powers  have  been  to  exter 
minate  them  at  one  blow.  They  are  too  nu 
merous  and  powerful  by  land  for  that.  A  small 
effort,  but  long  continued,  seems  to  be  the  only 
method.  By  suppressing  their  marine  and  trade 
totally,  and  continuing  this  till  the  present  race 
of  seamen  should  be  pretty  well  out  of  the  way, 
and  the  younger  people  betake  themselves  to 
husbandry  for  which  their  soil  and  climate  are 
well  fitted,  these  nests  of  banditti  might  be  re 
formed. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  -n. 
(P.,  1785.) 

766.  BABBABY   STATES,   Tribute  to. 
—It   is   impossible   I   fear  to  find  out   what 
[tribute]    is   given   by   other   countries    [to   the 
piratical    States].     Either    shame    or    jealousy 
makes  them  wish  to  keep  it  secret. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  31.     (P.,  1785.) 

767. .      The    Algerines,    I    fear, 

will  ask  such  a  tribute  for  the  forbearance  of 
their  piracies  as  the  United  States  would  be 
unwilling  to  pay.  When  this  idea  comes  across 
my  mind  my  faculties  are  absolutely  suspended 
between  indignation  and  impotence.  I  think 
whatever  sums  we  are  obliged  to  pay  for  free 
dom  of  navigation  in  the  European  seas,  should 
be  levied  on  European  commerce  with  us,  by  a 
separate  impost ;  that  these  powers  may  see 
that  they  protect  these  enormities  for  their  own 
loss.  To  NATHANIEL  GREENE.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
*5-  (P,  1785.) 

768. .     Such  [European]  powers 

as  should  refuse  [to  join  a  confederation  to 
suppress  the  Barbary  piracies]  would  give  us  a 
just  right  to  turn  pirates  also  on  their  West 
India  trade,  and  to  require  an  annual  tribute 
which  might  reimburse  what  we  may  be  obliged 
to  pay  to  obtain  a  safe  navigation  in  their  seas. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  33.  (P., 


769.  BABBABY    STATES,    War   with. 
—From  what  I  learn  from  the  temper  of  my 


countrymen  and  their  tenaciousness  of  money, 
it  will  be  more  easy  to  raise  ships  to  fight  these 
pirates  into  reason  than  money  to  bribe  them. — 
To  EZRA  STILES,  ii,  78.  (P.,  1786.) 

770.  -  — .      The     motives     pleading 
for   war   rather   than   tribute    [to   the   piratical 
States]  are  numerous  and  honorable  ;  those  op 
posing  them   are   mean   and   short-sighted. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  32.     (P.,  1785.) 

—  BABBABY      STATES,      War     with 
Tripoli.— See  TRIPOLI. 

771.  BABBABY     STATES,     Weakness 
°f- — These    pirates    are    contemptibly    weak. 
Morocco,  who  has  just  dared  to  commit  an  out 
rage  on  us,  owns  only  four  or  five  frigates  of 
1 8  or  20   guns.     There   is   not  a  port   in   their 
country  which  has  more  than  13  feet  of  water. 
Tunis  is  not  quite  so  strong   (having  three  or 
four    frigates    only,    small    and    worthless)  ;    is 
more    mercantile    than    predatory,    and    would 
easily    be    led    to    treat    either    by    money    or 
fear.      Tripoli    has   one    frigate    only.      Algiers 
alone     possesses     any     power,     and     they     are 
brave.     As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover, 
she  possesses  about  sixteen  vessels,  from  22  up 
to  52  guns ;  but  the  vessels  of  all  these  powers 
are  wretched   in  the  last  degree,   being  mostly 
built  of  the  discordant  pieces  of  other  vessels 
which  they  take  and  pull  asunder ;  their  cord 
age  and  sails  are  of  the  same  kind,  taken  from 
vessels   of   different   sizes   and   powers,    seldom 
any  two  guns  of  the  same  bore  and  all  of  them 
light. — To    JAMES    MONROE.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    31. 
(P.,  1785.)     See  MOROCCO,  TRIPOLI  and  TUNIS. 

772.  BABCLAY  (Thomas),  Missions  to 
Morocco. — Though  we  are  not  authorized  to 
delegate    to    Mr.    Barclay    the    power    of    ulti 
mately  signing  the  treaty,  yet  such  is  our  re 
liance  on  his  wisdom,  his  integrity,  and  his  at 
tention    to    the    instructions    with    which    he    is 
charged,  that  we  assure  his   Majesty,  the  con 
ditions    which    he    shall    arrange    and    send    to 
us,  shall  be  returned  with  our  signature.* — To 
THE     EMPEROR     OF     MOROCCO,      i,     419.      (P., 
1/85.) 

773. .      Mr.     Barclay's     mission 

has  been  attended  with  complete  success.  For 
this  we  are  indebted,  unquestionably,  to  the 
influence  and  good  offices  of  the  court  of  Mad 
rid. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  85.  (P.,  1786.) 

774. .     You    have    my    full    and 

hearty  approbation  of  the  treaty  you  obtained 
from  Morocco,  which  is  better  and  on  better 
terms  than  I  expected. — To  THOMAS  BARCLAY. 
ii,  125.  (P.,  1787.) 

775. .     You  are  appointed  by  the 

President  *  *  *  to  go  to  the  court  of  Morocco, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  from  the  new 
Emperor,  a  recognition  of  our  treaty  with  his 
father.  As  it  is  thought  best  that  you  should 
go  in  some  definite  character,  that  of  consul 
has  been  adopted. — To  THOMAS  BARCLAY,  iii, 
261.  (P.,  1791.) 

776. .     As  you  have  acted  since 

my  arrival  in  France,  in  the  characters  of 
Consul  General  for  that  country,  and  Minister 
to  the  Court  of  Morocco,  and  also  as  agent  in 
some  particular  transactions  for  the  State  of 
Virginia,  I  think  it  is  a  duty  to  yourself,  to 
truth,  and  to  justice,  on  your  departure  for 
America,  to  declare  that  in  all  these  characters, 

*  Mr.  Barclay  was  U.  S.  Consul-General  at  Paris. 
Jefferson  and  Adams  appointed  him  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  with  the  Emperor  of  Morocco.— EDITOR. 


Barlow  (Joel) 
Bastrop's  Case 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


84 


as  far  as  has  come  within  my  notice,  you  have 
acted  with  judgment,  with  attention,  with  in 
tegrity  and  honor.* — To  THOMAS  BARCLAY,  ii, 
211.  (P.,  1787-) 

777.  BARLOW  (Joel),  Proposed  His 
tory  by. — Mr.  Madison  and  myself  have  cut 
out  a  piece  of  work  for  you,  which  is  to  write 
the  history  of  the  United  States,  from  the  close 
of  the  war  downwards.  We  are  rich  ourselves 
in  materials,  and  can  open  all  the  public 
archives  to  you ;  but  your  residence  here 
[Washington]  is  essential,  because  a  great  deal 
of  the  knowledge  of  things  is  not  on  paper, 
but  only  within  ourselves,  for  verbal  commu 
nication.  John  Marshall  is  writing  the  life  of 
General  Washington  from  his  papers.  It  is  in 
tended  to  come  out  just  in  time  to  influence 
the  next  Presidential  election.  It  is  written, 
therefore,  principally  with  a  view  to  election 
eering  purposes.  But  it  will  consequently  be 
out  in  time  to  aid  you  with  information,  as 
well  as  to  point  out  the  perversions  of  truth 
necessary  to  be  rectified. — To  JOEL  BARLOW. 
iv,  438.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  151.  (W.,  May 
1802.) 

778. .  You  owe  to  republican 
ism,  and  indeed  to  the  future  hopes  of  man,  a 
faithful  record  of  the  march  of  this  govern 
ment,  which  may  encourage  the  oppressed  to 
go  and  do  likewise.  Your  talents,  your  princi 
ples,  and  your  means  of  access  to  public  and 
private  sources  of  information,  with  the 
leisure  which  is  at  your  command,  point  you 
out  as  the  person,  who  is  to  do  this  act  of  jus 
tice  to  those  who  believe  in  the  improvability 
of  the  condition  of  man,  and  who  have  acted 
on  that  behalf,  in  opposition  to  those  who  con 
sider  man  as  a  beast  of  burthen  made  to  be 
ridden  by  him  who  has  genius  enough  to  get  a 
bridle  into  his  mouth. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v, 
496.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  269.  (M.,  1810.) 

779. .  I  felicitate  you  on  your 

destination  to  Paris  [as  minister].  *  _*  *  Yet 
it  is  not  unmixed  with  regret.  What  is  to  be 
come  of  our  post-revolutionary  history?  _  Of 
the  antidotes  of  truth  to  the  misrepresentations 
of  Marshall?  This  example  proves  the  wis 
dom  of  the  maxim,  never  put  off  till  to-mor 
row  what  can  be  done  to-day. — To  JOEL  BAR 
LOW,  v,  587.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  322.  (M.,  April 
1811.) 

780.  BARLOW  (Joel),  Works  of.— I 
thank  you  for  your  "  Conspiracy  of  Kings " 
and  advice  to  the  privileged  orders.  Be  as 
sured  that  your  endeavors  to  bring  the  trans- 
Atlantic  world  into  the  road  of  reason,  are  not 
without  their  effect  in  America.  Some  here 
are  disposed  to  move  retrograde,  and  to  take 
their  stand  in  the  rear  of  Europe,  now  advanc 
ing  to  the  high  ground  of  natural  right. — To 
JOEL  BARLOW,  iii,  451-  FORD  ED.,  vi,  88.  (P., 
1792.) 

781. .  Thomas  Jefferson  re 
turns  thanks  to  Mr.  Barlow  for  the  copy  of 
the  "  Columbiad "  he  has  been  so  kind  as  to 
send  him ;  the  eye  discovers  at  once  the  excel 
lence  of  the  mechanical  execution  of  the  work, 
and  he  is  persuaded  that  the  mental  part  will 
be  found  to  have  merited  ^  it.  He  will  not  do 
it  the  injustice  of  giving  it  such  a  reading  as 
his  situation  here  [Washington]  would  admit 

*  Mr.  Barclay,  while  acting  for  the  United  States 
in  Europe,  was  engaged  in  commercial  transactions 
on  his  own  account.  His  arrest  for  debt  by  credit 
ors  led  to  some  discussion  with  the  French  govern 
ment  which  is  embodied  in  Jefferson's  Writings. 
—EDITOR. 


of  a  few  minutes  at  a  time,  and  at  intervals  of 
many  days.  He  will  reserve  it  for  that  retire 
ment  after  which  he  is  panting,  and  not  now 
very  distant,  where  he  may  enjoy  it  in  full  con 
cert  with  its  kindred  scenes,  amidst  those  rural 
delights  which  join  in  chorus  with  the  poet, 
and  give  to  his  song  all  its  magic  effect. — To 
JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  238.  (W.,  1808.) 

—  BARRUEL    (Abbe),    Book    by.— See 
ILLUMINATI. 

—  BARRY,  Commodore  J.— See  MOURN 
ING. 

782.  BASTILE,  Fall  of  the.— The  mob, 
now  openly  joined  by  the  French  guards, 
forced  the  prison  of  St.  Lazare,  released  all  the 
prisoners,  and  took  a  great  store  of  corn, 
which  they  carried  to  the  corn  market.  Here 
they  got  some  arms,  and  the  French  guards 
began  to  form  and  train  them.  The  committee 
determined  to  raise  forty-eight  thousand  Bour- 
geoise,  or  rather  to  restrain  their  numbers  to 
forty-eight  thousand.  On  the  i4th  [July],  they 
sent  one  of  their  members  (Monsieur  de 
Corny,  whom  we  knew  in  America)  to  the 
Hotel  des  Invalides,  to  ask  arms  for  their 
Garde  Bourgeoise.  He  was  followed  by,  or  he 
found  there,  a  great  mob.  The  Governor  _  of 
the  Invalides  came  out,  and  represented  the  im 
possibility  of  delivering  his  arms,  without  the 
orders  of  those  from  whom  he  received  them. 
De  Corny  advised  the  people  then  to  retire, 
and  retired  himself ;  and  the  people  took  pos 
session  of  the  arms.  It  was  remarkable,  that 
not  only  the  Invalides  themselves  made  no  op 
position,  but  that  a  body  of  five  thousand 
foreign  troops,  encamped  within  four  hundred 
yards,  never  stirred.  Monsieur  de  Corny  and 
five  others  were  then  sent  to  ask  arms  of 
Monsieur  de  Launey,  Governor  of  the  Bastile. 
They  found  a  great  collection  of  people  already 
before  the  place,  and  they  immediately  planted 
a  flag  of  truce,  which  was  answered  by  a  like 
flag  hoisted  on  the  parapet.  The  deputation 
prevailed  on  the  people  to  fall  back  a  little, 
advanced  themselves  to  make  their  demand  of 
the  Governor,  and  in  that  instant  a  discharge 
from  the  Bastile  killed  four  of  those  nearest  to 
the  deputies.  The  deputies  retired ;  the  people 
rushed  against  the  place,  and  almost  in  an  in 
stant  were  in  possession  of  a  fortification,  de 
fended  by  one  hundred  men,  of  infinite  strength, 
which  in  other  times  had  stood  several  regular 
sieges,  and  had  never  been  taken.  How  they 
got  in,  has,  as  yet,  been  impossible  to  discover. 
Those  who  pretend  to  have  been  of  the  party 
tell  so  many  different  stories,  as  to  destroy  the 
credit  of  them  all.  They  took  all  the  arms, 
discharged  the  prisoners,  and  such  of  the  gar 
rison  as  were  not  killed  in  the  first  moment 
of  fury:  carried  the  Governor  and  Lieutenant 
Governor  to  the  Greve  (the  place  of  public 
execution),  cut  off  their  heads,  and  sent  them 
through  the  city  in  triumph  to  the  Palais 
Royal. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii,  "76.  (P.,  July  19 
1789.) 

783.  BASTROP'S  CASE,  Account  of.— 
I  find  Bastrop's  case  less  difficult  than  I  had 
expected.  My  view  of  it  is  this :  The  Gov 
ernor  of  Louisiana  being  desirous  of  introduc 
ing  the  culture  of  wheat  into  that  province, 
engages  Bastrop  as  an  agent  for  carrying  that 
object  into  effect.  He  agrees  to  lay  off  twelve 
leagues  square  on  the  Washita  and  Bayou 
Hard  as  a  settlement  for  the  culture  of  wheat, 
to  which  Bastrop  is  to  bring  five  hundred  fam 
ilies,  each  of  which  families  is  to  have  four 
hundred  arpens  of  the  land ;  the  residue  of 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


"Batture 


the  twelve  leagues  square,  we  may  understand, 
was  to  be  Bastrop's  premium.  The  government 
was  to  bear  the  expense  of  bringing  these  emi 
grants  from  New  Madrid,  and  was  to  allow 
them  rations  for  six  months, — Bastrop  under 
taking  to  provide  the  rations,  and  the  govern 
ment  paying  a  seal  and  a  half  for  each.  Bas 
trop  binds  himself  to  settle  the  five  hundred 
families  in  three  years,  and  the  Governor  es 
pecially  declares  that  if  within  that  time  the 
major  part  of  the  establishment  shall  not  have 
been  made  good,  the  twelve  leagues  square, 
destined  for  Bastrop's  settlers,  shall  be  occu 
pied  by  the  families  first  presenting  themselves 
for  that  purpose.  Bastrop  brings  on  some  set 
tlers, — how  many  does  not  appear,  and  the 
intendant,  from  a  want  of  funds,  suspends 
further  proceeding  in  the  settlement  until  the 
King's  decision.  (His  decision  of  what? 
Doubtless  whether  the  settlement  shall  proceed 
on  these  terms,  and  the  funds  be  furnished 
by  the  King?  or  shall  be  abandoned?)  He 
promises  Bastrop,  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
former  limitation  of  three  years  shall  be  ex 
tended  to  two  years,  after  the  course  of  the 
contract  shall  have  again  commenced  to  be 
executed,  and  the  determination  of  the  King 
shall  be  made  known  to  Bastrop.  Here,  then, 
is  a  complete  suspension  of  the  undertaking 
until  the  King's  decision,  and  his  silence  from 
that  time  till,  and  when,  he  ceded  the  province, 
must  be  considered  as  an  abandonment  of  the 
project.  There  are  several  circumstances  in 
this  case  offering  ground  for  question,  whether 
Bastrop  is  entitled  to  any  surplus  of  the  lands. 
But  this  will  be  an  investigation  for  the  At 
torney  General.  But  the  uttermost  he  can 
claim  is  a  surplus  proportioned  to  the  number 
of  families  to  be  settled,  that  is  to  say,  a  quota 
ol  land  bearing  such  a  proportion  to  the  num 
ber  of  families  he  settled  (deducting  four  hun 
dred  arpens  for  each  of  them)  as  one  hun 
dred  and  forty-four  square  leagues  bear  to 
the  whole  number  of  five  hundred  families. 
The  important  fact,  therefore,  to  be  settled, 
is  the  number  of  families  he  established  there 
before  the  suspension. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  231.  (Jan.  1808.) 

784.  BATTURE,   Authority   over.— Mr. 

Livingston,  *  *  *  finding  that  we  considered 
the  Batture  as  now  resting  with  Congress,* 
and  that  it  is  our  duty  to  keep  it  clear  of  all 
adversary  possession  till  their  decision  is  ob 
tained  [has  written]  a  letter  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  which,  if  we  understand  it,  amounts 
to  a  declaration  that  he  will  *  *  *  bring  the 
authority  of  the  court  into  array  against  that  of 
the  Executive,  and  endeavor  to  obtain  a  forci 
ble  possession.  But  I  presume  that  the  court 
knows  too  well  that  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  land  is  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  no  court,  it  having  never  been  deemed  safe 
to  submit  the  major  interests  of  the  nation 
to  an  ordinary  tribunal,  or  to  any  one  but  such 
as  the  Legislature  establishes  for  the  special 
occasion ;  and  the  marshal  will  find  his  duty 
too  plainly  marked  out  in  the  act  of  March  3, 
1807,  to  be  at  a  loss  to  determine  what  author 
ity  he  is  to  obey. — To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE. 
v,  319.  (W.,  July  1808.) 

785.  BATTURE,  Jefferson's  action  in. 
— The   interposition   noticed  by  the   Legisla 
ture  of  Orleans  was  an  act  of  duty  of  the  office 
I    then    occupied.     Charged    with    the    care    of 
the  general  interests  of  the  nation,  and  among 
these  with  the  preservation  of  their  lands  from 
intrusion,  I  exercised,  on  their  behalf,  a  right 

*  Jefferson  in  a  special  message,  March  7,  1808,  laid 
the  case  before  Congress  for  its  action.— EDITOR. 


given  by  nature  to  all  men,  individual  or  as 
sociated,  that  of  rescuing  their  own  property 
wrongfully  taken.  In  cases  of  forcible  entry 
on  individual  possessions,  special  provisions, 
both  of  the  common  and  civil  law,  have  re 
strained  the  right  of  rescue  by  private  force, 
and  substituted  the  aid  of  the  civil  power.  But 
no  law  has  restrained  the  right  of  the  nation 
itself  from  removing  by  its  own  arm,  in 
truders  on  its  possessions.  On  the  contrary, 
a  statute  recently  passed,  had  required  that 
such  removals  should  be  diligently  made.  The 
Batture  of  New  Orleans,  being  a  part  of  the 
bed  contained  between  the  two  banks  of  the 
river,  a  naked  shoal  indeed  at  low  water,  but 
covered  through  the  whole  season  of  its  regular 
full  tides,  and  then  forming  the  ground  of  the 
port  and  harbor  for  the  upper  navigation,  over 
which  vessels  ride  of  necessity  when  moored  to 
the  bank,  I  deemed  it  public  property,  in 
which  all  had  a  common  use.  The  removal, 
too,  of  the  force  which  had  possessed  itself  of 
it,  was  the  more  urgent  from  the  interruption 
it  might  give  to  the  commerce,  and  other  law 
ful  uses,  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  of 
the  Western  waters  generally. — To  GOVERNOR 
CLAIBORNE.  v,  518.  (M,  1810.) 

786.  BATTURE,     Livingston's     suit.— 

Livingston  has  served  a  writ  on  me,  stating 
damages  at  $100,000. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  275.  (M.,  1810.) 

787.  BATTURE,    Marshall's   bias   and. 
— In  speaking  of  Livingston's  suit,  I  omitted 
to  observe  that  it  is  a  little  doubted  that  his 
knowledge  of  Marshall's  character  has  induced 
him    to    bring   this    action.     His    testifications 
in  the  case  of  Marbury,  in  that  of  Burr,  and  the 
Yazoo    case    show    how    dexterously    he    can 
reconcile  law  to  his  own  personal  biasses  ;  and 
nobody   seems  to   doubt  that  he   is   ready  pre 
pared  to  Decide  that  Livingston's  right  to  the 
batture     is     unquestionable,     and     that     I     am 
bound  to  pay  for  it  with  my  private  fortune. — 
To    PRESIDENT    MADISON.     FORD    ED.,    ix,    276. 
(M.,  1810.) 

788. .    What    the    issue   of  the 

case  ought  to  be,  no  unbiased  man  can  doubt. 
What  it  will  be,  no  one  can  tell.  The  judge's 
[Marshall's]  inveteracy  is  profound,  and  his 
mind  of  that  gloomy  malignity  which  will  never 
let  him  forego  the  opportunity  of  satiating  it 
on  a  victim.  His  decisions,  his  instructions  to 
a  jury,  his  allowances  and  disallowances  and 
garblings  of  evidence,  must  all  be  subjects  of 
appeal.  I  consider  that  as  my  only  chance  of 
saving  my  fortune  from  entire  wreck.  And  to 
whom  is  my  appeal?  From  the  judge  in 
Burr's  case  to  himself  and  his  associate  judges 
in  the  case  of  Marbury  v.  Madison.  Not  ex 
actly,  however.  I  observe  old  Gushing  is  dead. 
At  length,  then,  we  have  a  chance  of  getting  a 
republican  majority  in  the  Supreme  judiciary. 
— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  284. 
(M.,  Sep.  1810.) 

789.  BATTURE,    Title    to.— I    have    no 
concern  at  all  in  maintaining  the  title  to   the 
batture.     It   would   be   totally   unnecessary    for 
me  to  employ  counsel  to  go  into  the  question  at 
all  for  my  own  defence.     That  is  solidly  built 
on  the  simple  fact,  that  if  I  were  in  error,  it 
was   honest,    and   not   imputable   to    that   gross 
and    palpable    corruption    or    injustice    which 
makes    a    public    magistrate    responsible    to    a 
private   party. — To   ALBERT   GALLATIN.     v,    537. 
(M.,  1810.) 

790.  BATTURE,     True     course    in.— If 
human  reason  is  not  mere  illusion,  and  law  a 


JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


86 


labyrinth  without  a  clew,  no  error  has  been 
committed  ['in  the  Batture  case]. — BATTURE 
CASE,  viii,  604.  (1812.) 

791.  BAYARD  (James  A.),  Aaron  Burr 
and. — Edward  Livingston  tells  me  that  Bay 
ard    applied    to-day    or    last    night    to    General 
Samuel  Smith,  and  represented  to  him  the  ex 
pediency  of  his  coming  over  to  the  States  who 
vote  for  Burr   [for  President],  that  there  was 
nothing  in  the  way   of  appointment  which   he 
might  not  command,  and  particularly  mentioned 
the    Secretaryship    of   the    Navy.     Smith   asked 
him   if  he   was   authorized   to   make   the   offer. 
He  said  he  was  authorized.     Smith  told  this  to 
Livingston,  and  to  W.  C.  Nicholas  who  confirms 
it    to    me.     Bayard,    in    like    manner,    tempted 
Livingston,  not  by  offering  any  particular  office, 
but  by  representing  to   him   his    (Livingston's) 
intimacy  and  connection  with  Burr ;  that  from 
him  he  had  everything  to  expect,  if  he  would 
come   over  to   him.     To   Doctor   Linn   of   New 
Jersey,    they   have    offered   the   government    of 
New  Jersey. — THE  ANAS,     ix,  202.     FORD  ED., 
i,   291.      (Feb.    1808.)      See  ELECTIONS,   PRESI 
DENTIAL,    1800. 

792.  BEAUMARCHAIS  (M.),  Claim  of. 

—I  hear  that  Mr.  Beaumarchais  means  to 
make  himself  heard,  if  the  memorial  which  he 
sends  by  an  agent  in  the  present  packet  is  not 
attended  to  as  he  thinks  it  ought  to  be.  He 
called  on  me  with  it  and  desired  me  to  recom 
mend  his  case  to  a  decision,  and  to  note  in 
my  dispatch  that  it  was  the  first  time  he  had 
spoken  to  me  on  the  subject.  This  is  true,  it 
being  the  first  time  I  ever  saw  him ;  but  my 
recommendations  would  be  as  displaced  as  un 
necessary.  I  assured  him  Congress  would  do 
in  that  business  what  justice  should  require, 
and  their  means  enabled  them. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
ii,  232.  (P.,  1787.) 

793. .     A  final  decision  of  some 

sort  should  be  made  on  Beaumarchais's  affairs. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  209.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  423. 
(P.,  1787.) 

794.  BEE,  The  Honey.— The  honey-bee 
is  not  a  native  of  our  continent.  Marcgrove, 
indeed,  mentions  a  species  of  honey-bee  in 
Brazil.  But  this  has  no  sting,  and  is  therefore 
different  from  the  one  we  have,  which  resem 
bles  perfectly  that  of  Europe.  The  Indians 
concur  with  us  in  the  tradition  that  it  was 
brought  from  Europe ;  but  when,  and  by  whom, 
we  know  not.  The  bees  have  generally  ex 
tended  themselves  into  the  country,  a  little  in 
advance  of  the  white  settlers.  The  Indians, 
therefore,  call  them  the  white  man's  fly,  and 
consider  their  approach  as  indicating  the  ap 
proach  of  the  settlements  of  the  whites. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  319.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
175.  (1782.) 

795. .    How     far     northwardly 

have  these  insects  been  found?  That  they 
are  unknown  in  Lapland,  I  infer  from  Schef- 
fer's  information,  that  the  Laplanders  eat  the 
pine  bark,  prepared  in  a  certain  way,  instead 
of  those  things  sweetened  with  sugar.  *  *  * 
Certainly  if  they  had  honey,  it  would  be  a  bet 
ter  substitute  for  sugar  than  any  preparation  of 
the  pine  bark.  Kalm  tells  us  the  honey-bee 
cannot  live  through  the  winter  in  Canada.  They 
furnish  then  an  additional  remarkable  fact,  first 
observed  by  the  Count  de  Buffon,  and  which 
has  thrown  such  a  blaze  of  light  on  the  field 
of  natural  history,  that  no  animals  are  found  in 
both  continents,  but  those  which  are  able  to 
bear  the  cold  of  those  regions  where  they  prob 


ably     join. — NOTES     ON    VIRGINIA,      viii,     320. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  176.     (1782.) 

796.  BEER  vs.  WHISKY.— There  is  be 
fore  the  Assembly  [of  Virginia]  a  petition  of  a 
Captain  Miller,  which  I  have  at  heart,  because 
I   have  great  esteem   for  the   petitioner   as   an 
honest  and  useful  man.     He  is  about  to  settle 
in  pur  country,  and  to  establish  a  brewery,  in 
which  art  I  think  him  as  skilful  a  man  as  has 
ever    come    to    America.     I    wish    to    see    this 
beverage  become  common  instead  of  the  whis 
ky   which   kills   one-third   of   our   citizens,   and 
ruins    their    families.     He    is    staying   with    me 
until  he  can  fix  himself,  and  I  should  be  thank 
ful   for  information  from  time  to  time  of  the 
progress  of  his  petition. — To  CHARLES  YANCEY. 
vi,  515.     FORD  ED.,  x,  2.     (M.,  1815.) 

797.  BELLIGERENTS,    Code   of   Rules 
for. — First.  The  original  arming  and  equip 
ping  of  vessels   in   the  ports   of  the   United 
States  by  any  of  the  belligerent  powers  for 
military    service,    offensive    or    defensive,    is 
deemed    unlawful.     Second.     Equipment    of 
merchant  vessels  by  either  of  the  belligerent 
parties    in   the   ports    of   the    United    States, 
purely  for  the  accommodation  of  them  as  such, 
is  deemed  lawful.     Third.  Equipments  in  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  of  vessels  of  war 
in  the  immediate  service  of  the  government 
of  any  of  the  belligerent  parties,   which,   if 
done  to  other  vessels,  would  be  of  a  doubtful 
nature,  as  being  applicable  either  to  commerce 
or    war,    are    deemed    lawful,     except     those 
which  shall  have  made  prize  of  the  subjects, 
people  or  property  of  France,   coming  with 
their    prizes    into    the    ports    of    the    United 
States,  pursuant  to  the  seventeenth  article  of 
our    treaty    of    amity    and    commerce    with 
France.     Fourth.  Equipments  in  the  ports  of 
the  United  States  by  any  of  the  parties  at  war 
with  France,  of  vessels  fitted  for  merchandise 
and  war,  whether  with  or  without  commis 
sions,  which  are  doubtful  in  their  nature,  as 
being  applicable  either  to  commerce  or  war, 
are  deemed  lawful,  except  those  which  shall 
have  made  prize,  &c.     Fifth.  Equipments  of 
any  of  the  vessels  of  France  in  the  ports  of 
the  United  States,  which  are  doubtful  in  their 
nature,  as  being  applicable  to  commerce  or 
war,  are  deemed  lawful.     Sixth,  Equipments 
of  every  kind  in  the  ports    of    the    United 
States  of  privateers   of  the  powers   at   war 
with  France,  are  deemed  unlawful.     Seventh. 
Equipments   of   vessels   in   the   ports   of  the 
United  States  which  are  of  a  nature  solely 
adapted  to  war,  are  deemed  unlawful ;  except 
those  stranded  or  wrecked,  as  mentioned  in 
t,  i    eighteenth    article    of    our    treaty    with 
France,  the  sixteenth  of  our  treaty  with  the 
United  Netherlands,  the  ninth  of  our  treaty 
with  Prussia,  and  except  those  mentioned  in 
the   nineteenth   article   of    our    treaty    with 
France,   the   seventeenth   of  our  treaty  with 
the    United    Netherlands,    the    eighteenth    of 
our  treaty  with  Prussia.     Eighth.  Vessels  of 
either  of  the  parties  not  armed,  or  armed  pre 
vious  to  their  coming  into  the  ports  of  the 
United  States,  which  shall  not  have  infringed 
any  of  the  foregoing  rules  may  lawfully  en 
gage  or  enlist  therein  their  own  subjects,  or 
aliens   not  being   inhabitants   of  the   United 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Belligerents 
Berlin  Decrees 


States,  except  privateers  of  the  powers  at 
war  with  France,  and  except  those  vessels 
which  shall  have  made  prize,  &c.  The  fore 
going  rules,  having  been  considered  by  us 
[the  Cabinet]  at  several  meetings,  and  being 
now  unanimously  approved,  they  are  sub 
mitted  to  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
— CABINET  DECISION,  ix,  440.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
358.  (Aug.  3,1793.) 

798.  BELLIGERENTS,  History  of 
Bules. — At  a  cabinet  meeting  on  account  of 
the  British  letter-of-marque  ship  Jane,  said 
to  have  put  up  waste  boards,  to  have  pierced 
two  port-holes,  and  mounted  two  cannon 
(which  she  brought  in)  on  new  carriages 
which  she  did  not  bring  in,  and  consequently 
having  sixteen,  instead  of  fourteen,  guns 
mounted,  it  was  agreed  that  a  letter-of- 
marque,  or  vessel  arme  en  guerre,  and  en 
marchandise,  is  not  a  privateer,  and,  there 
fore,  not  to  be  ordered  out  of  our  ports.  It 
was  agreed  by  Hamilton,  Knox,  and  myself, 
that  the  case  of  such  a  vessel  does  not  depend 
on  the  treaties,  but  on  the  law  of  nations. 
Edmund  Randolph  thought,  as  she  had  a 
mixed  character  of  merchant  vessel  and  pri 
vateer,  she  might  be  considered  under  the 
treaty;  but  this  being  overruled,  the  follow 
ing  paper  was  written :  Rules  proposed  by 
Attorney  General :  i.  That  all  equipments 
purely  for  the  accommodation  of  vessels,  as 
merchantmen,  be  admitted.  (Agreed.)  2d. 
That  all  equipments,  doubtful  in  their  nature, 
and  applicable  equally  to  commerce  or  war, 
be  admitted,  as  producing  too  many  minutiae. 
(Agreed.)  3.  That  all  equipments,  solely 
adapted  to  military  objects,  be  prohibited. 
(Agreed.)  Rules  proposed  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury:  1st.  That  the  original  arm 
ing  and  equipping  of  vessels  for  military  ser 
vice,  offensive  or  defensive,  in  the  ports  of 
the  United  States,  be  considered  as  prohibited 
to  all.  (Agreed.)  2d.  That  vessels  which 
were  armed  before  their  coming  into  our 
ports,  shall  not  be  permitted  to  augment  these 
equipments  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States, 
but  may  repair  or  replace  any  military  equip 
ments  which  they  had  when  they  began  their 
voyage  for  the  United  States ;  that  this,  how 
ever,  shall  be  with  the  exception  of  privateers 
of  the  parties  opposed  to  France,  who  shall 
not  fit  or  repair  (Negatived,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  only  holding  this  opinion).  3d. 
That  for  convenience,  vessels  armed  and 
commissioned  before  they  come  into  our 
ports,  may  engage  their  own  citizens,  not 
being  inhabitants  of  the  United  States. 
(Agreed.)  I  subjoined  the  following:  I  con 
cur  in  the  rules  proposed  by  the  Attorney- 
General,  as  far  as  respects  materials  or  means 
of  annoyance  furnished  by  us ;  and  I  should 
be  for  an  additional  rule,  that  as  to  means 
or  materials  brought  into  this  country,  and 
belonging  to  themselves,  they  are  free  to  use 
them. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  161.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
250.  (July  1793.) 

799.  BELLIGERENTS,  Policy  toward. 
— Far  from  a  disposition  to  avail  our 
selves  of  the  peculiar  situation  of  any  bellig 
erent  nation  to  ask  concessions  incompatible 


with  their  rights,  with  justice,  or  reciprocity, 
we  have  never  proposed  to  any  the  sacrifice 
of  a  single  right :  and  in  consideration  of  ex 
isting  circumstances,  we  have  ever  been  will 
ing,  where  our  duty  to  other  nations  permit 
ted  us,  to  relax  for  a  time,  and  in  some  cases, 
that  strictness  of  right  which  the  laws  of  na 
ture,  the  acknowledgments  of  the  civilized 
world,  and  the  equality  and  independence  of 
nations  entitle  us  to. — R.  To  A.  ORLEANS 
LEGISLATURE,  viii,  129.  (June  1808.) 

800.  BELLIGERENTS,    Recruiting  by. 
— May    an    armed    vessel,    arriving    here,    be 
prohibited  to  employ  their  own  citizens  found 
here,  as  seamen  or  mariners?     They  cannot 
be  prohibited  to  recruit  their  own  citizens. — 
THE  ANAS.      ix,    158.      FORD    ED.,    i,    242. 
(I793-) 

801.  BELLIGERENTS,     Sale   of   Arms 
to. — Our  citizens  have  been  always  free  to 
make,  vend  and  export  arms.     It  is  the  con 
stant  occupation  and  livelihood  of  some  of 
them.     To  suppress  their  callings,   the  only 
means  perhaps  of  their  subsistence,  because 
a  war  exists  in  foreign  and  distant  countries, 
in  which  we  have  no  concern,  would  scarcely 
be  expected.    It  would  be  hard  in  principle, 
and  impossible  in  practice.     The  law  of  na 
tions,    therefore,     respecting    the    rights    of 
those  at  peace,  does  not  require  from  them 
such  an  internal  derangement  in  their  occu 
pations.     It  is  satisfied  with  the  external  pen 
alty  pronounced  in  the  President's  proclama 
tion,  that  of  confiscation  of  such  portion  of 
these  arms  as  shall  fall  into  the  hands  of  any 
of  the  belligerent  powers  on  their  way  to  the 
ports  of  their  enemies.     To  this  penalty  our 
citizens  are  warned  that  they  will  be  aban 
doned  ;    and   that    even    private    contraven 
tions   may   work   no   inequality  between   the 
parties  at  war,  the  benefits  of  them  will  be 
left  equally  free  and  open  to  all. — To  GEORGE 
HAMMOND,    iii,  558.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  253.     (May 
I793-) 

802.  BELLIGERENTS,    Sale    of    Ships 
to. — The  United  States,  being  a  ship-building 
nation,  may  they  sell  ships,  prepared  for  war, 
to  both  parties?  They  may  sell  such  ships  in 
their  ports  to  both  parties,  or  carry  them  for 
s?le  to  the  dominions  of  both  parties. — ANAS. 
ix,  158.   FORDED.,  i,  242.    (1793-) 

803.  BELLIGERENTS,     Transit    Priv 
ileges. — It  is  well  enough  agreed,  in  the  law 
of  nations,  that  for  a  neutral  power  to  give  or 
refuse  permission   to  the    troops    of    either 
belligerent   party   to  pass   through   their  ter 
ritory,   is   no  breach   of   neutrality,   provided 
the  same  refusal  or  permission  be  extended 
to  the  other  party. — OFFICIAL  OPINION,     vii, 
500.    (Aug.  1790.)    See  NEUTRALITY. 

804.  BENEFICENCE,  Humanity  and.— 
I  believe  *  *  *  that  every  human  mind  feels 
pleasure  in  doing  good  to  another. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,   vii,  39.     (M..  1816.) 

805.  BERLIN       DECREES,       Piratical 
Meaning  of. — These  decrees  and  orders  [of 
council!,     taken     together,     want     little     of 
amounting  to  a  declaration  that  every  neutral 


bible 

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88 


vessel  found  on  the  high  seas,  whatsoever  be 
her  cargo,  and  whatsoever  foreign  port  be 
that  of  her  departure  or  destination,  shall  be 
deemed  lawful  prize;  and  they  prove,  more 
and  more,  the  expediency  of  retaining  our 
vessels,  our  seamen,  and  property,  within  our 
own  harbors,  until  the  dangers  to  which  they 
are  exposed  can  be  removed  or  lessened. — 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
185.  (March  17  1808.)  See  EMBARGO. 

806.  BIBLE,  Circulation  of  the.— I  had 
not  supposed  there  was  a  family  in  this  State 
[Virginia]  not  possessing  a  Bible,  and  wish 
ing  without  haying  the  means  to  procure  one. 
When,   in   earlier   life,    I   was   intimate   with 
every  class,  I  think  I  never  was  in  a  house 
where  that  was  the  case.     However,  circum 
stances  may  have  changed,  and  the    [Bible] 
Society,  I  presume,  have  evidence  of  the  fact. 
I,  therefore,  enclose  you  cheerfully,  an  order 
*  *  *  for  fifty   dollars,    for  the  purposes   of 
the    Society.— To   SAMUEL   GREENHOW.      vi, 
308.     (M.,  1814.) 

807.  BIBLE,    Morality    in    the.— There 
never  was  a  more  pure  and  sublime  system 
of  morality  delivered  to  man  than  is  to  be 
found  in  the  four  Evangelists. — To  SAMUEL 
GREENHOW.   vi,  309.    (M.,  1814.) 

808.  BIBLE,   Protestants  and  the. — As 
to  tradition,  if  we  are  Protestants  we  reject 
all  tradition,  and  rely  on  the  Scripture  alone, 
for  that  is  the  essence  and  common  principle 
of   all   the    Protestant   churches.— NOTES   ON 
RELIGION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  96.     (1776?.) 

809.  BIBLE,  Translation  of  the. — I  pro 
pose   [after  retirement],  among  my  first  em 
ployments,  to  give  to  the  Septuagint  an  at 
tentive  perusal.* — To  CHARLES  THOMSON,    v, 
403.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  234.     (W.,  1808.) 

810.  BIGOTRY,   A  Disease. — Bigotry  is 
the  disease  of  ignorance,  of  morbid  minds; 
enthusiasm  of  the  free  and  buoyant.     Educa 
tion  and  free  discussion  are  the  antidotes  of 
both.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  27.   (M.,  1816.) 

811.  BIGOTRY,    Political    and    Relig 
ious. — What  an  effort  of  bigotry  in  politics 
and  religion  have  we  gone  through !  The  bar 
barians  really  flattered  themselves  they  should 
be  able  to  bring  back  the  times  of  Vandalism, 
when  ignorance  put  everything  into  the  hands 
of  power  and   priestcraft.     All   advances   in 
science  were  proscribed  as  innovations.    They 
pretended  to  praise  and  encourage  education, 
but  it  was  to  be  the  education  of  our  ances 
tors.     We  were  to  look  backwards,  not  for 
wards  for  improvement ;    the  President  him 
self    [John  Adams]    declaring  *  *  *  that  we 
were  never  to  expect  to  go  beyond  them  in 
real  science. — To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,    iv, 
373.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  21.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

812.  BIGOTRY,    Self-government   and. 

— Ignorance  and  bigotry,  like  other  insanities, 
are  incapable  of  self-government. — To  MAR 
QUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  67.  FORD  ED.,  x,  84. 
(M.,  1817.) 

*  Thomson's  translation  of  the  Septuagint.— ED 
ITOR. 


813.  BIGOTRIES,    Union    of.— All    big 
otries  hang  to  one  another. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  305.     (M.,  1814.) 

814.  BILL  OF  RIGHTS,  An  American 
Idea. — The  enlightened  part  of  Europe  have 
given  us  the  greatest  credit  for  inventing  this 
instrument  of  security  for  the  rights  of  the 
people,  and  have  been  not  a  little  surprised  to 
see  us  so  soon  give  it  up  [not  having  incor 
porated   one   in   the   new   Constitution]. — To 
F.    HQPKINSON.    ii,    586.     FORD    ED.,    v,    77. 
(P.,  March  1789.) 

815.  BILL  OF  RIGHTS,  The  Constitu 
tion  and.— [  do  not  like  [in  the  Federal  Con 
stitution]    first,    the    omission    of    a    bill    of 
rights,  providing  clearly  and  without  the  aid 
of  sophisms  for  freedom  of  religion,  freedom 
of    the    press,    protection    against    standing 
armies,   restriction   against    monopolies,     the 
eternal  and  unremitting  force  of  the  habeas 
corpus  laws,  and  trials  by  jury  in  all  matters 
of  fact  triable  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
not  by  the  law  of  nations.     To  say,  as  Mr. 
Wilson   does,   that  a  bill   of  rights   was  not 
necessary,  because  all  is  reserved  in  the  case 
of    the    General    Government '  which    is    not 
given>    while    in    the    particular    ones,    all    is 
given  which  is  not  reserved,  might  do  for  the 
audience  to  whom  it  was  addressed;  but  it  is 
surely  a  gratis  dictum,  opposed  by  strong  in 
ferences  from  the  body  of  the  instrument,  as 
well  as  from  the  omission  of  the  clause  of 
our  present  confederation,  which  had  declared 
that  in  express  terms.     It  was  a  hard  conclu 
sion  to  say,  because  there  has  been  no  uni 
formity  among  the  States  as  to  the  cases  tri 
able  by  jury,  because  some  have  been  so  in 
cautious   as   to   abandon  this   mode  of  trial, 
therefore  the  more  prudent   States   shall   be 
reduced  to   the   same   level   of  calamity.     It 
would  have  been  much  more  just  and  wise  to 
have  concluded  the  other  way,  that  as  most 
of  the  States  had  judiciously  preserved  this 
palladium,  those  who  had  wandered  should 
be  brought  back  to  it,  and  to  have  established 
general  right  instead  of  general  wrong.*    Let 
me  add  that  a  bill  of  rights  is  what  the  people 
are  entitled  to  against  every  government  on 
earth,    general   or   particular ;    and   what   no 
just  government  should  refuse  or  rest  on  in 
ferences. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    ii,  329.    FORD 
ED.,  iv,  476.     (P.,  Dec.  1787.) 

816. .     I   am   in  hopes   that  the 

annexation  of  a  bill  of  rights  to  the  Consti 
tution  will  alone  draw  over  so  great  a  propor 
tion  of  the  minorities,  as  to  leave  little  dan 
ger  in  the  opposition  of  the  residue ;  and  that 
this  annexation  may  be  made  by  Congress 
and  the  Assemblies,  without  calling  a  con 
vention  which  might  endanger  the  most  valu 
able  parts  of  the  system. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD  ED.,  v,  56.  (P., 
Dec.  1788.) 

*  The  Congress  edition  contains  the  following  pas 
sage:  "For  I  consider  all  the  ill  as  established, 
which  may  be  established.  I  have  a  right  to  noth 
ing,  which  another  has  a  right  to  take  away ;  and 
Congress  will  have  a  right  to  take  away  trials  by 
jury  in  all  civil  cases." — EDITOR. 


S9 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bill  of  Bights 


817.  BILL  OF  BIGHTS,  Demand  for.— 
I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the  acceptance  of  our 
new  Constitution  by  nine  States.  It  is  a 
good  canvas  on  which  some  strokes  only 
want  retouching.  What  these  are,  I  think 
are  sufficiently  manifested  by  the  general 
voice  from  north  to  south,  which  calls  for  a 
bill  of  rights.  It  seems  pretty  generally  un 
derstood  that  this  should  go  to  juries,  habeas 
corpus,  standing  armies,  printing,  religion, 
and  monopolies.  I  conceive  there  may  be  dif 
ficulty  in  finding  general  modifications  of 
these,  suited  to  the  habits  of  all  the  States. 
But  if  such  cannot  be  found,  then  it  is  better 
to  establish  trials  by  jury,  the  right  of  habeas 
corpus,  freedom  of  the  press,  and  freedom  of 
religion,  in  all  cases,  and  to  abolish  standing 
armies  in  time  of  peace,  and  monopolies  in  all 
cases,  than  not  to  do  it  in  any.  The  few 
cases  wherein  these  things  may  do  evil,  can 
not  be  weighed  against  the  multitude  wherein 
the  want  of  them  will  do  evil.  In  disputes 
between  a  foreigner  and  a  native,  a  trial  by 
jury  may  be  improper.  But  if  this  exception 
cannot  be  agreed  to,  the  remedy  will  be  to 
model  the  jury  by  giving  the  mediatas  lingua 
in  civil  as  well  as  criminal  cases.  Why  sus 
pend  the  habeas  corpus  in  insurrections  and 
rebellions  ?  The  parties  who  may  be  arrested, 
may  be  charged  instantly  with  a  well-defined 
crime;  of  course,  the  judge  will  remand  them. 
If  the  public  safety  requires  that  the  govern 
ment  should  have  a  man  imprisoned  on  less 
probable  testimony  in  this  than  in  other  emer 
gencies,  let  him  be  taken  and  tried,  and  re 
taken  and  retried,  while  the  necessity  contin 
ues,  only  giving  them  redress  against  the  gov 
ernment,  for  damages.  Examine  the  history 
of  England.  See  how  few  of  the  cases  of  the 
suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  law  have 
been  worthy  of  that  suspension.  They  have 
been  either  real  treason,  wherein  the  parties 
might  as  well  have  been  charged  at  once,  or 
sham  plots,  where  it  was  shameful  they 
should  ever  have  been  suspected.  Yet  for  the 
few  cases  wherein  the  suspension  of  the 
habeas  corpus  has  done  real  good,  that  opera 
tion  is  now  become  habitual,  and  the  mass  of 
the  nation  almost  prepared  to  live  under  its 
constant  suspension.  A  declaration,  that  the 
Federal  government  will  never  restrain  the 
presses  from  printing  anything  they  please, 
will  not  take  away  the  liability  of  the  printers 
for  false  facts  printed.  The  declaration,  that 
religious  faith  shall  be  unpunished,  does  not 
give  impunity  to  criminal  acts,  dictated  by 
religious  error.  The  saying  there  shall  be  no 
monopolies,  lessens  the  incitements  to  ingenu 
ity,  which  is  spurred  on  by  the  hope  of  a 
monopoly  for  a  limited  time,  as  of  fourteen 
years;  but  the  benefit  of  even  limited  mon 
opolies  is  too  doubtful  to  be  opposed  to  that 
of  their  general  suppression.  If  no  check  can 
be  found  to  keep  the  number  of  standing 
troops  within  safe  bounds,  while  they  are  tol 
erated  as  far  as  necessary,  abandon  them  al 
together:  discipline  well  the  militia,  and 
guard  the  magazines  with  them.  More  than 
magazine  guards  will  be  useless  if  few,  and 
dangerous  if  many.  No  European  nation  can 
ever  send  against  us  such  a  regular  army  as 


we  need  fear;  and  it  is  hard  if  our  militia 
are  not  equal  to  those  of  Canada  or  Florida. 
My  idea  then,  is  that  though  proper  excep 
tions  to  these  general  rules  are  desirable,  and 
probably  practicable,  yet  if  the  exceptions 
cannot  be  agreed  on,  the  establishment  of  the 
rules  in  all  cases  will  do  ill  in  very  few.  I 
hope,  therefore,  a  bill  of  rights  will  be  formed, 
to  guard  the  people  against  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  as  they  are  already  guarded  against 
their  State  governments  in  most  instances. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  445.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
45-  (P.,  July  1788.) 

818.  BILL       OF       BIGHTS,       Fetters 
against  Evil.— By  a  declaration  of  rights  I 
mean   one   which   shall   stipulate   freedom   of 
religion,   freedom   of   the   press,    freedom   of 
commerce  against  monopolies,  trial  by  juries 
in  all  cases,  no  suspensions  of  the  habeas  cor 
pus,  no  standing  armies.     These  are  fetters 
against  doing  evil  which  no  honest  government 
should  decline. — To  A.  DONALD,    ii,  355.     (P., 
Feb.  1788.) 

819.  BILL   OF   BIGHTS,    A   Guard   to 

Liberty. — I  disapproved  from  the  first  mo 
ment  [in  the  new  Constitution]  the  want  of 
a  bill  of  rights,  to  guard  liberty  against  the 
legislative  as  well  as  the  executive  branches 
of  the  government;  that  is  to  say,  to  secure 
freedom  in  religion,  freedom  of  the  press, 
freedom  from  monopolies,  freedom  from  un 
lawful  imprisonment,  freedom  from  a  per 
manent  military,  and  a  trial  by  jury,  in  all 
cases  determinable  by  the  laws  of  the  land. — 
To  F.  HOPKINSON.  ii,  586.  FORD  ED.,  v,  76. 
(P.,  March  1789.) 

820.  BILL    OF   BIGHTS,    An   Insuffi 
cient. — I  like  the  declaration  of  rights  as  far 
as  it  goes,  but  I  should  have  been  for  going 
further.     For  instance,  the  following  altera 
tions  and  additions  would  have  pleased  me. 
"  Article  IV.  The  people  shall  not  be  deprived 
or  abridged  of  their  right  to  speak,  to  write, 
or   otherwise   to   publish   anything   but   false 
facts  affecting  injuriously  the  life,  liberty,  or 
reputation  of  others,  or  affecting  the  peace 
of  the    Confederacy    with    foreign    nations. 
Article  VII.    All  facts  put  in  issue  before  any 
judicature  shall  be  tried  by  jury  except,   I, 
in  cases  of  admiralty  jurisdiction  wherein  a 
foreigner  shall  be  interested ;  2,  in  cases  cog 
nizable    before   a    court   martial,    concerning 
only  the  regular  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
United  States,  or  members  of  the  militia  in 
actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  insurrection ; 
and,  3,  in  impeachments  allowed  by  the  Con 
stitution.     Article  VIII.     No  person  shall  be 

held  in  confinement  more  than days  after 

he  shall  have  demanded  and  been  refused  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  by  the  judge  appointed 

by  law,  nor  more  than days  after  such  a 

writ  shall   have  been   served  on  the  person 
holding   him    in    confinement,    and   no   order 
given  on  due  examination  for  his  remandment 

or  discharge,  nor  more  than hours  in  any 

place  of  a  greater  distance  than  miles 

from  the  usual  residence  of  some  judge  au 
thorized  to  issue  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus: 
nor  shall  that  writ  be  suspended  for  any  term 


Bill  of  Rights 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


90 


exceeding  one  year,  nor  in  any  place  more 

than  miles  distant  from  the  station  or 

encampment  of  enemies,  or  of  insurgents. 
Article  IX.  Monopolies  may  be  allowed  to 
persons  for  their  own  productions  in  litera 
ture,  and  their  own  inventions  in  the  arts, 

for  a  term  not  exceeding  years,  but  for 

no  longer  term,  and  for  no  other  purpose. 
Article  X.  All  troops  of  the  United  States 
shall  stand  ipso  facto  disbanded,  at  the  ex 
piration  of  the  term  for  which  their  pay  and 
subsistence  shall  have  been  last  voted  by 
Congress,  and  all  officers  and  soldiers,  not 
natives  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  incapa 
ble  of  serving  in  their  armies  by  land,  ex 
cept  during  a  foreign  war."  These  restric 
tions,  I  think,  are  so  guarded  as  to  hinder 
evil  only.  However,  if  we  do  not  have  them 
now,  I  have  so  much  confidence  in  my  coun 
trymen,  as  to  be  satisfied  that  we  shall  have 
them  as  soon  as  the  degeneracy  of  our  gov 
ernment  shall  render  them  necessary. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  v,  112. 
(P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

821.  BILL  OF  RIGHTS,  The  Judiciary 
and. — In    the    arguments    in    favor    of    the 
declaration    of   rights,    you    omit   one    which 
has  great  weight  with  me:   the  legal  check 
which  it  puts  into  the  hands  of  the  judiciary. 
This  is  a  body  which,  if  rendered  independent 
and   kept   strictly   to   their   own   department, 
merits  great  confidence  for  their  learning  and 
integrity.    In  fact,  what  degree  of  confidence 
would  be  too  much  for  a  body  composed  of 
such  men  as   Wythe,   Blair  and   Pendleton? 
On  characters  like  these,  the  "  civium  ardor 
prava  jubentium"   would   make   no   impres 
sion.      I    am    happy    to    find    that,    on    the 
whole,  you  are  a  friend  to  this  amendment. 
The  declaration  of  rights  is,   like  all  other 
human   blessings,    alloyed   with   some   incon 
veniences,  and  not  accomplishing  fully  its  ob 
ject.    But  the  good  in  this  instance  vastly  out 
weighs  the  evil. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iii,  3. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  80.    (P.,  March  1789.) 

822.  BILL    OF    BIGHTS,    The    People 
and. — A  bill  of  rights  is  what  the  people  are 
entitled  to  against  every  government  on  earth, 
general  or  particular;  and  what  no  just  gov 
ernment  should  refuse,  or  rest  on  inferences. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  330.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
477-     (P-,  Dec.  1787.) 

823.  BILL  OF  BIGHTS,  Security  in.— 
A  general  concurrence  of  opinion  seems  to 
authorize  us  to  say  the  Constitution  has  some 
defects.     I  am  one  of  those  who  think  it  a  de 
fect  that  the  important  rights,  not  placed  in 
security  by  the  frame  of  the  Constitution  it 
self,  were  not  explicitly  secured  by  a  supple 
mentary  declaration.     There  are  rights  which 
it    is    useless    to    surrender    to    the    govern 
ment,   and   which   governments  have   yet  al 
ways  been   found  to  invade.     These  are  the 
riehts     of    thinking,     and     publishing     our 
thoughts  by  speaking  or  writing ;  the  right  of 
free   commerce;   the  right  of  personal   free 
dom.     There  are  instruments  for  administer 
ing    the    government    so    particularly    trust 
worthy,  that  we  should  never  leave  the  legis 


lature  at  liberty  to  change  them.  The  new 
Constitution  has  secured  these  in  the  Execu 
tive  and  Legislative  departments:  but  not  in 
the  Judiciary.  It  should  have  established 
trials  by  the  people  themselves,  that  is  to  say, 
by  jury.  There  are  instruments  so  dangerous 
to  the  rights  of  the  nation,  and  which  place 
them  so  totally  at  the  mercy  of  their  govern 
ors,  that  those  governors,  whether  legisla 
tive  or  executive,  should  be  restrained  from 
keeping  such  instruments  on  foot,  but  in  well 
defined  cases.  Such  an  instrument  is  a 
standing  army.  We  are  now  allowed  to  say 
such  a  declaration  of  rights,  as  a  supplement 
to  the  Constitution  where  that  is  silent,  is 
wanting,  to  secure  us  in  these  points.  The 
general  voice  has  legitimated  this  objection. — 
To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  iii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
89.  (P.,  March  1789.) 

824. .     I  am  one  of  those  who 

think  it  a  defect  [in  the  new  Constitution], 
that  the  important  rights,  not  placed  in  se 
curity  by  the  frame  of  the  Constitution  it 
self,  were  not  explicitly  secured  by  a  sup 
plementary  declaration  [of  rights]. — To  DA 
VID  HUMPHREYS,  iii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  v,  89. 
(P.,  March  1789.) 

825.  BILL  OF  BIGHTS,  Where  Nec 
essary. — I  cannot  refrain  from  making  short 
answers  to  the  objections  which  your  letter 
states  to  have  been  raised,  i.  That  the 
rights  in  question  are  reserved  by  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  Federal  powers  are  granted. 
Answer.  A  constitutive  act  may,  certainly. 
be  so  formed  as  to  need  no  declaration  of 
rights.  The  act  itself  has  the  force  of  a  dec 
laration  as  far  as  it  goes ;  and  if  it  goes  to 
all  material  points,  nothing  more  is  wanting. 
In  the  draft  ot  a  Constitution  which  I  had 
once  a  thought  of  proposing  in  Virginia,  I 
endeavored  to  reach  all  the  great  objects  of 
public  liberty,  and  did  not  mean  to  add  a 
declaration  of  rights.  Probably  the  object 
was  imperfectly  executed;  but  the  deficien 
cies  would  have  been  supplied  by  others,  in 
the  course  of  discussion.  But  in  a  constitu 
tive  act  which  leaves  some  precious  articles 
unnoticed,  and  raises  implications  against 
others,  a  declaration  of  rights  becomes  nec 
essary  by  way  of  supplement.  This  is  the 
case  of  our  new  Federal  Constitution.  This 
instrument  forms  us  into  one  State,  as  to 
certain  objects,  and  gives  us  a  legislative  and 
executive  body  for  these  objects.  It  should, 
therefore,  guard  against  their  abuses  of  power 
within  the  field  submitted  to  them.  2.  A 
positive  declaration  of  some  essential  rights 
could  not  be  obtained  in  the  requisite  lati 
tude.  Answer.  Half  a  loaf  is  better  than 
no  bread.  If  we  cannot  secure  all  our  rights, 
let  us  secure  what  we  can.  3.  The  limited 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  jeal 
ousy  of  the  subordinate  governments,  af 
ford  a  security  which  exists  in  no  other  in 
stance.  Answer.  The  first  member  of  this 
seems  resolvable  into  the  first  objection  be 
fore  stated.  The  jealousy  of  the  subordi 
nate  governments  is  a  precious  reliance.  But 
observe  that  these  governments  are  only 
agents.  They  must  have  principles  furnished 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bill  of  Bights 


them  whereon  to  found  their  opposition.  The 
declaration  of  rights  will  be  the  text,  whereby 
they  will  try  all  the  acts  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  In  this  view,  it  is  necessary  to  the 
Federal  Government  also,  as  by  the  same 
text,  they  may  try  the  opposition  of  the  sub 
ordinate  governments.  4.  Experience  proves 
the  inefficacy  of  a  Bill  of  Rights.  Answer. 
True.  But  though  it  is  not  absolutely  effica 
cious  under  all  circumstances,  it  is  of  great 
potency  always  and  rarely  inefficacious.  A 
brace  the  more  will  often  keep  up  the  build 
ing  which  would  have  fallen  with  that  brace 
the  less.  There  is  a  remarkable  difference 
between  the  characters  of  the  inconveniences 
which  attend  a  declaration  of  rights,  and 
those  which  attend  the  want  of  it.  The  in 
conveniences  of  the  declaration  are  that  it 
may  cramp  government  in  its  useful  exer 
tions.  But  the  evil  of  this  is  short-lived, 
moderate  and  reparable.  The  inconveniences 
of  the  want  of  a  declaration  are  permanent, 
afflicting  and  irreparable.  They  are  in  con 
stant  progression  from  bad  to  worse.  The 
executive,  in  our  governments,  is  not  the 
sole,  it  is  scarcely  the  principal,  object  of  my 
jealousy.  The  tyranny  of  the  legislatures  is 
the  most  formidable  dread  at  present,  and 
will  be  for  many  years.  That  of  the  executive 
will  come  in  its  turn;  but  it  will  be  at  a  re 
mote  period.  I  know  there  are  some  among 
us  who  would  now  establish  a  monarchy.  But 
they  are  inconsiderable  in  number  and  weight 
of  character.  The  rising  race  are  all  republi 
cans.  We  were  educated  in  royalism ;  no 
wonder  if  some  of  us  retain  that  idolatry 
still.  Our  young  people  are  educated  in  repub 
licanism;  an  apostasy  from  that  to  royalism 
is  unprecedented  and  impossible.  I  am  much 
pleased  with  the  prospect  that  a  declaration 
of  rights  will  be  added ;  and  I  hope  it  will  be 
done  in  that  way  which  will  not  endanger 
the  whole  frame  of  government,  or  any  essen 
tial  part  of  it. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  4. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  81.  (P.,  March  1789.) 

826.  BILL  OF  BIGHTS  (French),  Draft 

of. — i.  The  States  General  shall  assemble,  un 
called,  on  the  first  day  of  November,  annu 
ally,  and  shall  remain  together  so  long  as 
they  shall  see  cause.  They  shall  regulate 
their  own  elections  and  proceedings,  and  un 
til  they  shall  ordain  otherwise,  their  elec 
tions  shall  be  in  the  forms  observed  in  the 
present  year,  and  shall  be  triennial.  2..  The 
States  General  alone  shall  levy  money  on  the 
nation,  and  shall  appropriate  it.  3.  Laws 
shall  be  made  by  the  States  General  only, 
with  the  consent  of  the  King.  4.  No  person 
shall  be  restrained  of  his  liberty,  but  by  regu 
lar  process  from  a  court  of  justice,  author 
ized  by  a  general  law.  (Except  that  a  Noble 
may  be  imprisoned  by  order  of  a  -court  of 
justice,  on  the  prayer  of  twelve  of  his  nearest 
relations.)  On  complaint  of  an  unlawful  im 
prisonment,  to  any  judge  whatever,  he  shall 
have  the  prisoner  immediately  brought  before 
him,  and  shall  discharge  him,  if  his  imprison 
ment  be  unlawful.  The  officer  in  whose  cus 
tody  the  prisoner  is,  shall  obey  the  orders  of 
the  judge ;  and  both  judge  and  officer  shall  be 


responsible,  civilly  and  criminally,  for  a  fail 
ure  of  duty  herein.  5.  The  military  shall  be 
subordinate  to  the  civil  authority.  6.  Printers 
shall  be  liable  to  legal  prosecution  for  print 
ing  and  publishing  false  facts,  injurious  to 
the  party  prosecuting;  but  they  shall  be  un 
der  no  other  restraint.  7.  All  pecuniary  priv 
ileges  and  exemptions,  enjoyed  by  any  de 
scription  of  persons,  are  abolished.  8.  All 
debts  already  contracted  by  the  King,  are 
hereby  made  the  debts  of  the  nation;  and 
the  faith  thereof  is  pledged  for  their  payment 
in  due  time.  9.  Eighty  million  of  livres  are 
now  granted  to  the  King,  to  be  raised  by 
loan,  and  reimbursed  by  the  nation;  and  the 
taxes  heretofore  paid,  shall  continue  to  be 
paid  to  the  end  of  the  present  year,  and  no 
longer.  10.  The  States  General  shall  now 
separate,  and  meet  again  on  the  ist  day  of 
November  next.  Done,  on  behalf  of  the  whole 
nation,  by  the  King  and  their  representatives 

in  the  States  General,  at  Versailles,  this  

day  of  June,  1789.  Signed  by  the  King,  and 
by  every  member  individually,  and  in  his  pres 
ence.* — FRENCH  CHARTER  OF  RIGHTS,  iii,  47. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  101.  (P.,  June  1789.) 

827.  BILL  OF  BIGHTS  (French),  His 
tory  of.— After  you  [M.  de  St.  Etienne] 
quitted  us  yesterday  evening,  we  continued 
our  conversation  (Monsr  de  Lafayette,  Mr. 
Short  and  myself)  on  the  subject  of  the  dif 
ficulties  which  environ  you.  The  desirable 
object  being  to  secure  the  good  which  the 
King  has  offered  and  to  avoid  the  ill  which 
seems  to  threaten,  an  idea  was  suggested, 
which  appearing  to  make  an  impression  on 
Mons  de  Lafayette,  I  was  encouraged  to 
pursue  it  on  my  return  to  Paris,  to  put  it 
into  form,  and  now  to  send  it  to  you  and  him. 
It  is  this,  that  the  King,  in  a  seance  royale 
should  come  forward  with  a  Charter  of 
Rights  in  his  hand,  to  be  signed  by  himself, 
and  by  every  member  of  the  three  orders. 
This  Charter  to  contain  the  five  great  points 
which  the  Resultat  of  December  offered  on 
the  part  of  the  King,  the  abolition  of  pecu 
niary  privileges  offered  by  the  privileged  or 
ders,  and  the  adoption  of  the  national  debt, 
and  a  grant  of  the  sum  of  money  asked  from 
the  nation.  This  last  will  be  a  cheap  price  for 
the  preceding  articles,  and  let  the  same  act 
declare  your  immediate  separation  till  the 
next  anniversary  meeting.  You  will  carry 
back  to  your  constituents  more  good  than 
ever  was  effected  before  without  violence, 
and  you  will  stop  exactly  at  the  point  where 
violence  would  otherwise  begin.  Time  will 
be  gained,  the  public  mind  will  continue 
to  ripen  and  to  be  informed,  a  basis  of  sup 
port  may  be  prepared  with  the  people  them 
selves,  and  expedients  occur  for  gaining  still 
something  further  at  your  next  meeting,  and 
for  stopping  again  at  the  point  of  force.  I  have 
ventured  to  send  to  yourself  and  Monsieur 
de  Lafayette  a  sketch  of  my  ideas  of  what  this 
act  might  contain  without  endangering  any 
dispute.  But  it  is  offered  merely  as  a  canvas 

*This  paper  is  entitled  "A  Charter  of  Rights,  Sol 
emnly  established  by  the  King  and  Nation".— ED 
ITOR. 


Bill  of  Rights 
Birthday 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


for  you  to  work  on,  if  it  be  fit  to  work  on  at 
all.  I  know  too  little  of  the  subject,  and  you 
know  too  much  of  it  to  justify  me  in  offering 
anything  but  a  hint.  I  have  done  it  too  in  a 
hurry;  insomuch  that  since  committing  it  to 
writing  it  occurs  to  me  that  the  5th  article 
may  give  alarm,  that  it  is  in  a  good  degree 
included  in  the  4th,  and  is,  therefore,  useless. 
But,  after  all,  what  excuse  can  I  make,  Sir, 
for  this  presumption?  I  have  none  but  an 
unmeasurable  love  for  your  nation,  and  a 
painful  anxiety  lest  despotism,  after  an  unac 
cepted  offer  to  bind  its  own  hands,  should 
seize  you  again  with  tenfold  fury. — To  M.  DE 
ST.  ETIENNE.  FORD  ED.,  v,  99.  (P.,  June 
1789)  See  RIGHTS. 

-   BIMETALISM.— See      DOLLAR      and 
MONEY. 

828.  BI3STGHAM    (William),   Character 
of. — Though   Bingham   is  not  in   diplomatic 
office,  yet  as  he  wishes  to  be  so,  I  will  mention 
such  circumstances  of  him,  as  you  might  other 
wise  be  deceived  in.     He  will  make  you  believe 
he  was  on  the  most  intimate  footing  with  the 
first  characters   in   Europe,   and  versed   in   the 
secrets  of  every  cabinet.     Not  a  word  of  this 
is   true.     He   had   a   rage   for   being   presented 
to  great  men,  and  had  no  modesty  in  the  meth 
ods  by  which  he  could  if  he  attained  acquaint 
ance. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  108.     FORD  ED., 
iv,  366.     (P.,  1787.) 

829.  BIRDS,    Mocking-bird.— Teach    all 
the  children  to  venerate  the  mocking-bird  as  a 
superior  being  in  the  form  of  a  bird,  or  as  a 
being   which   will   haunt   them   if   any   harm   is 
done  to  itself  or  its  eggs.     I  shall  hope  that  the 
multiplication  of  the  cedar  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  of  the  trees  and  shrubs  round  the  house 
[Monticello]    will   attract   more   of   them ;     for 
they      like  to   be   in   the   neighborhood   of  our 
habitations  if  they  furnish  cover. — To  MARTHA 
JEFFERSON    RANDOLPH.     D.    L.    J.,    221.     (Pa., 
I/93-) 

830.  BIRDS,  Nightingale.— I  have  heard 
the  nightingale  in  all  its  perfection,  and  I   do 
not   hesitate   to   pronounce   that   in   America   it 
would  be  deemed  a  bird  of  the  third  rank  only, 
our  mocking-bird,  and  fox-colored  thrush  being 
unquestionably  superior  to  it. — To   MRS.  JOHN 
ADAMS.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  63.     (P.,  1785.) 

831. .     I  have  been  for  a  week 

past  sailing  on  the  canal  of  Languedoc,  cloud 
less  skies  above,  limpid  waters  below,  and  on 
each  hand  a  row  of  nightingales  in  full  chorus. 
This  delightful  bird  had  given  me  a  rich  treat 
before,  at  the  fountain  of  Vaucluse.  After  vis 
iting  the  tomb  of  Laura  at  Avignon,  I  went  to 
see  this  fountain — a  noble  one  of  itself,  and 
rendered  famous  forever  by  the  songs  of  Pe 
trarch,  who  lived  near  it.  I  arrived  there  some 
what  fatigued,  and  sat  down  by  the  fountain 
to  repose  myself.  It  gushes,  of  the  size  of  a 
river,  from  a  secluded  valley  of  the  mountains, 
the  ruins  of  Petrarch's  chateau  being  perched 
on  a  rock  two  hundred  feet  perpendicular 
above.  To  add  to  the  enchantment  of  the 
scene,  every  tree  and  bush  was  filled  with  night 
ingales  in  full  song.  I  think  you  told  me  that 
you  had  not  yet  noticed  this  bird.  As  you 
have  trees  in  the  garden  of  the  convent,  there 
might  be  nightingales  in  them,  and  this  is  the 
season  of  their  song.  Endeavor  to  make  your 
self  acquainted  with  the  music  of  this  bird, 
that  when  you  return  to  your  own  country, 
you  may  be  able  to  estimate  its  merit  in  com 
parison  with  that  of  the  mocking-bird.  The 
latter  has  the  advantage  of  singing  through  a 


great  part  of  the  year,  whereas  the  nightingale 
sings  about  five  or  six  weeks  in  the  spring,  and 
a  still  shorter  term,  and  with  a  more  feeble 
voice,  in  the  fall. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  388.  (1787.) 

832.  BIRDS,    Skylark.— There    are    two 
or  three  objects  which  you  should  endeavor  to 
enrich  our  country  with, — the  skylark,  the  red- 
legged   partridge.     I    despair  too   much   of   the 
nightingale   to    add   that. — To   JAMES    MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  21.     (M.,   1795.) 

833.  BIRDS,     Turkey.— I     suppose     the 
opinion   to   be   universal   that   the   turkey    is    a 
native  of  America.     Nobody,  as  far  as  I  know, 
has  ever  contradicted  it  but  Daines  Harrington  ; 
and   the    arguments    he   produces    are    such    as 
none  but  a  head,  entangled  and  kinked  as  his 
is,  would  ever  have  urged.     Before  the  discov 
ery    of    America,    no    such    bird    is    mentioned 
in    a   single   author,   all   those   quoted   by   Bar- 
rington,  by  description  referring  to  the  crane, 
hen,   pheasant,    or   peacock ;     but   the   book   of 
every    traveller,    who    came    to    America    soon 
after  its  discovery,   is   full   of  accounts  of  the 
turkey    and    its    abundance ;     and    immediately 
after  that  discovery  we  find  the  turkey  served 
up  at  the  feasts  of  Europe,   as  their  most  ex 
traordinary    rarity. — To    DR.    HUGH    WILLIAM 
SON,     iv,    346.     FORD   ED.,  vii,   480.     (W.,   Jan. 
1801.) 

834.  BIRDS,    The    Crested    Turkey.— I 
have  taken  measures  to  obtain  the  crested  tur 
key,  and  will  endeavor  to  perpetuate  that  beau 
tiful   and  singular  characteristic,   and   shall   be 
not  less  earnest  in  endeavors  to  raise  the  Mor- 
onnier. — To  M.  CORREA.    vii,  95.     (P.  F.,  1817.) 

835.  BIRDS,  The  Turkey  in  Heraldry. 
— Mr.  William  Strickland,  the  eldest  son  of 
St.    George    Strickland,    of    York,    in    England, 
told  me  this  anecdote  :      Some  ancestor  of  his 
commanded  a  vessel  in  the  navigations  of  Ca 
bot.     Having  occasion  to  consult  the  Herald's 
office  concerning  his  family,  he  found  a  petition 
from  that  ancestor  to  the  Crown,   stating  that 
Cabot's  circumstances  being  slender,  he  had  been 
rewarded  by  the  bounties,  he  needed  from  the 
Crown ;    that  as  to  himself,  he  asked  nothing  in 
that  way,   but  that  as   a   consideration   for   his 
services  in  the  same  way,  he  might  be  permitted 
to  assume  for  the  crest  of  his  family  arms,  the 
turkey,    an    American    bird ;     and    Mr.    Strick 
land    observed    that    their    crest    is    actually    a 
turkey. — To  DR.   HUGH   WILLIAMSON,     iv,  346. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  480.      (W.,  Jan.  1801.) 

836.  BIRTH,    Public    Office    and. — For 

promoting  the  public  happiness,  those  per 
sons,  whom  nature  has  endowed  with  genius 
and  virtue,  should  be  rendered  by  liberal 
education  worthy  to  receive,  and  able  to 
guard  the  sacred  deposit  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  their  fellow  citizens;  and  they 
should  be  called  to  that  charge  without  re 
gard  to  *  *  *  birth,  or  other  accidental 
condition  or  circumstance. — DIFFUSION  OF 
KNOWLEDGE  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.  (1779.) 

837.  BIRTHDAY,     Jefferson's.— Disap 
proving  myself  of  transferring  the  honors  and 
veneration  for  the  great  birthday  of  our  Re 
public  to  any  individual,  or  of  dividing  them 
with  individuals,  I  have  declined  letting  my 
own  birthday  be  known,  and  have  engaged 
mv  family  not  to  communicate  it.    This  has 
been  the   uniform   answer  to  every  applica 
tion  of  the  kind. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN",    iv,  504. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  246.     (M.,  Aug.   1803.) 


93 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Birthday 
Bishop  (Samuel) 


838. .     The  only  birthday  which 

I  recognize  is  that  of  my  country's  liberties.* 
— RAYNER'S  LIFE  OF  JEFFERSON,  p.  18. 

839.  BIRTHDAY,  Celebration  of  Wash 
ington's. — A  great  ball  is  to  be  given  here 
[Philadelphia]  on  the  22d,  and  in  other  great 
towns  of  the  Union.  This  is,  at  least,  very 
indelicate,  and  probably  excites  uneasy  sensa 
tions  in  some.  I  see  in  it,  however,  this  use 
ful  deduction,  that  the  birthdays,  which  have 
been  kept,  have  been,  not  those  of  the  Presi 
dent,  but  of  the  General. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  212.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  203.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 


-.     The   late  birth-night  has 
tares     among     the     exclusive 


840. 

certainly     sown 

federalists.  It  has  winnowed  the  grain  from 
the  chaff.  The  sincerely  Adamites  did  not  go. 
The  Washingtonians  went  religiously,  and  took 
the  secession  of  the  others  in  high  dudgeon. 
The  one  sect  threaten  to  desert  the  levees,  the 
other  the  parties.  The  whigs  went  in  number, 
to  encourage  the  idea  that  the  birth-nights 
hitherto  kept  had  been  for  the  General  and  not 
the  President,  and  of  course  that  time  would 
bring  an  end  to  them. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  218.  FORD  EDV  vii,  211.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

841.  BISHOP  (Samuel),  Appointment 
as  Collector. — I  have  received  the  remon 
strance  you  were  pleased  to  address  to  me, 
on  the  appointment  of  Samuel  Bishop  to  the 
office  of  Collector  of  New  Haven,  lately  va 
cated  by  the  death  of  Daniel  Austin.  The 
right  of  our  fellow  citizens  to  represent  to  the 
public  functionaries  their  opinion  on  proceed 
ings  interesting  to  them,  is  unquestionably 
a  constitutional  right,  often  useful,  some 
times  necessary,  and  will  always  be  respect 
fully  acknowledged  by  me.  Of  the  various 
executive  duties,  no  one  excites  more  anx 
ious  concern  than  that  of  placing  the  inter 
ests  of  our  fellow  citizens  in  the  hands  of 
honest  men,  with  understandings  sufficient 
for  their  stations.  No  duty,  at  the  same  time, 
is  more  difficult  to  fulfil.  The  knowledge  of 
characters  possessed  by  a  single  individual 
is,  of  necessity,  limited.  To  seek  out  the 
best  through  the  whole  Union,  we  must  re 
sort  to  other  information,  which,  from  the 
best  of  men,  acting  disinterestedly  and  with 
the  purest  motives,  is  sometimes  incorrect. 
In  the  case  of  Samuel  Bishop,  however,  the 
subject  of  your  remonstrance,  time  was 
taken,  information  was  sought,  and  such  ob 
tained  as  could  leave  no  room  for  doubt  of 
his  fitness.  From  private  sources  it  was 
learned  that  his  understanding  was  sound. 
his  integrity  pure,  his  character  unstained. 
And  the  offices  confided  to  him  within  his 
own  State,  are  public  evidences  of  the  es 
timation  in  which  he  is  held  by  the  State 
in  general,  and  the  city  and  township  par 
ticularly  in  which  he  lives.  He  is  said  to 
be  the  town  clerk,  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
mayor  of  the  city  of  New  Haven,  an  office 
held  at  the  will  of  the  legislature,  chief  judge 
of  the  court  of  common  pleas  for  New 
Haven  County,  a  court  of  high  criminal  and 

*  Jefferson  thought  he  discovered  in  the  birthday 
celebrations  of  particular  persons,  a  germ  of  aristo- 
cratical  distinction,  which  it  was  incumbent  upon  all 
such  persons,  by  a  timely  concert  of  example,  to 
crush  in  the  bud..— RAYNER'S  Life  of  Jefferson^  p.  17. 


civil  jurisdiction  wherein  most  causes  are  de 
cided  without  the  right  of  appeal  or  review, 
and  sole  judge  of  the  court  of  Probates, 
wherein  he  singly  decides  all  questions  of 
wills,  settlement  of  estates,  testate  and  in 
testate,  appoints  guardians,  settles  their  ac 
counts,  and  in  fact  has  under  his  jurisdiction 
and  care  all  the  property,  real  and  personal,  of 
persons  dying.  The  two  last  offices,  in  the 
annual  gift  of  the  legislature,  were  given  to 
him  in  May  last.  Is  it  possible  that  the  man 
to  whom  the  legislature  of  Connecticut  has 
so  recently  committed  trusts  of  such  diffi 
culty  and  magnitude,  is  "  unfit  to  be  the  col 
lector  of  the  district  of  New  Haven,"  though 
acknowledged  in  the  same  writing,  to  have 
obtained  all  this  confidence  "  by  a  long  life 
of  usefulness"?  It  is  objected,  indeed,  in 
the  remonstrance,  that  he  is  seventy-seven 
years  of  age ;  but  at  a  much  more  advanced 
age,  our  Franklin  was  the  ornament  of  hu 
man  nature.  He  may  not  be  able  to  perform 
in  person  all  the  details  of  his  office;  but  if 
he  gives  us  the  benefit  of  his  understanding, 
his  integrity,  his  watchfulness  and  takes 
care  that  all  the  details  are  well  per 
formed  by  himself  or  his  necessary  assist 
ants,  all  public  purposes  will  be  answered. 
The  remonstrance,  indeed,  does  not  allege 
that  the  office  has  been  illy  conducted,  but 
only  apprehends  that  it  will  be  so.  Should 
this  happen  in  event,  be  assured  I  will  do  in  it 
what  shall  be  just  and  necessary  for  the 
public  service.  In  the  meantime,  he  should 
be  tried  without  being  prejudged.— To  THE 
NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,  iv,  402.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  67.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

842.  BISHOP  (Samuel),  Goodrich's  re 
moval  and. — The  removal,  as  it  is  called,  of 
Mr.  [Elizur]  Goodrich,  promises  another 
subject  of  complaint.  Declarations  by  my 
self  in  favor  of  political  tolerance,  exhorta 
tions  to  harmony  and  affection  in  social  in 
tercourse,  and  to  respect  for  the^equal  rights 
of  the  minority,  have,  on  certain  occasions, 
been  quoted  and  misconstrued  into  assur 
ances  that  the  tenure  of  offices  was  to  be  un 
disturbed.  But  could  candor  apply  such  a 
construction?  It  is  not,  indeed,  in  the  re 
monstrance  that  we  find  it;  but  it  leads  to 
the  explanations  which  that  calls  for.  When 
it  is  considered,  that  during  the  late  adminis 
tration,  those  who  were  not  of  a  particular 
sect  of  politics  were  excluded  from  all  office : 
when,  by  a  steady  pursuit  of  this  measure, 
nearly  the  whole  officers  of  the  United  States 
were  monopolized  by  that  sect;  when 
the  public  sentiment  at  length  declared  itself, 
and  burst  open  the  doors  of  honor  and  con 
fidence  to  those  whose  opinions  they  more 
approved,  was  it  to  be  imagined  that  this 
monopoly  of  office  was  still  to  be  continued 
in  the  hands  of  the  minority?  Does  it  vio 
late  their  equal  rights,  to  assert  some  rights 
in  the  majority  also?  Is  it  political  intoler 
ance  to  claim  a  proportionate  share  in  the 
direction  of  the  public  affairs?  Can  they 
not  harmonise  in  society  unless  they  have 
everything  in  their  own  hands?  If  the  will 
of  the  nation,  manifested  by  their  various 


Bishop  (Samuel) 
Bland  (Richard) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


94 


elections,  calls  for  an  administration  of  gov 
ernment  according  with  the  opinions  of  those 
elected;  if,  for  the  fulfilment  of  that  will, 
displacements  are  necessary,  with  whom  can 
they  so  justly  begin  as  with  persons  ap 
pointed  in  the  last  moments  of  an  adminis 
tration,  not  for  its  own  aid.  but  to  begin  a 
career  at  the  same  time  with  their  success 
ors,  by  whom  they  had  never  been  approved, 
and  who  could  scarcely  expect  from  them  a 
cordial  cooperation?  Mr.  Goodrich  was  one 
of  these.  Was  it  proper  for  him  to  place 
himself  in  office,  without  knowing  whether 
those  whose  agent  he  was  to  be  would  have 
confidence  in  his  agency?  Can  the  prefer 
ence  of  another,  as  the  successor  to  Mr. 
Austin,  be  candidly  called  a  removal  of  Mr. 
Goodrich?  If  a  due  participation  of  office 
is  a  matter  of  right,  how  are  vacancies  to  be 
obtained?  Those  by  death  are  few;  by  res 
ignation,  none.  Can  any  other  mode  than 
that  of  removal  be  proposed  ?  This  is  a  pain 
ful  office ;  but  it  is  made  my  duty,  and  I  meet 
it  as  such.  I  proceed  in  the  operation  with 
deliberation  and  inquiry,  that  it  may  injure 
the  best  men  least,  and  effect  the  purposes  of 
justice  and  public  utility  with  the  least  pri 
vate  distress ;  that  it  may  be  thrown,  as  much 
as  possible,  on  delinquency,  on  oppression, 
on  intolerance,  on  incompetence,  on  ante- 
revolutionary  adherence  to  our  enemies.  The 
remonstrance  laments  "  that  a  change  in  the 
administration  must  produce  a  change  in  the 
subordinate  officers,"  in  other  words,  that 
it  should  be  deemed  necessary  for  all  offi 
cers  to  think  with  their  principal?  But  on 
whom  does  this  imputation  bear?  On  those 
who  have  excluded  from  office  every  shade 
of  opinion  which  was  not  theirs?  Or  on 
those  who  have  been  so  excluded?  I  lament 
sincerely  that  unessential  differences  of  po 
litical  opinion  should  ever  have  been  deemed 
sufficient  to  interdict  half  the  society  from 
the  rights  and  blessings  of  self-government, 
to  proscribe  them  as  characters  unworthy  of 
every  trust.  It  would  have  been  to  me  a 
circumstance  of  great  relief,  had  I  found  a 
moderate  participation  of  office  in  the  hands 
of  the  majority.  I  would  gladly  have  left 
to  time  and  accident  to  raise  them  to  their 
just  share.  But  their  total  exclusion  calls 
for  prompter  correctives.  I  shall  correct  the 
procedure ;  but  that  done,  disdain  to  follow 
it,  shall  return  with  joy  to  that  state  of 
things,  when  the  only  questions  concerning 
a  candidate  shall  be:  Is  he  honest?  Is  he 
capable?  Is  he  faithful  to  the  Constitu 
tion? — To  THE  NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,  iv, 
403.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  69.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

843.  BISHOP  (Samuel),  New  Haven 
Remonstrance  and. — Mr.  Goodrich' s  re 
moval  has  produced  a  bitter  remonstrance, 
with  much  personality  against  the  two  Bish 
ops.  I  am  sincerely  sorry  to  see  the  inflex 
ibility  of  the  federal  spirit  there,  for  I  cannot 
believe  they  are  all  monarchists. — To  LEVI 
LINCOLN,  iv,  399.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  67.  (W., 
July  1801.) 

844. .     Some  occasion  of  public 

explanation   was   eagerly   desired,    when   the 


New  Haven  remonstrance  offered  us  that  oc 
casion.  The  answer  was  meant  as  an  ex 
planation  to  our  triends.  It  has  had  ori 
them,  everywhere,  the  most  wholesome  effect. 
Appearances  of  schismatizing  from  us  have 
been  entirely  done  away.  I  own  I  expected 
it  would  check  the  current  with  which  the 
republican  federalists  were  returning  to  their 
brethren,  the  republicans.  I  extremely  la 
mented  this  effect ;  for  the  moment  which 
should  convince  me  that  a  healing  of  the  na 
tion  into  one  is  impracticable,  would  be  the 
last  moment  of  my  wishing  to  remain  where 
I  am. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  406.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  84.  (M.,  Aug.  1801.)  See  GOODRICH.  . 

845.  BLACKSTONE    (Sir    William), 
Commentaries. — The     exclusion     from    the 
courts  of  the  malign  influence  of  all  author 
ities  after  the  Georgium    Sidus  became  as 
cendant,       would      uncanonize      Blackstone, 
whose  book,  although  the  most  elegant  and 
best  digested  of  our  law  catalogue,  has  been 
perverted,   more  than  all   others,   to  the   de 
generacy  of  legal   science.     A  student  finds 
there   a    smattering   of   everything,    and    his 
indolence    easily    persuades    him    that    if    he 
understands  that  book,  he  is   master  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  law.     The  distinction  be 
tween  these,  and  those  who  have  drawn  their 
stores  from  the  deep  and  rich  mines  of  Coke 
on  Littleton,  seems  well  understood  even  by 
the    unlettered    common    people,    who    apply 
the   appellation    of     Blackstone     lawyers     to 
these  ephemeral  insects  of  the  law. — To  JUDGE 
TYLER,     vi,  66.     (M.,  1812.) 

846.  BLACKSTONE    (Sir    William), 

Toryism  of. — Blackstone  and  Hume  have 
made  tories  of  all  England,  and  are  making 
tories  of  those  young  Americans  whose  native 
feelings  of  independence  do  not  place  them 
above  the  wily  sophistries  of  a  Hume  or  a 
Blackstone.  These  two  books,  but  especially 
the  former,  have  done  more  towards  the 
suppression  of  the  liberties  of  man,  than  all 
the  million  of  men  in  arms  of  Bonaparte,  and 
the  millions  of  human  lives  with  the  sacrifice 
of  which  he  will  stand  loaded  before  the 
judgment  seat  of  his  Maker. — To  HORATIO  G. 
SPAFFORD.  vi,  335.  (M.,  1814.) 

847.  BLAND  (Richard),  Character  of.— 

Colonel  Richard  Bland  was  the  most  learned 
and  logical  man  of  those  who  took  prominent 
lead  in  public  affairs,  profound  in  constitu 
tional  lore,  a  most  ungraceful  speaker  (as  were 
Peyton  Randolph  and  Robinson,  in  a  remark 
able  degree.)  He  wrote  the  first  pamphlet  on 
the  nature  of  the  connection  with  Great  Brit 
ain  which  had  #ny  pretension  to  accuracy  of 
view  on  that  subject,  but  it  was  a  singular  one. 
He  would  set  out  on  sound  principles,  pursue 
them  Logically  till  he  found  them  leading  to  the 
precipice  which  he  had  to  leap,  start  back 
alarmed,  then  resume  his  ground,  go  over  it  in 
another  direction,  be  led  again  by  the  correct 
ness  of  his  reasoning  to  the  same  place,  and 
again  back  out,  and  try  other  processes  to 
reconcile  right  and  wrong,  but  finally  left  his 
reader  and  himself  bewildered  between  the 
steady  index  of  the  compass  in  their  hand,  and 
the  phantasm  to  which  it  seemed  to  point.  Still 
there  was  more  sound  matter  in  his  pamphlet 
than  in  the  celebrated  "  Farmer's  Letters," 


95 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Blockades 

|{.)llm,ni  (Eric) 


which  were  really  but  an  ignis  fatuus,  mislead 
ing  us  from  true  principles. — To  WILLIAM 
WIRT.  vi,  485.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  474.  (M.,  1815.) 

848.  BLOCKADES,  Law  of. —When  the 
fleet   of  any   nation   actually   beleaguers   the 
port  of  its  enemy,  no  other  has  a  right  to 
enter  their  line  any  more  than  their  line  of 
battle  in  the  open  sea,  or  their  lines  of  cir- 
cumvallation,  or  of  encampment,  or  of  battle 
array   on   land.     The   space   included   within 
their  lines  in  any  of  those  cases,  is  either  the 
property   of   their   enemy,    or   it   is   common 
property,  assumed  and  possessed  for  a  mo 
ment,  which  cannot  be  intruded  on,  even  by 
a  neutral,  without  committing  the  very  tres 
pass  we  are  now  considering,  that  of  intrud 
ing  into  the  lawful  possession  of  a  friend. — 
To  ROBERT   R.   LIVINGSTON,     iv,  410.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  91.     (M.,  1801.) 

849.  BLOCKADES,      Neutrals      and.— 
When   two  nations   go  to   war,    it   does   not 
abridge  the  rights  of  neutral  nations  but  in 
the  two  articles  of  blockade  and  contraband 
of   war. — To   BENJAMIN    STODDERT.     v,   425. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  245.     (W.,  1809.) 

850.  BLOCKADES,  Seizure  of  Ships.— 
The   instruction    [to  commanders   of   British 
war  ships]    which  allows  the  armed  vessels 
of  Great  Britain  to  seize,  for  condemnation, 
all  vessels,  on  their  first  attempt  to  enter  a 
blockaded  port,  except  those  of  Denmark  and 
Sweden,  which  are  to  be  prevented  only,  but 
not   seized,   on   their   first   attempt.     Of   the 
nations  inhabiting  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic 
ocean,  and  practising    its    navigation,    Den 
mark,  Sweden  and  the  United  States,  alone 
are   neutral.      To    declare,   then,    all    neutral 
vessels  (for  as  to  the  vessels  of  the  belliger 
ent  powers  no  order  was  necessary)    to  be 
legal   prize,  which   shall   attempt  to  enter  a 
blockaded   port,   except   those    of    Denmark 
and  Sweden,   is  exactly  to  declare   that  the 
vessels  of  the  United  States  shall  be  lawful 
prize,    and    those   of   Denmark   and    Sweden 
shall  not.     It  is  of  little  consequence  that  the 
article     has     avoided     naming     the     United 
States,    since  it  has   used   a   description   ap 
plicable  to  them,  and  to  them  alone,  while  it 
exempts    the    others    from    its   operation,    by 
name.     You   will   be  pleased   to  ask   an   ex 
planation   of  this   distinction ;    and   you   will 
be  able  to  say  in  discussing  its  justice,  that 
in  every  circumstance,  we  treat  Great  Brit 
ain  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favored  na 
tion,  where  our  treaties  do  not  preclude  us, 
and  that  even  these  are  just  as  favorable  to 
her  as  hers  are  to  us.     Possibly  she  may  be 
bound  by  treaty  to  admit  this  exception   in 
favor  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  but  she  can 
not  be  bound  by  treaty  to  withhold  it  from  us  ; 
and    if    it    be    withheld    merely    because    not 
established    with    us   by    treaty,    what    might 
not  we,   on   the  same    ground,    have    with 
held    from    Great   Britain,    during   the    short 
course   of   the   present   war,    as   well    as   the 
peace  which  has  preceded  it  ? — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.     iv,  62.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  416.     (Pa., 
Sept.  1793.) 

851. .     You  express  your  appre 
hension  that  some  of  the  belligerent  powers 


may  stop  our  vessels  going  with  grain  to  the 
ports  of  their  enemies,  and  ask  instructions 
which  may  meet  the  question  in  various 
points  of  view,  intending,  however,  in  the 
meantime  to  contend  for  the  amplest  freedom 
of  neutral  nations.  Your  intention  in  this 
is  perfectly  proper,  and  coincides  with  the 
ideas  of  our  own  government  in  the  particu 
lar  case  you  put,  as  in  general  cases.  Such  a 
stoppage  to  an  unblockaded  port  would  be 
so  unequivocal  an  infringement  of  the  neu 
tral  rights,  that  we  cannot  conceive  it  will  be 
attempted. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  551. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  242.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

852.  BLOUNT     (William),     Impeach 
ment  of. — It  is  most  evident,  that  the  anti- 
republicans  wish  to  get  rid  of  Blpunt's  impeach 
ment.     Many  metaphysical  niceties  are  handing 
about  in  conversation,  to  show  that  it  cannot  be 
sustained.     To  show  the  contrary,  it  is  evident 
must  be  the  task  of  the  republicans,  or  of  no 
body. — To     JAMES     MADISON,     iv,     206.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  190.     (Pa.,  Jan.  1798.)     See  IMPEACH 
MENT. 

853.  BOLINGBROKE,       Writings       of 

Lord. — Lord  Bolingbroke  and  Thomas  Paine 
were  alike  in  making  bitter  enemies  of  the 
priests  and  pharisees  of  their  day.  Both 
were  honest  men ;  both  advocates  for  human 
liberty.  Paine  wrote  for  a  country  which  per 
mitted  him  to  push  his  reasoning  to  whatever 
length  it  would  go.  Lord  Bolingbroke  in  one 
restrained  by  a  constitution,  and  by  public  opin 
ion.  He  was  called  indeed  a  tory ;  but  his 
writings  prove  him  a  stronger  advocate  for  lib 
erty  than  any  of  his  countrymen,  the  whigs  of 
the  present  day.  Irritated  by  his  exile,  he  com 
mitted  one  act  unworthy  of  him,  in  connecting 
himself  momentarily  with  a  prince  rejected  by 
his  country.  But  he  redeemed  that  single  act 
by  his  establishment  of  the  principles  which 
proved  it  to  be  wrong.  These  two  persons  dif 
fered  remarkably  in  the  style  of  their  writing, 
each  leaving  a  model  of  what  is  most  perfect 
in  both  extremes  of  the  simple  and  sublime. 
No  writer  has  exceeded  Paine  in  ease  and  fa 
miliarity  of  style,  in  perspicuity  of  expression, 
happiness  of  elucidation,  and  in  simple  and  un 
assuming  language.  In  this  he  may  be  com 
pared  with  Dr.  Franklin  ;  and  indeed  his  Com 
mon  Sense  was,  for  awhile,  believed  to  have 
been  written  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  published 
under  the  borrowed  name  of  Paine,  who  had 
come  over  with  him  from  England.  Lord 
Bolingbroke's.  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  style  of 
the  highest  order.  The  lofty,  rythmical,  full- 
flowing  eloquence  of  Cicero ;  periods  of  just 
measure,  their  members  proportioned,  their 
close  full  and  round.  His  conceptions,  too,  are 
bold  and  strong,  his  diction  copious,  polished 
and  commanding  as  his  subject.  His  writings 
are  certainly  the  finest  samples  in  the  English 
language  of  the  eloquence  proper  for  the  sen 
ate.  His  political  tracts  are  safe  reading  for 
the  most  timid  religionist,  his  philosophical,  for 
those  who  are  not  afraid  to  trust  their  reason 
with  discussions  of  right  and  wrong. — To 
FRANCIS  EPPES.  vii,  197.  FORD  ED.,  x,  183. 
(M.,  1821.) 

854.  BOLLMAN    (Eric),    Burr    and.— I 

am  sorry  to  tell  you  that  Bollman  was  Burr's 
right  hand  man  in  all  his  guilty  schemes.  On 
being  brought  to  prison  here  [Washington],  he 
communicated  to  Mr.  Madison  and  myself  the 
whole  of  the  plans,  always,  however,  apolo 
getically  for  Burr,  as  far  as  they  would  bear. 
But  his  subsequent  tergiversations  have  proved 


Bollman  (Eric) 
Bouaparte  (N.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


96 


him  conspicuously  base.  I  gave  him  a  pardon, 
however,  which  covers  him  from  everything  but 
infamy.  I  was  the  more  astonished  at  his  en 
gaging  in  this  business,  from  the  peculiar  mo 
tives  he  should  have  felt  for  fidelity.  When  I 
came  into  the  government,  I  sought  him  out  on 
account  of  the  services  he  had  rendered  you, 
cherished  him,  offered  him  two  different  ap 
pointments  of  value,  which,  after  keeping  them 
long  under  consideration,  he  declined  for  com 
mercial  views,  and  would  have  given  him  any 
thing  for  which  he  was  fit.  Be  assured  he  is 
unworthy  of  ever  occupying  again  the  care  of 
any  honest  man. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
v,  130.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  114.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

855.  BOLLMAN    (Eric),    Pardon    of.— 

Dr.  Bollman,  on  his  arrival  in  Washington  in 
custody  in  January,  voluntarily  offered  to  make 
communications  to  me,  which  he  accordingly 
did,  Mr.  Madison  also  being  present.  I  pre 
viously  and  subsequently  assured  him.  (without, 
however,  his  having  requested  it),  that  they 
should  never  be  used  against  himself.  Mr. 
Madison  on  the  same  evening  committed  to 
writing,  by  memory,  what  he  had  said ;  and 
I  moreover  asked  of  Bollman  to  do  it  himself, 
which  he  did,  and  I  now  enclose  it  to  you. 
The  object  is,  as  he  is  to  be  a  witness,  that 
you  may  know  how  to  examine  him,  and  draw 
everything  from  him.  I  wish  the  paper  to  be 
seen  and  known  only  to  yourself  and  the  gen 
tlemen  who  aid  you,  and  to  be  returned  to  me. 
If  he  should  prevaricate,  I  should  be  willing 
you  should  go  so  far  as  to  ask  him  whether  he 
did  not  say  so, and  so  to  Mr.  Madison  and  my 
self,  in  order  to  let  him  see  that  his  prevarica 
tions  will  be  marked.  Mr.  Madison  will  for 
ward  you  a  pardon  for  him,  which  we  mean 
should  be  delivered  previously.  It  is  suspected 
by  some  he  does  not  intend  to  appear.  If  he 
does  not,  I  hope  you  will  take  effectual  meas 
ures  to  have  him  immediately  taken  into  cus 
tody.  Some  other  blank  pardons  are  sent  on 
to  be  filled  up  at  your  discretion,  if  you  should 
find  a  defect  of  evidence,  and  believe  that  this 
would  supply  it,  *  *  *  avoiding  to  give 
them  to  the  gross  offenders,  unless  it  be  visi 
ble  that  the  principal  will  otherwise  escape. — 
To  GEORGE  HAY.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  52.  (W.,  May 
1807.) 

856.  BONAPARTE  (Jerome),  Marriage 

of. — A  report  reaches  us  from  Baltimore, 
*  *  *  that  Mr.  Jerome  Bonaparte,  brother 
of  the  First  Consul,  is  married  to  Miss  Patter 
son,  of  that  city.  The  effect  of  this  measure 
on  the  mind  of  the  First  Consul,  is  not  for  me 
to  suppose ;  but  as  it  might  occur  to  him, 
prima  facie,  that  the  Executive  of  the  United 
States  ought  to  have  prevented  it,  I  have 
thought  it  advisable  to  mention  the  subject  to 
you,  that,  if  necessary,  you  may  by  explana 
tion  set  that  idea  to  rights.  You  know  that  by 
our  laws,  all  persons  are  free  to  enter  into 
marriage,  if  of  twenty-one  years  of  age,  no  one 
having  a  power  to  restrain  it,  not  even  their 
parents ;  and  that  under  that  age,  no  one  can 
prevent  it  but  the  parent  or  guardian.  The 
lady  is  under  age,  and  the  parents,  placed  be 
tween  her  affections,  which  were  strongly  fixed, 
and  the  considerations  opposing  the  measure, 
yielded  with  pain  and  anxiety  to  the  former. 
Mr.  Patterson  is  the  President  of  the  Bank 
of  Baltimore,  the  wealthiest  man  in  Maryland, 
perhaps  in  the  United  States,  except  Mr.  Car 
roll  ;  a  man  of  great  virtue  and  respectability  ; 
the  mother  is  the  sister  of  the  lady  of  General 
Samuel  Smith ;  and,  consequently,  the  station 
of  the  family  in  society  is  with  the  first  of 
the  United  States.  These  circumstances  fix 


rank  in  a  country  where  there  are  no  heredi 
tary  titles. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv, 
510.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  277.  (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

857.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Brutuses  for. 

— If  Bonaparte  declares  for  royalty,  either  in 
his  own  person,  or  for  Louis  XVIII.,  he  has 
but  a  few  days  to  live.  In  a  nation  of  so 
much  enthusiasm,  there  must  be  a  million  of 
Brutuses  who  will  devote  themselves  to  de 
stroy  him. — To  HENRY  INNES.  iv,  315.  FORD 
EDV  vii,  412.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

858. .     Had  the  consuls  been  put 

to  death  in  the  first  tumult,  and  before  the 
nation  had  time  to  take  sides,  the  Directory 
and  Councils  might  have  reestablished 
themselves  on  the  spot.  But  that  not  being 
done,  perhaps  it  is  now  to  be  wished  that 
Bonaparte  may  be  spared,  as,  according  to 
his  protestations,  he  is  for  liberty,  equality 
and  representative  government,  and  he  is 
more  able  to  keep  the  nation  together,  and 
to  ride  out  the  storm  than  any  other.  Per 
haps  it  may  end  in  their  establishing  a  single 
representative,  and  that  in  his  person.  I 
hope  it  will  not  be  for  life,  for  fear  of  the  in 
fluence  of  the  example  on  our  countrymen. 
It  is  very  material  for  the  latter  to  be  made 
sensible  that  their  own  character  and  situa 
tion  are  materially  different  from  the  French  ; 
and  that  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  republi 
canism  there,  we  are  able  to  preserve  it  in 
violate  here. — To  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  418.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

859.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Cromwell, 

Washington  and. — My  confidence  has  been 
placed  in  the  head,  not  in  the  heart  of  Bona 
parte.  I  hoped  he  would  calculate  truly  the 
difference  between  the  fame  of  a  Washington 
and  a  Cromwell. — To  SAMUEL  ADAMS,  iv, 
321.  FORD  EDV  vii,  425.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1800.) 

860.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Detested.— No 

man  on  earth  has  stronger  detestation  than 
myself  of  the  unprincipled  tyrant  who  is  del 
uging  the  continent  of  Europe  with  blood. 
No  one  was  more  gratified  by  his  disasters  of 
the  last  compaign.* — To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN. 
vi,  216.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  423.  (M.,  Oct.  1813.) 

861.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Embargo  and. 

— The  explanation  of  his  principles  given  you 
by  the  French  Emperor,  in  conversation,  is 
correct  as  far  as  it  goes.  He  does  not  wish 
us  to  go  to  war  with  England,  knowing  we 
have  no  ships  to  carry  on  that  war.  To  sub 
mit  to  pay  to  England  the  tribute  on  our  com 
merce  which  she  demands  by  her  orders  of 
council,  would  be  to  aid  her  in  the  war 
against  him,  and  would  give  him  just  ground 
to  declare  war  with  us.  He,  concludes,  there- 

*  This  extract  got  into  the  newspapers  contrary  to 
Jefferson's  wishes,  and  led  to  a  long  interruption  of 
the  correspondence  between  him  and  Dr.  Logan.  At 
length,  in  1816,  he  wrote  to  Logan,  complaining  of 
the  publication,  and  said:  "  this  [extract]  produced 
to  me  more  complaints  from  my  best  friends  and 
called  for  more  explanations  than  any  transaction  of 
my  life  had  ever  done.  They  inferred  from  this  par 
tial  extract  an  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  Eng 
land,  which  yet  the  same  letter  censured  with  equal 
rigor.  It  prodticed,  too,  from  the  minister  of  Bona 
parte  a  complaint,  not  indeed  formal,  for  I  was  but  a 
private  citizen,  but  serious,  of  my  volunteering  with 
England  in  the  abuse  of  his  sovereign."— EDITOR. 


Thomas  Jefferson 

Age  about  J 


'rom  the  painting  by  Charles  Wilson  IValo  hanging  in 


Hall,  Philadelphia. 


[2] 


97 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bonaparte  (N.) 


fore,  as  every  rational  man  must,  that  the 
Embargo,  the  only  remaining  alternative,  was 
a  wise  measure.  These  are  acknowledged 
principles,  and  should  circumstances  arise 
which  may  offer  advantage  to  our  country  in 
making  them  public,  we  shall  avail  ourselves 
of  them.  But  as  it  is  not  usual  nor  agreeable 
to  governments  to  bring  their  conversations 
before  the  public,  I  think  it  would  be  well  to 
consider  this  on  your  part  as  confidential, 
leaving  to  the  government  to  retain  or  make 
it  public,  as  the  general  good  may  require. 
Had  the  Emperor  gone  further,  and  said  that 
he  condemned  our  vessels  going  voluntarily 
into  his  ports  in  breach  of  his  municipal  laws, 
we  might  have  admitted  it  rigorously  legal, 
though  not  friendly.  But  his  condemnation 
of  vessels  taken  on  high  seas,  by  his  pri 
vateers  and  carried  involuntarily  _  into  his 
ports,  is  justifiable  by  no  law;  is  piracy,  and 
this  is  the  wrong  we  complain  of  against 
him.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  v,  370. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  209.  (W.,  Oct.  1808.) 

862.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  England  and. 

— To  complete  and  universalize  the  desola 
tion  of  the  globe,  it  has  been  the  will  of  Provi 
dence  to  raise  up,  at  the  same  time,  a  tyrant 
as  unprincipled  and  as  overwhelming,  for 
the  ocean.  Not  in  the  poor  maniac  George, 
but  in  his  government  and  nation.  Bonaparte 
will  die,  and  his  tyrannies  with  him.  But  a 
nation  never  dies.  The  English  government, 
and  its  piratical  principles  and  practices,  have 
no  fixed  term  of  duration.  Europe  feels,  and 
is  writhing  under  the  scorpion  whips  of  Bona 
parte.  We  are  assailed  by  those  of  England. 
The  one  continent  thus  placed  under  the  gripe 
of  England,  and  the  other  of  Bonaparte,  each 
has  to  grapple  with  the  enemy  immediately 
pressing  on  itself.  We  must  extinguish  the 
fire  kindled  in  our  own  house,  and  leave  to 
our  friends  beyond  the  water  that  which  is 
consuming  theirs. — To  MADAME  DE  STAEL. 
vi,  115.  (M.,  May  1813.) 

863.  BONAPARTE   (N.),  Execrated.— I 

know  nothing  which  can  so  severely  try  the 
heart  and  spirit  of  man,  and  especially  of  the 
man  of  science,  as  the  necessity  of  a  passive 
acquiescence  under  the  abominations  of  an 
unprincipled  tyrant  who  is  deluging  the  earth 
with  blood  to  acquire  for  himself  the  reputa 
tion  of  a  Cartouche  or  a  Robin  Hood.  The 
petty  larcenies  of  the  Blackbeards  and  Buc 
caneers  of  the  ocean,  the  more  immediately 
exercised  on  us,  are  dirty  and  grovelling 
things  addressed  to  our  contempt,  while  the 
horrors  excited  by  the  Scelerat  of  France  are 
beyond  all  human  execrations. — To  DR.  MOR- 
RELL.  vi,  100.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

864.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  A  Great  Scoun 
drel. — Bonaparte  was  a  lion  in  the  field  only. 
In  civil  life,  a  cold-blooded,  calculating,  un 
principled    usurper,    without     a     virtue ;     no 
statesman,   knowing   nothing    of    commerce, 
political   economy,  or  civil  government,   and 
supplying  ignorance  by  bold  presumption.     I 
had  supposed  him  a  great  man  until  his  en 
trance    into    the    Assembly    des    cinq    cens. 


eighteen  Brumaire  (an.  8.)  From  that  date, 
however,  I  set  him  down  as  a  great  scoundrel 
only. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  352.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  461.  (M.,  July  1814.) 

865.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Hatred  of 
United  States. — Bonaparte  hates  our  gov 
ernment  because  it  is  a  living  libel  on  his. — 
To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  553.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
287.  (M.,  1810.) 

866. .     Bonaparte's  hatred  of  us 

is  only  a  little  less  than  that  he  bears  to  Eng 
land,  and  England  to  us.  Our  form  of  govern 
ment  is  odious  to  him,  as  a  standing  contrast 
between  republican  and  despotic  rule ;  and  as 
much  from  that  hatred,  as  from  ignorance  in 
political  economy,  he  had  excluded  inter 
course  between  us  and  his  people,  by  pro 
hibiting  the  only  articles  they  wanted  from 
us,  cotton  and  tobacco. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER. 
vi,  464.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  520.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

867. .  It  is  not  possible  Bona 
parte  should  love  us;  and  of  that  our  com 
merce  had  sufficient  proof  during  his  power. 
Our  military  achievements,  indeed,  which  he 
is  capable  of  estimating,  may  in  some  degree, 
moderate  the  effect  of  his  aversions;  and  he 
may,  perhaps,  fancy  that  we  are  to  become  the 
natural  enemies  of  England,  as  England  her 
self  has  so  steadily  endeavored  to  make  us, 
and  as  some  of  our  own  over-zealous  patriots 
would  be  willing  to  proclaim;  and  in  this 
view,  he  may  admit  a  cold  toleration  of 
some  intercourse  and  commerce  between  the 
two  nations.  He  has  certainly  had  time  to  see 
the  folly  of  turning  the  industry  of  France 
from  the  cultures  for  which  nature  has  so 
highly  endowed  her,  to  those  of  sugar,  cotton, 
tobacco,  and  others,  which  the  same  creative 
power  has  given  to  other  climates;  and,  on 
the  whole,  if  he  can  conquer  the  passions  of 
his  tyrannical  soul,  if  he  has  understanding 
enough  to  pursue  from  motives  of  interest, 
what  no  moral  motives  lead  him  to,  the  tran 
quil  happiness  and  prosperity  of  his  country, 
rather  than  a  ravenous  thirst  for  human 
blood,  his  return  may  become  of  more  advan 
tage  than  injury  to  us. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  458  (M.,  June  1815.) 

868.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Havoc   by.— 

A  conqueror  roaming  over  the  earth  with 
havoc  and  destruction. — To  DR.  WALTER 
JONES,  v,  511.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  274.  (M.,  1810.) 

869.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  His  Ideas  on 

Government.— Should  it  be  really  true  that 
Bonaparte  has  usurped  the  government  with 
an  intention  of  making  it  a  free  one,  whatever 
his  talents  may  be  for  war,  we  have  no  proofs 
that  he  is  skilled  in  forming  governments 
friendly  to  the  people.  Wherever  he  has 
meddled,  we  have  seen  nothing  but  fragments 
of  the  old  Roman  government  stuck  into  ma 
terials  with  which  they  can  form  no  cohesion. 
We  see  the  bigotry  of  an  Italian  to  the  ancient 
splendor  of  his  country,  but  nothing  which 
bespeaks  a  luminous  view  of  the  organization 
of  rational  provernment.  Perhaps,  however, 
this  may  end  better  than  we  augur;  and  it 
certainly  will,  if  his  head  is  equal  to  true  and 


Bonaparte  (N.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


solid  calculations  of  glory. — To  T.  M.  RAN 
DOLPH,  iv,  319.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  422.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1800.) 

870.  BONAPARTE   (N.),  Human  Mis 
ery  and.— Bonaparte  has  been  the  author  of 
more  misery  and  suffering  to  the  world,  than 
any  being  who  ever  lived  before  him.     After 
destroying  the  liberties  of  his  country,  he  has 
exhausted  all  its  resources,  physical  and  mor 
al,  to  indulge  his  own  maniac  ambition,  his 
own  tyrannical  and  overbearing  spirit.     His 
sufferings  cannot  be  too  great. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  vi,  499.    (M.,  Oct.  1815.) 

871.  BONAPARTE   (N.),  Ignorance  of 
Commerce. — Of   the    principles   and    advan 
tages  of  commerce,  Bonaparte  appears  to  be 
ignorant. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,     v,  601.     (M., 
1812.) 

872.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Imprison 
ment  of. — The  Attila  of  the  age  dethroned, 
the  ruthless  destroyer  of  ten  millions  of  the 
human  race,  whose  thirst  for  blood  appeared 
unquenchable,   the    great    oppressor    of    the 
rights   and   liberties    of   the   world,    shut   up 
within  the  circle  of  a  little  island  of  the  Med 
iterranean,  and  dwindled  to  the  condition  of 
an   humble   and   degraded   pensioner   on   the 
bounty  of  those  he  had  most  injured.     How 
miserable,    how    meanly,    has    he   closed   his 
inflated  career !    What  a  sample  of  the  bathos 
will  his  history  present !    He  should  have  per 
ished  on  the  swords  of  his  enemies,  under  the 
walls  of  Paris. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vi,  352. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  461.     (M.,  July  1814.) 

873.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Invasion    of 
U.    S.    by.— The    fear    that    Bonaparte    will 
come  over  and  conquer  us  also,  is  too  chimer 
ical  to  be  genuine.     Supposing  him  to  have 
finished  Spain  and  Portugal,  he  has  yet  Eng 
land  and  Russia  to  subdue.     The  maxim  of 
war  was  never  sounder  than  in  this  case,  not 
to  leave  an  enemy  in  the  rear;  and  especially 
where  an  insurrectionary  flame  is  known  to 
be  under  the  embers,  merely  smothered,  and 
ready  to  burst  at  every  point.     These  two 
subdued  (and  surely  the  Anglomen  will  not 
think  the  conquest  of  England  alone  a  short 
work),   ancient   Greece  and   Macedonia,   the 
cradle  of  Alexander,  his  prototype,  and  Con 
stantinople,  the  seat  of  empire  for  the  world, 
would  glitter  more  in  his  eye  than  our  bleak 
mountains  and  rugged  forests.     Egypt,  too, 
and  the  golden  apples  of  Mauritania,  have  for 
more  than  half  a  century  fixed  the  longing 
eyes  of  France;  and  with  Syria,  you  know, 
he  has  an  old  affront  to  wipe  out.    Then  come 
"  Pontus  and  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Aeolia  and 
Bithynia,"    the    fine    countries    on    the    Eu 
phrates  and  Tigris,  the  Oxus  and  Indus,  and 
all  beyond  the   Hypasis,  which  bounded  the 
glories  of  his  Macedonian  rival ;  with  the  in 
vitations  of  his  new  British  subjects  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ganges,  whom,  after  receiving 
under  his  protection  the  mother  country,  he 
cannot  refuse  to  visit.     When  all  this  is  done 
and  settled,  and  nothing  of  the  old  world  re 
mains  unsubdued,  he  may  turn  to  the  new 
one.     But  will  he  attack  us  first,  from  whom 
he  will  get  but  hard  knocks  and  no  money? 


Or  will  he  first  lay  hold  of  the  gold  and  silver 
of  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  the  diamonds  of 
Brazil  ?  A  republican  emperor,  from  his  af 
fection  to  republics,  independent  of  motives 
of  expediency,  must  grant  to  ourselves  the 
Cyclop's  boon  of  being  the  last  devoured. 
While  all  this  is  doing,  are  we  to  suppose  the 
chapter  of  accidents  read  out,  and  that  noth 
ing  can  happen  to  cut  short  or  disturb  his 
enterprises? — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v,  512. 
(M.,  March  1810.) 

874.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Louisiana 
and. — I  assured  M.  Pichon  [French  Minis 
ter]  that  I  had  more  confidence  in  the  word 
of  the  First  Consul  than  in  all  the  parchment 
we  could  sign. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  511.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  278.  (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

875. .  Your  emperor  has  done 

more  splendid  things,  but  he  has  never  done 
one  which  will  give  happiness  to  so  great  a 
number  of  human  beings  as  the  ceding  of 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States.* — To  MAR 
QUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  67.  (W., 
May  1807.)  See  LOUISIANA. 

876.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    No    Moral 
Sense. — O'Meara's  book  proves  that  nature 
had  denied  Bonaparte  the  moral  sense,  the  first 
excellence  of  well  organized  man.   If  he  could 
seriously  and  repeatedly  affirm  that  he  had 
raised  himself  to  power  without  ever  having 
committed  a  crime,  it  proves  that  he  wanted 
totally  the  sense  of  right  and  wrong.    If  he 
could   consider  the  millions  of  human  lives 
which  he  had  destroyed,  or  caused  to  be  de 
stroyed,  the  desolations  of  countries  by  plun- 
derings,  burnings  and  famine,  the  destitutions 
of  lawful    rulers  of  the  world  without  the 
consent   of   their   constituents,    to   place   his 
brothers  and  sisters  on  their  thrones,  the  cut 
ting  up  of  established  societies  of  men  and 
jumbling  them  discordantly  together  again  at 
his  caprice,  the  demolition  of  the  fairest  hopes 
of  mankind  for  the  recovery  of  their  rights 
and  amelioration  of  their  condition,  and  all 
the  numberless  train  of  his  other  enormities ; 
the  man  I  say,  who  could  consider  all  these 
as  no  crimes,  must  have  been  a  moral  mon 
ster,  against  whom  every  hand  should  have 
been  lifted  to  slay  him. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  275.     (M.,  1823.) 

877.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Peace    and.— 
Bonaparte's  restless  spirit  leaves  no  hope  of 
peace    to    the   world. — To   THOMAS   LEIPER. 
vi,  464.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  520.     (M.,  1815.) 

878.  BONAPARTE     (N.),     Policy     to 
ward  United  States.— As  to   Bonaparte,   I 
should  not  doubt  the  revocation  of  his  edicts, 
were  he  governed  by  reason.     But  his  policy 
is    so    crooked    that    it    eludes    conjecture. 
1    fear   his   first   object   now    is   to    dry   up 
the   sources    of    British    prosperity    by    ex 
cluding   her    manufactures     from    the    con 
tinent.       He     may     fear    that    opening    the 
ports  of  Europe  to  our  vessels  will  open  them 
to  an  inundation  of  British  wares.    He  ought 

*  This  accession  of  territory  strengthens  forever 
the  power  of  the  United  States,  and  I  have  just  given 
to  England  a  maritime  rival  that  will  sooner  or  later 
humble  her  pride.— NAPOLEON. 


99 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bonaparte  (N.) 


to  be  satisfied  with  having  forced  her  to  re 
voke  the  orders  [in  council]  on  which  he 
pretended  to  retaliate,  and  to  be  particularly 
satisfied  with  us,  by  whose  unyielding  ad 
herence  to  principle  she  has  been  forced  into 
the  revocation.  He  ought  the  more  to  con 
ciliate  our  good  will,  as  we  can  be  such  an 
obstacle  to  the  new  career  opening  on  him 
in  the  Spanish  Colonies.  That  he  would  give 
us  the  Floridas  to  withhold  intercourse  with 
the  residue  of  those  colonies,  cannot  be 
doubted.  But  that  is  no  price ;  because  they 
are  ours  in  the  first  moment  of  the  first  war ; 
and  until  a  war  they  are  of  no  particular  ne 
cessity  to  us.  But,  although  with  difficulty, 
he  will  consent  to  our  receiving  Cuba  into 
our  Union,  to  prevent  our  aid  to  Mexico  and 
the  other  provinces.  That  would  be  a  price, 
and  I  would  immediately  erect  a  column  on 
the  southernmost  limit  of  Cuba,  and  inscribe 
on  it  a  ne  plus  ultra  as  to  us  in  that  direction. 
We  should  then  only  have  to  include  the 
North  in  our  Confederacy,  which  would  be  of 
course  in  the  first  war,  and  we  should  have 
such  an  empire  for  liberty  as  she  has  never 
surveyed  since  the  creation ;  and  I  am  per 
suaded  no  Constitution  was  ever  before  so 
well  calculated  as  ours  for  extensive  empire 
and  self-government. — To  PRESIDENT  MAD 
ISON,  v,  444.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

879.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Political  Wick 
edness  of. — I  view  Bonaparte  as  a  political 
engine  only,  and  a  very  wicked  one ;  you,  I 
believe,   as  both  political   and  religious,   and 
obeying,  as  an  instrument,  an  Unseen  Hand. 
I   still   deprecate  his  becoming  sole  lord  of 
the   continent   of    Europe,    which   he    would 
have  been,   had  he  reached   in  triumph  the 
gates  of  St.   Petersburg.     The  establishment 
in  our  day  of  another  Roman  Empire,  spread 
ing  vassalage  and  depravity  over  the  face  of 
the  globe,  is  not,  I  hope,  within  the  purposes 
of   Heaven.— To   THOMAS   LEIPER.     vi,   463. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  519.    (M.,  June  1815.) 

880.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Promises  of.— 

Promises  cost  him  nothing  when  they  could 
serve  his  purpose.  On  his  return  from  Elba, 
what  did  he  not  promise?  But  those  who  had 
credited  them  a  little,  soon  saw  their  total  in 
significance,  and,  satisfied  that  they  could 
not  fall  under  worse  hands,  refused  every  ef 
fort  after  the  defeat  of  Waterloo.— To  BEN 
JAMIN  AUSTIN,  vi,  554.  FORD  ED.,  x,  n. 
(M.,  1816.) 

881.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Republicans 
and. — Here  you  will  find  rejoicings  on  the 
[restoration]  of  Bonaparte,  and  by  a  strange 
quid  pro  quo,  not  by  the  party  hostile  to  lib 
erty,  but  by  its  zealous  friends.  In  this  they 
see  nothing  but  the  scourge  reproduced  for 
the  back  of  England.     They  do  not  permit 
themselves  to   see  in   it  the  blast  of  all   the 
hopes  of  mankind,  and  that  however  it  may 
jeopardize  England,   it  gives  to  her  self-de 
fence  the  lying  countenance   again  of  being 
the  sole  champion  of  the  rights  of  man,  to 
which  in  all  other  nations   she  is  most  ad 
verse. —  To  M.   DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,     vi, 
457-     (M.,  May  1815.) 


882.  --  .     I  have  grieved  to  see  even 
good  republicans  so  infatuated  as  to  this  man, 
as  to  consider  his  downfall  as  calamitous  to 
the   cause   of   liberty.     In    their    indignation 
against  England  which  is  just,  they  seem  to 
consider  all  her  enemies  as  our  friends,  when 
it  is  well  known  there  was  not  a  being  on 
earth  who  bore  us  so  deadly  a  hatred.  *  *  * 
To   whine   after   this   exorcised   demon   is   a 
disgrace  to  republicans,  and  must  have  arisen 
either  from  want  of  reflection,  or  the  indul 
gence  of  passion  against  principle.  —  To  BEN 
JAMIN    AUSTIN,    vi,   553.     FORD    ED.,  x,   n. 
(M.,  Feb.  1816.) 

883.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Restoration  of. 
—  You   despair  of  your   country,   and   so   do 
I.    A  military  despotism  is  now  fixed  upon  it 
permanently,  especially  if  the  son  of  the  ty 
rant  should  have  virtues  and  talents.     What 
a  treat  it  would  be  to  me,  to  be  with  you,  and 
to  learn  from  you  all  the  intrigues,  apostacies 
and  treacheries  which  have  produced  this  last 
death's  blow  to  the  hopes  of  France.    For,  al 
though  not  in  the  will,  there  was  in  the  im 
becility    of    the    Bourbons    a    foundation    of 
hope  that  the  patriots  of  France  might  obtain 
a  moderate    representative    government.  —  To 
M.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,    vi,  457.     (M.,  May 


884.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Rights  of  Na 
tions    and.—  The    new    treaty   of   the    allied 
powers  declares  that  the  French  nation  shall 
not   have    Bonaparte,    and    shall    have    Louis 
XVIII.  for  their  ruler.     They  are  all  then  as 
great  rascals  as  Bonaparte  himself.    While  he 
was  in  the  wrong,  I  wished  him  exactly  as 
much  success  as  would  answer  our  purposes, 
and  no  more.     Now  that  they  are    in    the 
wrong  and  he  in  the  right,  he  shall  have  all 
my  prayers  for  success,  and  that  he  may  de 
throne  every  man    of    them.  —  To    THOMAS 
LEIPER.     vi,  467.     FORD  ED.,    ix,    522.      (M., 
June  1815.) 

885.  --  .     As  far  as  we  can  judge 
from   appearances,   Bonaparte,   from  being  a 
mere  military  usurper,  seems  to  have  become 
the  choice  of  his  nation  ;    and  the  allies  in 
their  turn,  the  usurpers  and  spoliators  of  the 
European   world.     The   rights   of  nations  to 
self-government  being  my  polar  star,  my  par 
tialities    are    steered    by    it,    without    asking 
whether  it  is  a  Bonaparte  or  an  Alexander 
towards  whom  the  helm  is  directed.  —  To  M. 
CORREA.    vi,  480.     (M.,  June  1815.) 

886.  --  .     No    man    more    severely 
condemned  Bonaparte  than  myself  during  his 
former  career,  for  his  unprincipled  enterprises 
on  the  liberty  of  his  own  country,   and  the 
independence  of  others.     But  the  allies  hav 
ing  now  taken   up  his   pursuits,   and  he  ar 
rayed  himself  on  the  legitimate  side,  I  also 
am  changed  as  to  him.     He  is  now  fighting 
for  the  independence  of  nations,  of  which  his 
whole  life  hitherto  had  been  a  continued  viola 
tion,  and  he  has  now  my  prayers  as  sincerely 
for  success  as  he  had  before  for  his  over 
throw.   He  has  promised  a  free  government  to 
his  own  country,  and  to  respect  the  rights  of 
others  ;  and  although  his  former  conduct  does 


Bonaparte  (N.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


100 


not  inspire  entire  faith  in  his  promises ;  yet 
we  had  better  take  the  chance  of  his  word  for 
doing  right  than  the  certainty  of  the  wrong 
which  his  adversaries  avow. — To  PHILLIP 
MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  525.  (M.,  Aug.  1815.) 

887. .     At  length  Bonaparte  has 

got  on  the  right  side  of  a  question.  From 
the  time  of  his  entering  the  legislative  hall  to 
his  retreat  to  Elba,  no  man  has  execrated  him 
more  than  myself.  I  will  not  except  even  the 
members  of  the  Essex  Junto;  although  for 
very  different  reasons ;  I,  because  he  was  war 
ring  against  the  liberty  of  his  own  country, 
and  independence  of  others ;  they,  because  he 
was  the  enemy  of  England,  the  Pope  and  the 
Inquisition.  But  at  length,  and  as  far  as  we 
can  judge,  he  seems  to  have  become  the  choice 
of  his  nation.  At  least,  he  is  defending  the 
cause  of  his  nation,  and  that  of  all  mankind, 
the  rights  of  every  people  to  independence 
and  self-government.  He  and  the  allies  have 
now  changed  sides.  They  are  parcelling  out 
among  themselves,  Poland,  Belgium,  Saxony, 
Italy,  dictating  a  ruler  and  government  to 
France,  and  looking  askance  at  our  republic, 
the  splendid  libel  on  their  governments,  and 
he  is  fighting  for  the  principles  of  national 
independence  of  which  his  whole  life  hitherto 
has  been  a  continued  violation.  He  has 
promised  a  free  government  to  his  own  coun 
try,  and  to  respect  the  rights  of  others ;  and 
although  his  former  conduct  inspires  little 
confidence  in  his  promises,  yet  we  had  better 
take  the  chance  of  his  word  for  doing  right, 
than  the  certainty  of  the  wrong  which  his  ad 
versaries  are  doing  and  avowing.  If  they 
succeed  ours  is  only  the  boon  of  the  Cyclops 
to  Ulysses,  of  being  the  last  devoured.* — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  490.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  529. 
(M.,  Aug.  1815.) 

888.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Robespierre 
and. — Robespierre  met  the  fate,  and  his 
memory  the  execration,  he  so  justly  merited. 
The  rich  were  his  victims,  and  perished  by 
thousands.  It  is  by  millions  that  Bonaparte 
destroys  the  poor,  and  he  is  eulogized  and 
deified  by  the  sycophants  even  of  science. 
These  merit  more  than  the  mere  oblivion  to 
which  they  will  be  consigned :  and  the  day 
will  come  when  a  just  posterity  will  give 
to  their  hero  the  only  preeminence  he  has 
earned,  that  of  having  been  the  greatest  of 
the  destroyers  of  the  human  race.  What  year 
of  his  military  life  has  not  consigned  a  million 
of  human  beings  to  death,  to  poverty  and 
wretchedness  !  What  field  in  Europe  may  not 
raise  a  monument  of  the  murders,  the  burn 
ings,  the  desolations,  the  famines,  and  mis 
eries  it  has  witnessed  from  him?  And  all 

*  To  the  letter  from  which  this  extract  is  taken  Jef 
ferson  appended  a  postscript  as  follows  :  "  I  had  fin 
ished  my  letter  yesterday  and  this  morning'  (Aug. 
n),  received  the  news  of  Bonaparte's  second  abdica 
tion.  Very  well.  For  him,  personally,  I  have  no 
feeling  but  reprobation.  The  representatives  of  the 
nations  have  deposed  him.  They  have  taken  the 
allies  at  their  word,  that  they  had  no  object  in  the 
war  but  his  removal.  The  nation  is  now  free  to  give 
itself  a  good  government,  either  with  or  without  a 
Bourbon  ;  and  France,  unsubdued,  will  still  be  a  bri 
dle  on  the  enterprises  of  the  combined  powers,  and  a 
bulwark  to  others.  "—EDITOR. 


this  to  acquire  a  reputation,  which  Cartouche 
attained  with  less  injury  to  mankind,  of  being 
fearless  of  God  or  man. — To  MADAME  DE 
STAEL.  vi,  114.  (M.,  May  1813.) 

889.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Self-govern 
ment  and.— I  see  in  Bonaparte's  expulsion 
of  the  Bourbons,  a  valuable  lesson  to  the 
world,  as  showing  that  its  ancient  dynasties 
may  be  changed  for  their  misrule.  Should 
the  allied  powers  presume  to  dictate  a  ruler 
and  government  to  France,  and  follow  the 
example  he  had  set  of  parcelling  and  usurping 
to  themselves  their  neighbor  nations,  I  hope 
he  will  give  them  another  lesson  in  vindica 
tion  of  the  rights  of  independence  and  self- 
government,  which  himself  had  hitherto  so 
much  abused,  and  that  in  this  contest  he  will 
wear  down  the  maritime  power  of  England 
to  limitable  and  safe  dimensions.  So  far, 
good.  It  cannot  be  denied,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  his  successful  perversion  of  the  force 
(committed  to  him  for  vindicating  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  his  country)  to  usurp  its  gov 
ernment,  and  to  enchain  it  under  an  hered 
itary  despotism,  is  of  baneful  effect  in  en 
couraging  future  usurpations,  and  deterring 
those  under  oppression  from  rising  to  redress 
themselves. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  464. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  519.  (M.,  1815.) 

890. .     If  adversity  should  have 

taught  him  wisdom,  of  which  I  have  little 
expectation,  he  may  yet  render  some  service 
to  mankind,  by  teaching  the  ancient  dynasties 
that  they  can  be  changed  for  misrule,  and 
by  wearing  down  the  maritime  power  of  Eng 
land  to  limitable  and  safe  dimensions. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  458.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

891.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Selfishness  of. 

—Bonaparte  saw  nothing  in  this  world  but 
himself,  and  looked  on  the  people  under  him 
as  his  cattle,  beasts  for  burthen  and  slaughter. 
— To  BENJAMIN  AUSTIN,  vi,  553.  FORD  ED., 
x,  ii.  (M.,  1816.) 

892.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Statesmanship 
o*-— I  have  just  finished  reading  O'Meara's 
Bonaparte.       It    places     him     in     a     higher 
scale  of  understanding  than   I  had  allotted 
him.     I  had  thought  him  the  greatest  of  all 
military   captains,   but   an   indifferent   states 
man,  and  misled  by  unworthy  passions.     The 
flashes,  however,  which  escaped  from  him  in 
these  conversations  with   O'Meara,   prove  a 
mind  of  great  expansion,  although  not  of  dis 
tinct  development  and  reasoning.     He  seizes 
results    with    rapidity    and    penetration,    but 
never    explains    logically    the    processes    of 
reasoning  by  which  he  arrives  at  them.— To 
JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,  275.      (M.,   1823.) 

893.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Sufferings  of. 

— O'Meara's  Bonaparte  makes  us  forget  his 
atrocities  ^ for  a  moment,  in  commiseration  of 
his  sufferings.  I  will  not  say  that  the  author 
ities  of  the  world,  charged  with  the  care  of 
their  country  and  people,  had  not  a  right  to 
confine  him  for  life,  as  a  lion  or  a  tiger,  on 
the  principle  of  self-preservation.  There  was 
no  safety  to  nations  while  he  was  permitted 
to  roam  at  large.  But  the  putting  him  to 


101 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Bonaparte  (N.) 


death  in  cold  blood,  by  lingering  tortures-  or 
mind,  by  vexations,  insults,  and  deprivations, 
was  a  degree  of  inhumanity  to  which  the 
poisonings  and  assassinations  of  the  school  of 
Borgia  and  the  den  of  Marat  never  attained. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  275.  (M.,  1823.) 

894.  BONAPARTE   (N.),   Temper  of.— 

Bonaparte's  domineering  temper  deafens  him 
to  the  dictates  of  interest,  of  honor,  and  of 
morality. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  601.  (M., 
1811.) 

895.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  Tyranny  of.— 
A     ruthless     tyrant,     drenching     Europe    in 
blood  to  obtain  through  future  time  the  char 
acter    of    the    destroyer    of    mankind. — To 
HENRY  MIDDLETON.    vi,  91.     (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

896. .  That  Bonaparte  is  an  un 
principled  tyrant,  who  is  deluging  the  con 
tinent  of  Europe  with  blood,  there  is  not  a 
human  being,  not  even  the  wife  of  his  bosom 
who  does  not  see. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi, 
283.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  445.  (M..  Jan.  1814.) 

897.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  United  States 
and. — Considering  the  character  of  Bona 
parte,  I  think  it  material  at  once  to  let  him 
see  that  we  are  not  of  the  powers  who  will 
receive  his  orders.— To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 
585.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  377.  (M.,  Aug.  1805.) 

898. .     I    never    expected   to   be 

under  the  necessity  of  wishing  success  to 
Bonaparte.  But  the  English  being  equally  ty 
rannical  at  sea  as  he  is  on  land,  and  that^  tyr 
anny  bearing  on  us  in  every  point  of  either 
honor  or  interest,  I  say,  "  down  with  Eng 
land,"  and  as  for  what  Bonaparte  is  then  to 
do  to  us,  let  us  trust  to  the  chapter  of  acci 
dents.  I  cannot,  with  the  Anglomen,  prefer 
a  certain  present  evil  to  a  future  hypothetical 
one.— To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  130. 
(M.,  Aug.  i8#.) 

899. .  Although  we  neither  ex 
pected,  nor  wished  any  act  of  friendship  from 
Bonaparte,  and  always  detested  him  as  a 
tyrant,  yet  he  gave  employment  to  much  of 
the  force  of  the  nation  who  was  our  common 
enemy.  So  far,  his  downfall  was  illy  timed 
for  us;  it  gave  to  England  an  opportunity 
to  turn  full-handed  on  us,  when  we  were  un 
prepared.  No  matter,  we  can  beat  her  on  our 
own  soil,  leaving  the  laws  of  the  ocean  to  be 
settled  by  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe, 
who  are  equally  oppressed  and  insulted  by  the 
usurpations  of  England  on  that  element. — To 
W  H  CRAWFORD,  vi,  418.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  502. 
(M..  Feb.  1815.) 

900.  BONAPARTE  (N.),  United  States, 
Russia  and. — There  cannot,  I  think,  be  a 
doubt  as  to  the  line  we  wish  drawn  between 
Bonaparte's  successes  and  those  of  Alexan 
der.  Surely  none  of  us  wish  to  see  Bonaparte 
conquer  Russia,  and  lay  thus  at  his  feet  the 
whole  continent  of  Europe.  This  done.  Eng 
land  would  be  but  a  breakfast :  and  although 
I  am  free  from  the  visionary  fears  which  the 
votaries  of  England  have  affected  to  entertain, 
because  I  believe  he  cannot  effect  the  conquest 
of  Europe ;  yet  put  all  Europe  into  his  hands, 


and  he  might  spare  such  a  force,  to  be  sent 
in  British  ships,  as  I  would  as  lief  not  have 
to  encounter,  when  I  see  how  much  trouble  a 
handful  of  soldiers  in  Canada  has  given  us. 
No.  It  cannot  be  to  our  interest  that  all 
Europe  should  be  reduced  to  a  single  mon 
archy.  The  true  line  of  interest  for  us,  is, 
that  Bonaparte  should  be  able  to  effect  the 
complete  exclusion  of  England  from  the  whole 
continent  of  Europe,  in  order,  bv  this  peace 
able  engine  of  constraint  to  make  her  re 
nounce  her  views  of  dominion  over  the  ocean, 
of  permitting  no  other  nation  to  navigate  it 
but  with  her  license,  and  on  tribute  to  her, 
and  her  aggressions  on  the  persons  of  our 
citizens  who  may  choose  to  exercise  their 
right  of  passing  over  that  element.  And  this 
would  be  effected  by  Bonaparte  succeeding 
so  far  as  to  close  the  Baltic  against  her.  This 
success  I  wished  him  the  last  year,  this  I  wish 
him  this  year;  but  were  he  again  advanced 
to  Moscow,  I  should  again  wish  him  such 
disasters  as  would  prevent  his  reaching  St. 
Petersburg.  And  were  the  consequences  even 
to  be  the  longer  continuance  of  our  war,  I 
would  rather  meet  them  than  see  the  whole 
force  of  Europe  wielded  by  a  single  hand. — 
To  THOMAS  LIEPER.  vi,  283.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
445-  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

901. .  I  have  gone  into  this  ex 
planation  *  *  *  because  I  am  willing  to 
trust  to  your  discretion  the  explaining  me 
to  our  honest  fellow  laborers,  and  the  bring 
ing  them  to  pause  and  reflect,  if  any  of  them 
have  not  sufficiently  reflected  on  the  extent 
of  the  success  we  ought  to  wish  to  Bona 
parte,  with  a  view  to  our  own  interests  only; 
and  even  were  we  not  men,  to  whom  nothing 
human  should  be  indifferent.  But  is  our  par 
ticular  interest  to  make  us  insensible  to  all 
sentiments  of  morality?  Is  it  then  become 
criminal,  the  moral  wish  that  the  torrents 
of  blood  this  man  is  shedding  in  Europe,  the 
sufferings  of  so  many  human  beings,  good  as 
ourselves,  on  whose  necks  he  is  trampling, 
the  burnings  of  ancient  cities,  devastations  of 
great  countries,  the  destruction  of  law  and 
order,  and  demoralization  of  the  world, 
should  be  arrested,  even  if  it  should  place  our 
peace  a  little  further  distant?  No.  You  and 
I  cannot  differ  in  wishing  that  Russia,  and 
Sweden,  and  Denmark,  and  Germany,  and 
Spain,  and  Portugal,  and  Italy,  and  even 
England,  may  retain  their  independence. — 
To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  283.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
446.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

902.  -  — .     It  is  cruel  that  we  should 
have  been  forced  to  wish  any  success  to  such 
a   destroyer  of  the  human   race.     Yet  while 
it  was  our  interest  and  that  of  humanity  that 
he  should  not  subdue  Russia,   and  thus  lay 
all  Europe  at  his  feet,  it  was  desirable  to  us 
that  he  should  so  far  succeed  as  to  close  the 
Baltic  to  our  enemy,  and  force  him,  by  the 
pressure  of  internal  distress,  into  a  disposition 
to  return  to  the  paths  of  justice  towards  us. — 
To  JOHN  CLARKE,    vi,  308.     (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

903.  BONAPARTE    (N.),    Vanquished. 

— The    unprincipled    tyrant    of    the    land    is 


Bonaparte  (N.) 
Books,  l>uty  on 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


IO2 


fallen,  his  power  reduced  to  its  original  noth 
ingness,  his  person  only  not  yet  in  the  mad 
house,  where  it  ought  always  to  have  been. — 
To  CESAR  A.  RODNEY,  vi,  448.  (M.,  1815.) 

004. .  On  the  general  scale  of 

nations,  the  greatest  wonder  is  Napoleon  at 
St.  Helena;  and  yet  it  would  have  been  well 
for  the  lives  and  happiness  of  millions  and 
millions,  had  he  been  deposited  there  twenty 
years  ago.  France  would  now  have  a  free 
government,  unstained  by  the  enormities  she 
has  enabled  him  to  commit  on  the  rest  of  the 
world,  and  unprostrated  by  the  vindictive 
hand,  human  or  divine,  now  so  heavily  bear 
ing  upon  her.— To  MRS.  TRIST.  D.  L.  J.  363. 
(P.  F.,  April  1816.) 

905. .  What  is  infinitely  inter 
esting  [in  the  letters  you  enclosed  to  me],  is 
the  scene  of  the  exchange  of  Louis  XVIII.  for 
Bonaparte.  What  lessons  of  wisdom  Mr. 
[John  Quincy]  Adams  must  have  read  in  that 
short  space  of  time!  More  than  fall  to  the 
lot  of  others  in  the  course  of  a  long  life.  Man, 
and  the  man  of  Paris,  under  those  circum 
stances,  must  have  been  a  subject  of  profound 
speculation !  It  would  be  a  singular  addition 
to  that  spectacle  to  see  the  same  beast  in  the 
cage  at  St.  Helena,  like  a  lion  in  the  tower. 
That  is  probably  the  closing  verse  of  the  chap 
ter  of  his  crimes.— To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  52.  FORD  ED.,  x,  69.  (M.,  1817.) 

906. .    Had  Bonaparte  reflected 

that  such  is  the  moral  construction  of  the 
world,  that  no  national  crime  passes  unpun 
ished  in  the  long  run,  he  would  not  now  be 
in  the  cage  of  St.  Helena.— M.  DE  MARBOIS. 
vii,  76.  (M.,  1817.)  See  FRANCE. 

907.  BOOKS  AS  CAPITAL.— Some  few 
years  ago  when  the  tariff  was   before    Con 
gress,   I  engaged  some  of  our  members  of 
Congress   to   endeavor  to   get   the   duty  re 
pealed,   and   wrote  on  the   subject  to   some 
other  acquaintances  in  Congress,  and  press- 
ingly  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.    The 
effort  *  *  *  failed.  *  *  *  There  is  a  consid 
eration  going  to  the  injustice  of  the  tax  * 
Books  constitute  capital.    A  library  book  lasts 
as  long  as  a  house,  for  hundreds  of  years. 
It  is  not,  then,  an  article  of  mere  consump 
tion  but  fairly  of  capital,  and  often  in  the  case 
of  professional  men,  settiner  out  in  life,  it  is 
their  only  capital.     Now  there  is  no  other 
form  of  capital  which  is  first  taxed  18  per 
cent,  on  the  gross,  and  the  proprietor  then 
left  to  pay  the  same  taxes    in    detail    with 
others  whose  capital  has  paid  no  tax  on  the 
gross.     Nor  is  there  a  description  of  men  less 
proper  to  be  singled  out  for  extra  taxation. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.    FORD  ED.,  x,  194.     (M., 
Sep.  1821.) 

908.  BOOKS,  Censorship  of.— I  am  mor 
tified  to  be  told  that.,  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  the  sale  of  a  book*  can  become  a 
subject  of  inquiry,   and  of  criminal   inquiry 
too,   as   an  offence   against   religion;   that   a 

*  A  work  in  French  by  M.  De  Becourt  entitled 
"  Sur  la  Creation  du  Monde,  un  Systeme  d'Organisa- 
tion  Primitive".— EDITOR. 


question  like  this  can  be  carried  before  the 
civil  magistrate.  Is  this  then  our  freedom  of 
religion?  And  are  we  to  have  a  censor 
whose  imprimatur  shall  say  what  books  may 
be  sold,  and  what  we  may  buy?  And  who 
is  thus  to  dogmatize  religious  opinions  for 
our  citizens?  Whose  foot  is  to  be  the  meas 
ure  to  which  ours  are  all  to  be  cut  or 
stretched?  Is  a  priest  to  be  our  inquisitor,  or 
shall  a  layman,  simple  as  ourselves,  set  up 
his  reason  as  the  rule  for  what  we  are  to  read, 
and  what  we  must  believe?  It  is  an  insult  to 
our  citizens  to  question  whether  they  are 
rational  beings  or  not,  and  blasphemy  against 
religion  to  suppose  it  cannot  stand  the  test 
of  truth  and  reason.  If  M.  de  Becourt's  book 
be  false  in  its  facts,  disprove  them;  if  false 
in  its  reasoning,  refute  it.  But,  for  God's 
sake,  let  us  freely  hear  both  sides,  if  we 
choose.  I  know  little  of  its  contents,  having 
barely  glanced  over  here  and  there  a  passage, 
and  over  the  table  of  contents.  From  this, 
the  Newtonian  philosophy  seemed  the  chief 
object  of  attack,  the  issue  of  which  might  be 
trusted  to  the  strength  of  the  two  combat 
ants  ;  Newton  certainly  not  needing  the  aux 
iliary  arm  of  the  government,  and  still  less 
the  Holy  Author  of  our  religion,  as  to  what 
in  it  concerns  Him.  I  thought  the  work 
would  be  very  innocent,  and  one  which  might 
be  confided  to  the  reason  of  any  man ;  not 
likely  to  be  much  read  if  let  alone,  but,  if 
persecuted,  it  will  be  generally  read.  Every 
man  in  the  United  States  will  think  it  a  duty 
to  buy  a  copy,  in  vindication  of  his  right  to 
buy.  and  to  read  what  he  pleases. — To  M. 
DUFIEF.  vi,  340.  (M.,  1814.) 

909. .     I  have  been  just  reading 

the  new  constitution  of  Spain.  One  of  its 
fundamental  bases  is  expressed  in  these 
words :  "  The  Roman  Catholic  religion,  the 
only  true  one,  is,  and  always  shall  be,  that 
of  the  Spanish  nation.  The  government  pro 
tects  it  by  wise  and  just  laws,  and  prohibits 
the  exercise  of  any  other  whatever."  Now  I 
wish  this  presented  to  those  who  question 
what  you  may  sell,*  or  we  may  buy  with  a  re 
quest  to  strike  out  the  words,  "  Roman  Cath 
olic,"  and  to  insert  the  denomination  of 
their  own  religion.  This  would  ascertain  the 
code  of  dogmas  which  each  wishes  should 
domineer  over  the  opinions  of  all  others,  and 
be  taken,  like  the  Spanish  religion,  under 
the  "  protection  of  wise  and  just  laws."  It 
would  show  to  what  they  wish  to  reduce  the 
liberty  for  which  one  generation  has  sacri 
ficed  life  and  happiness.  It  would  present 
our  boasted  freedom  of  religion  as  a  thing  of 
theory  only,  and  not  of  practice,  as  what 
would  be  a  poor  exchange  for  the  theoretic 
thraldom,  but  practical  freedom  of  Europe. — 
To  M.  DUFIEF.  vi,  340.  (M.,  1814.) 

910.  BOOKS,  Duty  on.— To  prohibit  us 
from  the  benefit  of  foreign  light,  is  to  con 
sign  us  to  a  long  darkness. — To 

vii,  221.     (M.,  1821.) 

911. .     I  hope  a  crusade  will  be 

kept  up  against  the  duty  on  books  until  those 
*  M.  Dufief  was  a  Philadelphia  bookseller.— EDITOR. 


103 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Books 


in  power  shall  become  sensible  of  this  stain 
on  our  legislation,  and  shall  wipe  it  from  their 
code,  and  from  the  remembrance  of  man,  if 
possible.— To  JARED  SPARKS,  vii,  335.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  293.  (M.,  1824.) 

912. .     I  hear  nothing  definitive 

of  the  three  thousand  dollars  duty  [on  books 
for  the  University  of  Virginia]  of  which  we 
are  asking  the  remission  from  Congress. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  vii,  433.  FORD  ED.,  x,  376. 
(M.,  1826.) 

913. .     The   government    of   the 

United  States,  at  a  very  early  period,  when 
establishing  its  tariff  on  foreign  importations, 
were  very  much  guided  in  their  selection  of 
objects  by  a  desire  to  encourage  manufac 
tures  within  ourselves.  Among  other  ar 
ticles  then  selected  were  books,  on  the  im 
portation  of  which  a  duty  of  fifteen  per  cent, 
was  imposed,  which,  by  ordinary  custom 
house  charges,  amounts  to  about  eighteen  per 
cent.,  and  adding  the  importing  booksellers' 
profit  on  this,  becomes  about  twenty-seven 
per  cent.  This  was  useful  at  first,  perhaps, 
towards  exciting  our  printers  to  make  a  be 
ginning  in  that  business  here.  But  it  is  found 
in  experience  that  the  home  demand  is  not 
sufficient  to  justify  the  reprinting  any  but  the 
most  popular  English  works,  and  cheap 
editions  of  a  few  of  the  classics  for  schools. 
For  the  editions  of  value,  enriched  by  notes, 
commentaries,  &c.,  and  for  books  in  foreign 
living  languages,  the  demand  here  is  too  small 
and  sparse  to  re-imburse  the  expense  of  re 
printing  them.  None  of  these,  therefore,  are 
printed  here,  and  the  duty  on  them  becomes 
consequently  not  a  protecting,  but  really  a 
prohibitory  one.  It  makes  a  very  serious  ad 
dition  to  the  price  of  the  book  and  falls 
chiefly  on  a  description  of  persons  little  able 
to  meet  it.  Students  who  are  destined  for 
professional  callings,  as  most  of  our  scholars 
are,  are  barely  able  for  the  most  part  to 
meet  the  expenses  of  tuition.  The  addition 
of  eighteen  or  twenty-seven  per  cent,  on  the 
books  necessary  for  their  instruction,  amounts 
often  to  a  prohibition  as  to  them.  For  want 
of  these  aids,  which  are  open  to  the  students 
of  all  other  nations  but  our  own,  they  enter 
on  their  course  on  a  very  unequal  footing 
with  those  of  the  same  professions  in  foreign 
countries,  and  our  citizens  at  large,  too.  who 
employ  them,  do  not  derive  from  that  em 
ployment  all  the  benefit  which  higher  qualifi 
cations  would  give  them.  It  is  true  that  no 
duty  is  required  on  books  imported  for  sem 
inaries  of  learning,  but  these,  locked  up  in  li 
braries,  can  be  of  no  avail  to  the  practical 
man  when  he  wishes  a  recurrence  to  them  for 
the  uses  of  life.  Of  many  important  books  of 
reference  there  is  not  perhans  a  single  copy 
in  the  United  States;  of  others  but  a  few, 
and  these  too  distant  often  to  be  accessible 
to  scholars  generally.  It  is  believed,  there 
fore,  that  if  the  attention  of  Congress  could 
be  drawn  to  this  article,  they  would,  in  their 
wisdom,  see  its  impolicy.  Science  is  more 
important  in  a  republican  than  in  any  other 
government.  And  in  an  infant  country  like 
ours,  we  must  much  depend  for  improvement 


on  the  science  of  other  countries,  longer  es 
tablished,  possessing  better  means,  and  more 
advanced  than  we  are.  To  prohibit  us  from 
the  benefit  of  foreign  light,  is  to  consign  us  to 
long  darkness.  The  northern  seminaries  fol 
lowing  with  parental  solicitude  the  interest  of 
their  elcves  in  the  course  for  which  they  have 
prepared  them,  propose  to  petition  Congress 
on  this  subject,  and  wish  for  the  cooperation 
of  those  of  the  south  and  west,  and  I  have 
been  requested,  as  more  convenient  in  posi 
tion  than  they  are,  to  solicit  that  cooperation. 
Having  no  personal  acquaintance  with  those 
who  are  charged  with  the  direction  of  the 

college  of ,  I  do  not  know  how  more 

effectually  to  communicate  these  views  to 
them,  than  by  availing  myself  of  the  knowl 
edge  I  have  of  your  zeal  for  the  happiness  and 
improvement  of  our  country.  I  take  the  lib 
erty,  therefore,  of  requesting  you  to  place  the 
subject  before  the  proper  authorities  of  that 
institution,  and  if  they  approve  the  measure, 
to  solicit  a  concurrent  proceeding  on  their 
part  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Besides  petition 
ing  Congress,  I  would  propose  that  they  ad 
dress,  in  their  corporate  capacity,  a  letter  to 
their  delegates  and  senators  in  Congress,  so 
liciting  their  best  endeavors  to  obtain  the 
repeal  of  the  duty  on  imported  books.  I 
cannot  but  suppose  that  such  an  application 
will  be  respected  by  them,  and  will  engage 
their  votes  and  endeavors  to  effect  an  object 
so  reasonable.  A  conviction  that  science  is 
important  to  the  preservation  of  our  repub 
lican  government,  and  that  it  is  also  essential 
to  its  protection  against  foreign  power,  in 
duces  me,  on  this  occasion,  to  step  beyond  the 
limits  of  that  retirement  to  which  age  and 

inclination  equally  dispose  me. —  To 

vii,  220.     (M.,  1821.) 

914.  BOOKS,     Lending.— The     losses     I 
have    sustained   by    lending   my   books   will    be 
my  apology  to  you   for  asking  your  particular 
attention  to  the  replacing  them  in  the  presses 
as    fast   as   you   finish   them,    and   not   to   lend 
them   to   anybody   else,   nor   suffer   anybody   to 
have  a  book  out  of  the  study  under  cover  of 
your     name. — To     JOHN     GARLAND    JEFFERSON. 
FORD  ED.,  v,   182.     (N.  Y.,    1790.) 

915.  BOOKS,    Love    of.— I    cannot    live 
without  books. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vi,  460. 
(M.,  1815.) 

916.  BOOKS,    Prices    of.— French    books 
are  to  be   bought  here    [Paris]    for  two-thirds 
of    what    they    can    in    England.     English    and 
Greek    and    Latin    authors    cost    from    twenty- 
five  to  fifty  per  cent,  more  here  than  in   Eng 
land. — To    EDMUND    RANDOLPH,     i,    434.     (P., 
1785.) 

917. .  Greek  and  Roman  au 
thors  are  dearer  here  [France]  than  I  believe 
anywhere  in  the  world.  Nobody  here  reads 
them,  wherefore  they  are  not  printed. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  i,  414.  (P.,  1785.) 

918.  BOOKS,      Becommending. — It      is 

with  extreme  reluctance  that  I  permit  myself 
to  usurp  the  office  of  an  adviser  of  the  public, 
what  books  they  should  read,  and  what  not. 
I  yield,  however,  on  this  occasion  to  your 
wish  and  that  of  Colonel  Taylor,  and  do 


Books 

Boston  Port  Bill 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


104 


what  (with  a  single  exception  only)  I  never 
did  before,  on  the  many  similar  applications 
made  to  me. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  212. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  189.  (M.,  1821.) 

919. .  This  book  ["  Construc 
tions  Construed  "]  is  the  most  effectual  retrac 
tion  of  our  government  to  its  original  prin 
ciples  which  has  ever  yet  been  sent  by 
heaven  to  our  aid.  Every  State  in  the  Union 
should  give  a  copy  to  every  member  they  elect, 
as  a  standing  instruction,  and  ours  should  set 
the  example. — To  ARCHIBALD  THWEAT.  vii, 
199.  FORD  ED.,  x,  184.  (M.,  1821.) 

920. .     You  ask  for  my  opinion 

of  the  work  you  send  me,  and  to  let  it  go  out 
to  the  public.  This  I  have  ever  made  a  point 
of  declining  (one  or  two  instances  only  ex- 
cepted).  Complimentary  thanks  to  writers  who 
have  sent  me  their  works,  have  betrayed  me  some 
times  before  the  public,  without  my  consent  hav 
ing  been  asked.  But  I  am  far  from  presuming 
to  direct  the  reading  of  my  fellow  citizens, 
who  are  good  enough  judges  themselves  of 
what  is  worthy  their  reading. — To  THOMAS 
RITCHIE,  vii,  192.  FORD  ED.,  xvi,  171.  (M., 
1820.) 

921.  BOOKS,  Time  and.— The   [French] 
literati    are    half    a    dozen    years    before    us. 
Books,  really  good,   acquire  just  reputation   in 
that   time,    and   so   become   known   to   us,    and 
communicate  to  us  all  their  advances  in  knowl 
edge.     Is   not  this   delay  compensated,   by   our 
being  placed   out  of  the  reach   of  that  swarm 
of  nonsensical  publications  which   issues  daily 
from  a  thousand  presses,  and  perishes  almost 
in    issuing? — To    MR.    BELLINI,     i,    445.     (P., 
1785.) 

922.  BOOKS,  Translations  of.— I  make  it 
a  rule  never  to  read  translations  when  I   can 
read     the    original. — To     EDMUND    RANDOLPH. 
iv,    101.     (M.,    1794.) 

923.  BOOKS,  Warfare  by.— After  the  se 
vere  chastisement  given  by   Mr.   Walsh   in   his 
American  Register  to  English  scribblers,  which 
they  well  deserved,  and  I  was  delighted  to  see, 
I  hoped  there  would  be  an  end  of  this  inter- 
crimination,  and  that  both  parties  would  prefer 
the  course  of  courtesy  and  conciliation,  and  I 
think    their     considerate     writers     have    since 
shown  that  disposition,  and  that  it  would  pre 
vail    if    equally    cultivated    by    us.     Europe    is 
doing  us  full  justice ;    why  then  detract  from 
her? — To    CHARLES    JARED    INGERSOLL.      FORD 
ED.,  x,   325.     (M.,    1824.) 

924.  BOSTON  POUT  BILL,  Denounced. 

— All  such  assumptions  of  unlawful  power 
[as  the  Boston  Port  act]  are  dangerous  to  the 
right  of  the  British  empire  in  general,  and 
should  be  considered  as  its  common  cause ; 
and  we  will  ever  be  ready  to  join  with  our 
fellow-subjects  in  every  part  of  the  same,  in 
executing  all  those  rightful  powers  which 
God  has  given  us.  for  the  reestablishment 
and  guaranteeing  *  *  *  their  constitutional 
rights,  when,  where,  and  by  whomsoever  in 
vaded.* — RESOLUTION  OF  ALBEMARLE  COUNTY. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  419.  (July  26,  1774.) 

925.  BOSTON    PORT    BILL,     A    Fast 
Proclaimed.- The   Legislature    of    Virginia 
happened  to  be  in  session,  in  Williamsburg, 
when  news  was   received  of  the  passage  by 
the  British   Parliament  of  the   Boston   Port 

*  Jefferson's  own  county.— EDITOR. 


Bill,  which  was  to  take  effect  on  the  first 
day  of  June  [1774]  then  ensuing.  The  House 
of  Burgesses  thereupon  passed  a  resolution, 
recommending  to  their  fellow  citizens,  that 
that  day  should  be  set  apart  for  fasting  and 
prayer  to  the  Supreme  Being,  imploring  Him 
to  avert  the  calamities  then  threatening  us, 
and  to  give  us  one  heart  and  one  mind  to 
oppose  every  invasion  of  our  liberties.  The 
next  day,  May  20,  1774,  the  Governor  dis 
solved  us. — JEFFERSON  PAPERS,  i,  122.  (1821.) 
See  FAST  DAYS. 

926.  BOSTON  PORT  BILL,  Ruin  by.— 

By  an  act  (7.  G.  3)  to  discontinue  in  such 
manner,  and  for  such  time  as  they  are  therein 
mentioned,  the  landing  and  discharging,  la 
ding  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares  and  merchan 
dize,  at  the  town  and  within  the  harbor  of 
Boston,  *  *  *  a  large  and  populous  town, 
whose  trade  was  their  sole  subsistence,  was 
deprived  of  that  trade,  and  involved  in  utter 
ruin.  Let  us  for  a  while,  suppose  the  question 
of  right  suspended,  in  order  to  examine  this 
act  on  principles  of  justice:  An  act  of  Par 
liament  had  been  passed  imposing  duties  on 
teas,  to  be  paid  in  America,  against  which 
act  the  Americans  had  protested  as  inauthor- 
itative.  The  East  India  Company,  who  till 
that  time  had  never  sent  a  pound  of  tea  to 
America  on  their  own  account,  step  forth  on 
that  occasion  the  asserters  of  Parliamentary 
right,  and  send  hither  many  ship  loads  of 
that  obnoxious  commodity.  The  masters  of 
their  several  vessels,  however,  on  their  ar 
rival  in  America,  wisely  attended  to  admoni 
tion,  and  returned  with  their  cargoes.  In 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  alone,  the  re 
monstrances  of  the  people  were  disregarded, 
and  a  compliance,  after  being  many  days 
waited  for,  was  flatly  refused.  Whether  in 
this  the  master  of  the  vessel  was  governed 
by  his  obstinacy,  or  his  instructions,  let  those 
who  know  say.  There  are  extraordinary  sit 
uations  which  require  extraordinary  inter 
position.  An  exasperated  people,  who  feel 
that  they  possess  power,  are  not  easily  re 
strained  within  limits  strictly  regular.  A 
number  of  them  assembled  in  the  town  of 
Boston,  threw  the  tea  into  the  ocean,  and 
dispersed  without  doing  any  other  act  of 
violence.  If  in  this  they  did  wrong,  they 
were  known  and  were  amenable  to  the  laws 
of  the  land,  against  which  it  could  not  be  ob 
jected  that  they  had  ever,  in  any  instance,  been 
obstructed  or  diverted  fro™i  their  regular 
course  in  favor  of  popular  offenders.  They 
should,  therefore,  not  have  been  distrusted  on 
this  occasion.  But  that  ill-fated  colony  had 
formerly  been  bold  in  their  enmities  against 
the  house  of  Stuart,  and  were  now  devoted 
to  ruin  by  that  unseen  hand  which  governs 
the  momentous  affairs  of  this  great  empire. 
On  the  partial  representations  of  a  few  worth 
less  ministerial  dependents,  whose  constant 
office  it  has  been  to  keep  that  government 
embroiled,  and  who,  by  their  treacheries,  hope 
to  obtain  the  dignity  of  British  Knighthood,* 
without  calling  for  the  party  accused,  with- 

*  Alluding  to  the  Knighting  of  Sir  Francis  Bernard. 
—NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


105 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Boston  Port  Bill 
Bottetourt  (Lord) 


out  asking  a  proof,  without  attempting  a  dis 
tinction  between  the  guilty  and  the  innocent, 
the  whole  of  that  ancient  and  wealthy  town, 
is  in  a  moment  reduced  from  opulence  to 
beggary.  Men  who  had  spent  their  lives  in 
extending  the  British  commerce,  who  had  in 
vested  in  that  place  the  wealth  their  honest 
endeavors  had  merited,  found  themselves  and 
their  families  thrown  at  once  on  the  world 
for  subsistence  by  its  charities.  Not  the  hun 
dredth  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  town 
had  been  concerned  in  the  act  complained  of ; 
many  of  them  were  in  Great  Britain  and  in 
other  parts  beyond  the  sea;  yet  all  were  in 
volved  in  one  indiscriminate  ruin  by  a  new 
executive  power,  unheard  of  till  then,  that  of 
a  British  Parliament.  A  property  of  the 
value  of  many  millions  of  money  was  sacri 
ficed  to  revenge,  not  repay,  the  loss  of  a  few 
thousands.  This  is  administering  justice  with 
a  heavy  hand  indeed !  And  when  is  this  tem 
pest  to  be  arrested  in  its  course?  Two 
wharves  are  to  be  opened  again  when  his 
Majesty  shall  think  proper.  The  residue, 
which  lined  the  extensive  shores  of  the  Bay 
of  Boston,  are  forever  interdicted  the  exer 
cise  of  commerce.  This  little  exception  seems 
to  have  been  thrown  in  for  no  other  purpose 
than  that  of  setting  a  precedent  for  investing 
his  Majesty  with  legislative  powers.  If  the 
pulse  of  his  people  shall  beat  calmly  under  this 
experiment,  another  and  another  shall  be 
tried,  till  the  measure  of  despotism  be  rilled 
up.  It  would  be  an  insult  on  common  sense 
to  pretend  that  this  exception  was  made  in 
order  to  restore  its  commerce  to  that  great 
town.  The  trade  which  cannot  be  received  at 
two  wharves  alone  must  of  necessity  be  trans 
ferred  to  some  other  place ;  to  which  it  will 
soon  be  followed  by  that  of  the  two  wharves. 
Considered  in  this  light,  it  would  be  insolent 
and  cruel  mockery  at  the  annihilation  of  the 
town  of  Boston. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMER 
ICA,  i,  131.  FORD  ED.,  i,  436.  (i734-)  See 
DEPORTATION,  TEA. 

927.  BOTANY,  Attractiveness  of.— You 
will  find  botany  offering  its  charms  to  you,  at 
every    step    during    summer. — To    T.    M.    RAN 
DOLPH,  JR.     FORD  ED.,  iv,   290.     (P.,   1786.) 

928.  BOTANY,    New    York.— We    were 

*  *  *  pleased  with  the  botanical  objects  which 
continually  presented  themselves.    Those  either 
unknown   or  rare   in   Virginia  were   the   sugar 
maple  in  vast  abundance,  the  silver  fir,  white 
pine,  pitch  pine,  spruce  pine,  a  shrub  with  de 
cumbent    stems    which    they    call    juniper,    an 
azalea,  very  different  from  the  nudiflora,  with 
very  large  clusters  of  flowers,  more  thickly  set 
on   the    branches,    of    a    deeper    red,    and    high 
pink-fragrance.     It  is  the  richest  shrub  I  have 
seen.     The   honeysuckle   of   the   gardens   grow 
ing   wild    on    the   banks    of    Lake    George,    the 
paper    birch,    an    aspen    with    a    velvet    leaf,    a 
shrub  willow  with  downy  catkins,  a  wild  goose 
berry,   the   wild    cherry   with   single   fruit    (not 
the  bunch  cherry),  strawberries  in  abundance. — 
To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v,  340.     (June 
1791.) 

929.  BOTANY,  School  of.— It  is  time  to 
think  of  the  introduction  of  the  school  of  Botany 
into  our  institution.      (University  of  Virginia). 

*  *  *   i.  Our   first   operation    must   be   the   se 


lection  of  a  piece  of  ground  of  proper  soil  and 
site,  suppose  of  about  six  acres,  as  M.  Correa 
proposes.  In  choosing  this  we  are  to  regard 
the  circumstances  of  soil,  water,  and  distance. 
I  have  diligently  examined  all  our  grounds  with 
this  view,  and  think  that  on  the  public  road,  at 
the  upper  corner  of  our  possessions,  where  the 
stream  issues  from  them,  has  more  of  the  req 
uisite  qualities  than  any  other  spot  we  possess. 
One  hundred  and  seventy  yards  square,  taken 
at  that  angle,  would  make  the  six  acres  we 
want.  *  *  *  2.  Enclose  the  ground  with  a  ser 
pentine  brick  wall  seven  feet  high.  This 
would  take  about  80,000  bricks  and  cost  $800, 
and  it  must  depend  on  our  finances  whether 
they  will  afford  that  immediately,  or  allow  us, 
for  awhile,  but  enclosure  of  posts  and  rails. 
3.  Form  all  the  hill  sides  into  level  terraces  of 
convenient  breadth,  curving  with  the  hill,  and 
the  level  ground  into  beds  and  alleys.  4.  Make 
out  a  list  of  the  plants  thought  necessary  and 
sufficient  for  botanical  purposes,  and  of  the 
trees  we  propose  to  introduce,  and  take  meas 
ures  in  time  for  procuring  them.  As  to  the 
seeds  of  plants,  much  may  be  obtained  from  the 
gardeners  of  our  own  country.  I  have,  more 
over,  a  special  resource.  For  three  and  twenty 
years  of  the  last  twenty-five,  my  good  old 
friend  Thonin,  superintendent  of  the  Jardin 
des  Plantes  at  Paris,  has  regularly  sent  me  a 
box  of  seeds  of  such  exotics,  as  to  us,  as  would 
suit  our  climate,  and  containing  nothing  indig 
enous  to  our  country.  These  I  regularly 
sent  to  the  public  and  private  gardens  of  the 
other  States,  having  as  yet  no  employment  for 
them  here.  *  *  The  trees  I  should  pro 

pose  would  be  exotics  of  distinguished  use 
fulness,  and  accommodated  to  our  climate ; 
such  as  the  Larch,  Cedar  of  Libanus,  Cork, 
Oak,  the  Maronnier,  Mahogany?  the  Catachu 
or  Indian  rubber  tree  of  Napul  (30°),  Teak 
tree,  or  Indian  oak  of  Burmah  (23°),  the 
various  woods  of  Brazil,  &c.  The  seed  of 
the  Larch  can  be  obtained  from  a  tree  at 
Monticello.  Cones  of  the  Cedar  of  Libanus 
are  in  most  of  our  seed  shops,  but  may  be  had 
fresh  from  the  trees  in  the  English  gardens. 
The  Maronnier  and  Cork  tree  I  can  obtain 
from  France.  ^  There  is  a  Maronnier  at  Mount 
Vernon,  but  it  is  a  seedling,  and  not,  there 
fore,  select.  The  others  may  be  got  through 
the  means  of  our  ministers  and  consuls  in 
the  countries  where  they  grow,  or  from  the 
seed  shops  of  England,  where  they  may 
very  possibly  be  found.  Lastly,  a  gardener  of 
sufficient  skill  must  be  found.* — To  DR.  EM- 
METT.  vii.  438.  (M.,  1826.) 

930.  BOTANY,     Value     of.— Botany     I 
rank  with  the  most  valuable  sciences,  whether 
we    consider    its    subjects    as    furnishing    the 
principal  subsistence  of  life  to  man  and  beast, 
delicious  varieties  for  our  tables,  refreshments 
from    our    orchards,    the    adornments    of    our 
flower    borders,    shade    and    perfume    of    our 
groves,    materials    for   our   buildings,    or   medi 
caments  for  our  bodies.     To  the  gentleman  it 
is   certainly   more   interesting   than   mineralogy 
(which  I  by  no  means,  however,  undervalue), 
and  is  more  at  hand  for  his  amusement ;   and 
to  a  country  family  it  constitutes  a  great  por 
tion  of  their  social  entertainment.     No  country 
gentleman     should    be    without    what    amuses 
every     step     he     takes     into     his     fields. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,     vi,  390.     (M.,  1814.) 

_  BOTTA'S  (C.),  History.— See  HISTORY. 

931.  BOTTETOURT    (Lord),   Character 
of. — Lord  Bottetourt  was  an  honourable  man. 

*  Dr.  Emmett  was  Professor  of  Natural  History  in 
the  University  of  Virginia.— EDITOR. 


Bottetourt  (Lord) 
Boundaries 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


1 06 


His  government  had  authorized  him  to  make 
certain  assurances  to  the  people  here  [Vir 
ginia],  which  he  made  accordingly.  He  wrote 
to  the  minister  that  he  had  made  these  assur 
ances,  and  that,  unless  he  should  be  enabled 
to  fulfil  them,  he  must  retire  from  his  situa 
tion.  This  letter  he  sent  unsealed  to  Peyton 
Randolph  for  his  inspection.  Lord  Botte- 
tourt's  great  respectability,  his  character  for 
integrity,  and  his  general  popularity,  would 
have  enabled  him  to  embarrass  the  measures 
of  the  patriots  exceedingly.  His  death  was, 
therefore,  a  fortunate  event  for  the  cause  of 
the  Revolution.  He  was  the  first  governor  in 
chief  that  had  ever  come  over  to  Virginia. 
Before  his  time,  we  had  received  only  depu 
ties,  the  governor  residing  in  England,  with 
a  salary  of  five  thousand  pounds,  and  paying 
his  deputy  one  thousand  pounds. — CONVERSA 
TION  WITH  DANIEL  WEBSTER.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
330.  (1824.) 

932.  BOUNDARIES,  Louisiana.— The 
boundaries  of  Louisiana,  which  I  deem  not  ad 
mitting  question,  are  the  highlands  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Mississippi  enclosing  all 
its  waters,  the  Missouri  of  course,  and  termi 
nating  in  the  line  drawn  from  the  northwestern 
point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  nearest 
source  of  the  Mississippi,  as  lately  settled 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
We  have  some  claims,  to  extend  on  the  sea- 
coast  westwardly  to  the  Rio  Norte  or  Bravo, 
and  better,  to  go  eastwardly  to  the  Rio  Perdido, 
between  Mobile  and  Pensacola,  the  ancient 
boundary  of  Louisiana.  Those  claims  will  be  a 
subject  of  negotiation  with  Spain,  and  if,  as 
soon  as  she  is  at  war,  we  push  them  strongly 
with  one  hand,  holding  out  a  price  in  the 
other,  we  shall  certainly  obtain  the  Floridas, 
and,  all  in  good  time.  In  the  meanwhile, 
without  waiting  for  permission,  we  shall  enter 
into  the  exercise  of  the  natural  right  we  have 
always  insisted  on  with  Spain,  to  wit,  that  of 
a  nation  holding  the  upper  part  of  streams, 
having  a  right  of  innocent  passage  through 
them  to  the  ocean.  We  shall  prepare  her  to 
see  us  practice  on  this,  and  she  will  not  op 
pose  it  by  force. — To  JOHN  C.  BRECKENRIDGE. 
iv,  498.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  242.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

933. .  We  are  attached  to  the 

retaining  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  because 
it  was  the  first  establishment  of  the  unfortunate 
La  Salle,  was  the  cradle  of  Louisiana,  and  more 
incontestibly  covered  and  conveyed  to  us  by 
France,  under  that  name,  than  any  other  spot 
in  the  country. — To  JAMES  BOWDOIN.  v,  19. 
(W.,  1806.) 

934. .  You  know  the  French 

considered  themselves  entitled  to  the  Rio  Bravo, 
and  that  Laussat  declared  his  orders  to  be  to 
receive  possession  to  that  limit,  but  not  to 
Perdido;  and  that  France  has  to  us  been  al 
ways  silent  as  to  the  western  boundary,  while 
she  spoke  decisively  as  to  the  eastern.  ^You 
know  Turreau  agreed  with  us  that  neither 
party  should  strengthen  themselves  in  the  dis 
puted  country  during  negotiation ;  and  [Gen 
eral]  Armstrong,  who  says  Monroe  concurs 
with  him,  is  of  opinion,  from  the  character  of 
the  Emperor,  that  were  we  to  restrict  ourselves 
to  taking  posts  on  the  west  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  and  threaten  a  cessation  of  intercourse 
with  Spain,  Bonaparte  would  interpose  effi 
ciently  to  prevent  the  quarrel  going  further. 
Add  to  these  things  the  fact  that  Spain  has 
sent  five  hundred  colonists  to  San  Antonio, 
and  one  hundred  troops  to  Nacogdoches,  and 
probably  has  fixed  or  prepared  a  post  at  the 
Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  at  Matagordo.  Supposing, 


then,  a  previous  alliance  with  England  to 
guard  us  in  the  worst  event,  I  should  propose 
that  Congress  should  pass  acts,  i,  authorizing 
the  Executive  to  suspend  intercourse  with 
Spain  at  discretion ;  2,  to  dislodge  the  new 
establishments  of  Spain  between  the  Missis 
sippi  and  Bravo ;  and,  3,  to  appoint  commis 
sioners  to  examine  and  ascertain  all  claims 
for  spoliation  that  they  might  be  preserved  for 
future  indemnification. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  587.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  379.  (M.,  Sept.  1805.) 

935. .     By  the  charter  of  Louis 

XIV.  all  the  country  comprehending  the 
waters  which  flow  into  the  Mississippi,  was 
made  a  part  of  Louisiana.  Consequently  its 
northern  boundary  was  the  summit  of  the  high 
lands  in  which  its  northern  waters  rise.  But 
by  the  Xth  Art.  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht, 
France  and  England  agreed  to  appoint  commis 
sioners  to  settle  the  boundary  between  their 
possessions  in  that  quarter,  and  those  com 
missioners  settled  it  at  the  49th  degree  of 
latitude.  (See  Hutchinson's  Topographical 
Description  of  Louisiana,  p.  7.)  This  it 
was  which  induced  the  British  Commissioners, 
in  settling  the  boundary  with  us,  to  follow  the 
northern  water  line  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods, 
at  the  latitude  of  49°,  and  then  go  off  on  that 
parallel.  This,  then,  is  the  true  northern 
boundary  of  Louisiana.  The  western  boundary 
of  Louisiana  is,  rightfully,  the  Rio  Bravo  (its 
main  stream),  from  its  mouth  to  its  source, 
and  thence  along  the  highlands  and  mountains 
dividing  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  from 
those  of  the  Pacific.  The  usurpations  of 
Spain  on  the  east  side  of  that  river,  have  in 
duced  geographers  to  suppose  the  Puerco  or 
Sal  a  do  to  be  the  boundary.  The  line  along 
the  highlands  stands  on  the  charter  of  _  Louis 
XIV.,  that  of  the  Rio  Bravo  on  the  circum 
stance  that,  when  La  Salle  took  possession 
of  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  Panuco  was  the 
nearest  possession  of  Spain,  and  the  Rio 
Bravo  the  natural  half-way  boundary  between 
them.  On  the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  we  can 
found  no  claims  in  right  of  Louisiana. — To 
JOHN  MELLISH.  vii,  51.  (M.,  1816.) 

936.  BOUNDARIES,     Massachusetts 
and  New  York. — I  enclose  you  a  Massachu 
setts   paper,    whereby   you   will   see   that   some 
acts  of  force  have  taken  place  on  our  eastern 
boundary.     *     *     *     The  want  of  an  accurate 
map    of    the    Bay    of    Passamaquoddy    renders 
it   difficult   to    form    a   satisfactory    opinion    in 
the  point  in  contest.     *     *     *     There  is  a  re 
port  that  some  acts  of  force  have  taken  place 
on  the  northern  boundary  of   New  York,   and 
are   now   under  the   consideration   of  the   gov 
ernment    of    that    State.     The    impossibility    of 
bringing   the    court    of    London    to    an    adjust 
ment  of  any  difference  whatever,  renders  our 
situation   perplexing.     Should   any   applications 
from  the  States  or  their  citizens  be  so  urgent 
as  to  require  something  to  be  said  before  your 
return,  my  opinion  would  be  that  they  should 
be  desired  to  make  no  new  settlements  on  our 
part,  nor  suffer  any  to  be  made  on  the  part  of 
the  British,  within  the  disputed  territory;   and 
if  any  attempt  should  be  made  to  remove  them 
from  the  settlements   already   made,   that  they 
are  to  repel  force  by  force,  and  ask  aid  of  the 
neighboring  militia  to  do  this  and  no  more.     I 
see  no  other  way  of  forcing  the  British  govern 
ment  to  come  forward  themselves  and  demand 
an  amicable  settlement. — To  PRESIDENT  WASH 
INGTON,     iii,  230.     (Pa.,  March  1791-) 

937.  BOUNDARIES,  Northwest.— [In  a 
conversation     with     George     Hammond,     the 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Boundaries 


British  minister],  he  observed  that  the  treaty 
[of  peace]  was  of  itself  so  vague  and  inconsist 
ent  in  many  of  its  parts  as  to  require  an  ex 
planatory  convention.  He  instanced  the  two 
articles,  one  of  which  gave  them  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  other  bounded  them 
by  a  due  west  line  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods, 
which  being  now  understood  to  pass  beyond 
the  most  northern  sources  of  the  Mississippi, 
intercepted  all  access  to  that  river ;  that  to 
reconcile  these  articles,  that  line  should  be  so 
run  as  to  give  them  access  to  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  it  would 
even  be  for  our  interest  to  introduce  a  third 
power  between  us  and  the  Spaniards.  He 
asked  my  idea  of  the  line  from  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods,  and  of  now  settling  it.  I  told 
him  I  knew  of  no  objection  to  the  settlement 
of  it ;  that  my  idea  of  it  was,  that  if  it  was  an 
impassable  line,  as  proposed  in  the  treaty,  it 
should  be  rendered  passable  by  as  small  and 
unimportant  an  alteration  as  might  be,  which 
I  thought  would  be  to  throw  in  a  line  running 
due  north  from  the  northernmost  source  of  the 
Mississippi  till  it  should  strike  the  western 
line  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  ;  that  the  arti 
cle  giving  them  a  navigation  in  the  Mississippi 
did  not  relate  at  all  to  this  northern  boundary, 
but  to  the  southern  one,  and  to  the  secret  arti 
cle  respecting  that ;  that  he  knew  that  our 
Provisional  Treaty  was  made  seven  weeks  be 
fore  that  with  Spain  ;  that  at  the  date  of  purs, 
their  ministers  had  still  a  hope  of  retaining 
Florida,  in  which  case  they  were  to  come  up 
to  the  32d  degree,  and  in  which  case  also  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  would  have  been 
important ;  but  that  they  had  not  been  able,  in 
event,  to  retain  the  country  to  which  the  navi 
gation  was  to  be  an  appendage.  (It  was  evi 
dent  to  me  that  they  had  it  in  view  to  claim  a 
slice  on  our  northwestern  quarter,  that  they 
may  get  into  the  Mississippi ;  indeed,  I  thought 
it  presented  as  a  sort  of  make-weight  with  the 
Posts  to  compensate  the  great  losses  their  citi 
zens  had  sustained  by  the  infractions  charged 
on  us). — THE  ANAS,  ix,  428.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
195.  (June  1792.) 

938.  BOUNDARIES,  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia.— The  principle  on  which  the  bound 
ary  between  Pennsylvania  and  this  State  is 
to  be  run  having  been  fixed,  it  is  now  proposed 
by  President  Reed  that  commissioners  proceed 
to  execute  the  work  from  the  termination  of 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line  to  the  completion  of 
five  degrees  of  longitude,  and  thence  on  a 
meridian  to  the  Ohio.  We  propose  that  the 
extent  of  the  five  degrees  of  longitude  shall 
be  determined  by  celestial  observation.  Of 
course  it  will  require  one  set  of  astronomers 
to  be  at  Philadelphia,  and  another  at  Fort  Pitt. 
We  ask  the  favor  of  yourselves  to  undertake 
this  business,  the  one  to  go  to  the  one  place, 
the  other  to  the  other,  meaning  to  add  a  co 
adjutor  to  each  of  you. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADI 
SON  AND  ROBERT  ANDREWS.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  513. 

(R.,  1781.) 

939. .     No  mode  of  determining 

the  extent  of  the  five  degrees  of  longitude  of 
Delaware  river,  in  the  latitude  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  Line  having  been  pointed  out  by  your 
Excellency  [Joseph  Reed],  I  shall  venture  to 
propose  that  this  be  determined  by  astronom 
ical  observations.,  to  be  made  at  or  near  the 
two  ^  extremities  of  the  line,  as  being  in  our 
opinion  the  most  certain  and  unexceptionable 
mode  of  determining  that  point  which,  being 
fixed,  everything  else  will  be  easy. — To  PRESI 
DENT  REED.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  15.  (R.,  1781.) 


940.  BOUNDARIES,  United  States  and 
Great  Britain.— A  further  knowledge  of  the 
ground  in  the  north-eastern  and  north-western 
angles   of  the   United   States  has   evinced  that 
the    boundaries    established    by    the    treaty    of 
Paris,     between     the     British     territories     and 
ours   in  those  parts,   were  too   imperfectly  de 
scribed  to  be  susceptible  of  execution.     It  has, 
therefore,  been  thought  worthy  of  attention,  for 
preserving    and    cherishing    the    harmony    and 
useful   intercourse   subsisting  between   the  two 
nations,    to    remove    by    timely    arrangements 
what    unfavorable    incidents    might    otherwise 
render    a   ground    of    future    misunderstanding. 
A  convention  has,  therefore,  been  entered  into, 
which  provides  for  a  practical  demarcation  of 
those  limits  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties. 
— THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  26.    FORD  ED., 
viii,    270.     (Oct.    1803.) 

941.  BOUNDARIES,  United  States  and 
Spain. — The  southern  limits  of  Georgia  de 
pend   chiefly   on,    i.     The   charter   of   Carolina 
to   the    Lords    Proprietors,    in    1663,    extending 
southwardly  to  the  river  Matheo,  now  called  St. 
John's,  supposed  in  the  charter  to  be  in  latitude 
31°,  and  50°  west  in  a  direct  line  as  far  as  the 
South   Sea.     See  the  charter   in   4th    Manoires 
de  1'Amerique,  554.     2.  On  the  proclamation  of 
the    British    King,    in     1763,    establishing    the 
boundary  between  Georgia  and  the  two   Flori- 
das,  to  begin   in  the   Mississippi,   in  thirty-one 
degrees  of  latitude  north   of  the   equator,   and 
running  eastwardly  to  the  Apalachicola ;  thence, 
along  the  said  river  to  the  mouth  cf  the  Flint ; 
thence,   in   a  direct  line,   to  the  source   of  the 
St   Mary's   River,    and   down   the   same   to   the 
ocean.     3.  On  the  treaties  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  of  November  30,  1782, 
and  September  3,   1783,  repeating  and  confirm 
ing   these   ancient   boundaries.     There   was    an 
intermediate  transaction,  to  wit :  a  convention 
concluded    at   the    Pardo,    in    1739,    whereby    it 
was     agreed     that     Ministers      Plenipotentiary 
should  be  immediately  appointed  by  Spain  and 
Great  Britain  for  settling  the  limits  of  Florida 
and  Carolina.     The  convention  is  to  be  found 
in  the  collections  of  treaties.     But  the  proceed 
ings    of    the     Plenipotentiaries     are    unknown 
here.       *       *       *       — MISSISSIPPI     RIVER    IN 
STRUCTIONS,      vii,     573.      FORD     ED.,     v,     464. 
(1792.) 

942. .     To  this  demonstration  of 

our  rights  may  be  added  the  explicit  declara 
tion  of  the  court  of  Spain,  that  she  would  ac 
cede  to  them.  This  took  place  in  conversa 
tions  and  correspondence  thereon  between 
Mr.  Jay,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  for  the 
United  States  at  the  court  of  Madrid,  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  the  Count  de  Florida 
Blanca.  Monsieur  de  Lafayette,  in  his  letter 
of  February  19,  1783,  to  the  Count  de  Florida 
Blanca,  states  the  result  of  their  conversations 
on  limits  in  these  words :  "  With  respect  to 
limits,  his  Catholic  Majesty  has  adopted  those 
that  are  determined  by  the  preliminaries  of 
the  3oth  of  November,  between  the  United 
States  and  the  court  of  London."  The  Count 
de  Florida  Blanca,  in  his  answer  of  February 
22d,  to  M.  de  Lafayette,  says,  "  although  it  is 
his  Majesty's  intention  to  abide  for  the  present 
by  the  limits  established  by  the  treaty  of  the 
30th  of  November,  1782,  between  the  English 
and  the  Americans,  the  King  intends  to  inform 
himself  particularly  whether  it  can  be  in  any 
ways  inconvenient  or  prejudicial  to  settle  that 
affair  amicably  with  the  United  States;"  and 
M.  de  Lafayette,  in  his  letter  of  the  same  day 
to  Mr.  Jay,  wherein  he  had  inserted  the  pre 
ceding,  says,  "  On  receiving  the  answer  of  the 


Boundaries 
Brazil 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


1 08 


Count  de  Florida  Blanca  (to  wit :  his  answer, 
before  mentioned,  to  M.  de  Lafayette),  I  de 
sired  an  explanation  respecting  the  addition 
that  relates  to  the  limits.  I  was  answered 
that  it  was  a  fixed  principle  to  abide  by  the 
limits  established  by  the  treaty  between  the 
English  and  the  Americans :  that  his  remark 
related  only  to  mere  unimportant  details,  which 
he  wished  to  receive  from  the  Spanish  com 
mandants,  which  would  be  amicably  regulated, 
and  would  by  no  means  oppose  the  general  prin 
ciple.  I  asked  him,  before  the  Ambassador  of 
France  (M.  de  Montmorin),  whether  he  would 
give  me  his  word  of  honor  for  it ;  he  assured 
me  he  would,  and  that  I  might  engage  it  to  the 
United  States." — MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUC 
TIONS,  vii,  574.  FORD  ED.,  v,  465.  (1792.) 

943. .     To  conclude  the  subject 

of  boundary,  the  following  condition  is  to  be 
considered  by  the  commissioners  as  a  sine  qua 
non :  That  our  southern  boundary  remain  es 
tablished  at  the  completion  of  thirty-one  de 
grees  of  latitude  on  the  Mississippi,  and  so  on 
to  the  ocean,  *  *  *  and  our  western  one 
along  the  middle  of  the  channel  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  however  that  channel  may  vary,  as  it  is 
constantly  varying,  and  that  Spain  cease  to 
occupy,  or  to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  any  part 
northward  or  eastward  of  these  boundaries. — 
MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS,  vii,  585. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  475.  (1792.) 

944. .     It   is   not   true   that   our 

ministers,  in  agreeing  to  establish  the  Colorado 
as  our  western  boundary,  had  been  obliged  to 
exceed  the  authority  of  their  instructions.  Al 
though  we  considered  our  title  good  as  far  as 
the  Rio  Bravo,  yet  in  proportion  to  what  they 
could  obtain  east  of  the  Mississippi,  they  were 
to  relinquish  to  the  westward,  and  successive 
sacrifices  were  marked  out,  of  which  even  the 
Colorado  was  not  the  last.* — To  W.  A.  BUR- 
WELL,  v,  20.  FORD  EDV  viii,  469.  (M.,  Sep. 
1806.) 

945.  BOUNDARIES,       Virginia       and 
Maryland. — I  suppose  you  are  informed  oj 
the  proceeding  commenced  by  the   Legislature 
of  Maryland,  to  claim  the  south  branch  of  the 
Potomac  as  their  boundary,  and  thus  of  Albe- 
marle,  now  the  central  county  of  the  State,  to 
make  a  frontier.     As  it  is  impossible  upon  any 
consistent  principles,  and  after  such  a  length  o: 
undisturbed  possession,  that  they  can  expect  to 
establish  their  claim,  it  can  be  ascribed  to  no 
other  than  intention  to  irritate  and  divide ;    am 
there  can  be  no  doubt  from  what  bow  the  shaf 
is    shot.     However,    let    us    cultivate    Pennsyl 
vania,  and  we  need  not  fear  the  universe.     The 
Assembly    have    named    me    among   those   who 
are  to  manage  this  controversy.     But  I  am  so 
averse   to   motion    and   contest,    and   the   othe 
members    are    so    fully    equal    to    the    business 
that  I   cannot  undertake  to   act  in   it.     I   wisl 
you  were  added  to  them. — To  JAMES  MADISON 
iv,   162.     FORD  ED.,  vii,    109.     (M.,  Jan.    1797. 

946.  BOUNTIES,     Policy    regarding.— 
It   is   not   the   policy   of   the   government   i 
America  to  give  aid  to  works  of  any  kinc 
They  let  things  take  their  natural  course  with 
out  help  or  impediment,   which   is  generall 
the    best    policy. — To    THOMAS    DIGGES. 
413.    FORD  ED.,  v,  29.    (P.,  1788.) 

947.  BOUNTIES,  Recommended.— 
Among  the  purposes  to  which  the  Constitutio 

*  This  was  one  of  the  newspaper  charges  made  b 
John  Randolph  against  the  administration  of  Jeffer 
son.— EDITOR. 


)ermits  Congress  to  apply  money,  the  grant- 

ng  premiums  or  bounties  is  not  enumerated, 

nd  there  has  never  been  a  single  instance  of 

icir  doing  it,  although  there  has  been  a  mul- 

plicity  of  applications.    The  Constitution  has 

eft    these    encouragements    to    the    separate 

States.     I  have  in  two  or  three  messages  to 

Tongress  recommended  an  amendment  to  the 

Constitution,  which  shall  extend  their  power 

0  these  objects.     But  nothing  is  yet  done  in 
t.     I  fear,  therefore,  that  the  institution  you 
propose   must   rest  on   the  patronage  of   the 
State  in  which  it  is  to  be.     I  wish  I  could 

have  answered  you  more  to  my  own  mind,  as 
well  as  yours;  but  truth  is  the  first  object. — 
To  DR.  MAESE.  v,  412.  (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

948.  BOURBONS,  Incompetent.— A   new 
:rial  of  the  Bourbons  has  proved  to  the  world 
heir  incompetence  to  the  functions  of  the  sta- 
ions  they  have  occupied ;  and  the  recall  of  the 

usurper  has  clothed  him  with  the  semblance 
of  a  legitimate  autocrat. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
458.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

949.  BOWLES  (W.  A.),  Incites  Creek  In 
dians.— I     *    *    *    enclose  you  [the  British 

Minister]  an  extract  of  a  letter  *  *  *  giv- 
ng  information  of  a  Mr.  Bowles,*  lately  come 
from  England  into  the  Creek  country,  endeav 
oring  to  excite  that  nation  of  Indians  to  war 
against  the  United  States,  and  pretending  to  be 
employed  by  the  government  of  England.  We 
lave  other  testimony  of  these  pretensions,  and 
that  he  carries  them  much  farther  than  there 
stated.  We  have  too  much  confidence  in  the 
justice  and  wisdom  of  the  British  government 
to  believe  they  can  approve  of  the  proceedings 

01  this  incendiary  and  impostor,  or  countenance 
ior  a  moment  a  person  who  takes  the  liberty 
of  using  their  name   for  such   a  purpose. — To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND.     FORD  ED.,  v.     (Pa.,  1791.) 


950. 


Of    this    adventurer    the 


Spanish  government  rid  us. — To  CARMICHAEL 
AND  SHORT,  iv,  u.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  332.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

951.  BOYS,  Sound  Principles  and.— The 
boys  of  the  rising  generation  are  to  be  the 
men  of  the  next,  and  the  sole  guardians  of 
the  principles  we  deliver  over  to  them. — To 
REV.  MR.  KNOX.     v,  502.     (M.,  1810.)     See 
CHILDREN. 

952.  BRAZIL,     Condition    of.— Procure 

for  us  all  the  information  possible  as  to  the 
strength,  riches,  resources,  lights  and  dispo 
sitions  of  Brazil.  The  jealousy  of  the  court 
of  Lisbon  on  this  subject  will,  of  course,  in 
spire  you  with  due  caution  in  making  and 
communicating  these  inquiries. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  317.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

953.  BRAZIL,        Empire       of. — Having 
learned  the  safe  arrival  of  your  Royal  High 
ness  at  the  city  of  Rio  Janeiro  I  perform  with 
pleasure  the  duty  of  offering  you  my  sincere 
congratulations   *     *     *  .  I    trust    that    this 
event  will  be  as  propitious  to  the  prosperity 
of  your  faithful  subjects^as  to  the  happiness 
of  your  Royal  Highness  in  which  the  United 

*  A  Maryland  Loyalist,  who  later  styled  himself  a 
chief  of  the  Creek  Indians.  See  FORD'S  Writings  of 
Washington,  xii.  159,  and  Maryland  Loyalist,  33.— 
NOTE  in  FORD  ED. 


109 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Brazil 
Bubbles 


States  of  America  have  ever  taken  a  lively 
interest.  Inhabitants  now  of  the  same  land, 
of  that  great  continent  which  the  genius  of 
Columbus  has  given  to  the  world,  the  United 
States  feel  sensibly  that  they  stand  in  new 
and  closer  relations  with  your  Royal  High 
ness,  and  that  the  motives  which  heretofore 
nourished  the  friendly  relations  which  have  so 
happily  prevailed,  have  acquired  increased 
strength  on  the  transfer  of  your  residence  to 
their  shores.  They  see  in  prospect,  a  system 
of  intercourse  between  the  different  regions 
of  this  hemisphere  of  which  the  peace  and 
happiness  of  mankind  may  be  the  essential 
principle.  To  this  principle  your  long  tried 
adherence,  for  the  benefit  of  those  you  gov 
erned,  in  the  midst  of  warring  powers,  is  a 
pledge  to  the  new  world  that  its  peace,  its 
free  and  friendly  intercourse,  will  be  your 
chief  concern.  On  the  part  of  the  United 
States  I  assure  you,  that  these  which  have 
hitherto  been  their  ruling  objects,  will  be  most 
particularly  cultivated  with  your  Royal  High 
ness  and  your  subjects  at  Brazil,  and  they 
hope  that  that  country  so  favored  by  the  gifts 
of  nature,  now  advanced  to  a  station  under 
your  immediate  auspices,  will  find,  in  the  in 
terchange  of  mutual  wants  and  supplies,  the 
true  aliment  of  an  unchanging  friend 
ship  with  the  United  States  of  America. — 
To  THE  EMPEROR  OF  BRAZIL,  v,  285.  (May 
1808.) 

954.  BRAZIL,  Republicanism  in.— I 
shall  not  wonder  if  Brazil  should  revolt  in 
mass,  and  send  their  royal  family  back  to  Por 
tugal.  Brazil  is  more  populous,  more  wealthy, 
more  energetic,  and  as  wise  as  Portugal. — To 
MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  68.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
85.  (M.,  1817.) 

955. .  Although  we  have  no 

right  to  intermeddle  with  the  form  of  gov 
ernment  of  other  nations,  yet  it  is  lawful  to 
wish  to  see  no  emperors  nor  kings  in  our 
hemisphere,  and  that  Brazil  as  well  as  Mex 
ico  will  homologize  with  us. — To  PRESIDENT 
MONROE.  FORD  EDV  x,  244.  (M.,  Dec.  1822.) 

956.  BRIBERY,  Electoral.— No  person 
shall  be  capable  of  acting  in  any  office,  civil, 
military,  or  ecclesiastical,  who  shall  have 
given  any  bribe  to  obtain  such  office. — PRO 
POSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  28. 
(June  1776.) 

957. .  Every  person  *  *  * 

qualified  to  elect  [to  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  of  Virginia],  shall  be  capable  of  being 
elected  [to  the  House  of  Representatives]  ; 
provided  he  shall  have  given  no  bribe,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  any  elector. — PRO 
POSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  14. 
(June  1776.) 

958.  -  — .     The    Senators'    qualifica 
tions   shall   be  *    *    *  the  having  given   no 
bribe,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  obtain  their  ap 
pointment.— PROPOSED      VA.      CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  16.     (June  1776.) 

959.  BRIBERY,    Great    Britain    and.— 
The  known  practice  [of  the  British  Govern 
ment]  is  to  bribe  whom  they  can,  and  whom 


they  cannot  to  calumniate.  They  have  found 
scoundrels  in  America,  and  either  judging 
from  that,  or  their  own  principles,  they  would 
pretend  to  believe  all  are  so.  If  pride  of 
character  be  of  worth  at  any  time,  it  is  when 
it  disarms  the  efforts  of  malice.  What  a  mis 
erable  refuge  is  individual  slander  to  so  glo 
rious  a  nation  as  Great  Britain  has  been. — To 
GENERAL  NELSON.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  464.  (R., 
1781.) 

960.  BRIBERY,      Jefferson      and.— Of 
you,  my  neighbors,  I  may  ask,  in  the  face  of 
the  world,  "  whose  ox  have  I  taken,  or  whom 
have  I  defrauded?    Whom  have  I  oppressed, 
or  of  whose  hand  have  I  received  a  bribe  to 
blind   mine   eyes   therewith?     On   your   ver 
dict  I  rest  with  conscious  security. — To  THE 
INHABITANTS  OF  ALBEMARLE  COUNTY,    v,  439. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  251.     (M.,  April  1809.) 

961.  BRIBERY     OF     OFFICIALS.— In 

general,  I  am  confident  that  you  will  receive 
notice  of  the  [trade]  regulations  of  this  coun 
try  [France]  respecting  their  islands,  by  the 
way  of  those  islands  before  you  will  from 
hence  [Paris].  Nor  can  this  be  remedied  but 
by  a  system  of  bribery  which  would  end  in  the 
corruption  of  your  own  ministers,  and  pro 
duce  no  good  adequate  to  the  expense. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  i,  590.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  250.  (P., 
1786.)  See  CORRUPTION. 

962.  BRIGGS     (Isaac),     Scientific    At 
tainments     of.— I     have     appointed     Isaac 
Briggs,    of    Maryland,    surveyor    of    the    lands 
south  of  Tennessee.     He  is  a  Quaker,  a  sound 
republican,  and  of  a  pure  and  unspotted  char 
acter.     In     point     of     science,     in     astronomy, 
geometry  and  mathematics,  he  stands  in  a  line 
with  Mr.  Ellicott,  and  second  to  no  man  in  the 
United     States.     I     recommend    him    to    your 
particular  patronage ;  the  candor,  modesty  and 
simplicity   of  his   manners   cannot   fail   to   gain 
ycur  esteem.     For  the  office  of  surveyor,  men  of 
the    first    order    of    science    in    astronomy    and 
mathematics  are  essentially  necessary. — To  GOV 
ERNOR  CLAIBORNE.     iv,  489.     (W.,  1803.) 

963.  BROGLIO    (Marshal   de),    Charac 
ter  of.— The  Marshal  de  Broglio,  is  a  high 
flying    aristocrat,    cool    and    capable    of    every 
thing. — To  JOHN  JAY.     iii,  74.     (P.,   1789.) 

964.  BROWN    (James),    Loyalty    of.— 

That  you  ever  participated  in  any  plan  for  a 
division  of  the  Union,  I  never  for  a  moment 
believed.  I  knew  your  Americanism  too  well. 
But  as  the  enterprise  against  Mexico  was  of  a 
very  different  character,  I  had  supposed  what  I 
heard  on  that  subject  to  be  possible.  You  dis 
avow  it ;  that  is  enough  for  me,  and  I  forever 
dismiss  the  idea. — To  DR.  JAMES  BROWN,  v, 
378.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  210.  (W.,  1808.) 

965.  BUBBLES,  Speculative.— The  Amer 
ican    mind    is    now    in    that    state    of    fever 
which  the  world  has  so  often  seen  in  the  his 
tory  of  other  nations.    We  are  under  the  bank 
bubble,  as  England  was  under  the  South  Sea 
bubble,  France  under  the  Mississippi  bubble, 
and  as  every  nation  is  liable  to  be,  under  what 
ever  bubble,  design,  or  delusion  may  puff  up 
in     moments     when     off     their     guard. — To 
CHARLES  YANCEY.     vi,  515.     FORD  ED.,  x,  2. 
(M.,  Jan.  1816.)    See  SPECULATION. 


Buchan  (Karl  of) 
Bunker  Mill 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


110 


966.  BUCHAN   (Earl   of),   Character.— 

He  is  an  honorable,  patriotic,  and  virtuous  char 
acter  [and],  was  in  correspondence  with  Dr. 
Franklin  and  General  Washington. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  287.  (W.,  1804.) 

967.  BUCHANAN  (George),  Works  of. 
— The  title  of  the  tract  of  Buchanan  which 
you  propose  to  translate  was  familiar  to  me,  and 
I  possessed  the  tract ;  but  no  circumstance  had 
ever  led  me  to  look  into  it.     Yet  I  think  noth 
ing  more  likely  than  that,  in  the  free  spirit  of 
that  age  and  state  of  society,  principles  should 
be  avowed,   which  were  felt  and   followed,   al 
though  unwritten   in  the   Scottish   constitution. 
Undefined   powers    had   been    intrusted   to    the 
crown,  undefined  rights  retained  by  the  people, 
and  these  depended   for  their   maintenance  on 
the  spirit  of  the  people,  which,  in  that  day  was 
dependence    sufficient.* — To    REV.    MR.    KNOX. 
v,  502.     (M.,  1810.) 

968. .     His  latinity  is  so  pure  as 

to  claim  a  place  in  school  reading. — To  REV. 
MR.  KNOX.  v,  502.  (M.,  1810.) 

969.  BUFFON  (Count  de),  Animal  the 
ories  refuted.— The  opinion  advanced  by 
the  Count  de  Buffon,  is,  i.  That  the  animals 
common  both  to  the  old  and  new  world  are 
smaller  in  the  latter.  2.  That  those  peculiar 
to  the  new  are  on  a  smaller  scale.  3.  That 
those  which  have  been  domesticated  in  both 
have  degenerated  in  America ;  and  4.  That 
on  the  whole  it  exhibits  fewer  species.  And 
the  reason  he  thinks  is,  that  the  heats  of 
America  are  less ;  that  more  waters  are  spread 
over  its  surface  by  nature,  and  fewer  of  these 
drained  off  by  the  hand  of  man.  In  other 
words,  that  heat  is  friendly,  and  moisture  ad 
verse  to  the  production  and  development  of 
large  quadrupeds.  I  will  not  meet  this  hypothe 
sis  on  its  first  doubtful  ground,  whether  the 
climate  of  America  be  comparatively  more 
humid,  because  we  are  not  furnished  with  ob 
servations  sufficient  to  decide  this  question. 
And  though,  till  it  be  decided,  we  are  as  free 
to  deny  as  others  are  to  affirm  the  fact,  yet 
for  a  moment  let  it  be  supposed.  The  hy 
pothesis  after  this  supposition,  proceeds  to  an 
other  ;  that  moisture  is  unfriendly  to  animal 
growth.  The  truth  of  this  is  inscrutable  to 
us  by  reasonings  a  priori.  Nature  has  hidden 
from  us  her  modus  agendi.  Our  only  appeal 
on  such  questions  is  to  experience ;  and  I 
think  that  experience  is  against  the  supposi 
tion.  It  is  by  the  assistance  of  heat  and  mois 
ture  that  vegetables  are  elaborated  from  the 
elements  of  earth,  air,  water,  and  fire.  We 
accordingly  see  the  more  humid  climates  pro 
duce  the  greater  quantity  of  vegetables.  Veg 
etables  are  mediately  or  immediately  the  food 
of  every  animal;  and  in  proportion  to  the 
quantity  of  food,  we  see  animals  not  only  mul 
tiplied  in  their  numbers,  but  improved  in 
their  bulk,  as  far  as  the  laws  of  their  nature 
will  admit.  Of  this  opinion  is  the  Count  de 
Buffon  himself  in  another  part  of  his  work : 
"  En  g.eneral  il  paroit  que  les  pays  un  peu 
froids  conviennent  mieux  a  nos  boeufs  que 
les  pays  chauds  et  qu'ils  sont  d'autant  plus 
gros  et  plus  grands  que  le  climat  est  plus 

*  Buchanan's  works  were  publicly  burned  at  Ox 
ford.  See  Macaulay's  History  of  England,  Chap.  II. 
—EDITOR. 


humide  et  plus  abondans  en  paturages.  Les 
boeufs  de  Danemarck,  de  la  Podolie,  de 
1'Ukraine  et  de  la  Tartarie  qu'habitent  les  Cal- 
mouques  sont  les  plus  Brands  de  tous." 
Here  then  a  race  of  animals,  and  one  of  the 
largest  too,  has  been  increased  in  its  dimen 
sions  by  cold  and  moisture,  in  direct  opposi 
tion  to  the  hypothesis,  which  supposes  that 
these  two  circumstances  diminish  animal  bulk, 
and  that  it  is  their  contraries,  heat  and  dry- 
ness  which  enlarge  it. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  290.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  135.  (1782.) 

970. .      The    mammoth     should 

have  sufficed  to  have  rescued  the  earth 
it  inhabited,  and  the  atmosphere  it  breathed, 
from  the  imputation  of  impotence  in  the 
conception  and  nourishment  of  animal  life 
on  a  large  scrale;  to  have  stifled,  in  its 
birth,  the  opinion  of  a  writer,  the  most 
learned,  too,  of  all  others  in  the  science  of 
animal  history,  that  in  the  new  world.  "  La 
nature  vivante  est  beaucoup  moins  agissante, 
beaucoup  moins  forte " ;  that  nature  is  less 
active,  less  energetic  on  one  side  of  the  globe 
than  she  is  on  the  other.  As  if  both  sides 
were  not  warmed  by  the  same  genial  sun ;  as 
if  a  soil  of  the  same  chemical  composition 
was  Jess  capable  of  elaboration  into  animal 
nutriment;  as  if  the  fruits  and  grains  from 
that  soil  and  sun  yielded  a  less  rich  chyle, 
gave  less  extension  to  the  solids  and  fluids 
of  the  body,  or  produced  sooner  in  the  carti 
lages,  membranes,  and  fibres,  that  rigidity 
which  restrains  all  further  extension,  and  ter 
minates  animal  growth.  The  truth  is  that  a 
pigmy  and  a  Patagonian,  a  mouse  and  a  mam 
moth,  derive  their  dimensions  from  the  same 
nutritive  juices.  The  difference  of  increment 
depends  on  circumstances  unsearchable  to  be 
ings  with  our  capacities.  Every  race  of  ani 
mals  seems  to  have  received  from  their  Maker 
certain  laws  of  extension  at  the  time  of  their 
formation.  Their  elaborate  organs  were 
formed  to  produce  this,  while  proper  obsta 
cles  were  opposed  to  its  further  progress.  Be 
low  these  limits  they  cannot  fall,  nor  rise 
above  them.  What  intermediate  station  they 
shall  take  may  depend  on  soil,  on  climate,  on 
food,  on  a  careful  choice  of  breeders.  But 
all  the  manna  of  heaven  would  never  raise 
the  mouse  to  the  bulk  of  the  mammoth. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  289.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
134.  (1782.)  See  MAMMOTH. 

971.  BUFFON   (Count   de),    Gifts   to.— 
I  wrote  to  some  of  my  friends  in  America  de 
siring  they  would  send  me  such  of  the  spoils  of 
the    moose,    caribou,    elk    and    deer,    as    might 
throw  light  on  that  class  of  animals.     *     *     * 
I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  present  to  you    *    *    * 
the  bones  and  skin  of  a  moose,  the  horns  of  the 
caribou,   the   elk,   the   deer,   the   spiked   horned 
buck,   and  the  roebuck   of  America.     They   all 
come  from  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts. 
— To    COMTE  DE   BUFFON.     ii,   285.     FORD   ED., 
iv,  457-     (P-,  1787.) 

972.  BUNKER  HILL,  Battle  of.— Bun 
ker's  Hill,  or  rather  Breed's  Hill,  whereon  the 
action  was,  is  a  peninsula  joined  to  the  main 
land  by  a  neck  of  land  almost,  level  with  the 
water,  a  few  paces  wide,  and  about  one  or  two 
hundred  toises  long.     On  one  side  of  this  neck 


III 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


liurke  (Edmund) 
Burr  (Aaron) 


lay  a  vessel  of  war,  and  on  the  other  several 
gunboats.  The  body  of  our  army  was  on  the 
mainland ;  and  only  a  detachment  had  been 
sent  into  the  peninsula.  When  the  enemy  de 
termined  to  make  the  attack,  they  sent  the  ves 
sel  of  war  and  gunboats  to  take  the  position, 
before  mentioned,  to  cut  off  all  reinforcements, 
which  they  effectually  did.  Not  so  much  as  a 
company  could  venture  to  the  relief  of  the  men 
engaged,  who  therefore  fought  through  the 
whole  action,  and  at  length  were  obliged  to  re 
tire  across  the  neck  through  the  cross  fire  of 
the  vessels  before  mentioned.  Single  persons 
passed  along  the  neck  during  the  engagement, 
particularly  General  Putnam. — To  M.  SOULES. 
ix,  293.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  301.  (P.,  1786.) 

973.  BURKE  (Edmund),  Toryism  of.— 
The  Revolution  of  France  does  not  astonish  me 
so  much  as  the  revolution  of  Mr.  Burke.     I  wish 
I    could   believe   the   latter   proceeded    from    as 
pure  motives  as  the  former.     But  what  demon 
stration  could  scarcely  have  established  before, 
less   than   the  hints   of   Dr.    Priestley   and   Mr. 
Paine    establish    firmly    now.     How    mortifying 
that  this  evidence  of  the  rottenness  of  his  mind 
must  oblige  us  now  to  ascribe  to  wicked  mo 
tives  those  actions  of  his  life  which  wore  the 
mark  of  virtue  and  patriotism. — To  BENJAMIN 
VAUGHAN.     FORD  ED.,  v,  333.     (1791.) 

974.  BUSINESS,    Visionary    Principles 

in. — Men  come  into  business  at  first  with  vis 
ionary  principles.  It  is  practice  alone  which 
can  correct  and  conform  them  to  the  actual  cur 
rent  of  affairs.  In  the  meantime,  those  to 
whom  their  errors  were  first  applied  have  been 
their  victims. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED., 
v,  16.  (P.,  1788.) 

975.  BURR  (Aaron),  Characteristics  of. 

— I  never  thought  him  an  honest,  frank-deal 
ing  man,  but  considered  him  as  a  crooked 
gun,  or  other  perverted  machine,  whose  aim 
or  shot  you  could  never  be  sure  of.  Still, 
while  he  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  na 
tion,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  respect  in  him 
their  confidence,  and  to  treat  him  as  if  he  de 
served  it. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  v,  68. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  46.  (M.,  April  1807.) 

976.  BURR  (Aaron),  Distrust  of.— I  had 
never  seen  Colonel  Burr  till  he  came  here  as 
a  member  of  the  Senate.      His  conduct  very 
soon  inspired  me  with  distrust.     I  habitually 
cautioned  Mr.  Madison  against  trusting  him 
too  much.     I  saw  afterwards  that  under  Gen 
eral  Washington's  and  Mr.  Adams's  admin 
istrations,  whenever  a  great  military  appoint 
ment  or  a  diplomatic  one  was  to  be  made,  he 
came  post  to  Philadelphia  to  show  himself  and 
in  fact  that  he  was  always  at  market,  if  they 
had  wanted  him.    He  was  indeed  told  by  Day 
ton  in  1800  he  might  be  Secretary  of  War ; 
but  this  bid  was  too  late.     His  election  as 
V.  P.  was  then  foreseen.    With  these  impres 
sions  of  Colonel  Burr  there  never  had  been 
any  intimacy  between  us,  and  but  little  asso 
ciation.    When  I  destined  him  for  a  high  ap 
pointment,  it  was  out  of  respect  for  the  fa 
vor  he  had  obtained  with  the  republican  party 
by  his  extraordinary  exertions  and  successes 
in  the  New  York  election  in  1800. — ANAS,    ix, 
207.  FORD  ED.,  i,  304.     (1804.) 

977.  BURR  (Aaron),  Feeling  toward.— 
Against   Burr,   personally,    I    never   had   one 


hostile  sentiment. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,    v, 
68.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  46.     (M.,  April  1807.) 

978.  BURR  (Aaron),  Honesty  and.— No 
man's  history  proves  better  the  value  of  hon 
esty.     With  that,   what   might   he  not  have 
been! — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,    v,  55.    (W.,  1807.) 

979.  BURR     (Aaron),     Overrated    Tal 
ents. — Burr  has  indeed  made  a  most  inglo 
rious   exhibition  of  his  much  overrated  tal 
ents. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  v,  55.    FORD 
ED.,  ix,  38.     (W.,  1807.) 

980.  -  — .A    great    man    in    little 
things,  he  is  really  small  in  great  ones. — To 
GEORGE  HAY.    v,  88.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  55.     (W., 
1807.) 

981.  BURR  (Aaron),  Political  Services. 
— He    has   certainly   greatly    merited    of   his 
country,  and  the  republicans  in  particular,  to 
whose  efforts  his  have  given  a  chance  of  suc 
cess. — To  PIERCE  BUTLER.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  449. 
(Aug.  1800.) 

982. .  While  I  must  congratu 
late  you  on  the  issue  of  this  contest  [the  Presi 
dential],  because  it  is  more  honorable,  and, 
doubtless,  more  grateful  to  you  than  any  station 
within  the  competence  of  the  Chief  Magistrate, 
yet  for  myself,  and  for  the  substantial  service  of 
the  public,  I  feel  most  sensibly  the  loss  we  sus 
tain  of  your  aid  in  our  new  administration.  It 
leaves  a  chasm  in  my  arrangements,  which  can 
not  be  adequately  filled  up.  I  had  endeavored  to 
compose  an  administration  whose  talents,  integ 
rity,  names,  and  dispositions,  should  at  once  in 
spire  unbounded  confidence  in  the  public  mind, 
and  insure  a  perfect  harmony  in  the  conduct  of 
the  public  business.  I  lose  you  from  the  list, 
and  am  not  sure  of  all  the  others.  Should 
the  gentlemen,  who  possess  the  public  confi 
dence,  decline  taking  a  part  in  their  affairs, 
and  force  us  to  take  persons  unknown  to  the 
people,  the  evil  genius  of  this  country  may 
realize  his  avowal  that  "  he  will  beat  down  the 
administration." — To  AARON  BURR.  iv,  341. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  467.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

983.  BURR  (Aaron),  Presidential  Con 
test. — It  was  to  be  expected  that  the  enemy 
would  endeavor  to  sow  tares  between  us,  that 
they  might  divide  us  and  our   friends.     Every 
consideration  satisfies  me  you  will  be  on  your 
guard  against  this,  as  I  assure  you  I  am  strong 
ly.     I  hear  of  one  stratagem  so  imposing  and  so 
base  that  it  is  proper  I  should  notice  it  to  you. 
Mr.    Munford    says    he    saw    at    New    York    an 
original  letter  of  mine  to  Judge   Breckenridge, 
in  which  are  sentiments  highly  injurious  to  you. 
He  knows  my  handwriting,  and  did  not  doubt 
that    to    be    genuine.     I    enclose    you    a    copy 
taken  from  the  press  copy  of  the  only  letter  I 
ever  wrote  to  Judge   Breckenridge  in   my  life. 

*  *  Of  consequence,  the  letter  seen  by 
Mr.  Munford  must  be  a  forgery,  and  if  it  con 
tains  a  sentiment  unfriendly  or  disrespectful  to 
you,  I  affirm  it  solemnly  to  be  a  forgery ;  as 
also  if  it  varies  from  the  copy  enclosed.  With 
the  common  trash  of  slander  I  should  not  think 
of  troubling  you ;  but  the  forgery  of  one's 
handwriting  is  too  imposing  to  be  neglected. — 
To  AARON  BURR,  iv,  349.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  485. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.)  See  ELECTIONS — PRESIDEN 
TIAL,  1800. 

984.  BURR     (Aaron),     Relations    with 
Jefferson.— Colonel    Burr,    the   Vice    Presi- 


Burr  (Aaron) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


112 


dent,  called  on  me  in  the  evening  [January  26th, 
1804],  having  previously  asked  an  opportunity 
of  conversing  with  me.  He  began  by  recapit 
ulating  summarily,  that  he  had  come  to  New 
York  a  stranger,  some  years  ago ;  that  he 
found  the  country  in  possession  of  two  rich 
families  (the  Livingstons  and  Clintons)  ;  that 
his  pursuits  were  not  political,  and  he  meddled 
not.  When  the  crisis,  however,  of  1800  came 
on,  they  found  their  influence  worn  out,  and 
solicited  his  aid  with  the  people.  He  lent  it 
•without  any  views  of  promotion.  That  his  be 
ing  named  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President 
was  unexpected  by  him.  He  acceded  to  it  with 
a  view  to  promote  my  fame  and  advancement, 
and  from  a  desire  to  be  with  me,  whose  com 
pany  and  conversation  had  always  been  fasci 
nating  to  him.  That  since,  those  great  families 
had  become  hostile  to  him,  and  had  excited 
the  calumnies  which  I  had  seen  published. 
That  in  this  Hamilton  had  joined,  and  had  even 
written  some  of  the  pieces  against  him.  That 
his  attachment  to  me  had  been  sincere,  and  was 
still  unchanged,  although  many  little  stories  had 
been  carried  to  him,  and  he  supposed  to  me  also, 
which  he  despised ;  but  that  attachment  must 
be  reciprocal  or  cease  to  exist,  and,  therefore, 
he  asked  if  any  change  had  taken  place  in  mine 
towards  him  ;  that  he  had  chosen  to  have  this 
conversation  with  myself  directly;  and  not 
through  any  intermediate  agent.  He  reminded 
me  of  a  letter  written  to  him  about  the  time  of 
counting  the  votes  (say  February,  1801), 
mentioning  that  his  election  had  left  a  chasm  in 
my  arrangements ;  that  I  had  lost  him  from  my 
list  in  the  Administration,  &c.  He  observed, 
he  believed  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the 
republican  cause  for  him  to  retire  ;  that  a  dis 
advantageous  schism  would  otherwise  take 
place ;  but  that  were  he  to  retire,  it  would  be 
said  he  shrunk  from  the  public  sentence,  which 
he  never  would  do  ;  that  his  enemies  were  using 
my  name  to  destroy  him,  and  something  was 
necessary  from  me  to  prevent  and  deprive 
them  of  that  weapon,  some  mark  of  favor  from 
me  which  would  declare  to  the  world  that  he 
retired  with  my  confidence. 

I  answered  by  recapitulating  to  him  what  had 
been  my  conduct  previous  to  the  election  of 
i Sop.  That  I  had  never  interfered  directly  or 
indirectly  with  my  friends  or  any  others,  to 
influence  the  election  either  for  him  or  myself  ; 
that  I  considered  it  as  my  duty  to  be  merely 
passive,  except  that  in  Virginia,  I  had  taken 
some  measures  to  procure  for  him  the  unani 
mous  vote  of  that  State,  because  I  thought  any 
failure  there  might  be  imputed  to  me.  That  in 
the  election  now  coming  on,  I  was  observing 
the  same  conduct,  held  no  councils  with  anybody 
respecting  it,  nor  suffered  any  one  to  speak  to 
me  on  the  subject,  believing  it  my  duty  to  leave 
myself  to  the  free  discussion  of  the  public ; 
that  I  do  not  at  this  moment  know,  nor  have 
ever  heard,  who  were  to  be  proposed  as  candi 
dates  for  the  public  choice,  except  so  far  as 
could  be  gathered  from  the  newspapers.  That 
as?  to  the  attack  excited  against  him  in  the 
newspapers,  I  had  noticed  it  but  as  the  passing 
wind ;  that  I  had  seen  complaints  that  Cheet- 
ham,  employed  in  publishing  the  laws,  should 
be  permitted  to  eat  the  public  bread  and 
abuse  its  second  officer ;  that  as  to  this,  the 
publishers  of  the  laws  were  appointed  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  without  any  reference  to 
me ;  that  to  make  the  notice  general,  it  was 
often  given  to  one  republican  and  one  federal 
printer  of  the  same  place ;  that  these  federal 
printers  did  not  in  the  least  intermit  their 
abuse  of  me.  though  receiving  emoluments  from 
die  government,  and  that  I  never  thought  it 


proper  to  interfere  for  myself,  and  consequently 
not  in  the  case  of  the  Vice-President.  That  as 
to  the  letter  he  referred  to,  I  remembered  it, 
and  believed  he  had  only  mistaken  the  date  at 
which  it  was  written ;  that  I  thought  it  must 
have  been  on  the  first  notice  of  the  event  of 
the  election  of  South  Carolina;  and  that  I  had 
taken  that  occasion  to  mention  to  him,  that  I 
had  intended  to  have  proposed  to  him  one  of 
the  great  offices,  if  he  had  not  been  elected ; 
but  that  his  election  in  giving  him  a  higher  sta 
tion  had  deprived  me  of  his  aid  in  the  Admin 
istration.  The  letter  alluded  to  was,  in  fact, 
mine  to  him  of  December  the  isth,  1800.  I 
now  went  on  to  explain  to  him  verbally,  what  I 
meant  by  saying  I  had  lost  him  from  my  list. 
That  in  General  Washington's  time,  it  had  been 
signified  to  him  that  Mr.  Adams,  the  Vice-Presi 
dent,  would  be  glad  of  a  foreign  embassy ;  that 
General  Washington  mentioned  it  to  me,  ex 
pressed  his  doubts  whether  Mr.  Adams  was  a 
fit  character  for  such  an  office,  and  his  still 
greater  doubts,  indeed  his  conviction,  that  it 
would  not  be  justifiable  to  send  away  the 
person  who,  in  case  of  his  death,  was  provided 
by  the  Constitution  to  take  his  place;  that  it 
would  moreover  appear  indecent  for  him  to  be 
disposing  of  the  public  trusts,  in  apparently 
buying  off  a  competitor  for  the  public  favor.  I 
concurred  with  him  in  the  opinion,  and,  if  I 
recollect  rightly,  Hamilton,  Knox,  and  Randolph 
were  consulted  and  gave  the  same  opinions. 
That  when  Mr.  Adams  came  to  the  Administra 
tion,  in  his  first  interview  with  me,  he  men 
tioned  the  necessity  of  a  mission  to  France, 
and  how  desirable  it  would  have  been  to  him  if 
he  could  have  got  me  to  undertake  it ;  but  that 
he  conceived  it  would  be  wrong  in  him  to  send 
me  away,  and  assigned  the  same  reasons  General 
Washington  had  done ;  and,  therefore,  he  should 
appoint  Mr.  Madison,  &c.  That  I  had  myself 
contemplated  his  (Colonel  Burr's)  appointment 
to  one  of  the  great  offices,  in  case  he  was  not 
elected  Vice-President ;  but  that  as  soon  as  that 
election  was  known,  I  saw  it  could  not  be  done, 
for  the  good  reasons  which  had  led  General 
Washington  and  Mr.  Adams  to  the  same  con 
clusion  ;  and  therefore,  in  my  first  letter  to 
Colonel  Burr,  after  the  issue  was  known,  I 
had  mentioned  to  him  that  a  chasm  in  my  ar 
rangements  had  been  produced  by  this  event. 
I  was  thus  particular  in  rectifying  the  date  of 
this  letter,  because  it  gave  me  an  opportunity 
of  explaining  the  grounds  on  which  it  was 
written,  which  were,  indirectly  an  answer  to 
his  present  hints.  He  left  the  matter  with  me 
for  consideration,  and  the  conversation  was 
turned  to  indifferent  subjects.  I  should  here 
notice,  that  Colonel  Burr  must  have  thought 
that  I  could  swallow  strong  things  in  my  own 
favor,  when  he  founded  his  acquiescence  in 
the  nomination  as  Vice-President.  to  his  de 
sire  of  promoting  my  honor,  the  being  with  me, 
whose  company  and  conversation  had  always 
been  fascinating  with  him.  &c. — THE  ANAS,  ix, 
204.  FORD  ED.,  i,  301.  (Jan.  1804.) 

985.  BURR  (Aaron),  Threatens  Jeffer 
son.— About  a  month  ago  [March  1806] 
Colonel  Burr  called  on  me,  and  entered  into  a 
conversation,  in  which  he  mentioned  that  a 
little  before  my  coming  into  office,  I  had  written 
to  him  a  letter  intimating  that  I  had  destined 
him  for  high  employ,  had  he  not  been  placed  by 
the  people  in  a  different  one;  that  he  had  signi 
fied  his  willingness  to  resign  as  Vice-President, 
to  give  aid  to  the  Administration  in  any  other 
place,  that  he  had  never  asked  an  office,  how 
ever  ;  he  asked  aid  of  nobody,  but  could  walk 
on  his  own  legs  and  take  care  of  himself;  that 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Burr  •.  AM  roii) 
tturr's  i A.)  Treason 


I  had  always  used  him  with  politeness,  but  noth 
ing  more ;  that  he  aided  in  bringing  on  the 
present  order  of  things  ;  that  he  had  supported 
the  Administration  ;  and  that  he  could  do  me 
much  harm  ;  he  wished,  however,  to  be  on  dif 
ferent  ground ;  he  was  now  disengaged  from 
all  particular  business — willing  to  engage  in 
something — should  be  in  town  some  days,  if  I 
should  have  anything  to  propose  to  him.  I  ob 
served  to  him,  that  I  had  always  been  sensible 
that  he  possessed  talents  which  might  be  em 
ployed  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the  public, 
and  that  as  to  myself,  I  had  a  confidence  that  if 
he  were  employed,  he  would  use  his  talents  for 
the  public  good  ;  but  that  he  must  be  sensible 
the  public  had  withdrawn  their  confidence  from 
him,  and  that  in  a  government  like  ours  it  was 
necessary  to  embrace  in  its  administration  as 
great  a  mass  of  public  confidence  as  possible, 
by  employing  those  who  had  a  character  with 
the  public,  of  their  own,  and  not  merely  a  sec 
ondary  one  through  the  Executive.  He  ob 
served,  that  if  we  believed  a  few  newspapers, 
it  might  be  supposed  he  had  lost  the  public 
confidence,  but  that  I  knew  how  easy  it  was 
to  engage  newspapers  in  anything.  I  observed, 
that  I  did  not  refer  to  that  kind  of  evidence  of 
his  having  lost  the  public  confidence,  but  to 
the  late  Presidential  election,  when,  though  in 
possession  of  the  office  of  Vice-President,  there 
was  not  a  single  voice  heard  for  his  retaining 
it.  That  as  to  any  harm  he  could  do  me,  I 
knew  no  cause  why  he  should  desire  it.  but, 
at  the  same  time,  I  feared  no  injury  which  any 
man  could  do  me ;  that  I  never  had  done  a 
single  act,  or  been  concerned  in  any  transac 
tion,  which  I  feared  to  have  fully  laid  open,  or 
which  could  do  me  any  hurt,  if  truly  stated ; 
that  I  had  never  done  a  single  thing  with  a  view 
to  my  personal  interest,  or  that  of  any  friend,  or 
with  any  other  view  than  that  of  the  greatest 
public  good ;  that,  therefore,  no  threat  or  fear 
on  that  head  would  ever  be  a  motive  of  action 
with  me.  I  did  not  commit  these  things  to 
writing  at  the  time,  but  I  do  it  now,  because  in 
a  suit  between  him  and  Cheetham,  he  has  had 
a  deposition  of  Mr.  Bayard  taken,  which  seems 
to  have  no  relation  to  the  suit,  nor  to  any  other 
object  than  to  calumniate  me.  Bayard  pretends 
to  have  addressed  to  me,  during  the  pending  of 
the  Presidential  election  in  February,  1801, 
through  General  Samuel  Smith,  certain  condi 
tions  on  which  my  election  might  be  obtained, 
and  that  General  Smith,  after  conversing  with 
me,  gave  answers  from  me.  This  is  absolutely 
false.  No  proposition  of  any  kind  was  ever 
made  to  me  on  that  occasion  by  General  Smith, 
nor  any  answer  authorized  by  me.  And  this 
fact  General  Smith  affirms  at  this  moment. — 
THE  ANAS,  ix,  208.  FORD  EDV  i,  311.  (April 
1806.) 

986.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Counter 
acted. — During  the  last  session  of  Congress, 
Colonel  Burr  who  was  here  [Washington],  find 
ing  no  hope  of  being  employed  in  any  depart 
ment  of  the  government,  opened  himself  con 
fidentially  to  some  persons  on  whom  he  thought 
he  could  rely,  on  a  scheme  of  separating  the 
Western  from  the  Atlantic  States,  and  erecting 
the  former  into  an  independent  confederacy. 
He  had  before  made  a  tour  of  those  States 
u'hich  had  excited  suspicions,  as  every  nation 
does  of  such  a  Catalinian  character.  *  *  * 
We  [the  cabinet]  are  of  opinion  unanimously, 
that  confidential  letters  be  written  to  the 
Governors  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Mississippi  and 
Orleans  *  *  *  to  have  him  strictly  watched 
and  on  his  committing  any  overt  act  unequivo 
cally,  to  have  him  arrested  and  tried  for  treason, 


misdemeanor,  or  whatever  other  offence  the  act 
may  amount  to.  And  in  like  manner  to  arrest 
and  try  any  of  his  followers  committing  acts 
against  the  laws. — ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  318. 
(July  1806.) 

987.  BURR'S  (A.)   TREASON,   Decoys. 

— Burr  has  been  able  to  decoy  a  great  propor 
tion  of  his  people  by  making  them  believe  the 
government  secretly  approves  of  this  expedition 
against  the  Spanish  territories.  We  are  look 
ing  with  anxiety  to  see  what  exertions  the 
Western  country  will  make  in  the  first  instance 
for  their  own  defence ;  and  I  confess  that  my 
confidence  in  them  is  entire. — To  GOVERNOR 
CLAIBORNE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  502.  (W.,  Dec. 
1806.) 

988. .     It     is     understood     that 

wherever  Burr  met  with  subjects  who  did  not 
choose  to  embark  in  his  projects,  unless  ap 
proved  by  their  government,  he  asserted  that  he 
had  that  approbation.  Most  of  them  took  his 
word  for  it,  but  it  is  said  that  with  those  who 
would  not,  the  following  stratagem  was  prac 
ticed.  A  forged  letter,  purporting  to  be  from 
General  Dearborn,  was  made  to  express  his  ap 
probation,  and  to  say  that  I  was  absent  at 
Monticello,  but  that  there  was  no  doubt  that, 
on  my  return,  my  approbation  of  his  enterprises 
would  be  given.  This  letter  was  spread  open 
on  his  table,  so  as  to  invite  the  eye  of  whoever 
entered  his  room,  and  he  contrived  occasions 
of  sending  up  into  his  room  those  whom  he 
wished  to  become  witnesses  of  his  acting  under 
sanction.  By  this  means  he  avoided  committing 
himself  to  any  liability  to  prosecution  for 
forgery,  and  gave  another  proof  of  being  a  great 
man  in  little  things,  while  he  is  really  small  in 
great  ones.  I  must  add  General  Dearborn's 
declaration,  that  he  never  wrote  a  letter  to  Burr 
in  his  life,  except  that  when  here,  once  in  a 
winter,  he  usually  wrote  him  a  billet  of  invita 
tion  to  dine. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  87.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  54.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

989.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Designs 

of. — The  designs  of  our  Cataline  are  as  real  as 
they  are  romantic,  but  the  parallel  he  has  se 
lected  from  history  for  the  model  of  his  own 
course  corresponds  but  by  halves.  It  is  true  in 
its  principal  character,  but  the  materials  to  be 
employed  are  totally  different  from  the  scour- 
ings  of  Rome.  I  am  confident  he  will  be  com 
pletely  deserted  on  the  appearance  of  the  procla 
mation,  because  his  strength  was  to  consist  of 
people  who  had  been  persuaded  that  the  govern 
ment  connived  at  the  enterprise. — To  CAESAR  A. 
RODNEY.  FORD  EDV  viii,  497.  (W.,  Dec.  1806.) 

990. .     Burr's  object  is  to  take 

possession  of  New  Orleans,  as  a  station  whence 
to  make  an  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz  and 
Mexico.  His  party  began  their  formation  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  whence  they  started 
the  ist  or  2d  of  this  month,  and  would  collect 
all  the  way  down  the  Ohio.  We  trust  that  the 
opposition  we  have  provided  at  Marietta,  Cin 
cinnati,  Louisville,  and  Massac  will  be  sufficient 
to  stop  him  ;  but  we  are  not  certain  because  we 
do  not  know  his  strength.  It  is,  therefore,  pos 
sible  he  may  escape,  and  then  his  great  ren 
dezvous  is  to  be  at  Natchez.  *  *  *  We 
expect  you  will  collect  all  your  force  of  militia, 
act  in  conjunction  with  Colonel  Freeman,  and 
take  such  a  stand  as  shall  be  concluded  best. — 
To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  FORD  ED.,  viii.  501. 
(W.,  Dec.  1806.) 

991. .     His    first   enterprise   was 

to  have  been  to  seize  New  Orleans,  which  he 


Burr's  (A.)  Treason 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


114 


supposed  would  powerfully  bridle  the  upper 
country,  and  place  him  at  the  door  of  Mexico. 
— To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  v,  131.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  144.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

992. .     Burr's    enterprise    is    the 

most  extrarodinary  since  the  days  of  Don  Qui 
xote.  It  is  so  extravagant  that  those  who  know 
his  understanding,  would  not  believe  it  if  the 
proofs  admitted  doubt.  He  has  meant  to  place 
himself  on  the  throne  of  Montezuma,  and  ex 
tend  his  empire  to  the  Alleghany,  seizing  on 
New  Orleans  as  the  instrument  of  compulsion 
for  western  States. — To  REV.  CHAS.  CLAY,  v, 
28.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  7.  (W.,  Jan.  1807.) 

993.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Fearless 
of. — For  myself,  even  in  Burr's  most  flatter 
ing  periods   of  the   conspiracy,   I   never   enter 
tained  one  moment's  fear.    My  long  and  intimate 
knowledge  of  my  countrymen,  satisfied    and  sat 
isfies  me,  that  let  there  ever  be  occasion  to  dis 
play  the  banners  of  the  law,  and  the  world  will 
see  how   few   and  pitiful   are  those   who   shall 
array  themselves  in  opposition. — To  DR.  JAMES 
BROWN,     v,  379.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  211.     (W.,  Oct. 
1808.) 

994.  BURR'S    (A.)    TREASON",    Flagi 
tious. — His  conspiracy  has  been  one  of  the 
most  flagitious  of  which  history  will  ever  furnish 
an  example.    He  meant  to  separate  the  Western 
States  from  us,  to  add  Mexico  to  them,  place 
himself  at  their  head,  establish  what  he  would 
deem  an  energetic  government,  and  thus  provide 
an  example  and  an  instrument  for  the  subver 
sion  of  our  freedom.     The  man  who  could  ex 
pect   to    effect   this,    with    American    materials, 
must  be  a  fit  subject  for  Bedlam. — To  MARQUIS 
DE    LAFAYETTE,      v,    129.      FORD    ED.,    ix,    113. 
(W.,  July  1807.) 

995. .     Burr's      conspiracy     has 

been  one  of  the  most  flagitious  of  which  history 
will  ever  furnish  an  example.  He  had  combined 
the  objects  of  separating  the  Western  States 
from  us,  of  adding  Mexico  to  them,  and  of  pla 
cing  himself  at  their  head.  But  he  who  could 
expect  to  effect  such  objects  by  the  aid  of 
American  citizens,  must  be  perfectly  ripe  for 
Bedlam. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  128. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  in.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

996.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Louis 
iana  and. — It  has  given  me  infinite  satisfac 
tion  that  not  a  single  native  Creole  of  Louisiana, 
and  but  one  American,  settled  there  before  the 
delivery  of  the  country  to  us,  were  in  his  inter 
est.  His  partisans  there  were  made  up  of  fugi 
tives  from  justice,  or  from  their  debts,  who  had 
flocked  there  from  other  parts  of  the  United 
States,  after  the  delivery  of  the  country,  and 
of  adventurers  and  speculators  of  all  descrip 
tions. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  128.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  113.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

997. .     The     native     inhabitants 

were  unshaken  in  their  fidelity.  But  there  was 
a  small  band  of  American  adventurers  who  had 
fled  from  their  debts,  and  who  were  longing  to 
dip  their  hands  into  the  mines  of  Mexico,  en 
listed  in  Burr's  double  project  of  attacking  that 
country,  and  severing  our  Union.  Had  Burr 
had  a  little  success  in  the  upper  country,  these 
parricides  would  have  joined  him. — To  MARQUIS 
DE  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  65.  (W.,  May 
1807.) 

998.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  The  Peo 
ple  and. — The  hand  of  the  people  has  given 
the  mortal  blow  to  a  conspiracy  which,  in  other 
countries,  would  have  called  for  an  appeal  to 


armies,  and  has  proved  that  government  to  be 
the  strongest  of  which  every  man  feels  himself  a 
part.  It  is  a  happy  illustration,  too,  of  the  im 
portance  of  preserving  to  the  State  authorities 
all  that  vigor  which  the  Constitution  foresaw 
would  be  necessary,  not  only  for  their  own 
safety,  but  for  that  of  the  whole. — To  GOVERNOR 
H.  D.  TIFFIN,  v,  38.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  21.  (W., 
Feb.  1807.) 

999. .     The  whole  business   has 

shown  that  neither  Burr  nor  his  [associates] 
knew  anything  of  the  people  of  this  country.  A 
simple  proclamation  informing  the  people  of 
these  combinations,  and  calling  on  them  to  sup 
press  them,  produced  an  instantaneous  levee  en 
masse  of  our  citizens  wherever  there  appeared 
anything  to  lay  hold  of,  and  the  whole  was 
crushed  in  one  instant. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LA 
FAYETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  66.  (W.,  May  1807.) 

1000.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Punish 
ment   of.— -Their   crimes   are   defeated,    and 
whether  they  shall  be  punished  or  not  belongs 
to  another  department,  and  is  not  the  subject  of 
even  a  wish  on  my  part. — To  J.  H.  NICHOLSON. 
v,  45.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  31.     (W.,  Feb.  1807.) 

1001.  BURR'S    (A.)    TREASON,    Self- 
government    and. — The  suppression  of  the 
late  conspiracy  by  the  hand  of  the  people,  up 
lifted  to  destroy  it  wherever  it  reared  its  head, 
manifests  their  fitness  for  self-government,  and 
the  power  of  a  nation,  of  which  every  individual 
feels  that  his  own  will  is  part  of  the  public  au 
thority. — R.   TO  A.    NEW  JERSEY  LEGISLATURE. 
viii,   122.   (Dec.   1807.) 

1002.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Strength 
of  Government  and. — The  proof  we  have 
lately  seen  of  the  innate  strength  of  our  govern 
ment,  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  which  his 
tory   has   recorded,    and   shows   that   we   are   a 
people  capable  of  self-government,  and  worthy 
of  it.    The  moment  that  a  proclamation  apprised 
our    citizens    that    there    were    traitors    among 
them,  and  what  was  the  object,  they  rose  upon 
them    wherever    they    lurked,    and    crushed    by 
their  own  strength  what  would  have  produced 
the  march  of  armies  and  civil  war  in  any  other 
country.     The  government  which  can  wield  the 
arm  of  the  people  must  be  the  strongest  possible. 
To  MR.  WEAVER,     v,  89.     (W.,  June  1807.) 

1003. .     Nothing    has    ever     so 

strongly  proved  the  innate  force  of  our  form  of 
government,  as  this  conspiracy.  Burr  had  prob 
ably  engaged  one  thousand  men  to  follow  his 
fortunes,  without  letting  them  know  his  projects, 
otherwise  than  by  assuring  them  that  the  gov 
ernment  approved  them.  The  moment  a  proc 
lamation  was  issued,  undeceiving  them,  he 
found  himself  left  with  about  thirty  desperadoes 
only.  The  people  rose  in  mass  wherever  he 
was,  or  was  suspected  to  be,  and  by  their  own 
energy  the  thing  was  crushed  in  one  instant, 
without  its  having  been  necessary  to  employ  a 
man  of  the  military  but  to  take  care  of  their 
respective  stations. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
v,  130.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  114.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

1004. .     This  affair  has  been  a 

great  confirmation  in  my  mind  of  the  innate 
strength  of  the  form  of  our  government.  He 
had  probably  induced  near  a  thousand  men  to 
engage  with  him,  by  making  them  believe  the 
government  connived  at  it.  A  proclamation 
alone,  by  undeceiving  them,  so  completely  dis 
armed  him,  that  he  had  not  above  thirty  men 
left,  ready  to  go  all  lengths  with  him. — To  DU 
PONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  128.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  in. 
(W.,  July  1807.) 


, 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Burr's  (A.)  Treason 
Burr's  (A.)  Trial 


1005.  BURR'S    (A.)    TREASON,    Sup 
pressed. — I  informed  Congress  at  their  last 
session  *   of  the   enterprises   against  the  public 
peace  which  were  believed  to  be  in  preparation 
by  Aaron  Burr  and  his  associates,  of  the  meas 
ures  taken  to  defeat  them,  and  to  bring  the  of 
fenders  to  justice.    Their  enterprises  were  hap 
pily  defeated  by  the  patriotic  exertions  of  the 
militia  wherever  called  into  action,  by  the  fidel 
ity  of  the  army,  and  energy  of  the  commander- 
in-chief   in   promptly   arranging   the   difficulties 
presenting  themselves  on  the  Sabine,  repairing  to 
meet  those  arising  on  the  Mississippi,  and  dis 
sipating,  before  their  explosion,  plots  engender 
ing    them. — SEVENTH    ANNUAL    MESSAGE,     viii, 
87.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  162.     (Oct.  1807.) 

1006.  BURR'S  (A.)  TREASON,  Western 

Loyalty. — The  enterprise  has  done  good  by 
proving  that  the  attachment  of  the  people  in  the 
West  is  as  firm  as  that  in  the  East  to  the  union 
of  our  country,  and  by  establishing  a  mutual  and 
universal  confidence. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAY 
ETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  66.  (W.,  May  1807.) 

1007.  BURR'S   (A.)    TRIAL,   Arrest.— 
Your    sending    here    [Washington]     Swartwout 
and  Ballman  and  adding  to  them  Burr,  Blenner- 
hassett   and   Tyler,   should  they   fall   into   your 
hands,  will  be  supported  by  the  public  opinion. 
*  *   *  I  hope,  however,  you  will  not  extend  this 
deportation   to   persons   against   whom   there   is 
only  suspicion,  or  shades  of  offence  not  strongly 
marked.     In  that  case,  I  fear  the  public  senti 
ment  would  desert  you :    because  seeing  no  dan 
ger  here,  violations  of  law  are  felt  with  strength. 
— To  GENERAL  WILKINSON,     v,  39.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  4.     (W.,  Feb.  1807.) 

1008. .  That  the  arrest  of  Col 
onel  Burr  was  military  has  been  disproved ;  but 
had  it  been  so,  every  honest  man  and  good  citi 
zen  is  bound,  by  any  means  in  his  power,  to 
arrest  the  author  of  projects  so  daring  and  dan 
gerous. — To  EDMUND  PENDLETON  GAINES.  v, 
141.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  122.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

—  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Bollman's  con 
fession. — See  BOLLMAN. 

1009.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Charges.— I 
do    suppose    the    following    overt   acts    will    be 
proved,     i.  The  enlistment  of  men  in  a  regular 
way.     2.  The  regular  mounting  of  guard  round 
Blennerhassett's    Island  *  *  *     .      3.    The   ren 
dezvous  of  Burr  with  his  men  at  the  mouth  of 
the    Cumberland.     4.  His    letter    to    the    acting 
Governor  of  Mississippi,  holding  up  the  prospect 
of     civil     war.     5.  His     capitulation     regularly 
signed  with   the  aids   of  the   Governor,   as  be 
tween  two  independent  and  hostile  commanders. 
— To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,     v,  66.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
43.     (M.,  April  1807.) 

1010.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Conviction 
doubtful. — That  there  should  be  anxiety  and 
doubt  in  the  public  mind,  in  the  present  defect 
ive  state  of  the  proof,  is  not  wonderful ;    and 
this    has    been    sedulously    encouraged    by    the 
tricks  of  the  judges  to  force  trials  before  it  is 
possible     to     collect     the     evidence,     dispersed 
through    a    line    of    two    thousand    miles    from 
Maine  to  Orleans. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,     v, 
65.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  42.     (M.,  April  1807.) 

1011. .     Although  there  is  not  a 

man  in  the  United  States  who  doubts  his  guilt, 
such  are  the  jealous  provisions  of  our  laws  in 

*  Jefferson  sent  a  message  to  Congress,  January  22, 
1807,  giving  a  record  of  the  facts  in  Burr's  conspiracy. 
—EDITOR. 


favor  of  the  accused  against  the  accuser,  that 
1  question  if  he  is  convicted. — To  MARQUIS  DE 
LAFAYETTE,  v,  130.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  113.  (W., 
July  1807.) 

1012.  BURR'S  (A.)   TRIAL,  Court  ru 
lings. — Hitherto  we  have  believed  our  law  to 
be,  that  suspicion  on  probable  grounds  was  suffi 
cient  cause  to  commit  a  person  for  trial,  allow 
ing  time  to  collect  witnesses  till  the  trial.     But 
the  judges   have   decided,   that   conclusive   evi 
dence  of  guilt  must  be  ready  in  the  moment  of 
arrest,   or   they   will   discharge   the   malefactor. 
If   this   is   still   insisted   on,    Burr   will   be   dis 
charged  ;  because  his  crimes  having  been  sown 
from    Maine    through    the    whole    line    of    the 
western  waters  to  New  Orleans,  we  cannot  bring 
the    witnesses    here    under    four    months. — To 
JAMES  BOWDOIN.     v,  65.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  41.    (W., 
April  1807.) 

1013.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Evidence  re 
quired. — A   moment's   calculation   will   show 
that  the  evidence  cannot  be  collected  under  four 
months,  probably  five,  from  the  moment  of  de 
ciding  when   and   where   the  trial   shall   be.     I 
desired    Mr.    Rodney    [Attorney    General]    ex 
pressly  to  inform  the  Chief  Justice  of  this,  in- 
officially.     But  Mr.  Marshall  says :  "  More  than 
five  weeks  have  elapsed  since  the  opinion  of  the 
Supreme   Court   has   declared   the   necessity   of 
proving  the  overt  acts,  if  they  exist.     Why  are 
they  not  proved  ?  "    In  what  terms  of  decency 
can  we  speak  of  this?     As  if  an  express  could 
go  to   Natchez,   or  the  mouth   of  the   Cumber 
land,  and  return  in  five  weeks,  to  do  what  has 
never  taken  less  than  twelve.     Again  :  "  If,  in 
November  or  December  last,  a  body  of  troops 
had  been  assembled  on  the  Ohio,  it  is  impossible 
to   suppose   the   affidavits   establishing   the   fact 
could   not   have   been   obtained   by   the   last   of 
March."     But  I  ask  the  judge  where  they  should 
have  been  lodged?     At  Frankfort?    at  Cincin 
nati  ?   at  Nashville  ?    St.  Louis  ?    Natchez  ?    New 
Orleans?  _  These   were   the   probable   places   of 
apprehension     and     examination.     It     was     not 
known   at    Washington   till   the   26th   of   March 
that  Burr  would  escape  from  the  Western  tribu 
nals,    be    retaken    and    brought    to    an    Eastern 
one;  and  in  five  days  after  (neither  five  months 
nor  five  weeks,  as  the  judge  calculated),  he  says. 
"  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  the  affidavits  could 
not  have  been  obtained".     Where?     At  Rich 
mond    he    certainly    meant,    or    meant    only    to 
throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  his  audience.     But  all 
the  principles  of  law  are  to  be  perverted  which 
would  bear  on  the  favorite  offenders  who  en 
deavor   to    overturn   this   odious    Republic.     "  I 
understand  ",  says  the  judge,  "  probable  cause  of 
guilt  to  be  a  case  made  out  by  proof  furnishing 
good  reason  to  believe  ",  &c.    Speaking  as  a  law 
yer,   he  must  mean  legal  proof,  i.   e.,  proof  on 
oath,  at  least.    But  this  is  confounding  probabil 
ity  and  proof.  We  had  always  before  understood 
that  where  there  was  reasonable  ground  to  be 
lieve  guilt,  the  offender  must  be  put  on  his  trial. 
That  guilty  intentions  were  probable,  the  judge 
believed.     And  as  to  the  overt  acts,  were  not 
the    bundle    of    letters    of    information    in    Mr. 
Rodney's  hands,  the  letters  and  facts  published 
in  the  local  newspapers,   Burr's  flieht,  and  the 
universal  belief  or  rumor  of  his  guilt,  probable 
ground  for  presuming  the  facts  of  enlistment, 
military  guard,  rendezvous,  threats  of  civil  war, 
or  capitulation,  so  as  to  put  him  on  trial?     Is 
there  a  candid  man  in  the  United  States  who 
does  not  believe  some  one,  if  not  all,  of  these 
overt  acts  to  have  taken  place? — To  WILLIAM 
B.  GILES,     v,  67.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  44.     (M.,  Anril 
1807.) 


Burr's  (A.)  Trial 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


116 


_  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Executive 
Papers  demanded. — See  PAPERS  (EXECU 
TIVE)  . 

1014.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Federalist 
support. — The  federalists  appear  to  make 
Burr's  cause  their  own,  and  to  spare  no  efforts 
to  screen  his  adherents.  Their  great  mortifica 
tion  is  at  the  failure  of  his  plans.  Had  a  little 
success  dawned  on  him,  their  openly  joining  him 
might  have  produced  some  danger. — To  COLONEL 
G.  MORGAN,  v,  57.  (W.,  March  1807.) 

1015. .  The  federalists,  too,  give 

all  their  aid,  making  Burr's  cause  their  own, 
mortified  only  that  he  did  not  separate  the 
Union  or  overturn  the  government,  and  proving, 
that  had  he  had  a  little  dawn  of  success,  they 
would  have  joined  him  to  introduce  his  object, 
their  favorite  monarchy,  as  they  would  any 
other  enemy,  foreign  or  domestic,  who  could  rid 
them  of  this  hateful  Republic  for  any  other 
government  in  exchange. — To  WILLIAM  B. 
GILES,  v,  66.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  42.  (M.,  April 
1807.) 

1016. .  The  fact  is  that  the  fed 
eralists  make  Burr's  case  their  own,  and  exert 
their  whole  influence  to  shield  him  from  punish 
ment,  as  they  did  the  adherents  of  Miranda. 
And  it  is  unfortunate  that  federalism  is  still 
predominant  in  our  Judiciary  department, 
which  is  in  opposition  to  the  Legislative  and 
Executive  branches,  and  is  able  to  baffle  their 
measures  often. — To  JAMES  BOWDOIN.  v,  65. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  41.  (W.,  April  1807.) 

1017. .  The  first  ground  of  com 
plaint  [by  the  federalists]  was  the  supine  in 
attention  of  the  Administration  to  a  treason 
stalking  through  the  land  in  open  day.  The 
present  one,  that  they  have  crushed  it  before  it 
was  ripe  for  execution,  so  that  no  overt  acts 
can  be  produced.  This  last  may  be  true ; 
though  I  believe  it  is  not.  Our  information 
having  been  chiefly  by  way  of  letter,  we  do  not 
know  of  a  certainty  yet  what  will  be  proved. 
We  have  set  on  foot  an  inquiry  through  the 
whole  of  the  country  which  has  been  the  scene 
of  these  transactions,  to  be  able  to  prove  to  the 
courts,  if  they  will  give  time,  or  to  the  public 
by  way  of  communication  to  Congress,  what 
the  real  facts  have  been.  For  obtaining  this, 
we  are  obliged  to  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of 
particular  persons  in  different  places,  of  whom 
we  have  requested  to  make  the  inquiry  in  their 
neighborhood,  and  on  such  information  as  shall 
be  voluntarily  offered.  Aided  by  no  process  or 
facilities  from  the  federal  courts,  but  frowned 
on  by  their  new  born  zeal  for  the  liberty  of 
those  men  whom  we  would  not  permit  to  over 
throw  the  liberties  of  their  country,  we  can  ex 
pect  no  revealments  from  the  accomplices  of  the 
chief  offender.  Of  treasonable  intentions  the 
judges  have  been  obliged  to  confess  there  is 
probable  appearance.  What  loophole  they  will 
find  in  the  case,  when  it  comes  to  trial,  we  can 
not  foresee.  Eaton,  Stoddart,  Wilkinson,  and 
two  others  whom  I  must  not  name,  will  satisfy 
the  world,  if  not  the  judges,  of  Burr's  guilt. — To 
WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  v,  66.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  42. 
(M.,  April  1807.) 

1018.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Grand  Jury 

and. — The  favor  of  the  marshal  and  the  judge 
promises  Burr  all  which  can  depend  on  them. 
A  grand  jury  of  two  "  feds  ",  four  "  quids  "  and 
ten  republicans,  does  not  seem  to  be  a  fair  rep 
resentation  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  I  have 
always  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  the  mar 
shal's  integrity  and  political  correctness.  But 
in  a  State  where  there  are  not  more  than 
eight  "  quids  ",  how  five  of  them  should  have 


been  summoned  to  one  jury,  is  difficult  to  ex 
plain  from  accident.  But  all  this  will  show  the 
original  error  of  establishing  a  judiciary  inde 
pendent  of  the  nation,  and  which,  from  the 
citadel  of  the  law,  can  turn  its  guns  on  those 
they  were  meant  to  defend,  and  control  and 
fashion  their  proceedings  to  its  own  will. — To 
JOHN  W.  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  68.  (W.,  May 
1807.) 

1019.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Guilt  clear. 
— Before  an   impartial  jury,    Burr's   conduct 
would   convict  himself,   were   not   one  word  of 
testimony    to    be    offered    against   him.     But   to 
what  a  state  will  our  law  be  reduced  by  party 
feelings    in    those    who    administer    it  ?  * — To 
GEORGE  HAY.     v,   174.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  62.    (M., 
Aug.   1807.) 

—  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Jefferson  Sub 
poenaed.— See  PRESIDENT. 

1020.  BURR'S  (A.)   TRIAL,   Judiciary 

Partisanship.— If  there  ever  had  been  an  in 
stance  in  this  or  the  preceding  administra 
tions,  of  federal  judges  so  applying  principles 
of  law  as  to  condemn  a  federal  or  acquit  a  re 
publican  offender,  I  should  have  judged  them 
in  the  present  case  with  more  charity.  All  this, 
however,  will  work  well.  The  nation  will  judge 
both  the  offender  and  judges  for  themselves. 
If  a  member  of  the  Executive  or  Legislature 
does  wrong,  the  day  is  never  far  distant  when 
the  people  will  remove  him.  They  will  see  then 
and  amend  the  error  in  our  Constitution,  which 
makes  any  branch  independent  of  the  nation. 
They  will  see  that  one  of  the  great  coordinate 
branches  of  the  government,  setting  itself  in 
opposition  to  the  other  two,  and  to  the  common 
sense  of  the  nation,  proclaims  impunity  to  that 
class  of  offenders  which  endeavors  to  overturn 
the  Constitution,  and  are  themselves  protected 
in  it  by  the  Constitution  itself ;  for  impeachment 
is  a  farce  which  will  not  be  tried  again.  If 
their  protection  of  Burr  produces  this  amend 
ment,  it  will  do  more  good  than  his  condemna 
tion  would  have  done.  *  *  *  If  his  punish 
ment  can  be  commuted  now  for  an  useful 
amendment  of  the  Constitution,  I  shall  rejoice 
in  it. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  v,  68.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  45.  (M.,  April  1807.) 

1021. .     Burr's  trial  goes  on  to 

the  astonishment  of  all,  as  to  the  manner  of 
conducting  it. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  172. 
(M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

1022. .     The  scenes  which  have 

been  acted  at  Richmond  are  such  as  have  never 
before  been  exhibited  in  any  country  where  all 
regard  to  public  character  has  not  yet  been 
thrown  off.  They  are  equivalent  to  a  proclama 
tion  of  impunity  to  every  traitorous  combina 
tion  which  may  be  formed  to  destroy  the  Union  ; 
and  they  preserve  a  head  for  all  such  combina 
tions  as  may  be  formed  within,  and  a  centre 
for  all  the  intrigues  and  machinations  which 
foreign  governments  may  nourish  to  disturb  us. 
However,  they  will  produce  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  which,  keeping  the  judges  in 
dependent  of  the  Executive,  will  not  leave  them 
so,  of  the  nation. — To  GENERAL  WILKINSON. 
v,  198.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  142.  (M.,  Sep.  1807.) 


1023. 


The   scenes  which  have 


been  acting  at  Richmond  are  sufficient  to  fill 
us  with  alarm.  We  had  supposed  we  possessed 
fixed  laws  to  guard  us  equally  against  treason 
and  oppression.  But  it  now  appears  we  have  no 
law  but  the  will  of  the  judge.  Never  will  chi 
canery  have  a  more  difficult  task  than  has  been 

*  Hay  was  the  U.  S.  District  Attorney,— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Rurr's  (A.)  Trial 
Cabinet 


now  accomplished  to  warp  the  text  of  the  law 
to  the  will  of  him  who  is  to  construe  it.  Our 
case,  too,  is  the  more  desperate,  as  the  attempt 
to  make  the  law  plainer  by  amendment  is  only 
throwing  out  new  amendments  for  sophistry. — 
To  WILLIAM  THOMPSON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  143. 
(M.,  Sep.  1807.) 

_  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Judge  Marshall 
and. — See  MARBURY  vs.  MADISON,  MARSHALL. 

1024.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Release.— 

The  event  has  been — (blank  in  the  original) 
not  only  to  clear  Burr,  but  to  prevent 
the  evidence  from  ever  going  before  the 
world.  But  this  latter  case  must  not 
take  place.  It  is  now,  therefore,  more  than 
ever  indispensable,  that  not  a  single  witness  be 
paid  or  permitted  to  depart  until  his  testimony 
has  been  committed  to  writing,  either  as  de 
livered  in  court,  or  taken  by  yourself  in  the 
presence  of  any  of  Burr's  counsel,  who  may 
choose  to  attend  to  cross-examine.  These 
whole  proceedings  will  be  laid  before  Congress, 
that  they  may  decide  whether  the  defect  has 
been  in  the  evidence  of  guilt,  or  in  the  law,  or 
in  the  application  of  the  law,  and  that  they  may 
provide  the  proper  remedy  for  the  past  and  the 
future. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  188.  (M.,  Sep. 
1807.) 

1025. .  The  criminal  is  preserved 

to   become  the  rallying  point  of  all  the   disaf 
fected  and  the  worthless  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  be  the  pivot  on  which  all  the  intrigues 
and  the  conspiracies  which  foreign  governments 
may  wish  to  disturb  us  with,  are  to  turn.     If 
he  is  convicted  of  the  misdemeanor,  the  judge 
must  in  decency  give  us  a  respite  by  some  short 
confinement  of  him  ;  but  we  must  expect  it  to 
be  very  short. — To  GEORGE  HAY.     v,  187.     (M., 
Sept.  1807.) 

1026.  BURR'S  (A.)  TRIAL,  Relegated  to 

Congress.— Be  *  *  *  the  result  before  the 
formal  tribunal  fair  or  false,  it  becomes  our 
duty  to  provide  that  full  testimony  shall  be  laid 
before  the  Legislature,  and  through  them  the 
public.  For  this  purpose,  it  is  necessary  that 
we  be  furnished  with  the  testimony  of  every 
person  who  shall  be  with  you  as  a  witness.  * 
*  *  Go  into  any  expense  necessary  for  this 
purpose  *  *  *  . — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  81. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  52.  (W.,  May  1807.) 

1027.  -  I  shall  think  it  my  duty 
to  lay  before  you  the  proceedings  and  the  evi 
dence    publicly    exhibited    on    the    arraignment 
of    the    principal    offenders    before    the    Circuit 
Court  of  Virginia.    You  will  be  enabled  to  judge 
whether   the   defeat   was   in    the   testimony,    in 
the  law,   or  in  the   administration   of  the  law  ; 
and  wherever  it  shall  be  found,  the  Legislature 
alone  can  apply  or  originate  the  remedy.     The 
framers  of  our  Constitution  certainly  supposed 
they    had    guarded,    as    well    their    government 
against  destruction  by  treason,  as  their  citizens 
against  oppression,  under  pretence  of  it ;  and  if 
these  ends  are  not  attained,  it  is  of  importance 
to  inquire  by  what  means,  more  effectual,  they 
may  be  secured.* — SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  87.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  163.      (Oct.  1807.) 

1028.  CABELL    (J.    C.),    University  of 
Va.  and. — We  always  counted  on  you  as  the 
main    pillar    of    their    [University    of    Virginia 
measures]     support. — To     JOSEPH     C.     CABELL. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  500.     (M.,  1815.) 

1029.  CABINET,    Confidence    in.— The 
Cabinet  Council  of  the  President  should  be  of 

*  As  a  result  Congress  enacted  additional  rigorous 
legislation  respecting  treason.— EDITOR. 


his  bosom  confidence.  Our  geographical  posi 
tion  has  been  an  impediment  to  that. — To 
SAMUEL  DEXTER,  iv,  359.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  498. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

1030.  CABINET,    Contentions.— In    the 
discussions  [on  the  affairs  of  France  and  Eng 
land],  Hamilton  and  myself  were  daily  pitted 
in  the  cabinet  like  two  cocks.     We  were  then 
but   four   in   number,   and,   according   to  the 
majority,  which  of  course  was  three  to  one, 
the    President    decided.      The    pain    was    for 
Hamilton  and  myself,  but  the  public  experi 
enced    no    inconvenience. — To    DR.    WALTER 
JONES,    v,  510.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  273.    (M.,  1810.) 

1031.  -  — .     The  method  of  separate 
consultation,  practiced  sometimes  in  the  Cab 
inet,     prevents     disagreeable     collisions. — To 
JOEL  BARLOW,    v,  496.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  269.    (M., 
1810.) 

1032.  CABINET,    Enmity    in.— I    have 
learned,  with  real  sorrow,  that  circumstances 
have  arisen  among  our  executive  counsellors, 
which   have    rendered   foes   those    who   once 
were    friends.      To    themselves    it    will    be    a 
source    of    infinite    pain    and    vexation,    and 
therefore    chiefly    I    lament    it,    for    I   have 
a  sincere  esteem   for  both   parties.     To  the 
President,  it  will  be  really  inconvenient;  but 
to  the  nation  I  do  not  know  that  it  can  do 
serious  injury,  unless  we  were  to  believe  the 
newspapers,  which  pretend  that  Mr.  Gallatin 
will  go  out.     That,   indeed,  would  be  a  day 
of  mourning  for  the  United  States ;  but  I  hope 
that  the  position  of  both  gentlemen  may  be 
made  so  easy  as  to  give  no  cause  for  either  to 
withdraw. — To  DR.   WALTER  JONES,     v,  509. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  273.     (M.,  March  1810.) 

1033. .     The  dissensions  between 

two  members  of  the  Cabinet  are  to  be  la 
mented.  But  why  should  these  force  Mr.  Gal 
latin  to  withdraw?  They  cannot  be  greater 
than  between  Hamilton  and  myself,  and 
yet  we  served  together  four  years  in  that  way. 
We  had  indeed  no  personal  dissensions 
Each  of  us,  perhaps,  thought  well  of  the  other 
as  a  man,  but  as  politicians  it  was  impossible 
for  two  men  to  be  of  more  opposite  princi 
ples. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  496.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
269.  (M.,  1810.) 

1034.  CABINET,  Equipoise  of  Opinion 
in. — President  Washington  fsaid  to  me]  that 
he  thought  it  important  to  preserve  the  check 
of  my  opinions  in  the  Administration,  in  or 
der  to  keep  things  in  their  proper  channel,  and 
prevent  them  from  going  too  far. — THE  ANAS. 
ix,  121.     FORD  ED.,  i,  204.     (Oct.  1792.) 

1035.  CABINET,  Harmonious. — Our  Ad 
ministration  now  drawing  towards  a  close,  I 
have  a  sublime  pleasure  in  believing  it  will  be 
distinguished  as  much  by  having  placed  itself 
above  all  the  passions  which  could  disturb  its 
harmony,  as  by  the  great  operations  by  which 
it  will  have  advanced  the  well-being  of  the  na 
tion. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    v,  23.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  476.     (W.,  1806.) 

1036. .     I  have  so  much  reliance 

on  the  superior  good  sense  and  candor  of  all 


Cabinet 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


118 


those  associated  with  me,  as  to  be  satisfied 
that  they  will  not  suffer  either  friend  or  foe 
to  sow  tares  among  us. — To  ALBERT  GALLA- 
TIN.  v,  23.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  476.  (W.,  1806.) 

1037. .     Among      the      felicities 

which  have  attended  my  administration,  I 
am  most  thankful  for  having  been  able  to 
procure  coadjutors  so  able,  so  disinterested, 
and  so  harmonious.  Scarcely  ever  has  a  dif 
ference  of  opinion  appeared  among  us  which 
has  not,  by  candid  consultation,  been  amal 
gamated  into  something  which  all  approved; 
and  never  one  which  in  the  slightest  degree 
affected  our  personal  attachments.— To  MR. 
WEAVER,  v,  89.  (W.,  1807.) 

1038. .  I  look  back  with  pecul 
iar  satisfaction  on  the  harmony  and  cordial 
good  will  which,  to  ourselves  and  to  our 
brethren  of  the  Cabinet,  so  much  sweetened 
our  toils.— To  ROBERT  SMITH,  v,  451.  (M., 
June  1809.) 

1039. .     I  have  thought  it  among 

the  most  fortunate  circumstances  of  my  late 
Administration  that,  through  its  eight  years 
continuance,  it  was  conducted  wjth  a  cordial 
ity  and  harmony  among  all  its  members, 
which  never  were  ruffled  on  any,  the  greatest 
or  smallest  occasion.— To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
v,  533-  (M.,  1810.) 

1040. — .     The  harmony  among  us 

was  so  perfect,  that  whatever  instrument  ap 
peared  most  likely  to  effect  the  object,  was 
always  used  without  jealousy. — To  WILLIAM 
WIRT.  v,  594.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  318.  (M.,  1811.) 

1041. .  The  affectionate  har 
mony  of  our  Cabinet  is  among  the  sweetest  of 
my  recollections.— To  C^SAR  RODNEY,  vi,  448. 
(M.,  1815.) 

1042.  CABINET,  Indebtedness  to.— Far 
from  assuming  to  myself  the  merit  of  the 
measures  you  note,  they  belong  first,  to  a  wise 
and  patriotic  Legislature,  which  has  given 
them  the  form  and  sanction  of  law,  and  next 
to  my  faithful  and  able  fellow  laborers  in  the 
Executive  administration. — R.  To  A.  MASSA 
CHUSETTS  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  116.  (1807.) 

1043. .  For  the  advantages  flow 
ing  from  the  measures  of  the  government,  you 
are  indebted  principally  to  a  wise  and  patriotic 
Legislature,  and  to  the  able  and  inestimable 
coadjutors  with  whom  it  has  been  my  good 
fortune  to  be  associated  in  the  direction  of  af 
fairs.— R.  To  A.  PHILADELPHIA  CITIZENS. 
viii,  145-  (1809.) 

1044. .  Whatever  may  be  the 

merit  or  demerit  of  the  acquisition  of  Louis 
iana,  I  divide  it  with  my  colleagues,  to  whose 
counsels  I  was  indebted  for  a  course  of  ad 
ministration  which,  notwithstanding  this  late 
coalition  of  clay  and  brass,  will,  I  hope,  con 
tinue  to  receive  the  approbation  of  our  coun 
try. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  vii,  215-  FORD 
ED.,  x,  192.  (M.,  August  1821.) 

1045.  CABINET,  Intrigue  in.— It  is  im 
possible  for  you  to  conceive  what  is  passing 
in  our  conclave ;  and  it  is  evident  that  one  or 


two  at  least,  under  pretence  of  avoiding  war 
on  the  one  side,  have  no  great  antipathy  to 
run  foul  of  it  on  the  other,  and  to  make  a 
part  in  the  confederacy  of  princes  against 
human  liberty. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  563. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  261.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

1046.  CABINET,     A     Kitchen.— That 

there  is  an  ostensible  Cabinet  and  a  concealed 
one,  a  public  profession  and  concealed  coun 
teraction,  is  false. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  iv, 
592.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  433.  (W.,  1806.) 

1047.  CABINET,  Rules  of  Jefferson's.— 

Coming  all  of  us  into  executive  office,  new, 
and  unfamiliar  with  the  course  of  business 
previously  practiced,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
we  should  in  the  outset,  adopt  in  every  part  a 
line  of  proceeding  so  perfect  as  to  admit 
no  amendment.  The  mode  and  degrees  of 
communication,  particularly  between  the  Pres 
ident  and  heads  of  departments,  have  not 
been  practiced  exactly  on  the  same  scale  in  all 
of  them.  Yet  it  would  certainly  be  more  safe 
and  satisfactory  for  ourselves  as  well  as 
the  public,  that  not  only  the  best,  but  also  an 
uniform  course  of  proceeding  as  to  manner 
and  degree,  should  be  observed.  Having  been 
a  member  of  the  first  Administration  under 
General  Washington,  I  can  state  with  exact 
ness  what  our  course  then  was.  Letters  of 
business  came  addressed  sometimes  to  the 
President,  but  most  frequently  to  the  heads 
of  departments.  If  addressed  to  himself,  he 
referred  them  to  the  proper  department  to  be 
acted  on;  if  to  one  of  the  Secretaries,  the  letter, 
if  it  required  no  answer,  was  communicated  to 
the  President,  simply  for  his  information.  If 
an  answer  was  requisite,  the  Secretary  of  the 
department  communicated  the  letter  and  his 
proposed  answer  to  the  President.  Generally 
they  were  simply  sent  back  after  perusal, 
which  signified  his  approbation.  Sometimes 
he  returned  them  with  an  informal  note,  sug 
gesting  an  alteration  or  a  query.  If  a  doubt 
of  any  importance  arose,  he  reserved  it  for 
conference.  By  this  means,  he  was  always  in 
accurate  possession  of  all  facts  and  proceed 
ings  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  and  to  what 
soever  department  they  related ;  he  formed  a 
central  point  for  the  different  branches;  pre 
served  an  unity  of  object  and  action  among 
them ;  exercised  that  participation  in  the  sug 
gestion  of  affairs  which  his  office  made  incum 
bent  on  him;  and  met  himself  the  due  respon 
sibility  for  whatever  was  done.  During  Mr. 
Adam's  Administration,  his  long  and  habitual 
absences  from  the  seat  of  government,  ren 
dered  this  kind  of  communication  impracti 
cable,  removed  him  from  any  share  in  the 
transaction  of  affairs,  and  parcelled  out  the 
government,  in  fact,  among  four  independent 
heads,  drawing  sometimes  in  opposite  direc 
tions.  That  the  former  is  preferable  to  the 
latter  course,  cannot  be  doubted.  It  gave, 
indeed,  to  the  heads  of  departments  the 
trouble  of  making  up,  once  a  day,  a  packet  of 
all  their  communications  for  the  perusal  of 
the  President ;  it  commonly  also  retarded 
one  day  their  despatches  by  mail.  But  in 
pressing  cases,  this  injury  was  prevented  by 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Cabinet 


presenting  that  case  singly  for  immediate  at 
tention;  and  it  produced  us  in  return  the  ben 
efit  of  his  sanction  for  every  act  we  did. 
Whether  any  change  in  circumstances  may 
render  a  change  in  this  procedure  necessary, 
a  little  experience  will  show  us.  But  I  can 
not  withhold  recommending  to  heads  of  de 
partments,  that  we  should  adopt  this  course 
for  the  present,  leaving  any  necessary  modifi 
cations  of  it  to  time  and  trial.  I  am  sure  my 
conduct  must  have  proved,  better  than  a  thou 
sand  declarations  would,  that  my  confidence  in 
those  whom  I  am  so  happy  as  to  have  associ 
ated  with  me,  is  unlimited,  unqualified,  and 
unabated.  I  am  well  satisfied  that  everything 
goes  on  with  a  wisdom  and  rectitude  which  I 
could  not  improve.  If  I  had  the  universe  to 
choose  from,  I  could  not  change  one  of  my 
associates  to  my  better  satisfaction.  My  sole 
motives  are  those  before  expressed,  as  govern 
ing  the  first  Administration  in  chalking  out 
the  rules  of  their  proceeding ;  adding  to  them 
only  a  sense  of  obligation  imposed  on  me  by 
the  public  will,  to  meet  personally  the  duties 
to  which  they  have  appointed  ^  me. — To  THE 
HEADS  OF  THE  DEPARTMENTS,  iv,  415.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  99.  (W.,  Nov.  1801.) 

1048. .     In  ordinary  affairs  every 

head  of  a  department  consults  me  on  those 
of  his  department,  and  where  anything  arises 
too  difficult  or  important  to  be  decided  be 
tween  us,  the  consultation  becomes  general. — 
To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  iv,  592.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
432.  (W.,  1806.) 

1049. .  Something  now  occurs 

almost  every  day  on  which  it  is  desirable  to 
have  the  opinions  of  the  heads  of  depart 
ments,  yet  to  have  a  formal  meeting  every 
day  would  consume  so  much  of  their  time  as 
to  seriously  obstruct  their  regular  business.  I 
have  proposed  to  them,  as  most  convenient  for 
them,  and  wasting  less  of  their  time,  to  call 
on  me  at  any  moment  of  the  day  which  suits 
their  separate  convenience,  when,  besides  any 
other  business  they  may  have  to  do,  I  can 
learn  their  opinions  separately  on  any  matter 
v/hich  has  occurred,  and  also  communicate  the 
information  received  daily. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN,  v,  122.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  104.  (W.,  July 
1807.) 

1050.  CABINET,  Theory  and  the.— Our 
Government,  although  in  theory  subject  to  be 
directed  by  the  unadvised  will  of  the  Presi 
dent,  is,  and  from  its  origin  has  been,  a  very 
different  thing  in  practice.  The  minor  busi 
ness  in  each  department  is  done  by  the  head 
of  the  department,  on  consultation  with  the 
President  alone.  But  all  matters  of  impor 
tance  or  difficulty  are  submitted  to  all  the 
heads  of  departments  composing  the  Cabinet : 
sometimes  by  the  President  consulting  them 
separately  and  successively,  as  they  happen  to 
call  on  him ;  but  in  the  gravest  cases,  by  call 
ing  them  together,  discussing  the  subject  ma 
turely,  and  finally  taking  the  vote,  in  which  the 
President  counts  himself  but  as  one.  So  that 
in  all  important  cases  the  Executive  is,  in  fact 
a  directory,  which  certainly  the  President 
might  control ;  but  of  this  there  was  never  an 


example,  either  in  the  first  or  the  present  ad 
ministration.  I  have  heard,  indeed,  that  my 
predecessor  sometimes  decided  things  against 
his  council  by  dashing  and  trampling  his  wig 
on  the  floor.  This  only  proves  what  you  and 
I  know,  that  he  had  a  better  heart  than  head. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  v,  94.  FORD  ED  ix 
69.  (W.,  1807.) 

1051.  CABINET,      An      Unbroken.— It 
would  have  been  to  me  the  greatest  of  con 
solations  to  have  gone  through  my  term  with 
the  same  coadjutors,  and  to  have  shared  with 
them  the  merit,  or  demerit,  of  whatever  good 
or  evil  we  may  have  done. — To  HENRY  DEAR 
BORN,     v,  229.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  171.     (W.,  Jan. 

1052.  CABINET,    Verbal   and   Written 
Opinions. — I   practiced  the   method    [of  as 
sembling  the  Cabinet  members  and  taking  their 
opinions  verbally],  because  the  harmony  was 
so  cordial  among  us  all,  that  we  never  failed, 
by  a  contribution  of  mutual  views  on  a  sub 
ject,   to   form   an   opinion   acceptable   to   the 
whole.     I  think  there  never  was  one  instance 
to  the  contrary,  in  any  case  of  consequence. — 
To  DR.  WALTER  JONES,    v,  510.    FORD  ED.,  ix, 
273.     (M.,  1810.) 

1053.  _  _.     The   [method  of  taking 
the  opinions  of  the  Cabinet  verbally]  does,  in 
fact,  transform  the  Executive  into  a  directory, 
and  I  hold  the  other  method  [opinions  in  wri 
ting,]  to  be  more  constitutional.     It  is  better 
calculated,  too,  to  prevent  collision  and  irrita 
tion,  and  to  cure  it,  or  at  least  suppress  its 
effects  when  it  has  already  taken  place. — To 
DR.  WALTER  JONES,    v,  510.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  273. 
(M.,  1810.) 

1054. .     The  ordinary  business  of 

every  day  is  done  by  consultation  between  the 
President  and  the  head  of  the  department 
alone  to  which  it  belongs.  For  measures  of  im 
portance  or  difficulty,  a  consultation  is  held 
with  the  heads  of  departments,  either  assem 
bled,  or  by  taking  their  opinions  separately  in 
conversation  or  in  writing.  The  latter  is 
most  strictly  in  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution : 
because  the  President,  on  weighing  the  advice 
of  all,  is  left  free  to  make  up  an  opinion  for 
himself.  In  this  way  they  are  not  brought  to 
gether,  and  it  is  not  necessarily  known  to 
any  what  opinion  the  others  have  given.  This 
was  General  Washington's  practice  for  the 
first  two  or  three  years  of  his  Administration, 
till  the  affairs  of  France  and  England  threat 
ened  to  embroil  us,  and  rendered  considera 
tion  and  discussion  desirable. — To  DR.  WAL 
TER  JONES,  v,  510.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  273.  (M., 
1810.) 

1055.  CABINET,  Vice-President  and.— 
The  Vice-President,  Secretaries  of  the  Treas 
ury  and  War,  and  myself,  met.  *  *  * 
We  unanimously  advised  an  immediate  order* 

*  Before  the  President  set  out  on  his  Southern  tour 
in  April,  lygi,  he  addressed  a  letter  of  the  4th  of  that 
month,  from  Mt.  Vernon  to  the  Secretaries  of  State. 
Treasury  and  War,  desiring  that  if  any  serious  and 
important  cases  should  arise  during  his  absence,  they 
would  consult  and  act  on  them,  and  he  requested  that 
the  Vice-President  should  also  be  consulted.  This 


Cabinet 
Callender  (J.  T.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


I  2O 


*  *  *  e — TO  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii, 
247.  FORD  ED.,  v,  320.  (Pa.,  April  1791.) 

1056.  .      My   letters    inform    me 

that   Mr.    Adams    speaks   of   me   with  great 
friendship  and  with  satisfaction  in  the  pros 
pect  of  administering  the  government  in  con 
currence   with    me.     *     *     *     If   by   that   he 
means  the  Executive  Cabinet,  both  duty  and 
inclination  will  shut  that  door  to  me.     I  can 
not  have  a  wish  to  see  the  scenes  of  1793  re 
vived  as  to  myself,  and  to  descend  daily  into 
the  arena  like  a  gladiator,  to  suffer  martyr 
dom  in  every  conflict. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  161.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  107.     (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

1057.  CABINET   OFFICERS,    Congress 
and. — An  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  fur 
ther  extent  to  the  influence  of  the  Executive 
over  the  Legislature,  by  permitting  the  heads 
of  departments  to  attend  the  House,  and  ex 
plain  their  measures  viva  voce.     But  it  was 
negatived  by  a  majority  of  35  to  II,  which 
gives  us  some  hope  of  the  increase  of  the  re 
publican  vote. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  491. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  134.     (Pa.,  Nov.  1792.) 

1058.  CABINET   OFFICERS,    Courtesy 
between. — It  is  but  common  decency  to  leave 
to  my  successor  [in  the  State  Department]  the 
moulding  of  his  own  business. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,    iii,  504.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  156.   (1793.) 

1059.  CABINET    OFFICERS,    Newspa 
pers  and. — Is  not  the  dignity,  and  even  de 
cency  of  government  committed,  when  one  of 
its  principal  ministers  enlists  himself  as  an 
anonymous  writer  or  paragraphist  for  either 
the  one  or  the  other  paper  ?  * — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,     iii,   467.     FORD  ED.,   vi,    108. 
(M.,  1792.) 

1060.  CABINET      OFFICERS,     Public 
Confidence  in.— It  is  essential  to  assemble  in 
the  outset  persons  to  compose  our  Adminis 
tration,  whose  talents,  integrity  and  revolu 
tionary  name  and  principles  may  inspire  the 
nation  at  once,   with  unbounded  confidence, 
and  impose  an  awful  silence  on  all  the  malign- 
ers  of  republicanism ;  as  may  suppress  in  em 
bryo  the  purpose  avowed  by  one  of  their  most 
daring  and  effective  chiefs,  of  beating  down 
the    Administration.     These    names    do    not 
abound  at  this  day.     So  few  are  they,  that 
yours  cannot  be  spared  among  them  without 
leaving  a  blank  which  cannot  be  filled.     If  I 
can  obtain  for  the  public  the  aid  of  those  I 
have  contemplated,   I   fear  nothing.     If  this 
cannot  be  done,  then  we  are  unfortunate  in 
deed  !    We  shall  be  unable  to  realize  the  pros 
pects  which  have  been  held  out  to  the  people, 
and  we  must  fall  back  into  monarchism,  for 
want  of  heads,  not  hands  to  help  us  out  of  it. 
This  is  a  common  cause,  common  to  all  re 
publicans.    Though  I  have  been  too  honorably 
placed  in  front  of  those  who  are  to  enter  the 
breach  so  happily  made,  yet  the  energies  of 
every  individual  are  necessary,  and  in  the  very 
place  where  his  energies  can  most  serve  the 

was  the  only  occasion  on  which  that  officer  was  ever 
requested  to  take  part  in  a  Cabinet  question. — THE 
ANAS,  ix,  q6.  FORD  ED.,  i,  165.  (1818.) 

*  Refering   to  Alexander  Hamilton's   newspaper 
articles.— EDITOR. 


enterprise.  *  *  *  The  part  which  circum 
stances  constrain  us  to  propose  to  you  is  the 
Secretaryship  of  the  Navy.  *  *  *  Come 
forward,  then,  and  give  us  the  aid  of  your 
talents,  and  the  weight  of  your  character  to 
wards  the  new  establishment  of  republican 
ism :  I  say,  for  its  new  establishment,  for 
hitherto  we  have  only  seen  its  travesty. — To 
ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  338.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
464.  (M.,  Dec.  1800.) 

1061.  CABINET     OFFICERS,     Society 

and. — The  gentlemen  who  composed  General 
Washington's  first  Administration  took  up, 
too  universally,  a  practice  of  general  entertain 
ment,  which  was  unnecessary,  obstructive  of 
business,  and  so  oppressive  to  themselves,  that 
it  was  among  the  motives  for  their  retirement. 
Their  successors  profited. by  the  experiment, 
and  lived  altogether  as  private  individuals, 
and  so  have  ever  continued  to  do.  Here, 
[Washington]  indeed,  it  cannot  be  otherwise, 
our  situation  being  so  rural,  that  during  the 
vacations  of  the  Legislature  we  shall  have  no 
society  but  of  the  officers  of  the  government, 
and  in  time  of  sessions  the  Legislature  is  be 
come  and  becoming  so  numerous,  that  for  the 
last  half  dozen  years  nobody  but  the  President 
has  pretended  to  entertain  them. — To  ROBERT 
R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  339.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  465. 
(W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

_  CABOT     FAMILY,     Arms     of.— See 
BIRDS,  TURKEY. 

—  C-ffiSAR.— See  CICERO. 

1062.  CALLENDER  (J.  T.),  Defence  of. 

— I  think  it  essentially  just  and  necessary  that 
Callender  should  be  substantially  defended. 
Whether  in  the  first  stages  by  public  interfer 
ence,  or  private  contributors,  may  be  a  question, 
Perhaps  it  might  be  as  well  that  it  should  be 
left  to  the  Legislature,  who  will  meet  in  time, 
and  before  whom  you  can  lay  the  matter  so 
as  to  bring  it  before  them.  It  is  become  pe 
culiarly  their  cause,  and  may  furnish  them  a 
fine  opportunity  of  showing  their  respect  to  the 
Union,  and  at  the  same  time  of  doing  justice  in 
another  way  to  those  whom  they  cannot  protect 
without  committing  the  public  tranquillity. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  448.  (Ep.,  May 
1800.) 

1063.  CALLENDER  (J.  T.),  Federalists 
and. — I  enclose  you  a  paper  which  shows  the 
tories  mean  to   pervert  these  charities  to   Cal 
lender  as  much  as  they  can.     They  will  probably 
first  represent  me  as  the  patron  and  support  of 
the  "  Prospect  Before  Us"  and  other  things  of 
Callender's  ;  and  then  picking  out  all  the  scurril 
ities  of  the  author  against  General  Washington, 
Mr.  Adams,  and  others,  impute  them  to  me.     I, 
as  well  as  most  other  republicans  who  were  in 
the  way  of  doing  it,  contributed  what  I   could 
afford  to  the  support  of  the  republican  papers 
and  printers,  paid  sums  of  money  for  The  Bee, 
the  Albany  Register,  &c.,  when  they  were  stag 
gering  under  the   Sedition  law  ;   contributed  to 
the  fines  of  Callender  himself,  of  Holt,  Brown 
and    others,    suffering   under   that   law.     I    dis 
charged,  when  I  came  into  office,  such  as  were 
under  the  persecution  of  our  enemies,  without 
instituting     any     prosecutions     in     retaliation. 
They    may,    therefore,    with    the    same    justice, 
impute  to  me,  or  to  every  republican  contribu 
tor,    everything   which    was    ever   published    in 


121 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Callender  (J.  T.) 


those  papers,  or  by  those  persons. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  447.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  167.  (W., 
1802.) 

1064.  CALLENDER  (J.  T.),  Fine  paid. 
— To  take  from  Callender  all  room  for  com 
plaint,  I  think,  with  you,  we  had  better  refund 
his  fine  by  private  contributions.     I  enclose  you 
an   orde^    *     *     *     for  fifty   dollars,   which,    I 
believe,   is   one-fourth   of  the   whole   sum. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  58.     (W.,  May 
1801.) 

1065.  CALLENDER    (J.    T.),    Persecu 
tion  of. — The  violence  which  was  meditated 
against  you  lately   has   excited  a  very  general 
indignation   in   this   part   of   the   country.     Our 
State,  from  its  first  plantation,  has  been  remark 
able  for  its  order  and  submission  to  the  laws. 
But  three  instances  are  recollected  in  its  his 
tory   of   an   organized   opposition   to   the   laws. 
The   first    was    Bacon's    rebellion ;    the    second, 
our  Revolution ;  the  third,  the  Richmond  asso 
ciation,   who,  by  their  committee,   have  in  the 
public   papers   avowed   their  purpose   of  taking 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  law  the  function  of  de 
claring  who  may  or  may  not  have  free  residence 
among   us.     But   these    gentlemen    miscalculate 
the  temper  and  force  of  this  country  extremely 
if  they  supposed  there  would  have  been  a  want 
of  either  to  support  the  authority  of  the  laws ; 
and  equally  mistake  their  own  interests  in  set 
ting  the   example   of   club-law.     Whether  their 
self-organized  election  of  a  committee,  and  pub 
lication  of  their  manifesto,  be  such  overt  acts 
as  bring  them  within  the  pale  of  the  law  ;  the 
law,    I   presume   is   to   decide ;    and   there   it   is 
our    duty    to    leave    it. — To    J.    T.    CALLENDER. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  392.     (M.,  Sep.  1799.) 

1066.  CALLENDER   (J.   T.),  Relations 
with  Jefferson.— I  am  really  mortified  at  the 
base  ingratitude  of  Callender.     It  presents  hu 
man   nature   in   a   hideous   form.     It   gives   me 
concern,   because   I   perceive  that  relief,  which 
was  afforded  him  on  mere  motives  of  charity, 
may  be  viewed  under  the  aspect  of  employing 
him  as  a  writer.    When  the  "Political  Progress 
of  Britain  "   first   appeared   in   this   country,    it 
was  in  a  periodical  publication  called  The  Bcc, 
where  I  saw  it.     I  was  speaking  of  it  in  terms 
of  strong  approbation  to  a  friend  in   Philadel 
phia,   when   he   asked   me   if    I    knew   that   the 
author   was   then   in   the   city,   a   fugitive   from 
prosecution    on    account   of   that   work,   and   in 
want  of  employ  for  his  subsistence.    This  was  the 
first  of  my  learning  that  Callender  was  author  of 
the  work.    I  considered  him  as  a  man  of  science 
fled  from  persecution,  and  assured  my  friend  of 
my  readiness  to  do  whatever  could  serve  him. 
It  was  long  after  this  before  I  saw  him  ;    prob 
ably  not  till   1798.     He  had,   in  the  meantime, 
written  a  second  part  of  the  Political  Progress, 
much   inferior  to  the  first,   and  his  History  of 
the  United  States.     In  1798.  I  think,  I  was  ap 
plied  to  by  Mr.  Leiper  to  contribute  to  his  re 
lief.     I  did  so.     In   1799,  I  think,  S.  T.  Mason 
applied  for  him.     I  contributed  again.     He  had, 
by   this   time,    paid    me   two    or   three   personal 
visits.     When  he  fled  in  a  panic  from  Philadel 
phia  to   General   Mason's,  he  wrote  to  me  that 
he  was  a  fugitive,   in  want  of  employ,  wished 
to  know  if  he  could  get  into  a  counting-house 
or  a  school,  in  my  neighborhood  or  in  that  of 
Richmond  ;  that  he  had  materials  for  a  volume, 
and    if  he  could  get  as  much  money  as   would  buy 
the  paper,  the  profit  of  the  sale  would  be  all  his 
own.     I    availed    myself    of    this    pretext    to 
cover  a  mere  charity,  by  desiring  him  to  con 
sider  me  a  subscriber  for  as  many  copies  of  his 
book    as    the    money    enclosed     (fifty    dollars) 


amounted  to ;  but  to  send  me  two  copies  only, 
as  the  others  might  lie  till  called  for.  But  I 
discouraged  his  coming  into  my  neighborhood. 
His  first  writings  here  had  fallen  far  short  of 
his  original  Political  Progress,  and  the  scurrili 
ties  of  his  subsequent  ones  began  evidently  to  do 
mischief.  As  to  myself,  no  man  wished  more 
to  see  his  pen  stopped ;  but  I  considered  him 
still  as  a  proper  object  of  benevolence.  The 
succeeding  year,  he  again  wanted  money  to 
buy  paper  for  another  volume.  I  made  his  let 
ter,  as  before,  the  occasion  of  giving  him  an 
other  fifty  dollars.  He  considers  these  as 
proofs  of  my  approbation  of  his  writings,  when 
they  were  mere  charities,  yielded  under  a  strong 
conviction  that  he  was  injuring  us  by  his 
writings.  It  is  known  to  many  that  the  sums 

fiven  to  him  were  such,  and  even  smaller  than 
was  in  the  habit  of  giving  to  others  in  distress, 
of  the  federal  as  well  as  the  republican  party, 
without  attention  to  political  principles.  Soon 
after  I  was  elected  to  the  government,  Callender 
came  on  here  [Washington]  wishing  to  be  made 
postmaster  at  Richmond.  I  knew  him  to  be 
totally  unfit  for  it ;  and  however  ready  I  was 
to  aid  him  with  my  own  charities  (and  I  then 
gave  him  fifty  dollars).  I  did  not  think  the 
public  offices  confided  to  me  to  give  away  as 
charities.  He  took  it  in  mortal  offence,  and 
from  that  moment  has  been  hauling  off  to  his 
former  enemies,  the  federalists.  Besides  the 
letters  I  wrote  him  in  answer  to  the  one  from 
General  Mason,  I  wrote  him  another,  contain 
ing  answers  to  two  questions  he  addressed  to  me. 
i.  Whether  Mr.  Jay  received  salary  as  Chief 
Justice  and  Envoy  at  the  same  time ;  and  2. 
something  relative  to  the  expenses  of  an  em 
bassy  to  Constantinople.  I  think  these  were 
the  only  letters  I  ever  wrote  him  in  answer  to 
volumes  he  was  perpetually  writing  to  me. 
This  is  the  true  state  of  what  has  passed  be 
tween  him  and  me.  I  do  not  know  that  it 
can  be  used  without  committing  me  in  contro 
versy,  as  it  were,  with  one  too  little  respected 
by  the  public  to  merit  that  notice.  I  leave  to 
your  judgment  what  use  can  be  made  of  these 
facts.  Perhaps  it  will  be  better  judged  of, 
when  we  see  what  use  the  tories  will  endeavor 
to  make  of  their  new  friend. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  iv,  444.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  164.  (W.,  July 
1802.) 

1067.  CALLENDER  (J.  T.),  Threats  of. 
— Callender  is  arrived  here  [Washington]. 
He  did  not  call  on  me ;  but  understanding  he 
was  in  distress  I  sent  Captain  Lewis  to  him  with 
fifty  dollars,  to  inform  him  we  were  making 
some  enquiries  as  to  his  fine  which  would  take 
a  little  time,  and  lest  he  should  suffer  in  the 
meantime,  I  had  sent  him,  &c.  His  language 
to  Captain  Lewis  was  very  high-toned.  He 
intimated  that  he  was  in  possession  of  things 
which  he  could  and  would  make  use  of  in  a 
certain  case  ;  that  he  received  the  fifty  dollars, 
not  as  a  charity  but  a  due,  in  fact  as  hush 
money;  that  I  knew  what  he  expected,  viz..  a 
certain  office,  and  more  to  this  effect.  Such  a 
misconstruction  of  my  charities  puts  an  end  to 
them  forever.  You  will,  therefore,  be  so  good 
as  to  make  no  use  of  the  order*  I  enclosed  you. 
He  knows  nothing  of  me  which  I  am  not  will 
ing  to  declare  to  the  world  myself.  I  knew  him 
first  as  the  author  of  the  Political  Progress  of 
Britain,  a  work  I  had  read  with  great  satisfac 
tion,  and  as  a  fugitive  from  persecution  for  this 
very  work.  I  gave  to  him  from  time  to  time 
such  aids  as  I  could  afford,  merely  as  a  man 
of  genius  suffering  under  persecution,  and  not 

*  An  order  for  fifty  dollars  towards    payment  of 
Callender's  fine.— EDITOR. 


Calonne  (C.  A.  de) 
Calumny 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


122 


as  a  writer  in  our  politics.  It  is  long  since  I 
wished  he  would  cease  writing  on  them,  as  do 
ing  more  harm  than  good. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
FORD  EDV  viii,  61.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

1068.  CALONNE  (C.  A.  de),  Character 
of. — The  memoir  of  M.  de  Calonne,  though  it 
does  not  prove  him  to  be  more  innocent  than 
his  predecessors,   shows  him  not  to  have  been 
that  exaggerated  scoundrel  which  the  calcula 
tions  and  the  clamors  of  the  public  have  sup 
posed. — To  MADAME  DE  CARNY.     D.  L.  J.,  132. 
(P.,  1787.) 

1069.  CALUMNY,     Character     and.— I 
laid  it  down  as  a  law  to  myself,  to  take  no 
notice    of     the    thousand    calumnies    issued 
against  me,  but  to  trust  my  character  to  my 
own  conduct,  and  the  good  sense  and  candor 
of  my  fellow  citizens. — To  WILSON  C.  NICH 
OLAS,  v,  452.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  253.     (M.,  1809.) 

1070.  CALUMNY,  Contradiction  of.— I 
have  never  even  contradicted  the  thousands  of 
calumnies  so  industriously  propagated  against 
myself. — To  THOMAS  SEYMOUR,    v,  43.    FORD 
EDV  ix,  30.     (W.,  1807.) 

1071.  CALUMNY,   Foolish.— Of  all  the 
charges  brought  against  me  by  my  political 
adversaries,  that  of  possessing  some  science 
has  probably  done  them  the  least  credit.    Our 
countrymen  are  too  enlightened  themselves  to 
believe  that  ignorance  is  the  best  qualification 
for  their  service.— To  C.  F.  WELLS,    v,  483. 
(M.,  1809.) 

1072.  CALUMNY,  Forgotten.— The  ex 
pression  respecting  myself,  stated  in  your  let 
ter  to  have  been  imputed  to  you  by  your  cal 
umniators,  had  either  never  been  heard  by  me, 
or,  if  heard,  had  been  unheeded  and  forgotten. 
I  have  been  too  much  the  butt  of  such  false 
hoods  myself  to  do  others  the  injustice  of  per 
mitting  them  to  make  the  least  impression  on 
me.    My  consciousness  that  no  man  on  earth 
has  me  under  his  thumb  is  evidence  enough 
that  you  never  used  the  expression. — To  GEN 
ERAL  WILKINSON,    v,  573.     (M.,  1811.) 

1073.  CALUMNY,  Newspaper.— Were  I 
to  undertake  to  answer  the  calumnies  of  the 
newspapers,   it  would  be  more  than  all  my 
own    time,    and    that    of   twenty    aids    could 
effect.     For  while  I  should  be  answering  one, 
twenty  new  ones  would  be  invented.     I  have 
thought  it  better  to  trust  to  the  justice  of  my 
countrymen,   that   they   would   judge   me   by 
what  they  see  of  my  conduct  on  the  stage 
where  they  have  placed  me,  and  what  they 
knew  of  me  before  the  epoch  since  which  a 
particular  party  has  supposed  it  might  answer 
some  view  of  theirs  to  villify  me  in  the  public 
eye.      Some,    I   know,   will    not   reflect   how 
apocryphal    is   the   testimony   of   enemies    so 
palpably  betraying  the  views  with  which  they 
give  it.     But  this  is  an  injury  to  which  duty 
requires  every  one  to  submit  whom  the  public 
think    proper   to    call    into   its    councils. — To 
SAMUEL  SMITH,    iv,  255.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  279. 
(M.,   1798.) 

1074.  CALUMNY,   Political.— With  the 

aid  of  lying  renegade  from  republicanism 
[Callender],  the  federalists  have  opened  all 


their  sluices  of  calumny.  They  say  we  lied 
them  out  of  power,  and,  openly  avow  they 
will  do  the  same  by  us.  But  it  was  not  lies 
or  arguments  on  our  part  which  dethroned 
them,  but  their  own  foolish  acts,  Sedition 
laws,  Alien  laws,  taxes,  extravagance  and 
heresies.  "  Porcupine,"  their  friend  wrote 
them  down.  Callender,  their  new  recruit, 
will  do  the  same.  Every  decent  man  among 
them  revolts  at  his  filth.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIV 
INGSTON,  iv,  448.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  173.  (W. 
Oct.  1802.) 

1075. .     It  has  been  a  source  of 

great  pain  to  me,  to  have  met  with  so  many 
among  our  opponents,  who  had  not  the  lib 
erality  to  distinguish  between  political  and 
social  opposition ;  who  transferred  at  once  to 
the  person,  the  hatred  they  bore  to  his  polit 
ical  opinions.  I  suppose,  indeed,  that  in  pub 
lic  life,  a  man  whose  political  principles  have 
any  decided  character,  and  who  has  energy 
enough  to  give  them  effect,  must  always  ex 
pect  to  encounter  political  hostility  from  those 
of  adverse  principles.  But  I  came  to  the 
government  under  circumstances  calculated 
to  generate  peculiar  acrimony.  I  found  all  its 
offices  in  the  possession  of  a  political  sect, 
who  wished  to  transform  it  ultimately  into 
the  shape  of  their  darling  model,  the  English 
government;  and  in  the  meantime,  to  famil 
iarize  the  public  mind  to  the  change,  by  ad 
ministering  it  on  English  principles,  and  in 
English  forms.  The  elective  interposition  of 
the  people  had  blown  all  their  designs,  and 
they  found  themselves  and  their  fortresses  of 
power  and  profit  put  in  a  moment  into  the 
hands  of  other  trustees.  Lamentations  and 
invective  were  all  that  remained  to  them. 
This  last  was  naturally  directed  against  the 
agent  selected  to  execute  the  multiplied  refor 
mations,  which  their  heresies  had  rendered 
necessary.  I  became,  of  course,  the  butt  of 
everything  which  reason,  ridicule,  malice  and 
falsehood  could  supply.  They  have  concen 
trated  all  their  hatred  on  me,  till  they  have 
really  persuaded  themselves,  that  I  am  the  sole 
source  of  all  their  imaginary  evils. — To  RICH 
ARD  M.  JOHNSON,  v,  256.  (W.,  1808.) 

1076. .     The  large  share  I  have 

enjoyed,  and  still  enjoy  of  anti-republican  ha 
tred  and  calumny,  gives  me  the  satisfaction  of 
supposing  that  I  have  been  some  obstacle  to 
anti-republican  designs;  and  if  truth  should 
find  its  way  into  history,  the  object  of  these 
falsehoods  and  calumnies  will  render  them 
honorable  to  me. — To  W.  LAMBERT,  v,  450. 
(M.,  May  1809.) 

1077. .     if?   brooding   over   past 

calamities,  the  adherents  of  federalism  can, 
by  abusing  me,  be  diverted  from  disturbing 
the  course  of  government,  they  will  make  me 
useful  longer  than  I  had  expected  to  be  so. 
Having  served  them  faithfully  for  a  term  of 
twelve  or  fourteen  years,  in  the  terrific  sta 
tion  of  Rawhead  and  Bloodybones,  it  was  sup 
posed  that,  retired  from  power,  I  should  have 
been  functus  oiftcio,  of  course,  for  them  also. 
If,  nevertheless,  they  wish  my  continuance  in 
that  awful  office,  I  yield,  and  the  rather  as  it 


123 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Calumny 
Campbell  (Col.) 


may  be  exercised  at  home,  without  interfering 
with  the  tranquil  enjoyment  of  my  farm,  my 
family,  my  friends  and  books.  In  truth,  hav 
ing  never  felt  a  pain  from  their  abuse,  I  bear 
them  no  malice. — To  W.  D.  G.  WORTHING- 
TON.  v,  504.  (M.,  1810.) 

1078.  CALUMNY,  Posterity  and.— It  is 
fortunate  for  those  in  public  trust  that  pos 
terity  will  judge  them  by  their  works  and  not 
by  the  malignant  vituperations  and  invectives 
of  the  Pickerings  and  Gardiners  of  their  age. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  62.     (M.,  1817.) 

1079.  CALUMNY,  Public  Service  and. 

— Calumny  would  not  weigh  an  atom  with  me 
on  any  occasion  where  my  avowal  of  either 
facts  or  opinions  would  be  of  public  use ;  but 
whenever  it  will  not,  I  then  think  it  useful  to 
keep  myself  out  of  the  way  of  calumny. — To 
J.  T.  CALLENDER.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  394.  (M., 
I799-) 

1080.  CALUMNY,  Religion  and.— From 
the  moment  that  a  portion  of  my  fellow  citi 
zens  looked  towards  me  with  a  view  to  one  of 
their  highest  offices,  the  flood-gates  of  calumny 
have  been  opened  upon  me ;  not  where  I  am 
personally  known,   and  where  their  slanders 
would    be    instantly    judged    and    suppressed 
from  the  general  sense  of  their  falsehood ;  but 
in  the  remote  parts  of  the  Union,  where  the 
means  of  detection  are  not  at  hand,  and  the 
trouble  in  an  enquiry  is  greater  than  would 
suit  the  hearers  to  undertake.     I  know  that 
I  might  have  filled  the  courts  of  the  United 
States  with  actions   for  these  slanders,   and 
have  ruined,  perhaps,  many  persons  who  are 
not  innocent.     But  this  would  be  no  equiva 
lent  to  the  loss  of  character.     I  leave  them, 
therefore,   to  the  reproof  of  their  own  con 
sciences.    If  these  do  not  condemn  them,  there 
will  yet  come  a  day  when  the  false  witness  will 
meet  a  Judge  who  has  not  slept  over  his  slan 
ders.     If  the  Rev.  Cotton  Mather  Smith,  of 
Shena,    believed   this   as   firmly   as    I    do,   he 
would  surely  never  have  affirmed  that  "  I  had 
obtained  my  property  by  fraud  and  robbery; 
that   in   one   instance,    I   had   defrauded   and 
robbed   a   widow   and   fatherless   children   of 
an  estate  and  to  which  I  was  executor,  of  ten 
thousand  pounds  sterling  by  keeping  the  prop 
erty  and  paying  then  in  money  at  the  nominal 
rate,  when  it  was   worth  no  more  than  forty 
for  one;  and  that  all  this  could  be  proved." 
Every  tittle  of  it  is  fable;  there  not  having 
existed  a  single  circumstance  of  my  life  to 
which  any  part  of  it  can  hang.     I  never  was 
executor  but  in  two  instances,  both  of  which 
having   taken   place   about   the   beginning   of 
the  Revolution,  which  withdrew  me  immedi 
ately  from  all  private  pursuits,  I  never  med 
dled   in  either  executorship.     In  one  of  the 
cases  only,  were  there  a  widow  and  children. 
She  was  my  sister.    She  retained  and  managed 
the  estate  in  her  own  hands,  and  no  part  of  it 
was  ever  in  mine.     In  the  other,  I  was  a  co 
partner,  and  only  received  on  a  division  the 
equal  portion  allotted  to  me.     To  neither  of 
these    executorships,     therefore,     could     Mr. 
Smith  refer.    Again,  my  property  is  all  patri 
monial,  except  about  seven  or  eight  hundred 


pounds  worth  of  lands,  purchased  by  myself 
and  paid  for  not,  to  widows  and  orphans,  but 
to  the  very  gentleman  from  whom  I  pur 
chased.  If  Mr.  Smith,  therefore,  thinks  the 
precepts  of  the  gospel  intended  for  those  who 
preach  them  as  well  for  others,  he  will  doubt 
less  some  day  feel  the  duties  of  repent 
ance,  and  of  acknowledgment  in  such  forms 
as  to  correct  the  wrong  he  has  done.  Per 
haps  he  will  have  to  wait  till  the  passions  of 
the  moment  have  passed  away.  All  this  is 
left  to  his  own  conscience. — To  URIAH  MC 
GREGOR  Y.  iv,  333.  (M.,  Aug.  1800.) 

1081.  CALUMNY,       Silence      under.— 
Though  I  see  the  pen  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  [Alexander  Hamilton]  plainly  in  the 
attack  on  me,  yet,  since  he  has  not  chosen  to 
put  his  name  to  it,  I  am  not  free  to  notice  it 
as  his.     I  have  preserved  through  life  a  reso 
lution,  set  in  a  very  early  part  of  it,  never  to 
write  in  a  public  paper  without  subscribingimy 
name,  and  to  engage  openly  an  adversary  who 
does  not  let  himself  be  seen,   is   staking  all 
against  nothing.   The  indecency,  too,  of  news 
paper  squabbling  between  two  public  minis 
ters,  besides  my  own  sense  of  it,  has  drawn 
something   like   an   injunction    from    another 
quarter       [President       Washington].     Every 
fact    alleged    under    the    signature    of    "  An 
American  "  as  to  myself,  is  false,  and  can  be 
proved  so  *     *     *  .    But  for  the  present,  lying 
and   scribbling   must  be   free   to  those  mean 
enough  to  deal  in  them,  and  in  the  dark. — To 
EDMUND  RANDOLPH,     iii,  470.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
112.     (M.,   1792.) 

1082.  CALUMNY,  Unnoticed.— My  rule 
of  life  has  been  never  to  harass  the  public 
with  fendings  and  provings  of  personal  slan 
ders.  *    *     *    I  have  ever  trusted  to  the  jus 
tice  and  consideration  of  my  fellow  citizens, 
and  have  no  reason  to  repent  it,  or  to  change 
my   course. — To    MARTIN    VAN    BUREN.     vii, 
372.     FORD  ED.,  x,  315.     (M.,  1824.) 

1083.  CAMDEN,  Battle  of.— I   sincerely 
condole  with  you  on   our  late  misfortune    [the 
battle  of  Camden],  which  sits  the  heavier  on  my 
mind   as   being  produced   by   my   own   country 
men.     Instead  of  considering  what  is  past,  how 
ever,  we  are  to  look  forward  and  prepare  for 
the  future. — To  GENERAL  EDWARD  STEVENS,     i, 
250.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  333.     (R.,  1780.) 

1084. .  I  am  extremely  morti 
fied  at  the  misfortune  [the  battle  of  Camden] 
incurred  in  the  South,  and  the  more  so  as  the 
militia  of  our  State  concurred  so  eminently  in 
producing  it. — To  GENERAL  GATES.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  332.  (R.,  1780.) 

1085.  CAMPBELL     (Col.),     Battle     of 

King's  Mountain. — Your  favor  *  *  * 
gives  me  the  first  information  *  *  *  that 
the  laurels  which  Colonel  Campbell  so  honor 
ably  won  in  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain  had 
ever  been  brought  into  question  by  any  one. 
To  him  has  been  ever  ascribed  so  much  of  the 
success  of  that  brilliant  action  as  the  valor  and 
conduct  of  an  able  commander  might  justly 
claim.  *  *  *  It  was  the  joyful  annuncia 
tion  of  that  turn  of  the  tide  of  success  which 
terminated  the  Revolutionary  war  with  the  seal 
of  our  Independence.  *  *  *  The  descend 
ants  of  Colonel  Campbell  may  rest  their  heads 
quietly  on  the  pillow  of  his  renown.  History 


Canada 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


124 


has  consecrated,  and  will  forever  preserve  it 
in  the  faithful  annals  of  a  grateful  country. — 
To  JOHN  CAMPBELL,  vii,  268.  (M.,  1822.) 

1086.  CANADA,  The  Colonies  and.— 
They  [Parliament]  have  erected  in  a  neigh 
boring  province  [Quebec],  acquired  by  the 
joint  arms  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  a 
tyranny  dangerous  to  the  very  existence  of 
all  these  Colonies. — DECLARATION  ON  TAKING 
UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  468.  (July  1775.) 

1087. .    The  proposition  [of  Lord 

North]  is  altogether  unsatisfactory  *  *  * 
because  it  does  not  propose  to  repeal  the  sev 
eral  acts  of  Parliament  *  *  *  extending  the 
boundaries  and  changing  the  government  and 
religion  of  Quebec. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S 
PROPOSITION,  i,  480.  (July  1775.) 

1088. .     The  cooperation  of  the 

Canadians  is  taken  for  granted  in  all  the  min 
isterial  schemes.  We  hope,  therefore,  they 
will  be  dislocated  by  the  events  in  that  quar 
ter.— To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  i,  487.  (Pa., 
Oct.  1775.) 

1089. .     In  a  short  time,  we  have 

reason  to  hope,  the  delegates  of  Canada  will 
join  us  in  Congress  and  complete  the  Amer 
ican  union,  as  far  as  we  wish  to  have  it  com 
pleted. — To  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  i,  202.  FORD 
ED.,  i.  492.  (Pa.,  Nov.  1775.) 

1090.  CAN  AD  A,  Conquest  of.— The  Brit 
ish  [by  forcing  us  into  war]  will  oblige  us  to 
take    from   them    Canada    and    Nova    Scotia 
which  it  is  not  our  interest  to  possess. — To 
WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.    FORD    ED.,    iv,    453. 
(P.,  Sep.  1787.) 

1091.  -  — .     One  of  our  first  [Cabi 
net]    consultations   must  be  on   the  question 
whether  we  shall  not  order  all  the  militia  and 
volunteers  destined  for  the  Canadas  to  be  em 
bodied  on  the  26th  of  October,  and  to  march 
immediately  to  such  points  on  the  way  to  their 
destination  as  shall  be  pointed  out,  there  to 
await  the  decision  of  Congress? — To  JAMES 
MADISON,     v,  197.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  141.     (M., 
Sep.  1807.) 

1092. .  [It  was  agreed  in  Cabi 
net  to]  prepare  all  necessaries  for  an  attack 
of  Upper  Canada,  and  the  upper  part  of 
Lower  Canada,  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Riche 
lieu  river;  also  to  take  possession  of  the 
islands  of  Campobello,  &c.,  in  the  bay  of  Pas- 
samaquoddy. — ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  326.  (July 
1807.) 

1093. .  The  acquisition  of  Can 
ada  this  year,  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of 
Quebec,  will  be  a  mere  matter  of  marching, 
and  will  give  us  experience  for  the  attack  of 
Halifax  the  next,  and  the  final  expulsion  of 
England  from  the  American  continent. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  75.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  366. 
(M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

1094. .  Our  present  enemy  will 

have  the  sea  to  herself,  while  we  shall  be 
equally  predominant  at  land,  and  shall  strip 
her  of  all  her  possessions  on  this  continent. — 
To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  vi,  68.  FORD  ED.  ix, 
361.  (M.,  June  1812.) 


1095. 


To     continue     the    war 


popular,  *  *  *  it  is  necessary  to  stop  In 
dian  barbarities.  The  conquest  of  Canada  will 
do  this. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi,  70. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  364.  (M.,  June  1812.) 

1096. .     The  declaration  of  war 

is  entirely  popular  here  [Virginia],  the  only 
opinion  being  that  it  should  have  been  issued 
the  moment  the  season  admitted  the  militia 
to  enter  Canada. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi, 
70.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  364.  (M.,  June  1812.) 

1097. .     I  know  your  feelings  on 

the  present  state  of  the  world,  and  hope  they 
will  be  cheered  by  the  successful  course  of 
our  war,  and  the  addition  of  Canada  to  our 
confederacy.  The  infamous  intrigues  of  Great 
Britain  to  destroy  our  government  (of  which 
Henry's  is  but  one  sample),  and  with  the  In 
dians  to  tomahawk  our  women  and  children, 
prove  that  the  cession  of  Canada,  their  ful 
crum  for  these  Machiavelian  levers,  must  be 
a  sine  qua  non  at  a  treaty  of  peace. — To  GEN 
ERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  vi,  70.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  363. 
(M.,  June  1812.) 

1098.  -  — .     We   have   taken    Upper 
Canada,  *    *    *  and    hope    to    remove    the 
British  fully  and  finally  from  our  continent. — 
To  MADAME  DE  TESSE.    vi,  273.    FORD  ED.,  ix, 
440.     (Dec.   1813.) 

1099.  CANADA,   Indemnification  and. 

— With  Canada  in  hand  we  can  go  to  treaty 
with  an  off-set  for  spoliation  before  the  war. 
— To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi,  78.  (M.,  Aug. 
1812.) 

1100. .     For  one  thousand  ships 

taken,  and  six  thousand  seamen  impressed, 
give  us  Canada  for  indemnification,  and  the 
only  security  they  can  give  us  against  their 
Henrys  and  the  savages. — To  MR.  WRIGHT. 
vi,  78.  (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

1101.-  .  If  we  could  but  get  Can 
ada  to  Trois  Rivieres  in  our  hands  we  should 
have  a  set-off  against  spoliations  to  be  treated 
of,  and  in  the  meantime  separate  the  Indians 
from  them,  and  set  the  friendly  to  attack  the 
hostile  part  with  our  aid. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  370.  (M.,  Nov.  1812.) 

1102. .  We  have  a  great  and 

a  just  claim  of  indemnifications  against  the 
British  for  the  thousand  ships  they  have  taken 
piratically,  and  six  thousand  seamen  im 
pressed.  Whether  we  can,  on  this  score,  suc 
cessfully  insist  on  curtailing  their  American 
possessions,  by  the  meridian  of  Lake  Huron, 
so  as  to  cut  them  off  from  the  Indians  border 
ing  on  us,  would  be  matter  for  conversation 
and  experiment  at  the  treaty  of  pacification. — 
To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vi,  129.  (M.,  June 
1813-) 

1103. .  Could  we  acquire  that 

country,  we  might  perhaps  insist  successfully 
at  St.  Petersburg  on  retaining  all  westward 
of  the  meridian  of  Lake  Huron,  or  of  Ontario, 
or  of  Montreal,  according  to  the  pulse  of  the 
place,  as  an  indemnification  for  the  past  and 
security  for  the  future.  To  cut  them  off  from 


125 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Canada 
Caual 


the  Indians  even  west  of  the  Huron  would  be 
a  great  future  security. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
vi,  131.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

1104.  -  — .A  thousand  ships  taken 

unjustifiably  in  time  of  peace,  and  thousands 
of  our  citizens  impressed,  warrant  expecta 
tions  of  indemnification  ;  such  a  Western  fron 
tier,  perhaps,  given  to  Canada,  as  may  put  it 
out  of  their  power  to  employ  the  tomahawk 
and  scalping  knife  of  the  Indians  on  our 
women  and  children  ;  or,  what  would  be  nearly 
equivalent,  the  exclusive  right  to  the  Lakes. — 
To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN,  vi,  216.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
422.  (M.,  Oct.  1813.) 

1105. .  The  conduct  of  the  Brit 
ish  during  the  war  in  exciting  the  Indian 
hordes  to  murder  and  scalp  the  women  and 
children  on  our  frontier,  renders  peace  for 
ever  impossible  but  on  the  establishment  of 
such  a  meridian  boundary  to  their  possessions, 
as  that  they  never  more  can  have  such  influ 
ence  with  the  savages  as  to  excite  again  the 
same  barbarities.  The  thousand  ships,  too, 
they  took  from  us  in  peace,  and  the  six  thou 
sand  seamen  impressed  call  for  this  indemni 
fication. — To  DON.  V.  TORONDA  CORUNA.  vi, 
275.  (M.,  Dec.  1813.) 

1106.  CANADA,  Value  of.— If  the  war  is 
lengthened  we  shall  take  Canada,  which  will 
relieve  us  from  Indians,  and  Halifax,  which 
will   put  an   end   to  their  occupation   of  the 
American  Seas,  because  every  vessel  must  then 
go  to  England  to  repair  every  accident.     To 
retain  these  would  become  objects  of  first  im 
portance  to  us,   and  of  great  importance  to 
Europe,  as  the  means  of  curtailing  the  Brit 
ish  marine.     But  at  present,  being  merely  in 
fosse,  they  should  not  be  an  impediment  to 
peace. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,     vi,  129.     (M., 
June  1813.) 

1107.  CANAL,  Big  Beaver.— I  remember 
having  written   to   you,   while   Congress   sat   at 
Annapolis,    on    the    water    communication    be 
tween    ours    and   the   western    country,    and    to 
have  mentioned  particularly  the  information   I 
had  received  of  the  plain  face  of  the  country 
between  the  sources  of  Big  Beaver  and  Cayo- 
hoga,  which  made  me  hope  that  a  canal  of  no 
great    expense    might    unite    the    navigation    of 
Lake  Erie  and  the  Ohio.     You  must  since  have 
had   occasion   of  getting  better   information  on 
this  subject,  and  if  you  have,  you  would  oblige 
me  by  a  communication  of  it.     I  consider  this 
canal,  if  practicable,  as  a  very  important  work. 
— To    GENERAL    WASHINGTON,     ii,    250.     (P. 
1787.) 

1108. .  I  thank  you  for  the  in 
formation  *  *  *  on  the  communication 
between  the  Cayohoga  and  Big  Beaver.  I  have 
ever  considered  the  opening  of  a  canal  between 
those  two  water  courses  as  the  most  important 
work  in  that  line  which  the  State  of  Virginia 
could  undertake.  It  will  infallibly  turn  through 
the  Potomac  all  the  commerce  of  Lake  Erie, 
and  the  country  west  of  that,  except  what  may 
pass  down  the  Mississippi ;  and  it  is  important 
that  it  be  soon  done,  lest  that  commerce  should, 
in  the  meantime,  get  established  in  another 
channel.  *  *  *  I  take  the  liberty  of  send 
ing  you  the  notes  I  made  when  I  examined 
the  canal  of  Languedoc,  through  its  whole 
course,  last  year.  You  may  find  in  them  some 


thing,  perhaps,  which  may  be  turned  to  account, 
some  time  or  other,  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
Potomac  canal.— To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 
11,  370.  FORD  ED.,  v,  7.  (P.,  1788.) 

1109.-  — .     Another  vast  object,  and 

of  much  less  difficulty,  is  to  add,  also,  all  the 
country  on  the  Lakes  and  their  waters.  Thi« 
would  enlarge  our  [Virginia's]  field  immensely, 
and  would  certainly  be  effected  by  an  union  ol 
the  Ohio  and  Lake  Erie.  The  Big  Beaver  and 
Cayohoga  offer  the  most  direct  line.  *  *  * 
The  States  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  should 
make  a  common  object  of  it.  The  navigation 
again,  between  Elizabeth  River  and  the  Sound! 
is  of  vast  importance,  and  in  my  opinion,  it  is 
much  better  that  these  should  be  done  at  pub 
lic  than  private  expense. — To  GENERAL  WASH 
INGTON,  iii,  30.  FORD  ED.,  v,  93.  (P.,  1789.) 

1110.  CANAL,  Erie.— The  most  gigantic 
undertaking  yet  proposed  is  that  of  New  York, 
for  drawing  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie  into  the 
Hudson.     The    expense    will    be    great,    but    its 
effect    incalculably    powerful    in    favor    of    the 
Atlantic    States.— To    F.    H.    ALEXANDER    VON 
HUMBOLDT.     vii,    75.     FORD    ED.,    x,    80      CM 
1817.) 

1111.  CANAL,  James  River.— The  opin 
ion  I  have  ever  expressed  of  the  advantages  of 
a    western    communication    through    the    James 
River,    I    still    entertain ;    and   that   the   Cayuga 
is  the  most  promising  of  the  links  of  communi 
cation.     To    WILLIAM    SHORT,     vii,    156.     (M. 
1820.) 

1112.  CANAL,    Languedoc. — I    am   now 

about  setting  out  on  a  journey  to  the  South  of 
France.  I  shall  carefully  examine 

the  canal  of  Languedoc. — To  COLONEL  MONROE 
ii,  70.  (P.,  1786.) 

1113.  CANAL,  New  Orleans.— The  United 
States  feel  a  strong  interest  in  the  New  Orleans 
canal,  *     and     in     some    conversations 

on  the  subject  the  winter  before  last, 
there  was  a  mutual  understanding  that  the 
company  would  complete  the  canal,  and  the 
United  States  would  make  the  locks.  This  we 
are  still  disposed  to  do  ;  and  so  anxious  are  we 
to  get  this  means  of  defence  completed,  that  to 
hasten  it  we  would  contribute  any  other  en 
couragement  within  the  limits  of  our  authority 
which  might  produce  this  effect. — To  GOVERNOR 
CLAIBORNE.  v,  306.  (W.,  July  1808.) 

1114.  -  _.     The  first  interests  of  the 
company  will  be  to  bring  a  practicable  naviga 
tion  from  the  Lake  Pontchartrain  through  the 
Bayou  St.  Jean  and  Canal  de  Carondelet  to  the 
city,  because  that  entitles  them  to  a  toll  on  the 
profitable    part    of    the    enterprise.     But    this 
would  answer  no  object  of  the  government  un 
less  it  was  carried  through  to  the  Mississippi, 
so  that  pur  armed  vessels  drawing  five  feet  of 
water  might  pass  through.     Instead  therefore  of 
the    ground    I    suggested    in    my    last    letter,    I 
would   propose  to   lend   them   a   sum   of  money 
on   the   condition   of  their   applying   it   entirely 
to  that  part  of  the  canal  which,  beginning  at  the 
Mississippi,  goes   round  the  city  to  a  junction 
with    the    canal    of    Carondelet ;    and    we    may 
moreover  at  our  own  expense  erect  the  locks. 
— To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE.     v,  319.     (W.,  July 
1808.) 

1115. .     The  Canal  Company  ask 

specifically  that  we  should  either  lend  them 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  or  buy  the  remaining 
part  of  their  shares  now  on  hand.  On  consulta 
tion  with  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Gallatin  and  Mr. 


Canal 
Capital 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


126 


Rodney,  we  concluded  it  best  to  say  we  would 
lend  them  a  sum  of  money  if  they  would  agree 
to  lay  out  the  whole  of  it  in  making  the  canal 
from  the  Mississippi  round  the  town  to  its  junc 
tion  with  the  canal  of  Carondelet. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,  v,  321.  (W.,  1808.) 

1116.  CANAL,  Panama.— The  Spaniards 
are,  at  this  time,  desirous  of  trading  to  the 
Philippine  Islands,  by  the  way  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope;,  but  opposed  in  it  by  the  Dutch, 
under  authority  of  the  treaty  of  Munster,  they 
are  examining  the  practicability  of  a  common 
passage  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan  or 
round  Cape  Horn.  Were  they  to  make  an 
opening  through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  a 
work  much  less  difficult  than  some  even  of  the 
inferior  canals  of  France,  however  small  this 
opening  should  be  in  the  beginning,  the  tropical 
current,  entering  it  with  all  its  force,  would 
soon  widen  it  sufficiently  for  its  own  passage. 
— To  M.  LE  ROY  DE  L'ACADEMIE  DES  SCIENCES. 
ii,  59.  (P.,  1786.)  See  GULF  STREAM. 


1117. 


I  have  been  told  that  the 


cutting  through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  which 
the  world  has  so  often  wished,  and  supposed 
practicable,  has  at  times  been  thought  of  by 
the  government  of  Spain,  and  that  they  once 
proceeded  so  far  as  to  have  a  survey  and  ex 
amination  made  of  the  ground ;  but  that  the 
result  was  either  impracticable  or  of  too  great 
difficulty.  Probably  the  Count  de  Camporn- 
anes,  or  Don  Ulloa,  can  give  you  information 
on  this  head.  I  should  be  exceedingly  pleased 
to  get  as  minute  details  as  possible  on  it,  and 
even  copies  of  the  survey,  report,  &c.,  if  they 
could  be  obtained  at  a  moderate  expense.  I 
take  the  liberty  of  asking  your  assistance  in 
this. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  325. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  473.  (P.,  1787.) 


1118. 


With     respect     to     the 


Isthmus  of  Panama,  I  am  assured  by  Burgoyne 
*  *  *  that  a  survey  was  made,  that  a  canal 
appeared  very  practicable,  and  that  the  idea 
was  suppressed  for  political  reasons  altogether. 
He  has  seen  and  minutely  examined  the  report. 
This  report  is  to  me  a  vast  desideratum,  for 
reasons  political  and  philosophical. — To  WILL 
IAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  397.  FORD  ED.,  v,  22. 
(P.,  1788.) 

1119.  CANAL,    Potomac    and    Ohio.— I 

consider  the  union  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio 
rivers  as  among  the  strongest  links  of  communi 
cation  between  the  eastern  and  western  sides 
of  our  confederacy.  It  will,  moreover,  add  to 
the  commerce  of  Virginia,  in  particular,  all  the 
upper  parts  of  the  Ohio  and  its  v/aters.  *  *  * 
With  respect  to  the  doubts  which  you  say  are 
entertained  by  some,  whether  the  upper  waters 
of  the  Potomac  can  be  rendered  capable  of 
navigation  on  account  of  the  falls  and  rugged 
banks,  they  are  answered,  by  observing  that  it 
is  reduced  to  a  maxim  that  whenever  there  is 
water  enough  to  float  a  batteau,  there  may  be 
navigation  for  a  batteau.  Canals  and  locks 
may  be  necessary,  and  they  are  expensive ;  but 
I  hardly  know  what  expense  would  be  too  great 
for  the  object  in  question. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  29.  FORD  ED.,  v,  93.  (P., 
1789.) 

1120.  CANAL,    Santee  and  Cooper  Riv 
ers. — As   to    the    Santee    and    Cooper    rivers 
canal,  I  shall  be  glad  to  do  anything  I  can  to 
promote    it.     But    I    confess    I    have    small    ex 
pectations   for   the   following   reason :     General 
Washington    sent   me    a    copy    of   the    Virginia 
act  for  opening  the  Potomac.     *     *     *     It  was 
pushed  here   [Paris]    among  the  moneyed  men 


to  obtain  subscriptions,  but  not  a  single  one 
could  be  obtained.  The  stockjobbing  in  this 
city  offered  greater  advantages  than  to  buy 
shares  in  the  canal. — To  M.  TERRASSON.  ii, 
383.  (P.,  1788.) 

1121.  CANDOR,  Appeal  to.— I  ask  only 
to  be  judged  with  truth  and  candor.— To  THE 
RHODE  ISLAND  ASSEMBLY,    iv,  397.     (W.,  May 
1801.) 

1122.  CANDOR,  Appreciating.— If  those, 
who  thought  I  might  have  been  remiss,  would 
have  written  to  me  on  the  subject,  I  should 
have    admired    them    for   their    candor,    and 
thanked  them  for  it;  for  I  have  no  jealousies 
nor  resentments  at  things  of  this  kind,  where 
I  have  no  reason  to  believe  they  have  been 
excited  by  a  hostile  spirit. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,     i,  589.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  248.     (P.,  1786.) 

1123.  CANNIBALS,  Rulers  as.— Canni 
bals  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  wilds  of  Amer 
ica  only,  but  are   revelling  on  the  blood  of 
every  living  people. — To  CHARLES   CLAS.  vi, 
413-     (M.,  1815.) 

1124.  CANNING  (George),  Policy  of.— 
Canning's    equivocations    degrade    his    govern 
ment  as  well  as  himself. — To  PRESIDENT  MADI 
SON,     v,  468.     (M.,  Sep.  1809.) 

1125.  CANOVA      (A.),     Washington's 
Statue  and.— Who  should  make  the  Wash 
ington  statue?     There  can  be  but  one  answer 
to  this.     Old  Canova,   of  Rome.     No  artist  in 
Europe  would  place  himself  in  a  line  with  him  ; 
and  for  thirty  years,  within  my  own  knowledge, 
he  has  been  considered  by  all  Europe  as  with 
out  a  rival. — To   NATHANIEL   MACON.     vi,   534. 
(M.,   1816.) 

1126.  CAPITAL,  Corruption  through.— 

The  capital  employed  in  paper  speculation 
*  *  *  has  furnished  effectual  means  of 
corrupting  such  a  portion  of  the  Legislature, 
as  turns  the  balance  between  the  honest  vo 
ters,  whichever  way  it  is  directed.  This  cor 
rupt  squadron,  deciding  the  voice  of  the  Leg 
islature,  have  manifested  their  dispositions  to 
get  rid  of  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  Con 
stitution  on  the  General  Legislature,  limita 
tions,  on  the  faith  of  which,  the  States  ac 
ceded  to  that  instrument. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  361.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  3.  (Pa., 
May  1792.) 

1127.  CAPITAL,    Creation    of.— Capital 
may  be  produced  by  industry,   and  accumu 
lated  by  economy;  but  jugglers  only  will  pro 
pose  to  create  it  by  legerdemain  tricks  with 
paper. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.     vi,  241.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  413.     (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

1128.  CAPITAL,    Opportunities    for.— 
The  citizens  of  a  country  like  ours  will  never 
have  unemployed  capital.     Too  many  enter 
prises  are  open,  offering  high  profits,  to  per 
mit  them  to  lend  their  capitals  on  a  regular 
and  moderate  interest.     They  are  too  enter 
prising  and   sanguine  themselves  not  to  be 
lieve  they  can  do  better  with  it. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON,     vi,  393.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  401. 
(M.,   1815.) 

1129.  CAPITAL,   Stock- jobbing  and.— 
The    capital    employed    in   paper    speculation 


127 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Capital 
Capitol 


*  *  *  nourishes  in  our  citizens  habits  of  vice 
and  idleness,  instead  of  industry  and  moral 
ity. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  361. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  3.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

1130. .     The  capital  employed  in 

paper  speculation  is  barren  and  useless,  pro 
ducing,  like  that  on  a  gaming  table,  no  acces 
sion  to  itself,  and  is  withdrawn  from  com 
merce  and  agriculture,  where  it  would  have 
produced  addition  to  the  common  mass. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  361.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  3.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

_  CAPITAL  LAWS.— See  DEATH  PEN 
ALTY. 

_  CAPITAL,  National.— See  WASHING 
TON  CITY. 

1131.  CAPITALS  (State),  Location  of. 
— The  equal  rights  of  all  the  inhabitants  re 
quire  that  the  seat  of  government  should  be 
as  nearly  central  to  all  as  may  be.* — BILL  TO 
REMOVE  VA.  CAPITAL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  106. 
(1776.) 


1132. 


-.     The  seat  of  government 


[in  Virginia]  had  been  originally  fixed  in  the 
peninsula  of  Jamestown,  the  first  settlement  of 
the  colonists;  and  had  been  afterwards  re 
moved  a  few  miles  inland  to  Williamsburg. 
But  this  was  at  a  time  when  our  settlements 
had  not  extended  beyond  the  tide  waters.  Now 
they  had  crossed  the  Alleghany ;  and  the 
centre  of  population  was  very  far  removed 
from  what  it  had  been.  Yet  Williamsburg 
was  still  the  depository  of  our  archives,  the 
habitual  residence  of  the  Governor  and  many 
other  of  the  public  functionaries,  the  estab 
lished  place  for  the  sessions  of  the  legislature, 
and  the  magazine  of  our  military  stores ;  and 
its  situation  was  so  exposed  that  it  might  be 
taken  at  any  time  in  war,  and,  at  this  time  par 
ticularly,  an  enemy  might  in  the  night  run  up 
either  of  the  rivers,  between  which  it  lies, 
land  a  force  above,  and  take  possession  of  the 
place,  without  the  possibility  of  saving  either 
persons  or  things.  I  had  proposed  its  removal 
so  early  as  October,  '76 ;  but  it  did  not  prevail 
until  the  session  of  May,  '79. — AUTOBIOGRA 
PHY.  1,40.  FORD  ED.,  i,  55.  (1821.) 

1133.  CAPITOL  (United  States),  Burn 
ing  of. — The  Vandalism  of  our  enemy  has 
triumphed  at  Washington  over  science  as  well 
as  the  arts,  by  the  destruction  of  the  public 
library  with  the  noble  edifice  in  which  it  was 
deposited.  Of  this  transaction,  as  of  that  of 
Copenhagen,  the  world  will  entertain  but  one 
sentiment.  They  will  see  a  nation  suddenly 
withdrawn  from  a  great  war,  full  armed  and 
full  handed,  taking  advantage  of  another 
whom  they  had  recently  forced  into  it,  un 
armed,  and  unprepared,  to  indulge  themselves 
in  acts  of  barbarism  which  do  not  belong  to  a 
civilized  age.  When  Van  Ghent  destroyed 
their  shipping  at  Chatham,  and  De  Ruyter 
rode  triumphantly  up  the  Thames,  he  might 
in  like  manner,  by  the  acknowledgment  of 
their  own  historians,  have  forced  all  their 

*  This  principle  has  governed  the  selection  of 
nearly  every  State  capital  from  1776  to  the  present 
time.— EDITOR. 


ships  up  to  London  Bridge,  and  there  have 
burned  them,  the  Tower,  and  city,  had  these 
examples  been  then  set.  London,  when  thus 
menaced,  was  near  a  thousand  years  old, 
Washington  is  but  in  its  teens. — To  S.  H. 
SMITH,  vi,  383.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  485.  (M.,  Sep. 
1814.) 

1134.  CAPITOL    (United    States),    In 
scription  for.— If  it  be  proposed  to  place  an 
inscription  on  the  Capitol,  the  lapidary  style 
requires   that  essential   facts   only   should   be 
stated,  and  these  with  a  brevity  admitting  no 
superfluous  word.     The  essential  facts  in  the 
two       inscriptions       proposed       are       these : 
"  FOUNDED  1791. — BURNT  BY  A  BRITISH  ARMY 
1814. — RESTORED  BY  CONGRESS  1817."  The  rea 
sons  for  this  brevity  are  that  the  letters  must 
be    of   extraordinary    magnitude    to    be    read 
from  below ;  that  little  space  is  allowed  them, 
being  usually  put  into  a  pediment  or  in  a 
frieze,  or  on  a  small  tablet  on  the  wall ;  and 
in  our  case,  a  third  reason  may  be  added,  that 
no  passion  can  be  imputed  to  this  inscription, 
every  word   being  justifiable   from  the  most 
classical  examples.     But  a  question  of  more 
importance  is  whether  there  should  be  one  at 
all  ?    The  barbarism  of  the  conflagration  will 
immortalize  that  of  the  nation.     It  will  place 
them  forever  in  degraded  comparison  with  the 
execrated  Bonaparte,   who,   in  possession  of 
almost  every  capitol   in   Europe,   injured   no 
one.     Of  this,  history  will  take  care,  which  all 
will  read,  while  our  inscription  will  be  seen 
by  few. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     vii,  41.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  65.     (M.,  1816.) 

1135.  CAPITOL  (United  States),  Wis 
dom  of  Inscription. — But  a  question  of  more 
importance     is     whether     there     should     be 
one    at    all?     The    barbarism    of    the    con 
flagration     will     immortalize     that     of     the 
nation.      It     will     place     them     forever     in 
degraded     comparison     with     the     execrated 
Bonaparte,     who,    in    possession    of    almost 
every  capitol  in  Europe,  injured  no  one.     Of 
this,   history   will    take   care,    which   all   will 
read,   while  our  inscription   will   be   seen  by 
few.     Great  Britain,  in  her  pride  and  ascend 
ancy,  has  certainly  hated  and  despised  us  be 
yond  every  earthly  object.     Her  hatred  may 
remain,    but     the     hour     of     her     contempt 
is  passed  and  is  succeeded  by  dread ;  not  a 
present,  but  a  deep  and  distant  one.     It  is  the 
greater  as  she  feels  herself  plunged  into  an 
abyss  of  ruin  from  which  no  human  means 
point  out  an  issue.    We  have  also  more  reason 
to  hate  her  than  any  nation  on  earth.     But 
she  is  not  now  an  object  for  hatred.     She  is 
falling  from  her  transcendant  sphere,  which 
all  men  ought  to  have  wished,  but  not  that 
she  should  lose  all  place  among  nations.     It 
is  for  the  interest  of  all  that  she  should  be 
maintained  nearly  on  a  par  with  other  mem 
bers  of  the  republic  of  nations.     Her  power 
absorbed  into  that  of  any  other,  would  be  an 
object  of  dread  to  all,  and  to  us  more  than 
all,  because  we  are  accessible  to  her  alone  and 
through  her  alone.     The  armies  of  Bonaparte 
with  the  fleets  of  Britain  would  change  the 
aspect  of  our  destinies.    Under  these  circum- 


Captives 
Carmichael  (William) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


128 


stances  should  we  perpetuate  hatred  against 
her?  Should  we  not,  on  the  contrary,  begin 
to  open  ourselves  to  other  and  more  rational 
dispositions  ?  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
circumstances  of  the  war  [1812]  and  her  own 
circumstances  may  have  brought  her  wise  men 
to  begin  to  view  us  with  other  and  even  with 
kindred  eyes.  Should  not  our  wise  men,  then, 
lifted  above  the  passions  of  the  ordinary  cit 
izen,  begin  to  contemplate  what  will  be  the 
interests  of  our  country  on  so  important  a 
change  among  the  elements  which  influence 
it?  I  think  it  would  be  better  to  give  her 
time  to  show  her  present  temper,  and  to  pre 
pare  the  minds  of  our  citizens  for  a  corre 
sponding  change  of  disposition,  by  acts  of 
comity  towards  England  rather  than  by  com 
memoration  of  hatred.  These  views  might  be 
greatly  extended.  Perhaps,  however,  they  are 
premature,  and  that  I  may  see  the  ruin  of 
England  nearer  than  it  really  is.  This  will  be 
matter  of  consideration  with  those  to  whose 
councils  we  have  committed  ourselves,  and 
whose  wisdom,  I  am  sure,  will  conclude  on 
what  is  best.  Perhaps  they  may  let  it  go  off 
on  the  single  and  short  consideration  that  the 
thing  can  do  no  good,  and  may  do  harm. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  vii,  42.  FORD  ED.,  x,  66.  (M., 
1816.)  See  ARCHITECTURE. 

1136.  CAPTIVES,  American  in  Algiers. 
— The  Algerines  have  taken  two  of  our  ves 
sels,  and  I  fear  they  will  ask  such  a  tribute  for 
a  forbearance  of  their  piracies  as  the  United 
States  would  be  unwilling  to  pay.     When  this 
idea  comes  across  my  mind,  my  faculties  are 
absolutely  suspended  between  indignation  and 
impatience. — To    GENERAL    GREENE,      i,    509. 
(P.,    1786.) 

1137.  CAPTIVES,    Attempts    at    Ran 
som. — If  Congress  decide  to  redeem  our  cap 
tives,     *     *     *     it  is  of  great  importance  that 
the  first  redemption  be  made  at  as  low  a  price 
as    possible,    because    it    will    form    the    future 
tariff.     If  these  pirates  find  that  they  can  have 
a    very   great   price    for   Americans,    they    will 
abandon    proportionally    their    pursuits    against 
other  nations  to  direct  them  towards  ours. — To 
JOHN  JAY.     ii,  113.     (P.,  1787.) 

1138.  CAPTIVES,  Failure  to  Release.— 

The  demands  of  Algiers  for  the  ransom  of  our 
prisoners,  and  also  for  peace,  are  so  infinitely 
beyond  our  instructions  that  we  must  refer  the 
matter  back  to  Congress.* — To  WM.  CAR- 
MICHAEL,  i,  580.  (P.,  1786.) 

1139.  CAPTIVES,   Intercession   of  the 

Mathurins. — That  the  choice  of  Congress 
may  be  enlarged  as  to  the  instruments  they 
may  use  for  effecting  the  redemption  [of  our 
captives],  I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  them 
that  there  is  an  order  of  priests  called  the 
Mathurins,  the  object  of  whose  institution  is 
to  beg  alms  for  the  redemption  of  captives. 
They  keep  members  always  in  Barbary,  search 
ing  out  the  captives  of  their  country,  and  re 
deem,  I  believe,  on  better  terms  than  any  other 

*  Congress  sent  a  Mr.  Lambe  to  Europe  with  in 
structions  respecting  A1giers.  Jefferson  and  Adams 
made  him  their  agent  to  visit  Algiers,  but  his  mis 
sion  resulted  in  failure.  Referring  to  it,  Jefferson 
wrote  to  Monroe  (i,  606  [1786].  FORD  ED.,  iv,  264) 
that,  "  an  angel  sent  on  this  business,  and  so  much 
limited  in  his  terms,  could  have  done  nothing  ". — 
EDITOR. 


body,  public  or  private.  It  occurred  to  me, 
that  their  agency  might  be  obtained  for  the  re 
demption  of  our  prisoners  at  Algiers.  I  ob 
tained  conference  with  the  General,  and  with 
some  members  of  the  order.  The  General,  with 
all  the  benevolence  and  cordiality  possible,  un 
dertook  to  act  for  us,  if  we  should  desire  it. 
He  told  me  that  their  last  considerable  redemp 
tion  was  of  about  three  hundred  prisoners,  who 
cost  them  somewhat  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred 
livres  apiece ;  but  that  they  should  not  be  able 
to  redeem  ours  as  cheap  as  they  do  their  own, 
and  that  it  must  be  absolutely  unknown  that  the 
public  concern  themselves  in  the  operation,  or 
the  price  would  be  greatly  enhanced.  The  dif 
ference  of  religion  was  not  once  mentioned, 
nor  did  it  appear  to  me  to  be  thought  of.  It 
was  a  silent  reclamation  and  acknowledgment 
of  fraternity  between  two  religions  of  the  same 
family  which  historical  events  of  ancient  date 
had  rendered  more  hostile  to  one  another  than 
to  their  common  adversaries.* — To  JOHN  JAY. 
ii,  113.  (P.,  1787-) 

1140.  CAPTIVES,  Jefferson  and.— -I  do 

not  wonder  that  Captain  Q'Bryan  has  lost  pa 
tience  under  his  long  continued  captivity,  and 
that  he  may  suppose  some  of  the  public  servants 
have  neglected  him  and  his  brethren.  He  may 
possibly  have  imputed  neglect  to  me,  because  a 
forbearance  to  correspond  with  him  would 
have  that  appearance,  though  it  was  dictated 
by  the  single  apprehension,  that  if  he  received 
letters  from  me  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 
the  United  States  at  Paris,  or  as  Secretary  of 
State,  it  would  increase  the  expectations  of 
his  captors,  and  raise  the  ransom  beyond  what 
his  countrymen  would  be  disposed  to  give,  and 
so  end  in  their  perpetual  captivity.  But,  in 
truth,  I  have  labored  for  them  constantly  and 
zealously  in  every  situation  in  which  I  have 
been  placed.  In  the  first  moment  of  their  cap 
tivity,  I  first  proposed  to  Mr.  Adams  to  take 
upon  ourselves  their  ransom,  though  unauthor 
ized  by  Congress.  I  proposed  to  Congress  and 
obtained  their  permission  to  employ  the  Order 
of  Mercy  in  France  for  their  ransom,  but  never 
could  obtain  orders  for  the  money  till  just  as 
I  was  leaving  France,  and  was  obliged  to  turn 
the  matter  over  to  Mr.  Short.  As  soon  as  I 
came  here,,  I  laid  the  matter  before  the  Presi 
dent  and  Congress  in  two  long  reports,  but  Con 
gress  could  not  decide  until  the  beginning  of 
1792,  and  then  clogged  their  ransom  by  a 
previous  requisition  of  peace.  The  unfortunate 
death  of  two  successive  commissioners  [Paul 
Jones  and  Mr.  Barclay]  have  still  retarded  their 
relief,  and  even  should  they  be  now  relieved, 
will  probably  deprive  me  of  the  gratification  of 
seeing  my  endeavors  for  them  crowned  at 
length  with  success  by  their  arrival  when  I 
am  here.  It  would,  indeed,  be  grating  to  me 
if,  after  all,  I  should  be  supposed  by  them  to 
have  been  indifferent  to  their  situation.  I  will 
ask  of  your  friendship  to  do  me  justice  in 
their  eyes,  that  to  the  pain  I  have  already  felt 
for  them,  may  not  be  added  that  of  their  dis 
satisfaction. — To  COLONEL  DAVID,  iii,  531. 
(Pa.,  1793.) 

1141.  CARMICHAEL  (William),  Char 
acter. — Mr.  Carmichael  is,  I  think,  very  lit 
tle  known  in  America.     I  never  saw  him,  and 
while    I    was    in    Congress    I    formed    rather   a 
disadvantageous    idea    of    him.     His    letters     * 
*     *     showed  him  vain,  and  more  attentive  to 
ceremony  and  etiquette,  than  we  suppose  men 

*  The  Mathurins  were  employed,  but  the  negotia 
tions  were  fruitless,  and  the  captives  remained  in 
prison.  In  December,  1790,  Jefferson  made  an  ex 
haustive  report  on  the  subject  to  Congress.— EDITOR. 


129 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Carmichael  (William) 
Carthage 


of  sense  should  be.  I  have  now  a  constant 
correspondence  with  him,  and  find  him  a  little 
hypochondriac  and  discontented.  He  possesses 
a  very  good  understanding,  though  not  of  the  first 
order.  I  have  had  great  opportunities  of 
searching  into  his  character,  and  have  availed 
myself  of  them.  Many  persons  of  different 
nations,  coming  from  Madrid  to  Paris,  all  speak 
of  him  as  in  high  esteem,  and  I  think  it  certain 
that  he  has  more  of  the  Count  de  Blanca's 
friendship,  than  any  diplomatic  character  at 
that  court.  As  long  as  that  minister  is  in 
office,  Carmichael  can  do  more  than  any  other 
person  who  could  be  sent  there. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  ii,  107.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  365.  (P., 
1787.) 

1142. .     Neither  Mr.  J.  nor  Mr. 

ever  mentioned  one  word  of  any  want  of 

decorum  in  Mr.  Carmichael. — To  EDMUND  RAN 
DOLPH,  iv,  108.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  513.  (M.,  1794.) 

1143.  CARMICHAEL  (William),  Span 
ish  Mission  and.— I  think  it  probable  that 
Mr.    Carmichael    will    impute   to    me    an    event 
which  must  take  place  this  year.     In  truth,  it 
is  so  extraordinary  a  circumstance,  that  a  public 
agent  placed  in  a  foreign  court  for  the  purpose 
of  correspondence,  should,  in  three  years,  have 
found  means  to  get  but  one  letter  to  us,  that  he 
must  himself  be  sensible  that  if  he  could  have 
sent    us    letters,    he    ought    to    be    recalled    as 
negligent,  and  if  he  could  not,  he  ought  to  be 
recalled  as  useless.     I  have,  nevertheless,  pro 
cured  his  continuance,  in  order  to  give  him  an 
opportunity    which    occurred    of    his    rendering 
a  sensible  service  to  his  country,   and  thereby 
drawing  some  degree  of  favor  on  his  return. — 
To  COLONEL  DAVID,     iii,  532.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

1 144.  CARMICHAEL  (William),  Stand 
ing  in  Spain.— With  Mr.  Carmichael  I  am 
unacquainted  personally,  but  he  stands  on  ad 
vantageous  grounds  in  the  opinion  of  Europe, 
and   most   especially   in    Spain.     Every   person, 
whom   I    see   from    there,   speaks   of   him   with 
great  esteem.     I  mention  this  for  your  private 
satisfaction,  as  he  seemed  to  be  little  known  in 
Congress.     Mr.  Jay,  however,  knows  him  well. 
— To  COL.   MONROE,     i,   526.     (P.,    1786.) 

—  CAROLINA    (North).— See    NORTH 
CAROLINA. 

—  CAROLINA    (South).— See    SOUTH 
CAROLINA. 

1145.  CARONDELET  (Baron),  Animos 
ity  of. — We  are  quite  disposed  to  believe  that 
the    late    wicked    excitements    [among    the    In 
dians]   to  war  have  proceeded  from  the  Baron 
de  Carondelet  himself,  without  authority  from 
his  court.     If  so,  have  we  not  reason  to  expect 
the  removal  of  such  an  officer  from  our  neigh 
borhood,  as  an  evidence  of  the  disavowal  of  his 
proceedings? — To  CARMICHAEL  AND  SHORT,     iii, 
481.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  130.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

1146.  CARR      (Dabney),      Character.— 

His  character  was  of  a  high  order.  A  spotless 
integrity,  sound  judgment,  handsome  imagina 
tion,  enriched  by  education  and  reading,  quick 
and  clear  in  his  conceptions,  of  correct  and 
ready  elocution,  impressing  every  hearer  with 
the  sincerity  of  the  heart  from  which  it  flowed. 
His  firmness  was  inflexible  in  whatever  he 
thought  was  right ;  but  when  no  moral  princi 
ple  stood  in  the  way,  never  had  man  more 
of  the  milk  of  human  kindness,  of  indulgence, 
of  softness,  of  pleasantry  of  conversation  and 
conduct.  The  number  of  his  friends  and  the 
warmth  of  their  affection,  were  proofs  of  his 
worth,  and  of  their  estimate  of  it.  To  give  to 


those  now  living,  an  idea  of  the  affliction  pro 
duced  by  his  death  in  the  minds  of  all  who 
knew  him,  I  liken  it  to  that  lately  felt  by  them 
selves  on  the  death  of  his  eldest  son,  Peter 
Carr,  so  like  in  all  his  endowments  and  moral 
qualities,  and  whose  recollection  can  never 
recur  without  a  deep-drawn  sigh  from  the 
bosom  of  any  one  who  knew  him. — To  DABNEY 
CARR,  JR.  vi,  528.  FORD  ED.,  x,  17.  (M.,  1816.) 

1147.  -  _.     Dabney    Carr,     *     *     * 

mover  of  the  proposition  of  March,  1773,  for 
Committees  of  Correspondence,  the  first  fruit 
of  which  was  the  call  of  an  American  Con 
gress,  merits  honorable  mention  in  your  history 
if  any  proper  occasion  offers.— To  MR.  Gi- 
RARDIN.  vi,  411.  (M.,  1815.) 

1148. .     This     friend     of     ours, 

Page,  in  a  very  small  house,  with  a  table,  half 
a  dozen  chairs,  and  one  or  two  servants,  is 
the  happiest  man  in  the  universe.  Every  in 
cident  in  life  he  so  takes  as  to  render  it  a 
source  of  pleasure.  With  as  much  benevo 
lence  as  the  heart  of  man  will  hold,  but  with 
an  utter  neglect  of  the  costly  apparatus  of  life, 
he  exhibits  to  the  world  a  new  phenomenon 
in  philosophy — the  Samian  sage  in  the  tub  of 
the  cynic.* — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  195.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  373.  (1770.) 

1149.  CARRIAGES,     Tax     on.— Almost 
every  carriage  owner  has  been  taken  in  for  a 
double-tax ;    information    through   the   news 
papers  not  being  actual,  though  legal,   in  a 
country  where  they  are  little  read.     This  cir 
cumstance  has   made  almost  every  man,   so 
taken  in.  a  personal  enemy  to  the  tax.     I  es 
caped  the  penalty  only  by  sending  an  express 
over  the  country  to  search  out  the  officer  the 
day  before  the  forfeiture  would  have  been  in 
curred. — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED     vii 
2.     (M.,  Feb.  1795.) 

1150.  CARRYING    TRADE,    Preserva 
tion  of  the.— Admitting  their  right  of  keep 
ing  their  markets  to  themselves,  ours  cannot 
be  denied  of  keeping  our  carrying  trade  to 
ourselves. — REPORT  ON   THE   FISHERIES,     vii, 
554-     (i79i-)     See  NAVIGATION. 

1151.  CARRYING  TRADE,  Protection 
of. — We  find  in  some  parts  of  Europe  mon 
opolizing  discriminations,  which,  in  the  form 
of    duties,    tend    effectually    to    prohibit    the 
carrying  thither  our  own  produce  in  our  own 
vessels.     From  existing  amities,  and  a  spirit 
of  justice,  it  is  hoped  that  friendly  discussion 
will  produce  a  fair  and  adequate  reciprocity. 
But  should  false  calculations  of  interest  de 
feat  our  hope,  it  rests  with  the  Legislature  to 
decide    whether    they    will    meet    inequalities 
abroad    with    countervailing    inequalities    at 
home,   or  provide  for  the  evil   in  any  other 
way. — SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE,     viii,    16. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  182.     (Dec.  1802.) 

1152.  CARTER  (Landon),  Speeches  of. 

— Landon  Carter's  speeches,  like  his  writings, 
were  dull,  vapid,  verbose,  egotistical,  smooth 
as  the  lullaby  of  the  nurse,  and  commanding, 
like  that,  the  repose  only  of  the  hearer. — To 
WILLIAM  WIRT.  vi,  486.  FORD  ED.  ix  474 
(M.,  1815.) 

1153.  CARTHAGE,  History  of.— It  has 
often  been  a  subject  of  regret,  that  Carthage 

*  Dabney  Carr  married  Jefferson's  sister.— EDITOR. 


Censors 
Centralization 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


130 


had  no  writer  to  give  her  side  of  her  own 
history,  while  her  wealth,  power  and  splendor 
prove  she  must  have  had  a  very  distinguished 
policy  and  government. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  63.  (M.,  1817.) 

1154.  CENSORS,  Government  and. — No 
government  ought  to  be  without  censors ;  and 
where  the  press  is  free,  no  one  ever  will. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  467.    FORD  ED., 
vi,  108.     (M.,  1792.) 

1155.  CENSURE,    Pain   of.— I    find   the 
pain  of  a  little  censure,  even  when  it  is  un 
founded,  is  more  acute  than  the  pleasure  of 
much    praise.— To    F.    HOPKINSON.    ii,    5^7- 
FORD  ED.,  v,  78.     (P.,  1789.) 

1156.  CENSUS,    First  U.    S.— I    enclose 
you  a  copy  of  the  census  which  I  have  made 
out  for  you. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
371.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

1157. .     Nearly  the  whole  of  the 

States  have  now  returned  their  census.  I  send 
you  the  result.  *  *  *  Making  a  very  small 
allowance  for  omissions,  we  are  upwards  of 
four  millions ;  and  we  know  in  fact  that  the 
omissions  have  been  very  great. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  372.  (Pa.,  Aug. 
1791.) 

1158.  CENSUS,  Perfecting  the.— For  the 
articles  of  a  statistical  table,  I  think  the  last 
census    of     Congress     presented     what     was 
proper,  as  far  as  it  went,  but  did  not  go  far 
enough.     It  required  detailed  accounts  of  our 
manufactures,  and  an  enumeration  of  our  peo 
ple,  according  to  ages,  sexes  and  colors.    But 
to  this  should  be  added  an  enumeration  ac 
cording  to  their  occupations.    We  should  know 
what  proportion  of  our  people  are  employed  in 
agriculture,   what  proportion  are  carpenters, 
smiths,  shoemakers,  tailors,  bricklayers,  mer 
chants,    seamen,   &c.      No   question   is   more 
curious  than  that  of  the  distribution  of  society 
into  occupations,  and  none  more  wanting.     I 
have  never  heard  of  such  tables  being  effected 
but  in  the  instance  of  Spain,  where  it  was  first 
done  under  the  administration,  I  believe,  of 
Count  D'  Aranda,  and  a  second  time  under  the 
Count    de    Florida    Blanca,    and   these    have 
been  considered  as  the  most  curious  and  valu 
able  tables  in  the  world.    The  combination  of 
callings  with  us  would  occasion   some  diffi 
culty,  many  of  our  tradesmen  being,  for  in 
stance,    agriculturists   also ;     but   they   might 
be  classed  under  their  principal  occupation. — 
To  THOMAS  W.  MAURY.    vi,  548.    (M.,  1816.) 

1159.  CENTRALIZATION,    Advancing 
toward. — I  told  the  President  [Washington] 
that    they    [the    Hamilton    party]    had    now 
brought   forward   a  proposition,    far  beyond 
every  one  ever  yet  advanced,   and  to  which 
the  eyes  of  many  were  turned,  as  the  decision 
which  was  to  let  us  know,  whether  we  live 
under  a  limited  or  an  unlimited  government, 
*    *    *     [to   wit],  that  in  the  Report  on  Man 
ufactures  which,  under  color  of  giving  boun 
ties  for  the  encouragement  of  particular  man 
ufactures,    meant    to    establish    the    doctrine, 
that  the  power  given  by  the  Constitution  to 


collect  taxes  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare 
of  the  United  States,  permitted  Congress  to 
take  everything  under  their  management 
which  they  should  deem  for  the  public  wel 
fare,  and  which  is  susceptible  of  the  applica 
tion  of  money ;  consequently,  that  the  subse 
quent  enumeration  of  their  powers  was  not 
the  description  to  which  resort  must  be  had, 
and  did  not  at  all  constitute  the  limits  of  their 
authority ;  that  this  was  a  very  different  ques 
tion  from  that  of  the  Bank  [of  the  United 
States],  which  was  thought  an  incident  to  an 
enumerated  power. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  104. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  177.  (Feb.  1792.) 

1160. .    I  wish  to  see  maintained 


that  wholesome  distribution  of  powers  estab 
lished  by  the  Constitution  for  the  limitation 
of  both ;  and  never  to  see  all  offices  trans 
ferred  to  Washington,  where,  further  with 
drawn  from  the  eyes  of  the  people,  they  may 
more  secretly  be  bought  and  sold  as  at  mar 
ket. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  297.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  232.  (M.,  1823.) 

1161.  CENTRALIZATION,   Balance  of 

Power  and.— I  said  to  [President  Washing 
ton]  that  if  the  equilibrium  of  the  three  great 
bodies,  Legislative,  Executive,  and  Judiciary, 
could  be  preserved,  if  the  Legislature  could 
be  kept  independent,  I  should  never  fear  the 
result  of  such  a  government ;  but  that  I  could 
not  but  be  uneasy  when  I  saw  that  the  Execu 
tive  had  swallowed  up  the  Legislative  branch. 
— ANAS,  ix,  122.  FORD  ED.,  i,  204.  (1792.) 

1162.  CENTRALIZATION,    Corruption 
and. — Our  government  is  now  taking  so  steady 
a  course  as  to  show  by  what  road   it  will 
pass  to  destruction,  to  wit :  by  consolidation 
first,  and  then  corruption,  its  necessary  con 
sequence.    The  engine  of  consolidation  will  be 
the  Federal  judiciary;  the  two  other  branches 
the  corrupting  and  corrupted  instruments. — 
To  NATHANIEL  MACON.    vii,  223.    (M.,  1821.) 

1163. .     I  do  verily  believe  that 

*  *  *  a  single  consolidated  government 
would  become  the  most  corrupt  government 
on  the  earth. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER,  iv,  331. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  451.  (M.,  Aug.  1800.)  — 

1164.  CENTRALIZATION,  Disguised 
Toryism. — Consolidation  is  but  toryism  in  dis 
guise. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
379-  (M.,  1826.) 

1165. .  The  consolidationists 

may  call  themselves  republicans  if  they  please, 
but  the  school  of  Venice,  and  all  of  this  prin 
ciple,  I  call  at  once  tories. — To  NATHANIEL 
MACON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  378.  (M.,  1826.) 

1166.  CENTRALIZATION,      Eastern 
States   and. — I    fear   our   eastern    associates 
wish  for  consolidation,  in  which  they  would 
be  joined  by  the  smaller  States  generally. — 
To  NATHANIEL  MACON.   vii,  223.   FORD  ED.,  x, 
194.     (M.,  1821.) 

1167.  CENTRALIZATION,  Enumerated 
Powers  and.— To  take  from  the  States  all  the 
powers  of  self-government  and  transfer  them 
to   a   general    and   consolidated   government, 
without  regard  to  the  special  delegations  and 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Centralization 


reservations  solemnly  agreed  to  in  [the  Fed 
eral]  compact,  is  not  for  the  peace,  happiness 
or  prosperity  of  these  States. — KENTUCKY 
RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  468.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  300. 
(1798.) 

1 168.  CENTRALIZATION,  Jobbery  and. 
— You  hvve  seen  the  practices  by  which  the 
public  servants  have  been  able  to  cover  their 
conduct,  or,  where  that  could  not  be  done, 
delusions   by  which   they  have  varnished   it 
for  the  eye  of  their  constituents.     What  an 
augmentation  of  the  field  for  jobbing,  specu 
lating,  plundering,  office-building  and  office- 
hunting  would  be  produced  by  an  assumption 
of  all  the  State  powers  into  the  hands  of  the 
General   Government. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER. 
iv,  331.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  451.     (M.,  Aug.  1800.) 

1169.  CENTRALIZATION,       Judiciary 
drives  on  to. — After  twenty  years'  confirma 
tion  of  the  federal  system  by  the  voice  of  the 
nation,  declared  through  the  medium  of  elec 
tions,  we  find  the  judiciary  on  every  occasion, 
still  driving  us  into  consolidation. — To  SPEN 
CER  ROANE.  vii,  134.  FORD  ED.,  x,  140.  (P.F., 
1819.) 

1170. .  It  has  long  been  my 

opinion,  and  I  have  never  shrunk  from  its  ex 
pression  (although  I  do  not  choose  to  put  it 
into  a  newspaper,  nor  like  a  Priam  in  armor  to 
offer  myself  as  its  champion),  that  the  germ 
of  dissolution  of  our  Federal  Government  is 
in  the  constitution  of  the  Federal  Judiciary; 
an  irresponsible  body  (for  impeachment  is 
scarcely  a  scare-crow),  working  like  gravity 
by  night  and  by  day,  gaining  a  little  to-day  and 
a  little  to-morrow,  and  advancing  its  noiseless 
step  like  a  thief,  over  the  field  of  jurisdiction, 
until  all  shall  be  usurped  from  the  States,  and 
the  government  of  all  be  consolidated  into 
one.  To  this  I  am  opposed ;  because,  when  all 
government,  domestic  and  foreign,  in  little  as 
in  great  things,  shall  be  drawn  to  Washing 
ton  as  the  centre  of  all  power,  it  will  render 
powerless  the  checks  provided  of  one  govern 
ment  on  another,  and  will  become  as  venal 
and  oppressive  as  the  government  from  which 
we  separated.  It  will  be,  as  in  Europe,  where 
every  man  must  be  either  pike  or  gudgeon, 
hammer  or  anvil.  Our  functionaries  and  theirs 
are  wares  from  the  same  workshop ;  made  of 
the  same  materials  and  by  the  same  hand.  If 
the  States  look  with  apathy  on  this  silent 
descent  of  their  government  into  the  gulf  which 
is  to  swallow  all,  we  have  only  to  weep  over 
the  human  character  formed  uncontrollable  but 
by  a  rod  of  iron,  and  the  blasphemers  of  man, 
as  incapable  of  self-government,  become  his 
true  historians. — To  C.  HAMMOND,  vii,  216. 
(M.,  1821.) 

1171. .  We  already  see  the 

power,  installed  for  life,  responsible  to  no 
authority  (for  impeachment  is  not  even  a 
scare-crow),  advancing  with  a  noiseless  and 
steady  pace  to  the  great  object  of  consolida 
tion.  The  foundations  are  already  deeply 
laid  by  their  decisions  for  the  annihilation  of 
constitutional  State  rights,  and  the  removal  of 
every  check,  every  counterpoise  to  the  ingulf 
ing  power  of  which  themselves  are  to  make  a 


sovereign  part.  If  ever  this  vast  country  is 
brought  under  a  single  government,  it  will  be 
one  of  the  most  extensive  corruption,  indiffer 
ent  and  incapable  of  a  wholesome  care  over  so 
wide  a  spread  of  surface.  This  will  not  be 
borne,  and  you  will  have  to  choose  between 
reformation  and  revolution.  If  I  know  the 
spirit  of  this  country,  the  one  or  the  other  is 
inevitable.  Before  the  canker  is  become  in 
veterate,  before  its  venom  has  reached  so 
much  of  the  body  politic  as  to  get  beyond  con 
trol,  remedy  should  be  applied.—  To  WILLIAM 
T.  BARRY,  vii,  256.  (M.,  1822.) 


'  Tnere  is  no  danger  I  ap 
prehend  so  much  as  the  consolidation  of  our 
government  by  the  noiseless,  and,  therefore, 
unalarming  instrumentality  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  This  is  the  form  in  which  federalism 
now  arrays  itself,  and  consolidation  is  the 
present  principle  of  distinction  between  repub 
licans  and  the  pseudo-republicans  but  real  fed 
eralists.—  To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii  278 
FORD  ED.,  x,  248.  (M.,  1823.) 

1173.  CENTRALIZATION,  Liberty  and. 

—It  is  a  singular  phenomenon,  that  while  our 
State  governments  are  the  very  best  in  the 
world,  without  exception  or  comparison,  our 
General  Government  has,  in  the  rapid  course 
of  nine  or  ten  years,  become  more  arbitrary, 
and  has  swallowed  more  of  the  public  liberty 
than  even  that  of  England.—  To  JOHN  TAY 
LOR.  iv,  260.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  311.  (M.,  1798.) 

1174.  -  __.     What  has  destroyed  the 
liberty  and  the  rights  of  man  in  every  govern 
ment  which  has  ever  existed  under  the  sun? 
The  generalizing  and  concentrating  all  cares 
and  powers  into  one  body,  no  matter  whether 
of  the  autocrats  of  Russia  or  France,  or  of 
the    aristocrats    of    a  Venetian    Senate.—  To 
JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.    vi,  543.     (M.,  1816.) 

1175.  CENTRALIZATION,  Limitless.— 

It  is  but  too  evident  that  the  branches  of  our 
foreign  department  of  government,  Executive, 
Judiciary  and  Legislative,  are  in  combination 
to  usurp  the  powers  of  the  domestic  branch, 
all  so  reserved  to  the  States,  and  consolidate 
themselves  into  a  single  government  without 
limitation  of  powers.  I  will  not  trouble  you 
with  details  of  the  instances  which  are  thread 
bare  and  unheeded.  The  only  question  is, 
what  is  to  be  done?  Shall  we  give  up  the 
ship?  No,  by  heavens,  while  a  hand  remains 
able  to  keep  the  deck.  Shall  we,  with  the  hot 
headed  Georgian,  stand  at  once  to  our  arms? 
Not  yet,  nor  until  the  evil,  the  only  greater 
one  than  separation,  shall  be  all  upon  us,  that 
of  living  under  a  government  of  discretion. 
Between  these  alternatives  there  can  be  no 
hesitation.  But,  again,  what  are  we  to  do? 
*  We  had  better,  at  present,  rest  awhile 
on  our  oars  and  see  which  way  the  tide  will 
set  in  Congress  and  in  the  State  Legislatures. 
—  To  WILLIAM  F.  GORDON.  FORD  ED.,  x  ^8 
(M.,  Jan.  1826.) 

1176.  CENTRALIZATION,  Local  Gov 
ernment  vs.  —  It  is  not  by  the  consolidation, 
or  concentration  of  powers,  but  by  their  dis 
tribution,  that  good  government  is  effected. 


Centralization 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


132 


Were  not  this  great  country  already  divided 
into  States,  that  division  must  be  made,  that 
each  might  do  for  itself  what  concerns  itself 
directly,  and  what  it  can  so  much  better  do 
than  a  distant  authority.  Every  State  again 
is  divided  into  counties,  each  to  take  care  of 
what  lies  within  its  local  bounds ;  each  county 
again  into  townships  or  wards,  to  manage 
minuter  details;  and  every  ward  into  farms, 
to  be  governed  each  by  its  individual  proprie 
tor.  *  *  *  It  is  by  this  partition  of  cares, 
descending  in  gradation  from  general  to  par 
ticular,  that  the  mass  of  human  affairs  may 
be  best  managed,  for  the  good  and  prosperity 
of  all. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
113.  (1821.) 

1177.  CENTRALIZATION,  Local  Inter 
est  and. — Of  the  two  questions  of  the  tariff 
and  public  improvements,  the  former,  perhaps, 
is  not  yet  at  rest,  and  the  latter  will  excite 
boisterous  discussions.     It  happens  that  both 
these  measures  fall  in  with  the  western  inter 
ests,  and  it  is  their  secession  from  the  agricul 
tural  States  which  gives  such  strength  to  the 
manufacturing  and  consolidating  parties,  on 
these  two  questions.     The  latter  is  the  most 
dreaded,  because  thought  to  amount  to  a  de 
termination    in    the    Federal    government    to 
assume  all  powers  non-enumerated  as  well  as 
enumerated  in  the  Constitution,  and  by  giving 
a   loose  to   construction,   make   the  text   say 
whatever  will  relieve  them  from  the  bridle  of 
the   States.     These  are   difficulties   for  your 
day;  I  shall  give  them  the  slip. — To  RICHARD 
RUSH,    vii,  380.    FORD  ED.,  x,  322.  (M.,  1824.) 

1178.  CENTRALIZATION,    Opposition 
to. — I  fear  an  explosion  in  our  State  Leg 
islature.     I    wish    they    may    restrain    them 
selves  to  a  strong  but  temperate  protestation. 
Virginia  is  not  at  present  in  favor  with  her 
co- States.     An     opposition  headed     by     her 
would  determine  all  the  anti-Missouri  States 
to  take  the  contrary  side.     She  had  better  lie 
by,  therefore,  till  the  shoe  shall  pinch  an  east 
ern  State. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON.    vii,  223. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  194.     (M.,  Oct.  1821.) 

1179.  CENTRALIZATION,  Plunder  and. 

— Our  country  is  top  large  to  have  all  its  af 
fairs  directed  by  a  single  government.  Public 
servants  at  such  a  distance,  and  from  under 
the  eye  of  their  constituents,  must,  from  the 
circumstance  of  distance,  be  unable  to  admin 
ister  and  overlook  all  the  details  necessary  for 
the  good  government  of  the  citizens ;  and  the 
same  circumstance,  by  rendering  detection  im 
possible  to  their  constituents,  will  invite  the 
public  agents  to  corruption,  plunder  and 
waste. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER,  iv,  331.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  451.  (M.,  Aug.  1800.) 

—  CENTRALIZATION,  Plundered  Yeo 
manry  and. — See  YEOMANRY. 

1 1 80.  CENTRALIZATION,  Poverty  and. 

— Were  we  directed  from  Washington  when 
to  sow,  and  when  to  reap,  we  should  soon 
want  bread. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED., 
i,  113.  (1821.) 

1181.  CENTRALIZATION,    Resistance 
to.— Although  I  have  little  hope  that  the  tor 


rent  of  consolidation  can  be  withstood,  I 
should  not  be  for  giving  up  the  ship  without 
efforts  to  save  her.  She  lived  well  through 
the  first  squall,  and  may  weather  the  present 
one.— To  C.  W.  GOOCH.  vii,  430.  (M.,  Jan 
uary  1826.) 

1182.  CENTRALIZATION,    Revolution 

— I  have  been  blamed  for  saying,  that  a 
prevalence  of  the  doctrines  of  consolidation 
would  one  day  call  for  reformation  or  revolu 
tion.  ^  I  answer  by  asking  if  a  single  State  of 
the  Union  would  have  agreed  to  the  Consti 
tution  had  it  given  all  powers  to  the  General 
Government?  If  the  whole  opposition  to  it 
did  not  proceed  from  the  jealousy  and  fear 
of  every  State,  of  being  subjected  to  the  other 
States  in  matters  merely  its  own?  And  if 
there  is  any  reason  to  believe  the  States  more 
disposed  now  than  then,  to  acquiesce  in  this 
general  surrender  of  all  their  rights  and  pow 
ers  to  a  consolidated  government,  one  and  un 
divided? — To  SAMUEL  JOHNSON.  vii,  293. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  228.  (M.,  1823.) 

1183.  CENTRALIZATION,     States' 
Rights  and.— [  see  with  the  deepest  affliction, 
the    rapid    strides    with    which    the    Federal 
branch  of  our  government  is  advancing  to 
wards  the  usurpation  of  all  the  rights  reserved 
to  the  States,  and  the  consolidation  in  itself  of 
all  powers,   foreign  and  domestic;   and  that 
too,    by    constructions    which,    if    legitimate, 
leave  no  limits  to  their  power.    Take  together 
the  decisions  of  the  Federal  Court,  the  doc 
trines  of  the   President    [John   Quincy  Ad 
ams],  and  the  misconstructions  of  the  consti 
tutional  compact  acted  on  by  the  legislature 
of  the  Federal  branch,  and  it  is  but  too  evi 
dent,  that  the  three  ruling  branches  of  that 
department  are  in  combination  to  strip  their 
colleagues,  the  State  authorities,  of  the  powers 
reserved  by  them,  and  to  exercise  themselves 
all  functions  foreign  and  domestic.     Under  the 
power  to  regulate  commerce,  they  assume  in 
definitely  that  also  over  agriculture  and  man 
ufactures,  and  call  it  regulation  to  take  the 
earnings  of  one  of  these  branches  of  industry, 
and  that,  too,  the  most  depressed,   and  put 
them  into  the  pockets  of  the  other,  the  most 
flourishing  of  all.    Under  the  authority  to  es 
tablish  post  roads,  they  claim  that  of  cutting 
down  mountains  for  the  construction  of  roads, 
of  digging  canals,  and  aided  by  a  little  sophis 
try  on  the  words  "  general  welfare,"  a  right 
to  do,  not  only  the  acts  to  effect  that,  which 
are  specifically  enumerated  and  permitted,  but 
whatsoever  they  shall  think,  or  pretend  will 
be  for  the  general  welfare.    And  what  is  pur 
resource  for  the  preservation  of  the  Constitu 
tion?    Reason  and  argument?    You  might  as 
well  reason  and  argue  with  the  marble  col 
umns   encircling   them.     The   representatives 
chosen  by  ourselves?    They  are  joined  in  the 
combination,   some   from   incorrect  views   of 
government,    some   from   corrupt  ones,    suffi 
cient  voting  together  to  outnumber  the  sound 
parts;  and  with  majorities  only  of  one,  two, 
or  three,  bold  enough  to  go  forward  in  defi 
ance.    Are  we  then  to  stand  to  our  arms,  with 
the  hot-headed  Georgian?     No.     That  must 
be  the  last  resource,  not  to  be  thought  of  until 


133 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Centralization 
Character 


much  longer  and  greater  sufferings.  If  every 
infraction  of  a  compact  of  so  many  parties  is 
to  be  resisted  at  once,  as  a  dissolution  of  it, 
none  can  ever  be  formed  which  would  last 
one  year.  We  must  have  patience  and  longer 
endurance  then  with  our  brethren  while  un 
der  delusion;  give  them  time  for  reflection 
and  experience  of  consequences;  keep  our 
selves  in  a  situation  to  profit  by  the  chapter  of 
accidents;  and  separate  from  our  compan 
ions  only  when  the  sole  alternatives  left,  are 
the  dissolution  of  our  Union  with  them,  or 
submission  to  a  government  without  limita 
tion  of  powers.  Between  these  two  evils, 
when  we  must  make  a  choice,  there  can  be 
no  hesitation.  But,  in  the  meanwhile,  the 
States  should  be  watchful  to  note  every  ma 
terial  usurpation  on  their  rights;  denounce 
them  as  they  occur  in  the  most  peremptory 
terms;  to  protest  against  them  as  wrongs  to 
which  our  present  submission  shall  be  consid 
ered,  not  as  acknowledgments  or  precedents 
of  right,  but  as  a  temporary  yielding  to  the 
lesser  evil,  until  their  accumulation  shall 
overweigh  that  of  separation.  I  would  go 
still  further,  and  give  to  the  Federal  member, 
by  a  regular  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
a  right  to  make  roads  and  canals  of  intercom 
munication  between  the  States,  providing 
sufficiently  against  corrupt  practices  in  Con 
gress  (log-rolling,  &c.)  by  declaring  that  the 
Federal  proportion  of  each  State  of  the  mon 
eys  so  employed,  shall  be  in  works  within  the 
State,  or  elsewhere  with  its  consent,  and  with 
a  due  salvo  of  jurisdiction.  This  is  the  course 
which  I  think  safest  and  best  as  yet. — To 
WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  vii,  426.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
354.  (M.,  Dec.  1825.) 

1184.  CENTRALIZATION,        Venality 
and. — When   all   government,   domestic   and 
foreign,  in  little  as  in  great  things,  shall  be 
drawn  to  "Washington  as  the  centre  of  all 
power,   it  will   render  powerless  the  checks 
provided  of  one  government  on  another,  and 
will  become  as  venal  and  oppressive  as  the 
government   from   which   we   separated. — To 
C.  HAMMOND,    vii,  216.     (M.,  1821.) 

1185.  CEREMONY,  Suppression  of  mon 
archical. — We  have  suppressed  all  those  pub 
lic   forms   and   ceremonies   which   tended   to 
familiarize  the  public  eye  to  the  harbingers  of 
another  form  of  government. — To    GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.     iv,  430-     (W.,  April  1802.) 

1186.  CEREMONY,    Unnecessary.— Mr. 
Adams,  your  predecessor,  seemed  to  under 
stand,  on  his  being  presented  to  the  Court  [of 
St.  James's]   that  a  letter  was  expected  for 
the  Queen  also.     You  will  be  pleased  to  in 
form   yourself   whether  the   custom   of   that 
court  requires  this  from  us;    and  to  enable 
you  to  comply  with  it,  if  it  should,  I  enclose 
a  letter  sealed  for  the  Queen,  and  a  copy  of  it 
open  for  your  own  information.     Should  its 
delivery  not  be  a  requisite,  you  will  be  so 
good  as  to  return  it,  as  we  do  not  wish  to  set 
a  precedent  which  may  bind  us  hereafter  to 
a  single  unnecessary  ceremony.— To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.     iii.  441.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  74.     (Pa., 
1792.) 


1187.  CEREMONY,  Yellow  fever  and. 

— Those  [in  Philadelphia]  who  caught  the 
yellow  fever  seemed  to  consider  every  man 
as  their  personal  enemy  who  would  not  catch 
their  disorder,  and  many  suffered  themselves 
to  think  it  was  a  sufficient  cause  for  breaking 
off  society  with  them.  I  became  sensible  of 
this  on  my  next  arrival  in  town,  on  perceiv 
ing  that  many  declined  visiting  me  with 
whom  I  had  been  on  terms  of  the  greatest 
friendship  and  intimacy.  I  determined,  for 
the  first  time  in  my  life,  to  stand  on  the  cere 
mony  of  the  first  visit,  even  with  my  friends ; 
because  it  served  to  sift  out  those  who  chose 
a  separation. — To  WILLIAM  HAMILTON.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  441.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

1188.  CHANCELLORS,  Inconsistencies 
of  English.— The  English  Chancellors  have 
gone  on  from  one  thing  to  another  without 
any  comprehensive  or  systematic  view  of  the 
whole  field  of  equity,  and  therefore  they  have 
sometimes  run  into  inconsistencies  and  con 
tradictions. — To  PETER  CARR.     iii,  452.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  92.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

—  CHANCERY   COURTS.— See  COURTS. 

1189.  CHAPLAINS,  Appointment  of.— 
These  small  preferments  [chaplains  to  legis 
lative  bodies]   should  be  reserved  to  reward 
and   encourage  genius,   and  not  be   strowed 
with    an    indiscriminating    hand    among    the 
common  herd  of  competitors. — To   COLONEL 
W.  PRESTON.     FORD  ED.,  i,  368.     (1768.) 

1190.  CHARACTER,  Evidence  of.— The 

uniform  tenor  of  a  man's  life  furnishes  better 
evidence  of  what  he  has  said  or  done  on  any 
particular  occasion  than  the  word  of  any 
enemy,  and  of  an  enemy,  too,  who  shows  that 
he  prefers  the  use  of  falsehoods  which  suit 
him  to  truths  which  do  not. — To  DE  WITT 
CLINTON,  iv,  520.  (W.,  1803.) 

1191.  CHARACTER,      Public      Service 
and. — There   is    sometimes   an   eminence   of 
character  on  which  society  have  such  peculiar 
claims  as  to  control  the  predilections  of  the 
individual  for  a  particular  walk  of  happiness, 
and  restrain  him  to  that  alone  arising  from 
the  present  and  future  benedictions  of  man 
kind.— To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  364. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  5.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

1192.  CHARACTER,      Rational.— Like 

the  rest  of  mankind,  General  Washington  was 
disgusted  with  atrocities  of  the  French  Revo 
lution,  and  was  not  sufficiently  aware  of  the 
difference  between  the  rabble  who  were  used 
as  instruments  of  their  perpetration,  and  the 
steady  and  rational  character  of  the  Ameri 
can  people,  in  which  he  had  not  sufficient  con 
fidence. — INTRODUCTION  TO  ANAS,  ix,  99. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  168.  (1818.) 

1193.  CHARACTER,  Steady  American. 
—The  steady  character  of  our  countrymen  is 
a  rock  to  which  we  may  safely  moor. — To 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY,     iv,  392.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  43. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

1194.  CHARACTER,  Strong  American. 
— The  order  and  good  sense  displayed  in  this 


Charity 
Charters 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


134 


recovery  from  delusion,  and  in  the  momentous 
crisis  [Presidential  election]  which  lately 
arose,  really  bespeak  a  strength  of  character 
in  our  nation  which  augurs  well  for  the  dura 
tion  of  our  Republic ;  and  I  am  much  better 
satisfied  now  of  its  stability  than  I  was  before 
it  was  tried. — To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  iv, 
374.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  22.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

1195.  CHARITY,     A     duty.  —  Private 
charities,   as  well  as  contributions   to  public 
purposes  in  proportion  to  every  one's  circum 
stances,   are  certainly  among  the  duties  we 
owe  to  society. — To  CHARLES  CHRISTIAN,     vi, 
44.     (M.,  1812.) 

1196.  CHARITY,  Principles  of  Distrib 
uting. — We  are  all  doubtless  bound  to  con 
tribute   a  certain   portion   of  our   income  to 
the   support  of   charitable   and   other  useful 
public  institutions.     But  it  is  a  part  of  our 
duty  also  to  apply  our  contributions  in  the 
most  effectual  way  we  can  to  secure  their  ob 
ject.    The  question,  then,  is  whether  this  will 
not  be  better  done  by  each  of  us  appropri 
ating  our  whole  contributions  to  the  institu 
tions  within  our  reach,  under  our  own  eye ; 
and  over  which  we  can  exercise  some  useful 
control?     Or,   would   it  be  better  that  each 
should  divide  the  sum  he  can  spare  among 
all  the  institutions  of  his   State,   or  of  the 
United  States?     Reason,  and  the  interest  of 
these  institutions  themselves,  certainly  decide 
in  favor  of  the  former  practice.     This  ques 
tion  has  been  forced  on  me,  heretofore,  by 
the    multitude    of    applications    which    have 
come  to  me  from  every  quarter  of  the  Union 
on  behalf  of  academies,   churches,   missions, 
hospitals,  charitable  establishments,  &c.    Had 
I  parcelled  among  them  all  the  contributions 
which  I  could  spare,  it  would  have  been  for 
each  too  feeble  a  sum  to  be  worthy  of  being 
either  given  or  received.     If  each  portion  of 
the  State,  on  the  contrary,  will  apply  its  aids 
and  its  attentions  exclusively  to  those  nearest 
around  them,  all  will  be  better  taken  care  of. 
Their  support,  their  conduct,  and  the  best  ad 
ministration  of  their  funds,  will  be  under  the 
inspection  and  control  of  those  most  conve 
nient  to  take  cognizance  of  them,  and  most 
interested   in   their   prosperity. — To    SAMUEL 
KERCHIVAL.    v,  489.     (M.,  1810.) 

1197. .     it  is  a  duty  certainly  to 

give  our  sparings  to  those  who  want;  but 
to  see  also  that  they  are  faithfully  distributed, 
and  duly  apportioned  to  the  respective  wants 
of  those  receivers.  And  why  give  through 
agents  whom  we  know  not,  to  persons  whom 
we  know  not,  and  in  countries  from  which  we 
get  no  account,  when  we  can  do  it  at  short 
hand,  to  objects  under  our  eye,  through 
agents  we  know,  and  to  supply  wants  we  see? 
—To  MR.  MEGEAR.  vii,  286.  (M.,  1823.) 

1198.  CHARITY,  Rules  in  bestowing. 

— I  deem  it  the  duty  of  every  man  to  devote  a 
certain  portion  of  his  income  for  charitable 
purposes;  and  that  it  is  his  further  duty  to 
see  it  so  applied  as  to  do  the  most  good  of 
which  it  is  capable.  This  I  believe  to  be  best 
insured,  by  keeping  within  the  circle  of  his 


own  inquiry  and  information  the  subjects  of 
distress  to  whose  relief  his  contributions  shall 
be  applied.  If  this  rule  be  reasonable  in  pri 
vate  life,  it  becomes  so  necessary  in  my  situ 
ation,  that  to  relinquish  it  would  leave  me 
without  rule  or  compass.  The  applications 
of  this  kind  from  different  parts  of  our  own, 
and  foreign  countries,  are  far  beyond  any 
resources  within  my  command.  The  mission 
of  Serampore,  in  the  East  Indies,  the  object  of 
the  present  application,  is  but  one  of  many 
items.  However  disposed  the  mind  may  feel 
to  unlimited  good,  our  means  having  limits, 
we  are  necessarily  circumscribed  by  them. 
They  are  too  narrow  to  relieve  even  the  dis 
tresses  under  my  own  eye ;  and  to  desert 
these  for  others  which  we  neither  see  nor 
know,  is  to  omit  doing  a  certain  good  for  one 
which  is  uncertain.  I  know,  indeed,  there 
have  been  splendid  associations  for  effecting 
benevolent  purposes  in  remote  regions  of  the 
earth.  But  no  experience  of  their  effect  has 
proved  that  more  good  would  not  have  been 
done  by  the  same  means  employed  nearer 
home.  In  explaining,  however,  my  own  mo 
tives  of  action,  I  must  not  be  understood  as 
impeaching  those  of  others.  Their  views  are 
those  of  an  expanded  liberality.  Mine  may 
be  too  much  restrained  by  the  law  of  useful 
ness.  But  it  is  a  law  to  me,  and  with  minds 
like  yours,  will  be  felt  as  a  justification. — To 
DR.  ROGERS,  iv,  589.  (W.,  1806.) 

1199. .     The  general  relation  in 

which  I,  some  time  since,  stood  to  the  citi 
zens  of  all  our  States,  drew  on  me  such  mul 
titudes  of  applications  as  exceeded  all  re 
source.  Nor  have  they  abated  since  my  re 
tirement  to  the  limited  duties  of  a  private 
citizen,  and  the  more  limited  resources  of  a 
private  fortune.  They  have  obliged  me  to 
lay  down  as  a  law  of  conduct  for  myself,  to 
restrain  my  contributions  for  public  institu 
tions  to  the  circle  of  my  own  State,  and  for 
private  charities  to  that  which  is  under  my 
own  observation ;  and  these  calls  I  find  more 
than  sufficient  for  everything  I  can  spare. — To 
CHARLES  CHRISTIAN,  vi,  44.  (M.,  1812.) 

1200.  CHARTERS,      Abolishing.  —  He 

has  combined  with  others  *  *  *  for  ta 
king  away  our  charters. — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

1201.  CHARTERS,  Altering.— But,  what 
is  of  more  importance  [than  the  loss  of  prop 
erty],   and   what  they  keep  in   this  proposal 
[of  Lord  North]  out  of  sight,  as  if  no  such 
point  was  in  contest,  they  claim  a  right  of 
altering  all  our  charters  and  established  laws, 
which  leaves  us  without  the  least  security  for 
our  lives  or  liberties. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S 
PROPOSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i,  481.     (July  1775.) 

1202.  CHARTERS,  Violation  of.— They 
[Parliament]    have   attempted   fundamentally 
to  alter  the  form  of  government  in  one  of 
these   Colonies,   a   form   secured  by   charters 
on  the  part  of  the  crown  and  confirmed  by 
acts  of  its  own  legislature. — DECLARATION  ON 
TAKING  UP  ARMS,     FORD  ED.,  i,  468.     (July 
I/75-) 


135 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Chase  (Samuel) 
Cherbourg 


1203.  CHASE   (Samuel),   Independence 
and. — A  Fourth  of  July  oration,  delivered  in 
the   town    of    Milford,    in   your    State,   gives   to 
Samuel     Chase    the    credit    of    having    "  first 
started  the  cry  of  Independence  in  the  ears  of 
his  countrymen  ".     Do  you  remember  anything 
of  this  ?      I   do  not.     I   have  no   doubt  it  was 
uttered    in    Massachusetts    even    before    it   was 
by    Thomas    Paine.      But,    certainly,    I    never 
considered  Samuel  Chase  as  foremost,  or  even 
forward    in    that    hallowed    cry.      I    know    that 
Maryland  hung  heavily  on  our  backs,  and  that 
Chase,   although  first  named,  was  not  most  in 
unison   with   us   of   that   delegation. — To   JOHN 
ADAMS,    vii,  218.     (1821.) 

1204.  CHASE   (Samuel),   Partisan 
charge  of. — You  must  have  heard  of  the  ex 
traordinary  charge  of  Chase  to  the  grand  jury 
at  Baltimore.     Ought  this  seditious  and  offi 
cial  attack  on  the  principles  of  our  Constitu 
tion,  and  on  the  proceedings  of  a  State,  to  go 
unpunished?     And  to  whom  so  pointedly  as 
yourself  will  the  public  look  for  the  necessary 
measures?     I    ask   these   questions    for   your 
consideration ;   for  myself  it  is  better  that  I 
should    not    interfere. — To    MR.    NICHOLSON. 
iv,  486.     (W.,  May  1803.) 

1205.  CHATHAM  (Lord),  Colonies  and. 

—When  I  saw  Lord  Chatham's  bill,  I  enter 
tained  high  hope  that  a  reconciliation  could 
have  been  brought  about.  The  difference  be 
tween  his  terms  and  those  offered  by  our  Con 
gress  might  have  been  accommodated,  if  entered 
on  by  both  parties  with  a  disposition  to  accom 
modate. — To  DR.  WILLIAM  SMALL,  i,  199.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  454.  (I775-) 

1206.  CHATHAM  (Lord),  Gratitude  to. 

— I  hope  Lord  Chatham  may  live  till  the  for 
tune  of  war  puts  his  son  into  our  hands,  and  en 
ables  us  by  returning  him  safe  to  his  father,  to 
pay  a  debt  of  gratitude. — To  JOHN  PAGE.  FORD 
EDV  496.  (i775-) 

1207.  CHEMISTRY,   Application   of.— 
I  have  wished  to  see  chemistry  applied  to  do 
mestic  objects,  to  malting,  for  instance,  brew 
ing,  making  cider,  to  fermentation  and  dis 
tillation  generally,   to  the  making  of  bread, 
butter,  cheese,  soap,  to  the  incubation  of  eggs, 
&c.— To    THOMAS     COOPER,     vi,    73.      (M., 
1812.) 

1208.  CHEMISTRY,  Experiments  in.— 

The  contradictory  experiments  of  chemists 
leave  us  at  liberty  to  conclude  what  we  please. 
My  conclusion  is,  that  art  has  not  yet  in 
vented  sufficient  aids  to  enable  such  subtle 
bodies  [air,  light,  &c.]  to  make  a  well-defined 
impression  on  organs  as  blunt  as  ours;  that 
it  is  laudable  to  encourage  investigation  but 
to  hold  back  conclusion.— To  REV.  JAMES 
MADISON,  ii,  431.  (P.,  1788.) 

1209.  CHEMISTRY,  Merits    attention. 
"—I  do  not  know  whether  you  are  fond  of 
chemical  reading.     There  are  some  things  in 
this  science  worth  reading. — To  MR.  RITTEN- 
HOUSE.     i,  517.     (P.,  1786.) 

1210.  CHEMISTRY,      Nomenclature.— 
The    attempt    of    Lavoisier    to    reform    the 
chemical    nomenclature    is    premature.     One 
single    experiment    may    destroy    the    whole 


filiation  of  his  terms ;  and  his  string  of 
sulphates,  sulphites,  and  sulphures,  may  have 
served  no  other  end  than  to  have  retarded 
the  progress  of  the  science  by  a  jargon,  from 
the  confusion  of  which  time  will  be  requisite 
to  extricate  us. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  432.  (P.,  1788.) 

1211.  -- .     You  have  heard  of  the 

new  chemical  nomenclature  endeavored  to 
be  introduced  by  Lavoisier,  Fourcroy,  &c. 
Other  chemists  of  this  country,  of  equal  note, 
reject  it,  and  prove  in  my  opinion  that  it  is 
premature,  insufficient  and  false.  These  lat 
ter  are  joined  by  the  British  chemists;  and 
upon  the  whole,  I  think  the  new  nomenclature 
will  be  rejected,  after  doing  more  harm  than 
good.  There  are  some  good  publications  in 
it,  which  must  be  translated  into  the  ordinary 
chemical  language  before  they  will  be  useful. 
—To  DR.  CURRIE.  ii,  544.  (P.,  1788.) 

1212. .    A  schism  has  taken  place 

among  the  chemists.  A  particular  set  of 
them  in  France  have  undertaken  to  remodel 
all  the  terms  of  the  science,  and  to  give  to 
every  substance  a  new  name,  the  composition, 
and  especially  the  termination  of  which,  shall 
define  the  relation  in  which  it  stands  to  other 
substances  of  the  same  family.  But  the 
science  seems  too  much  in  its  infancy  as  yet, 
for  this  reformation ;  because  in  fact,  the 
reformation  of  this  year  must  be  reformed 
again  the  next  year,  and  so  on,  changing  the 
names  of  substances  as  often  as  new  experi 
ments  develop  properties  in  them  undiscov 
ered  before.  The  new  nomenclature  has,  ac 
cordingly,  been  already  proved  to  need  nu 
merous  and  important  reformations.  *  * 
It  is  espoused  by  the  minority  only  here,  and 
by  very  few,  indeed,  of  the  foreign  chemists. 
It  is  particularly  rejected  in  England. — To 
DR.  WILLARD.  iii,  15.  (P.,  1789-) 

1213.  CHEMISTRY,  System  of.— Chem 
istry   is   yet,   indeed,    a   mere   embryon.     Its 
principles   are  contested;    experiments   seem 
contradictory;  their  subjects  are  so  minute  as 
to  escape  our  senses ;  and  their  result  too  fal 
lacious  to  satisfy  the  mind.     It  is  probably  an 
age  too  soon  to  propose  the  establishment  of 
a  system. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  431. 
(P.,  1788.) 

1214.  CHEMISTRY,  Utility  of.— Speak 
ing  one  day  with  Monsieur  de  Buffon,  on  the 
present  ardor  of  chemical  inquiry,  he  affected 
to  consider  chemistry  but  as  cookery,  and  to 
place  the  toils  of  the  laboratory  on  a  footing 
with  those  of  the  kitchen.     I  think  it,  on  the 
contrary,  among  the  most  useful  of  sciences, 
and  big  with  future  discoveries  for  the  utility 
and  safety  of  the  human  race. — To  REV.  JAMES 
MADISON,     ii,  431.     (P.,  1788.) 

1215.  CHERBOURG,     Expense     of.— 
That  work  will  be  steadily  pursued,  and,  in  all 
probability,   be  finally   successful.     They  calcu 
late  on  half  a  million  of  livres,  say  twenty  thou 
sand  pounds  sterling,  for  every  cone,  and  that 
there    will    be    from    seventy    to    eighty    cones. 
Probably  they  must  make  more  cones.     Suppose 


Cherbourg 
Chesapeake 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


136 


one  hundred;  this  will  be  two  millions  of 
pounds  sterling.  Versailles  has  cost  fifty  mil 
lions  of  pounds  sterling.  Ought  we  to  doubt 
then  that  they  will  persevere  to  the  end  in  a 
work,  small  and  useful  in  proportion  as  the 
other  was  great  and  foolish? — To  MR.  CUT 
TING,  ii,  438.  (P.,  1788.) 

1216.  CHERBOURG,    Harbor    of.— The 
King's  visit  to  Cherbourg  has  made  a  great  sen 
sation  in  England  and  here  [France].     It  proves 
to  the  world,  that  it  is  a  serious  object  to  this 
country,  and  that  the  King  commits  himself  for 
the    accomplishment    of    it.     Indeed,    so    many 
cones  have  been  sunk,  that  no  doubt  remains  of 
the  practicability  of  it.     It  will  contain,  as  is 
said,  eighty  ships  of  the  line,  be  one  of  the  best 
harbors  in  the  world,  and  by  means  of  two  en 
trances,  on  different  sides,  will  admit  vessels  to 
come  in  and  go  out  with  every  wind.     The  ef 
fect  of  this,  in  another  war  with  England,  de 
fies    calculation. — To    JAMES    MONROE,     i,    587. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,   245.     (P.,    1786.) 

1217.  CHERBOURG,  Invasion  of  Eng 
land  from. — An  event  seems  to  be  preparing, 
in  the  order  of  things,  which  will  probably  de 
cide   the   fate   of   that   country    [England].      It 
is  no  longer  doubtful  that  the  harbor  of  Cher 
bourg  will  be  completed,  that  it  will  be  a  most 
excellent  one,  and  capacious  enough  to  hold  the 
whole  navy  of  France.     Nothing  has  ever  been 
wanting  to  enable  France  to  invade  that  but  a 
naval    force    conveniently   stationed   to   protect 
the  transports.     This  change  of  situation  must 
oblige  the  English  to  keep  up  a  great  standing 
army,  and  there 'is  no  king,  who,  with  sufficient 
force,  is  not  always  ready  to  make  himself  abso 
lute. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.     ii,  8.     FORD  EDV  iv, 
269.     (P.,  1786.) 

1218. .     This    port    will    enable 

them  in  case  of  a  war  with  England,  to  invade 
that  country,  or  to  annihilate  its  commerce, 
and  of  course  its  marine.  Probably,  too,  it 
will  oblige  them  to  keep  a  standing  army  of 
considerable  magnitude. — To  MR.  HAWKINS,  ii, 
3.  (P.,  1786.) 

1219. .  The  harbor  of  Cher 
bourg  will  -*  *  *  hold  the  whole  [French] 
navy.  This  is  putting  a  bridle  into  the  mouth 
of  England. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  ii,  n. 
(P.,  1786.) 

1220.  CHEROKEE  INDIANS,  Hope- 
well  Treaty  and. — Were  the  treaty  of  Hope- 
well,  and  the  act  of  acceptance  of  Congress 
to  stand  in  any  point  in  direct  opposition  to 
each  other,  I  should  consider  the  act  of  ac 
ceptance  as  void  in  that  point;  because  the 
treaty  is  a  law  made  by  two  parties,  and  not 
revocable  by  one  of  the  parties  either  acting 
alone  or  in  conjunction  with  a  third  party. 
If  we  consider  the  acceptance  as  a  legislative 
act  of  Congress,  it  is  the  act  of  one  party 
only;  if  we  consider  it  as  a  treaty  between 
Congress  and  North  Carolina,  it  is  but  a 
subsequent  treaty  with  another  power,  and 
cannot  make  void  a  preceding  one,  with  a 
different  power.  But  I  see  no  such  opposi 
tion  between  these  two  instruments.  The 
Cherokees  were  entitled  to  the  sole  occupa 
tion  of  the  lands  within  the  limits  guaran 
teed  to  them.  The  State  of  North  Carolina 
according  to  the  jus  gentium  established  for 
America  by  universal  usage,  had  only  a  right 
of  preemption  of  these  lands  against  all  other 


nations.  It  could  convey,  then,  to  its  citizens 
only  this  right  of  preemption,  and  the  right  of 
occupation  could  not  be  united  to  it  until  ob- 
.ained  by  the  United  States  from  the  Chero- 
<ees.  The  act  of  cession  of  North  Carolina 
only  preserves  the  rights  of  its  citizens  in  the 
same  state  as  they  would  have  been,  had  that 
act  never  been  passed.  It  does  not  make  im 
perfect  titles  perfect;  but  only  prevents  their 
)eing  made  worse.  Congress,  by  their  act, 
accept  on  these  conditions.  The  claimants 
of  North  Carolina,  then,  and  also  the  Chero- 
<ees,  are  exactly  where  they  would  have  been, 
lad  neither  the  act  of  cession,  nor  that  of 
acceptance,  been  ever  made ;  that  is,  the  latter 
possess  the  right  of  occupation,  and  the 
former  the  right  of  preemption.  Though 
these  deductions  seem  clear  enough,  yet  the 
question  would  be  a  disagreeable  one  between 
the  General  Government,  a  particular  govern 
ment,  and  individuals,  and  it  would  seem  very 
desirable  to  draw  aJl  the  claims  of  preemption 
within  a  certain  limit,  by  commuting  for 
those  out  of  it,  and  then  to  purchase  of  the 
Cherokees  the  right  of  occupation. — To 
HENRY  KNOX.  iii,  192.  FORD  ED.,  v,  237. 
(N.Y.,  1790.) 

—  CHERRONESUS,  Proposed  State  of. 

— See  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

1221.  CHESAPEAKE,  Attack  on  Frig 
ate. — On  the  22nd  day  of  June  last  [1807],  by 
a  formal  order  from  the  British  admiral,  the 
frigate  Chesapeake,  leaving  her  port  for  dis 
tant  service,  was  attacked  by  one  of  those 
vessels  which  had  been  lying  in  our  harbors 
under  the  indulgences  of  hospitality,  was  dis 
abled  from  proceeding,  had  several  of  her 
crew  killed,  and  four  taken  away.  On  this 
outrage  no  commentaries  are  necessary.  Its 
character  has  been  pronounced  by  the  indig 
nant  voice  of  our  citizens  with  an  emphasis 
and  unanimity  never  exceeded.  I  imme 
diately,  by  proclamation,  interdicted  our 
harbors  and  waters  to  all  British  armed  ves 
sels,  forbade  intercourse  with  them,  and  un 
certain  how  far  hostilities  were  intended,  and 
the  town  of  Norfolk,  indeed,  being  threatened 
with  immediate  attack,  a  sufficient  force  was 
ordered  for  the  protection  of  that  place,  and 
such  other  preparations  commenced  and  pur 
sued  as  the  prospect  rendered  proper.  An 
armed  vessel  of  the  United  States  was  dis 
patched  with  instructions  to  our  ministers  at 
London  to  call  on  that  government  for  the 
satisfaction  and  security  required  by  the  out 
rage.  A  very  short  interval  ought  now  to 
bring  the  answer.  *  *  *  The  aggression 
thus  begun  has  been  continued  on  the  part  of 
the  British  commanders  by  remaining  within 
our  waters,  in  defiance  of  the  authority  of  the 
country,  by  habitual  violations  of  its  juris 
diction,  and  at  length  by  putting  to  death 
one  of  the  persons  whom  they  had  forcibly 
taken  from  on  board  the  Chesapeake.  These 
aggravations  necessarily  lead  to  the  policy, 
either  of  never  admitting  an  armed  vessel 
into  our  harbors,  or  of  maintaining  in  every 
harbor  such  an  armed  force  as  may  constrain 
obedience  to  the  laws,  and  protect  the  lives 


137 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Chesapeake 


and  property  of  our  citizens,  against  their 
armed  guests.  But  the  expense  of  such  a 
standing  force,  and  its  inconsistence  with  our 
principles,  dispense  with  those  obligations  of 
hospitality  which  would  necessarily  call  for 
it,  and  leave  us  equally  free  to  exclude  the 
navy,  as  we  are  the  army  of  a  foreign  power, 
from  entering  our  limits. — SEVENTH  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,  viii,  83.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  152.  (Oct. 
27,  1807.) 

1222.  CHESAPEAKE,  Demand  for  rep 
aration. — We  now  send  a  vessel  to  call  upon 
the  British  government  for  reparation  for  the 
past  outrage,  and  security  for  the  future,  nor 
will  anything  be  deemed  security  but  a  re 
nunciation  of  the  practice  of  taking  persons 
out  of  our  vessels,  under  the  pretence  of  their 
being  English. — To  JOHN  ARMSTRONG,  v, 
134.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  116.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

1223. .     You  will  have  seen  by 

the  proclamation  the  measures  adopted.  We 
act  on  these  principles,  i.  That  the  usage  of 
nations  requires  that  we  shall  give  the  of 
fender  an  opportunity  of  making  reparation 
and  avoiding  war.*  2.  That  we  should  give 
time  to  our  merchants  to  get  in  their  property 
and  vessels  and  our  seamen  now  afloat.  And, 
3.  That  the  power  of  declaring  war  being 
with  the  Legislature,  the  Executive  should  do 
nothing,  necessarily  committing  them  to  de 
cide  for  war  in  preference  to  non-intercourse, 
which  will  be  preferred  by  a  great  many. — To 
VICE-PRESIDENT  CLINTON,  v,  116.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  100.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

1224. .     We  have  acted  on  these 

principles;  I,  to  give  that  government  an 
opportunity  to  disavow  and  make  reparation ; 
2,  to  give  ourselves  time  to  get  in  the  vessels, 
property  and  seamen,  now  spread  over  the 
ocean;  3,  to  do  no  act  which  might  com- 
promit  Congress  in  their  choice  between 
war,  non-intercourse,  or  any  other  measure. — 
To  BARNABAS  BIDWELL.  v,  126.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  106.  (W.,  1807.) 

1225. .  Whether  the  outrage  is 

a  proper  cause  of  war,  belonging  exclusively 
to  Congress,  it  is  our  duty  not  to  commit  them 
by  doing  anything  which  would  have  to  be 
retracted.  We  may,  however,  exercise  the 
powers  entrusted  to  us  for  preventing  fu 
ture  insults  within  our  harbors,  and  claim 
firmly  satisfaction  for  the  past.  This  will 
leave  Congress  free  to  decide  whether  war 
is  the  most  efficacious  mode  of  redress  in  our 
case,  or  whether,  having  taught  so  many 
other  useful  lessons  to  Europe,  we  may  not 
add  that  of  showing  them  that  ^  there  are 
peaceable  means  of  repressing  injustice,  by 
making  it  the  interest  of  the  aggressor  to  do 
what  is  just,  and  abstain  from  future  wrong. 
—To  W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  114.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  87.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

1226.  CHESAPEAKE,  Excitement  Over. 
— This  country  has  never  been  in  such  a  state 

*  The  action  of  the  commander  of  the  Leopard  was 
disavowed  by  the  British  government,  and  it  also 
disclaimed  the  right  of  search  in  the  case  of  ships  of 
war.— EDITOR. 


of  excitement  since  the  battle  of  Lexing 
ton. — To  JAMES  BOWDOIN.  v,  124.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  105.  (July  1807.) 

1227. .    Never  since  the  battle  of 

Lexington  have  I  seen  this  country  in  such 
a  state  of  exasperation  as  at  present,  and  even 
that  did  not  produce  such  unanimity.  The 
federalists  themselves  coalesce  with  us  as  to 
the  object,  though  they  will  return  to  their 
trade  of  censuring  every  measure  taken  to  ob 
tain  it. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  127. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  no.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

1228.  CHESAPEAKE,         Hostilities 
Threatened. — You  will  perceive  by  the  en 
closed  copies  of  letters  from  Captain  Decatur 
that  the  British  commanders  have  their  foot 
on  the  threshold  of  war.     They  have  begun 
the  blockade  of  Norfolk;  have  sounded  the 
passage  to  the  town,  which  appears  practica 
ble  for  three  of  their  vessels,  and  menace  an 
attack  on  the  Chesapeake  and  Cybele.    These, 
with  four  gunboats,  form  the  present  defence, 
and  there  are  four  more  gunboats  in  Nor 
folk    nearly    ready.      The    four   gunboats    at 
Hampton  are  hauled  up,  and  in  danger,  four 
in  Mop  jack  bay  are  on  the  stocks.     Blows 
may  be  hourly  possible. — To  GENERAL  DEAR 
BORN,     v,  117.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  101.    (W.,  July 
1807.) 

1229.  CHESAPEAKE,    Interdiction    of 
British    ships. — The    interdicted    ships    are 
enemies.     Should  they  be  forced,  by  stress  of 
weather,   to   run   up   into   safer  harbors,   we 
are  to  act  towards  them  as  we  would  towards 
enemies  in  regular  war,  in  a  like  case.     Per 
mit  no  intercourse,  no  supplies ;  and  if  they 
land,  kill  or  capture  them  as  enemies.    If  they 
lie  still,  Decatur  has  orders  not  to  attack  them 
without  stating  the  case  to  me,  and  awaiting 
instructions.    But  if  they  attempt  to  enter  the 
Elizabeth  River,  he  is  to  attack  them  without 
awaiting  for  instructions.     Other  armed  ves 
sels,    putting    in    from  sea    in    distress,    are 
friends.     They  must  report  themselves  to  the 
collector,  he  assigns  them  their  station,  and 
regulates   their   repairs,    supplies,    intercourse 
and  stay.     Not  needing  flags,  they  are  under 
the    direction    of    the    collector    alone,    who 
should  be  reasonably  liberal  as  to  their  re 
pairs    and    supplies,    furnishing    them    for    a 
voyage  to  any  of  their  American  ports. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,     v,  173.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  130. 
(M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

1230.  -  — .      The    intention    of    the 
[British]  squadron  in  the  bay  is  so  manifestly 
pacific,   that   your   instructions   are   perfectly 
proper,  not  to  molest  their  boats  merely  for 
approaching  the  shore.     While  they  are  giv 
ing   up    slaves   and   citizen    seamen,    and    at 
tempting  nothing  ashore,  it  would  not  be  well 
to  stop  this  by  any  new  restriction. — To  W.  H. 
CABELL.     v,  191.    (M.,  Sep.  1807.) 

1231. .      If    they    come    ashore, 

they  must  be  captured,  or  destroyed  if  they 
cannot  be  captured,  because  we  mean  to  en 
force  the  proclamation  rigorously  in  prevent 
ing  supplies. — To  W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  191.  (M  , 
Sep.  1807.) 


Chesapeake 
Children 


THE  JEFFERSON  I  AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


138 


1232. .     The     authority    of    the 

proclamation  is  to  be  maintained,  no  supplies 
to  be  permitted  to  be  carried  to  the  Brit 
ish  vessels,  nor  their  vessels  permitted  to  land. 
For  these  purposes  force,  and  to  any  extent, 
is  to  be  applied,  if  necessary,  but  not  unless 
necessary;  nor,  considering  how  short  a  time 
the  present  state  of  things  has  to  continue, 
would  I  recommend  any  extraordinary  vigi 
lance  or  great  industry  in  seeking  even  just 
occasions  for  collision.  It  will  suffice  to  do 
what  is  right  when  the  occasion  comes  into 
their  way. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  202. 
(Oct.  1807.) 

1233.  CHESAPEAKE,   New  injuries.— 

Should  the  British  government  give  us  repa 
ration  of  the  past,  and  security  for  the  future, 
yet  the  continuance  of  their  vessels  in  our 
harbors  in  defiance  constitutes  a  new  injury, 
which  will  not  be  included  in  any  settlement 
with  our  ministers,  and  will  furnish  good 
ground  for  declaring  their  future  exclusion 
from  our  waters,  in  addition  with  the  reason 
able  ground  before  existing. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  v,  195.  FORDED.,  ix,  139.  (M.,  Sep. 
1807.) 

1234.  CHESAPEAKE,       Premeditation 
suspected. — Though  in  the  first  moments  of 
the  outrage  on  the  Chesapeake  I  did  not  sup 
pose  it  was  by  authority  from  their  govern 
ment,  I  now  more  and  more  suspect  it,  and  of 
course,  that  they  will  not  give  the  reparation 
for  the  past  and  security  for  the  future,  which 
alone  may  prevent  war.     The  new  depreda 
tions  committing  on  us,  with  this  attack  on 
the  Chesapeake,  and  their  calling  on  Portu 
gal  to  declare  on  the  one  side  or  the  other, 
if  true,  prove  they  have  coolly  calculated  it 
will  be  to  their  benefit  to  have  everything  on 
the   ocean   fair   prize,    and   to   support   their, 
navy  by  plundering  all  mankind.  *  *  *  It  is 
really  mortifying  that  we   should  be  forced 
to  wish  success  to  Bonaparte,  and  to  look  to 
his  victories  as  our  salvation. — To  COLONEL 
JOHN  TAYLOR,    v,  149.    (W.,  Aug.  1807.) 

1235.  CHESAPEAKE,  Preparations  at 
New  York. — The  spirit  of  the  orders  to  De- 
catur  should  be  applied  to  New  York.     So 
long  as  the  British  vessels  merely  enter  the 
Hook,  or  remain  quiet  there,  I  would  not  pre 
cipitate  hostilities.     I  do  not  sufficiently  know 
the  geography  of  the  harbor  to  draw  the  line 
which  they  should  not  pass.  But  a 
line  should  be  drawn  which  if  they  attempt  to 
pass,  Commodore  Rogers  should  attack  them 
with  all  his  force. — To  ROBERT  SMITH,    v,  196. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  140.    (M.,  Sep.  1807.) 

1236.  CHESAPEAKE,  Status  of  British 
captives. — The   relation   in   which  we  stand 
with  the  British  naval  force  within  our  waters 
is  so  new,  that  differences  of  opinion  are  not 
to   be   wondered   at   respecting   the   captives, 
who  are  the  subject  of  your  letter.     Are  they 
insurgents  against  the  authority  of  the  laws? 
Are   they   public   enemies,    acting   under   the 
orders  of  their  sovereign?    Or  will  it  be  more 
correct  to  take  their  character  from  the  act 
of  Congress  for  the  preservation  of  peace  in 
our  harbors,  which  authorizes  a  qualified  war 


against  persons  of  their  demeanor,  defining  its 
objects,  and  limiting  its  extent?  Consider 
ing  this  act  as  constituting  the  state  of  things 
between  us  and  them,  the  captives  may  cer 
tainly  be  held  as  prisoners  of  war.  If  we 
restore  them  it  will  be  an  act  of  favor,  and 
not  of  any  right  they  can  urge.  Whether 
Great  Britain  will  give  us  that  reparation 
for  the  past  and  security  for  the  future,  which 
we  have  categorically  demanded,  cannot  as 
yet  be  foreseen;  but  we  have  believed  we 
should  afford  an  opportunity  of  doing  it, 
as  well  from  justice  and  the  usage  of  nations, 
as  a  respect  to  the  opinion  of  an  impartial 
world,  whose  approbation  and  esteem  are 
always  of  value.  This  measure  was  requisite, 
also,  to  produce  unanimity  among  ourselves. 
*  *  *  It  was  necessary,  too,  for  our  own  in 
terests,  afloat  on  the  ocean.  *  *  *  These  con 
siderations  render  it  still  useful  that  we  should 
avoid  every  act  which  may  precipitate  imme 
diate  and  general  war,  or  in  any  way  shorten 
the  interval  so  necessary  for  our  own  pur 
poses  ;  and  they  render  it  advisable  that  the 
captives,  in  the  present  instance,  should  be 
permitted  to  return,  with  their  boat,  arms, 
&c.,  to  their  ships.  *  *  *  And  we  wish  the 
military  to  understand  that  while,  for  special 
reasons,  we  restore  the  captives  in  this  first 
instance,  we  applaud  the  vigilance  and  activ 
ity  which,  by  taking  them,  have  frustrated 
the  object  of  their  enterprise,  and  urge  a  con 
tinuance  of  them,  to  intercept  all  intercourse 
with  the  vessels,  their  officers  and  crews,  and 
to  prevent  them  from  taking  or  receiving  sup 
plies  of  any  kind ;  and  for  this  purpose,  should 
the  use  of  force  be  necessary,  they  are  un 
equivocally  to  understand  that  force  is  to  be 
employed  without  reserve  or  hesitation. — To 
W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  141.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  89. 
(W.,  July  1807.) 

1237.  CHESAPEAKE,      Tergiversation 
of     Great     Britain.— The     communications 
made  to   Congress  at  their  last  session  ex 
plained  the  posture  in  which  the  close  of  the 
discussion,  relating  to  the  attack  by  a  British 
ship  of  war  on  the  frigate  Chesapeake,   left 
a  subject  on  which  the  nation  had  manifested 
so   honorable   a   sensibility.      Every   view   of 
what  had  passed  authorized  a  belief  that  im 
mediate  steps  would  be  taken  by  the  British 
government   for   redressing  a  wrong,   which, 
the  more  it  was  investigated,   appeared  the 
more  clearly  to  require  what  had  not  been  pro 
vided  for  in  the  special  mission.     It  is  found 
that  no  steps  have  been  taken  for  the  pur 
pose.     On  the  contrary,  it  will  be  seen,  in  the 
documents  laid  before  you,  that  the  inadmis 
sible  preliminary  which  obstructed  the  adjust 
ment  is  still  adhered  to ;  and  moreover,  that 
it  is  now  brought  into  connection  with  the  dis 
tinct    and    irrelative    case    of   the   orders    in 
council. — EIGHTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  105. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  220.    (Nov,  1808.) 

1238.  CHILDREN,    Affection   for.— No 
considerations  in  this  world  would  compen 
sate  to  me  a   separation   from   yourself   and 
your     sister. — To     MARY    JEFFERSON     EPPES. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  478.     (W.,  Jan.  1801.) 


139 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Children 
Church 


1239. .     Francis  will  ever  be  to 

me  one  of  the  dearest  objects  in  life. — To 
JOHN  W.  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  107.  (W.,  1807.) 

1240.  CHILDREN,  A  blessing.— I   sin 
cerely  congratulate  you   on   the  addition   to 
your  family.     The  good  old  Book,   speaking 
of  children  says,  "  happy  is  the  man  who  hath 
his  quiver  full  of  them  ". — To  CESAR  A.  ROD 
NEY.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  144.  (W.,  1807.) 

1241.  CHILDREN,  Good  humor  in.— In 
the  ensuing  autumn,  I  shall  be  sending  on  to 
Philadelphia  a  grandson  of  about  fifteen  years 
of  age,  to  whom  I  shall  ask  your  friendly  at 
tentions.     Without   that  bright   fancy   which 
captivates,  I  am  in  hopes  he  possesses  sound 
judgment  and  much  observation;  and,  what 
I  value  more  than  all  things,  good  humor. — To 
DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,    v,  225.  (W.,  1808.) 

1242.  CHILDREN,     Happiness     and. — 

An  only  daughter  and  numerous  family  of 
grandchildren,  will  furnish  me  great  resources 
of  happiness. — To  CHARLES  THOMSON,  v,  403. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  234.  (W.,  1808.) 

1243. .     My    expectations    from 

you  are  high,  yet  not  higher  than  yon  may  at 
tain.  Industry  and  resolution  are  all  that  are 
wanting.  Nobody  in  this  world  can  make  me 
so  happy,  or  so  miserable,  as  you.  Retire 
ment  from  public  life  will  ere  long  become 
necessary  for  me.  To  your  sister  and  yourself 
I  look  to  render  the  evening  of  my  life  se 
rene  and  contented.  Its  morning  has  been 
clouded  by  loss  after  loss,  till  I  have  nothing 
left  but  you.  I  do  not  doubt  either  your  af 
fections  or  your  dispositions.  But  great  ex 
ertions  are  necessary,  and  you  have  little  time 
left  to  make  them.  Be  industrious,  then,  my 
child.  Think  nothing  insurmountable  by  res 
olution  and  application,  and  you  will  be  all 
that  I  wish  you  to  be. — To  MARTHA  JEFFER 
SON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  374.  (1787.) 

1244.  CHILDREN,  Moral  training  of.— 
When    your  sister    arrives    [in  France]    she 
will  become  a  precious  charge  on  your  hands. 
The  difference  of  your  age  and  your  common 
loss  of  a  mother,  will  put  that  office  on  you. 
Teach  her  above  all  things  to  be  good,  be 
cause  without  that  we  can  neither  be  valued 
by   others    nor    set   any   value   on   ourselves. 
Teach  her  always  to  be  true;  no  vice  is  so 
mean  as  the  want  of  truth,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  useless.    Teach  her  never  to  be  angry ; 
anger  only   serves  to   torment   ourselves,   to 
divert  others,  and  alienate  their  esteem.    And 
teach  her  industry,  and  application  to  useful 
pursuits.     I  will  venture  to  assure  you  that 
if  you   inculcate  this   in  her  mind,  you   will 
make  her  a  happy  being  herself,  a  most  inter 
esting  friend  to  you,  and  precious  to  all  the 
world. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
375- 

1245.  CHILDREN,    Prattle    of.— You 
were  never  more  mistaken  than  in  supposing 
you  were  too  long  on  the  prattle.  &c.,  of  little 
Anne  [his  granddaughter],  I  read  it  with  quite 
as  much  pleasure  as  you  write  it. — To  MAR 
THA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  163. 
(Pa.,  1793.) 


1246.  CHINA,  Conciliation  of.— Punqua 
Winchung  the  Chinese  Mandarin,  has,  I  be 
lieve,  his  headquarters  at  New  York,  and 
therefore  his  case  is  probably  known  to  you. 
He  came  to  Washington  just  as  I  had  left  it 
[for  Monticello],  and  therefore  wrote  to  me, 
praying  for  permission  to  depart  to  his  own 
country  with  his  property,  in  a  vessel  to  be 
engaged  by  himself.  *  *  *  I  consider  it  as 
a  case  of  national  comity,  and  coming  within 
the  views  of  the  first  section  of  the  first  em 
bargo  act.  The  departure  of  this  individual 
with  good  dispositions,  may  be  the  means  of 
making  our  nation  known  advantageously  at 
the  source  of  power  in  China,  to  which  it  is 
otherwise  difficult  to  convey  information. 
It  may  be  of  sensible  advantage  to  our 
merchants  in  that  country.  I  cannot,  there 
fore,  but  consider  that  a  chance  of  obtain 
ing  a  permanent  national  good  will  should 
overweigh  the  effect  of  a  single  case  taken 
out  of  the  great  field  of  the  embargo.  The 
case,  too,,  is  so  singular,  that  it  can  lead  to 
no  embarrassment  as  a  precedent. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.  v,  325.  (M.,  July  1808.) 

1247. .  In  the  case  of  the  Chi 
nese  Mandarin,  *  *  *  the  opportunity 
hoped  from  that,  of  making  known  through 
one  of  its  own  characters  of  note,  our  nation, 
our  circumstances  and  character,  and  of  let 
ting  that  government  understand  at  length  the 
difference  between  us  and  the  English,  and 
separate  us  in  its  policy,  rendered  that  meas 
ure  a  diplomatic  one  in  my  view,  and  likely 
to  bring  lasting  advantage  to  our  merchants 
and  commerce  with  that  country. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  v,  344.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

1248.  CHOCOLATE,    Tea,    coffee    and. 
— The  superiority  of  chocolate,  both  for  health 
and   nourishment,    will    soon   give   it   the   same 
preference    over    tea    and    coffee    in    America, 
which   it   has   in    Spain. — To   JOHN   ADAMS,     i, 
494-      (P-,   1785-) 

—  CHRISTIANITY,  The  Common  Law 
and. — See  COMMON  LAW. 

1249.  CHURCH,    Definition    of    a.— A 
church  is  "  a  voluntary  society  of  men,  join 
ing  themselves  together  of  their  own  accord, 
in  order  to  the  public  worshipping  of  God  in 
such  a  manner  as  they  judge  acceptable  to 
Him  and  effectual  to  the  salvation  of  their 
souls  ".    It  is  voluntary,  because  no  man  is  by 
nature  bound  to  any  church.     The  hope  of 
salvation  is  the  cause  of  his  entering  into  it. 
If  he  find  anything  wrong  in  it.  he  should  be 
as  free  to  go  out  as  he  was  to  come  in. — NOTES 
ON  RELIGION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  101.     (1776?) 

1250.  CHURCH,     Jurisdiction.  —  Each 
church  being  free,  no  one  can  have  jurisdic 
tion   over   another   one,    not   even   when   the 
civil  magistrate  joins  it.     It  neither  acquires 
the   right  of  the   sword   by  the   magistrate's 
coming  to  it,  nor  does  it  lose  the  rights  of  in 
struction   or   excommunication   by  his   going 
from  it.     It  cannot  by  the  accession  of  any 
new  member  acquire  jurisdiction  over  those 
who  do  not  accede.     He  brings  only  himself, 
having  no  power  to  bring  others.     Suppose, 
for  instance,  two  churches,  one  of  Arminians. 


Church 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


140 


another  of  Calvinists  in  Constantinople,  has 
either  any  right  over  the  other?  Will  it  be 
said  the  orthodox  one  has?  Every  church  is 
to  itself  orthodox ;  to  others  erroneous  or 
heretical.— NOTES  ON  RELIGION.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
99-  d776?) 

1251.  CHURCH,  Law  of. —What  is  the 
power  of  that  church?    As  it  is  a  society,  it 
must  have  some  laws  for  its  regulation.    Time 
and  place  of  meeting;  admitting  and  exclud 
ing  members,   &c.,   must  be   regulated.     But 
as  it  was  a  spontaneous  joining  of  members, 
it  follows  that  its  laws  extend  to  its  own  mem 
bers  only,  not  to  those  of  any  other  volun 
tary  society ;  for  then,  by  the  same  rule,  some 
other   voluntary   society   might   usurp   power 
over   them.— NOTES   ON   RELIGION.     FORD  EDV 
ii,  101.    (1776?) 

1252.  CHURCH,  Regulation  of.— If  any 
thing  pass  in  a  religious  meeting  seditiously 
and  contrary  to  the  public  peace,  let  it  be  pun 
ished  in  the  same  manner  and  no  otherwise 
than  as  if  it  had  happened  in  a  fair  or  market. 
These  meetings  ought  not  to  be  sanctuaries 
for  faction  and  flagitiousness. — NOTES  ON  RE 
LIGION.   FORD  ED.,  ii,  1 02.     (1776?) 

1253.  CHURCH     (Anglican     in     Vir 
ginia),  Disestablishment  of.— The  first  set 
tlers  of  Virginia  were  Englishmen,  loyal  sub 
jects  to  their  king  and  church,  and  the  grant 
to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  contained  an  express 
proviso  that  their  laws  "  should  not  be  against 
the  true  Christian  faith,  now  professed  in  the 
Church  of  England  ".   As  soon  as  the  state  of 
the  colony  admitted,  it  was  divided  into  par 
ishes,  in  each  of  which  was  established  a  min 
ister  of  the  Anglican  church,  endowed  with 
a  fixed  salary,  in  tobacco,  a  glebe  house  and 
land  with  the  other  necessary  appendages.   To 
meet  these  expenses,  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
parishes  were  assessed,  whether  they  were  or 
not,  members  of  the  established  church.    To 
wards   Quakers   who  came   here,   they  were 
most  cruelly  intolerant,  driving  them  from  the 
colony   by   the   severest   penalties.     In   proc 
ess  of  time,  however,  other  sectarisms  were 
introduced,  chiefly  of  the  Presbyterian  fam 
ily  ;  and  the  established  clergy,  secure  for  life 
in  their  glebes  and  salaries,  adding  to  these, 
generally,    the    emoluments    of    a    classical 
school,   found   employment  enough,   in   their 
farms  and  school-rooms,  for  the  rest  of  the 
week,  and  devoted  Sunday  only  to  the  edifica 
tion  of  their  flock,  by  service,  and  a  sermon 
at  their  parish  church.     Their  other  pastoral 
functions  were  little  attended  to.    Against  this 
inactivity,  the  zeal  and  industry  of  sectarian 
preachers  had  an  open  and  undisputed  field ; 
and  by  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  a  majority 
of  the  inhabitants  had  become  dissenters  from 
the  established  church,  but  were  still  obliged 
to  pay   contributions  to   support  the  pastors 
of  the  minority.     This  unrighteous  compul 
sion,    to    maintain    teachers    of    what    they 
deemed  religious  errors,   was  grievously  felt 
during  the  regal  government,  and  without  a 
hope  of  relief.    But  the  first  republican  legis 
lature,  which  met  in  '76,  was  crowded  with 
petitions    to    abolish    this    spiritual    tyranny. 


These  brought  on  the  severest  contests  in 
which  I  have  ever  been  engaged.  Our  great 
opponents  were  Mr.  Pendleton  and  Robert 
Carter  Nicholas;  honest  men,  but  zealous 
churchmen.  The  petitions  were  referred  to 
the  "  committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the 
State  of  the^  Country";* and,  after  desper 
ate  contests  in  that  committee,  almost  daily 
from  the  nth  of  October  to  the  5th  of  Decem 
ber,  we  prevailed  so  far  only,  as  to  repeal  the 
laws  which  rendered  criminal  the  mainte 
nance  of  any  religious  opinions,  the  forbear 
ance  of  repairing  to  church,  or  the  exercise 
of  any  mode  of  worship;  and  further,  to  ex 
empt  dissenters  from  contributions  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  established  church ;  and  to  suspend, 
only  until  the  next  session,  levies  on  the  mem 
bers  of  that  church  for  the  salaries  of  their 
own  incumbents.  For  although  the  majority 
of  our  citizens  were  dissenters,  as  has  been 
observed,  a  majority  of  the  legislature  were 
churchmen.  Among  these,  however,  were 
some  reasonable  and  liberal  men,  who  enabled 
us,  on  some  points,  to  obtain  feeble  majorities. 
But  our  opponents  carried,  in  the  general  res 
olutions  of  the  committee  of  Nov.  19,  a  dec 
laration  that  religious  assemblies  ought  to  be 
regulated,  and  that  provision  ought  to  be 
made  for  continuing  the  succession  of  the 
clergy,  and  superintending  their  conduct. 
And,  in  the  bill,  now  passed,  t  was  inserted 
an  express  reservation  of  the  question, 
whether  a  general  assessment  should  not  be 
established  by  law,  on  every  one,  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  pastor  of  his  choice ;  or  whether  all 
should  be  left  to  voluntary  contributions ;  and 
on  this  question,  debated  at  every  session, 
from  '76  to  '79  (some  of  our  dissenting  allies, 
haying  now  secured  their  particular  object, 
going  over  to  the  advocates  of  a  general 
assessment),  we  could  only  obtain  a  suspen 
sion  from  session  to  session  until  '79,  when 
the  question  against  a  general  assessment  was 
finally  carried,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
Anglican  church  entirely  put  down.  In  jus 
tice  to  the  two  honest  but  zealous  opponents, 
who  have  been  named,  I  must  add,  that  al 
though,  from  their  natural  temperaments,  they 
were  more  disposed  generally  to  acquiesce  in 
things  as  they  are,  than  to  risk  innovations, 
yet  whenever  the  public  will  had  once  decided, 
none  were  more  faithful  or  exact  in  their 
obedience  to  it. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  38.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  52.  (1821.) 

1254. .     The   restoration   of  the 

rights  of  conscience  relieved  the  people  from 
taxation  for  the  support  of  a  religion  not 
theirs;  for  the  [Church  of  England]  Estab- 

*  A  note  in  the  FORD  edition  says  these  petitions 
were  referred  to  the  "  Committee  of  Religion  "  of 
which  Jefferson  was  a  member.  This  committee 
was  subsequently  discharged  of  this  question,  and  it 
was  referred  to  the  "  Committee  of  the  Whole  House 
upon  the  State  of  the  Country  ".—EDITOR. 

+  Entitled;  u  An  Act  for  exempting  the  different  so 
cieties  of  dissenters  from  contributing  to  the  support 
and  maintenance  of  the  church  as  by  law  established, 
and  its  ministers,  and  for  other  purposes  therein 
mentioned."  Passed  by  the  House  of  Delegates,  De 
cember  sth.  Concurred  in  by  the  Senate,  December 
gth.  Re-enacted  January  i,  1778.  It  is  printed  in  A 
Collection  of  Public  Acts  of  Virginia^  Richmond, 
1785,  p.  39.— NOTE,  FORD  ED. 


141 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Church 

Church  and  State 


lishment  was  truly  of  the  religion  of  the  rich, 
the  dissenting  sects  being  entirely  composed 
of  the  less  wealthy  people.* — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  49.  FORD  ED.,  i,  69.  (1821.) 

—  CHURCH  (Anglican  in  Virginia), 
Persecution  by.— See  QUAKERS. 

1255.  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  Consti 
tutional  provisions  against. — No  person 
shall  be  compelled  to  frequent  or  maintain 
any  religious  institution. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  27.  (June  1776.) 

1256. .     The    General    Assembly 

shall  not  have  power  *  *  *  to  abridge  the 
civil  rights  of  any  person  on  account  of  his  re 
ligious  belief;  to  restrain  him  from  professing 
and  supporting  that  belief,  or  compel  him  to 
contributions,  other  than  those  he  shall  have 
personally  stipulated  for  the  support  of  that 
or  any  other. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
viii,  445.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  325.  (1783.) 

1257. .  No  man  shall  be  com 
pelled  to  frequent,  or  support,  any  religious 
worship,  place,  or  ministry,  whatsoever;  nor 
shall  be  enforced,  restrained,  molested,  or 
burthened  in  his  body  or  goods,  or  shall  oth 
erwise  suffer,  on  account  of  his  religious  opin 
ions  or  belief ;  but  *  *  *  all  men  shall  be  free 
to  profess,  and  by  argument  to  maintain,  their 
opinion  in  matters  of  religion,  and  *  *  *  the 
Fame  shall  in  no  wise  diminish,  enlarge,  or 
affect  their  civil  capacities. — STATUTE  OF  RE 
LIGIOUS  FREEDOM,  viii,  455.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  239. 
(1779.) 

1258.  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  Evils  of 
union. — If  the  magistracy  had  vouchsafed  to 
interpose  in  other  sciences,  we  should  have  as 
bad  logic,  mathematics,  and  philosophy  as  we 
have  divinity  in  countries  where  the  law  set 
tles  orthodoxy. — NOTES  ON  RELIGION.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  95.    (1776?) 

1259.  _.     To  suffer  the  civil  mag 
istrate     to     intrude     his     powers     into     the 
field  of  opinion,  and  to  restrain  the  profession 
or  propagation   of  principles  on   supposition 
of  their  ill  tendency,  is  a  dangerous  fallacy, 
which  at  once  destroys  all   religious  liberty, 
because  he  being,   of  course,   judge  of  that 
tendency  will  make  his  opinions  the  rule  of 
judgment,  and  approve  or  condemn  the  sen 
timents  of  others  only  as  they  shall  square 
with  or  suffer  from  his  own. — STATUTE    OF 
RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM,     viii,  455.     FORD  ED.,  ii, 
239-    (I779-) 

1260.  CHURCH    AND    STATE,    False 
Religions. — The  impious  presumption  of  leg 
islators  and  rulers,  civil  as  well  as  ecclesias 
tical,  who,  being  themselves  but  fallible  and 
uninspired  men,  have  assumed  dominion  over 
the  faith  of  others,  setting  up  their  own  opin 
ions  and  modes  of  thinking  as  the  only  true 
and  infallible,  and  as  such  endeavoring  to  im 
pose   them   on   others,    hath  established   and 
maintained  false  religions  over  the  greatest 
part  of  the  world   and   through   all   time. — 
STATUTE  OF   RELIGIOUS   FREEDOM,     viii,   454. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  38.    (1779.) 

*  See  Note  to  ENTAIL  —EDITOR. 


1261.  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  Guid 
ance  by. — I  canaot  give  up  my  guidance  to 
the  magistrate,  because  he  knows  no  more 
of  the  way  to  heaven  than  I  do,  and  is  less 
concerned  to  direct  me  right  than  I  am  to 
go  right. — NOTES  ON  RELIGION.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
100.  (1776?) 

1262. .  If  it  be  said  the  magis 
trate  may  make  use  of  arguments  and  so  draw 
the  heterodox  to  truth,  I  answer,  every  man 
has  a  commission  to  admonish,  exhort,  con 
vince  another  of  error. — NOTES  ON  RELIGION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  101.  (1776?) 

1263. .  If  the  magistrate  com 
mand  me  to  bring  my  commodity  to  a  public 
store-house,  I  bring  it  because  he  can  indem 
nify  me  if  he  erred,  and  I  thereby  lose  it;  but 
what  indemnification  can  he  give  one  for  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  ? — NOTES  ON  RELIGION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  100.  (1776?) 

1264.  CHURCH    AND     STATE,     New 
York,  Pennsylvania  and.— Our  sister  States 
of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  have  long  sub 
sisted  without  any  establishment  at  all.     The 
experiment  was  new  and  doubtful  when  they 
made  it.     It  has  answered  beyond  conception. 
They  flourish  infinitely.    Religion  is  well  sup 
ported  ;  of  various  kinds,  indeed,  but  all  good 
enough;  all  sufficient  to  preserve  peace  and 
order ;  or  if  a  sect  arises,  whose  tenets  would 
subvert  morals,  good  sense  has  fair  play,  and 
reasons  and  laughs  it  out  of  doors,  without 
suffering  the   State   to  be  troubled   with   it. 
They  do  not  hang  more  malefactors  than  we 
do.    They  are  not  more  disturbed  with  relig 
ious  dissensions.     On  the  contrary,  their  har 
mony  is  unparalleled,  and  can  be  ascribed  to 
nothing  but   their  unbounded  tolerance,   be 
cause  there  is  no  other  circumstance  in  which 
they  differ  from  every  nation  on  earth.    They 
have  made  the  happy  discovery,  that  the  way 
to  silence  religious  disputes,  is  to  take  no  no 
tice  of  them. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  402. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  265.     (1782.) 

1265.  CHURCH  AND   STATE,    People 
and. — The  people  have  not  given  the  magis 
trate  the  care  of  souls  because  they  could  not. 
They  could  not,  because  no  man  has  the  right 
to  abandon  the  care  of  his  salvation  to  an 
other. — NOTES  ON  RELIGION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  101. 
(1776?) 

1266.  CHURCH    AND    STATE,    Right 
of  opinion  and. — The  opinions  of  men  are 
not  the  object  of  civil  government,  nor  under 
its     jurisdiction.* — STATUTE     OF     RELIGIOUS 
FREEDOM.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  238.     (1779.) 

1267.  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  Support 
of. — To  compel  a  man  to  furnish  contribu- 

*  Parton  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson,  p.  211,  says:  "This 
vigorous  utterance  of  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  ar 
senal  from  which  the  opponents  of  the  forced  sup 
port  of  religion  drew  their  weapons,  during  the  whole 
period  of  about  fifty  years  that  elapsed  between  its 
publication  and  the  repeal  of  the  last  State  law  which 
taxed  a  community  for  the  support  of  the  clergy;  nor 
will  it  cease  to  have  a  certain  value  as  long  as  any 
man,  in  any  land,  is  distrusted,  or  undervalued,  or 
abridged  of  his  natural  rights,  on  account  of  any 
opinion  whatever."  This  extract  is  not  in  the  Stat 
ute  as  printed  in  the  Congress  Edition.— EDITOR 


Church  and  Statfe 
Cincinnati  Society 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


142 


tions  of  money  for  the  propagation  of  opin 
ions  which  he  disbelieves  and  abhors,  is  sin 
ful  and  tyrannical. — STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS 
FREEDOM,  viii,  454.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  238.  U779-) 

1268. .     The   forcing  a   man  to 

support  this  or  that  teacher  even  of  his  own 
religious  persuasion,  is  depriving  him  of  the 
comfortable  liberty  of  giving  his  contributions 
to  the  particular  pastor  whose  morals  he 
would  make  his  pattern,  and  whose  powers  he 
feels  most  persuasive  to  righteousness ;  and  is 
withdrawing  from  the  ministry  those  tem 
porary  rewards,  which,  proceeding  from  an 
approbation  of  their  personal  conduct,  are  an 
additional  incitement  to  earnest  and  unremit 
ting  labors  for  the  instruction  of  mankind. — 
STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM,  viii,  454. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  238.  (1779.) 

1269.  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  Wall  of 
separation. — Believing    that    religion    is    a 
matter  which  lies  solely  between  man  and  his 
God,  that  he  owes  account  to  none  other  for 
his  faith  or  his  worship,  that  the  legislative 
powers  of    government  reach  actions  only,  and 
not   opinions,    I   contemplate   with    sovereign 
reverence  that  act  of  the  whole  American  peo 
ple    which    declared    that    their    Legislature 
should  "  make  no  law  respecting  an  establish 
ment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exer 
cise  thereof  ",  thus  building  a  wall  of  separa 
tion  between  Church  and  State.* — R.  TO  A. 
DANBURY  BAPTISTS,     viii,  113.     (1802.) 

1270.  CICERO,  Letters   of. —The   letters 
of   Cicero   breathe   the   purest   effusions   of   an 
exalted   patriot,    while   the    parricide    Caesar    is 
lost  in  odious  contrast. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii, 
148.      FORD    ED.,    x,     152.      (M.,     1819.) 

1271.  CINCINNATI    SOCIETY,    Foun 
dation. — When  the  army  was  about  to  be  dis 
banded,  and  the  officers  to  take  final  leave, 
perhaps  never  again  to  meet,  it  was  natural 
for   men   who   had   accompanied  each   other 
through  so  many  scenes  of  hardship,  of  diffi 
culty,  and  danger,  who,   in  a  variety  of  in 
stances,   must  have  been   rendered   mutually 
dear  by  those  aids  and  good  offices  to  which 
their   situations   had   given   occasion ;    it   was 
natural,  I  say,  for  these  to  seize  with  fondness 
any  proposition  which  promised  to  bring  them 
together  again  at  certain  and  regular  periods. 
And  this,  I  take  for  granted,  was  the  origin 
and  object  of  this  institution ;    and  I  have  no 
suspicion  that  they   foresaw,    much  less   in- 

*  Before  sending  this  reply  to  the  Danbury  Bap 
tists,  Jefferson  enclosed  a  copy  of  it  to  Levi  Lincoln, 
his  Attorney  General,  with  a  note  (FORD  ED.,  viii. 
i2g)  in  which  he  said:  "  The  Baptist  address  admits 
of  a  condemnation  of  the  alliance  between  Church 
and  State,  under  the  authority  of  the  Constitution. 
It  furnishes  an  occasion,  too,  which  I  have  long 
wished  to  find,  of  saying  why  I  do  not  proclaim  fast 
ings  and  thanksgivings,  as  my  predecessors  did.  * 
*  *  I  know  it  will  give  great  offence  to  the  New 
England  clergy  ;  but  the  advocate  of  religious  free 
dom  is  to  expect  neither  peace  nor  forgiveness  from 
them.  Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  examine  the  answer, 
and  suggest  any  alterations  which  might  prevent  an 
ill  effect,  or  promote  a  good  one  among  the  people  ? 
You  understand  the  temper  of  those  in  the  North, 
and  can  weaken  it,  therefore,  to  their  stomachs ;  it  is 
at  present  seasoned  to  the  Southern  taste  only."— 
EDITOR. 


tended,  those  mischiefs  which  exist  perhaps 
in  the  forebodings  of  politicians  only.  I  doubt, 
however,  whether,  in  its  execution,  it  would 
be  found  to  answer  the  wishes  of  those  who 
framed  it,  and  to  foster  those  friendships  it 
was  intended  to  preserve.  The  members 
would  be  brought  together  at  their  annual 
assemblies,  no  longer  to  encounter  a  com 
mon  enemy,  but  to  encounter  one  another  in 
debate  and  sentiment.  For  something,  I  sup 
pose,  is  to  be  done  at  these  meetings,  and, 
however  unimportant,  it  will  suffice  to  produce 
difference  of  opinion,  contradiction  and  irrita 
tion.  The  way  to  make  friends  quarrel  is  to 
put  them  in  disputation  under  the  public  eye. 
An  experience  of  near  twenty  years  has  taught 
me  that  few  friendships  stand  this  test,  and 
that  public  assemblies,  where  every  one  is 
free  to  act  and  speak,  are  the  most  powerful 
looseners  of  the  bands  of  private  friendship. 
I  think,  therefore,  that  this  institution  would 
fail  in  its  principal  object,  the  perpetuation 
of  the  personal  friendships  contracted  through 
the  war.* — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i,  333. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  465.  (A.,  April  1784.) 

1272.  CINCINNATI  SOCIETY,  Objec 
tions  to. — The  objections  of  those  who  are 
opposed  to  the  institution  shall  be  briefly 
sketched.  They  urge  that  it  is  against  the 
Confederation — against  the  letter  of  some  of 
our  constitutions,  against  the  spirit  of  all  of 
them — that  the  foundation  on  which  all  these 
are  built  is  the  natural  equality  of  man,  the 
denial  of  every  preeminence  but  that  annexed 
to  legal  office,  and,  particularly,  the  denial  of 
preeminence  by  birth ;  that,  however,  in  their 
present  dispositions,  citizens  might  decline  ac 
cepting  honorary  instalments  into  the  order, 
a  time  may  come,  when  a  change  of  disposi 
tions  would  render  these  flattering,  when  a 
well-directed  distribution  of  them  might  draw 
into  the  order  all  the  men  of  talents,  of  office 
and  wealth,  and,  in  this  case,  would  probably 
procure  an  ingraftment  into  the  government; 
that  in  this,  they  will  be  supported  by  their 
foreign  members,  and  the  wishes  and  influ 
ence  of  foreign  courts ;  that  experience  has 
shown  that  the  hereditary  branches  of  mod 
ern  governments  are  the  patrons  of  privilege 
and  prerogative,  and  not  of  the  natural  rights 
of  the  people,  whose  oppressors  they  generally 
are;  that,  besides  these  evils,  which  are  re 
mote,  others  may  take  place  more  immedi 
ately  ;  that  a  distinction  is  kept  up  between  the 
civil  and  military,  which  it  is  for  the  happi 
ness  of  both  to  obliterate ;  that  when  the 
members  assemble  they  will  be  proposing  to 
do  something,  and  what  that  something  may 
be,  will  depend  on  actual  circumstances ;  that 
being  an  organized  body  under  habits  of  sub 
ordination,  the  first  obstructions  to  enterprise 
will  be  already  surmounted ;  that  the  modera 
tion  and  virtue  of  a  single  character  have 
probably  prevented  this  Revolution  from  being 
closed,  as  most  others  have  been,  by  a  sub 
version  of  that  liberty  it  was  intended  to  es 
tablish;  that  he  is  not  immortal,  and  his  suc 
cessor,  or  some  of  his  successors,  may  be  led 

*  Washington  asked   Jefferson's   opinions  on  the 
subject.  —EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Cincinnati  Society 
Cities 


by  false  calculation  into  a  less  certain  road  to 
glory.  —  To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i,  334. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  466.  (A.,  April  1784.) 

1273.  CINCINNATI  SOCIETY,  Opposi 
tion  in  Congress. — What  arc  the  sentiments 
of  Congress  on  this  subject,  and  what  line  they 
will  pursue,  can  only  be  stated  conjecturally. 
Congress,  as  a  body,  if  left  to  themselves,  will, 
in   my  opinion,   say  nothing  on   the   subject. 
They  may,  however,  be  forced  into  a  declara 
tion  by  instructions  from  some  of  the  States, 
or  by  other  incidents.     Their  sentiments,  if 
forced  from  them,   will  be  unfriendly  to  the 
institution.     If  permitted  to  pursue  their  own 
path,  they  will  check  it  by  side-blows  when 
ever  it  comes  in  their  way,  and  in  competitions 
for  office,  on  equal  or  nearly  equal  ground, 
will  give  silent  preference  to  those  who  are 
not  of  the  fraternity.    My  reasons  for  thinking 
this  are,     I.  The  grounds  on  which  they  lately 
declined    the    foreign    order    proposed   to    be 
conferred  on   some  of  our  citizens.     2..  The 
fourth   of   the    fundamental    articles   of   con 
stitution  for  the  new  States.        *  *    3.     Pri 
vate  conversations  on  this  subject  with  the 
members.  *  *  *  I  have  taken  occasion  to  ex 
tend  these,  not,  indeed,  to  the  military  mem 
bers,   because,   being   of   the   order,    delicacy 
forbade  it,  but  to  the  others  pretty  generally; 
and  among  these,  I  have  as  yet  found  but 
one  who  is  not  opposed  to  the  institution. — 
To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,    i,  335.    FORD  ED., 
iii,  467.     (A.,  April  1784.) 

1274.  CINCINNATI    SOCIETY,    Senti 
ment    in    France.  —  What    has    heretofore 
passed  between  us  on  this  institution,  makes 
it  my  duty  to   mention   to  you   that   I  have 
never  heard  a  person  in  Europe,  learned  or  un 
learned,  express  his  thoughts  on  this  insti 
tution,  who  did  not  consider  it  as  dishonor 
able  and  destructive  to  our  governments ;  and 
that  every  writing  which  has  come  out  since 
my  arrival  here   [Paris]   in  which  it  is  men 
tioned,  considers  it,  even  as  now  reformed,  as 
the  germ  whose  development  is  one  day  to 
destroy  the  fabric  we  have  reared.     I  did  not 
apprehend  this  while   I  had  American  ideas 
only.    But  I  confess  that  what  I  have  seen  in 
Europe  has  brought  me  over  to  that  opinion ; 
and  that  though  the  day  may  be  at  some  dis 
tance,  beyond  the  reach  of  our  lives,  perhaps, 
yet  it  will  certainly  come,  when  a  single  fibre 
left  of  this  institution  will  produce  an  hered 
itary  aristocracy,  which  will  change  the  form 
of  our  governments  from  the  best  to  the  worst 
in   the   world.     To   know   the  mass  of  evil 
which  flows  from  this  fatal  source,  a  person 
must  be  in  France.     He  must  see  the  finest 
soil,  the    finest    climate,  the    most    compact 
State,  the  most  benevolent  character  of  peo 
ple,  and  every  earthly  advantage  combined,  in 
sufficient  to  prevent  this   scourge   from  ren 
dering  existence  a  curse  to  twenty-four  out 
of  twenty-five  parts  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
country.     With  us,  the  branches  of  this  insti 
tution   cover   all   the    States.     The    southern 
ones  at  this  time  are  aristocratical   in  their 
disposition;  and  that  that  spirit  should  grow 
and  extend  itself,  is  within  the  natural  order 
of  things.   I  do  not  flatter  myself  with  the  im 


mortality  of  our  governments;  but  I  shall 
think  little  also  of  their  longevity,  unless  this 
germ  of  destruction  be  taken  out.  When  the 
society  themselves  shall  weigh  the  possibility 
of  evil  against  the  impossibility  of  any  good 
to  proceed  from  this  institution,  I  cannot  help 
hoping  they  will  eradicate  it.  I  know  they 
wish  the  permanence  of  our  governments  as 
much  as  any  individuals  composing  them. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  61.  FORD  ED  iv, 
328.  (P.,  Nov.  1786.) 

1275.  CIPHER,    Jefferson's.— A    favor 
able    and    confidential    opportunity    offering    by 
M.   Dupont  de   Nemours,  who  is  revisiting  his 
native  country     *     *     *     I   send  you  a  cipher 
to  be  used  between  us,  which  will  give  you  some 
trouble  to  understand,  but,  once  understood,  is 
the  easiest  to  use,  the  most  undecipherable,  and 
varied  by  a  new  key  with  the  greatest  facility 
of  any  I  have  ever  known.     I  am  in  hopes  the 
explanation    enclosed    will     be    sufficient.     Let 
our  key  of  letters  be   [some  figures  tvhich  are 
illegible]    and   the   key   of  lines   be    [figures  il 
legible],  and  lest  we  should  lose  our  key  or  be 
absent  from  it,  it  is  so  formed  as  to  be  kept  in 
the  memory   and  put  upon   paper   at  pleasure ; 
being  produced  by  writing  our  names  and  resi 
dences  at  full  length,  each  of  which  containing 
twenty-seven  letters  is  divided  into  three  parts 
of  nine  letters  each  ;  and  each  of  the  nine  let 
ters  is  then  numbered  according  to  the  place  it 
would   hold    if   the   nine   were   arranged   alpha 
betically   thus    [so    blotted   as   to    be   illegible]. 
The   numbers   over   the   letters   being   then    ar 
ranged    as    the    letters    to    which    they    belong 
stand  in  our  names,   we  can   always  construct 
our  key.     But  why  a  cipher  between  us,  when 
official  things  go  naturally  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  things  not  political  need  no  cipher? 
i.  Matters   of   a   public   nature,    and   proper   to 
go  on  our  records,  should  go  to  the  Secretary 
of   State.     2.  Matters   of   a   public   nature,    not 
proper  to  be  placed  on   onr  records,  may  still 
go   to   the    Secretary   of    State,    headed   by   the 
word  "  private."     But,  3,  there  may  be  matters 
merely  personal  to  ourselves,  and  which  require 
the  cover  of  a  cipher  more  than  those  of  any 
other  character.     This  last  purpose  and  others, 
which   we   cannot   foresee,   may   render  it  con 
venient   and   advantageous   to   have   at  hand   a 
mask   for  whatever  may   need   it. — To    ROBERT 
R.   LIVINGSTON,     iv,   431.     FORD   ED.,   viii,    143. 
(W.,  1802.) 

1276.  CIRACCHI,    Genius    of.— Ciracchi 
was  second  to  no  sculptor  living  except  Canova ; 
and,  if  he  had  lived,  he  would  have  rivalled  him. 
His  style  had  been  formed  on  the  fine  models 
of  antiquity  in   Italy,  and  he  had  caught  their 
ineffable    majesty    of    expression.     On    his    re 
turn   to   Rome,   he   made   the   bust   of   General 
Washington    in    marble,    from   that   in   plaster ; 
it  was  sent  over  here,  was  universally  consid 
ered   as   the  best  effigy   of   him   ever   executed, 
was   bought   by   the    Spanish    minister   for   the 
King     of     Spain,     and     sent    to     Madrid. — To 
NATHANIEL  MACON.    vi,  535.     (M.,   1816.) 

1277.  CITIES,    Corruption   and. — When 
we  get  piled  upon  one  another  in  large  cities, 
as  in  Europe,  we  shall  become  as  corrupt  as  in 
Europe.* — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
479.     (P.,   Dec.    1787.) 

*  In  the  Congress  edition  (ii,  332)  this  extract  has 
been  edited  so  as  to  read  :  u  When  \j'e  get  piled  upon 
one  another  in  large  cities,  as  in  Europe,  we  shall 
become  corrupt  as  in  Europe,  and  go  to  eating  one 
another  as  they  do  there." — EDITOR. 


Cities 
Citizens 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


144 


1278.  CITIES,    Evils    of.— I    view    great 
cities     as     pestilential     to     the     morals,     the 
health,  and  the  liberties  of  man.     True,  they 
nourish  some  of  the  elegant  arts,  but  the  use 
ful  ones  can  thrive  elsewhere,  and  less  perfec 
tion  in  the  others,  with  more  health,  virtue 
and  freedom,  would  be  my  choice. — To  DR. 
BENJAMIN  RUSH,     iv,  335.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  459. 
(M.,  1800.) 

1279.  CITIES,    Federalist   strongholds. 

— The  cities  [were]  the  strongholds  of  feder 
alism. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  292. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  227.  (M.,  1823.) 

1280. .     The   inhabitants   of  the 

commercial  cities  are  as  different  in  senti 
ment  and  character  from  the  country  people  as 
any  two  distinct  nations,  and  are  clamorous 
against  the  order  of  things  [republicanism] 
established  by  the  agricultural  interest. — To 
M.  PICTET.  iv,  463.  (W.,  1803.) 

1281.  CITIES,  Foreign  Character  of.— 
In  our  cities  your  son  will  find  distant  imi 
tations  of  the  cities  of  Europe.  But  if  he 
wishes  to  know  the  nation,  its  occupations, 
manners,  and  principles,  they  reside  not  in 
the  cities.  He  must  travel  through  the  coun 
try,  accept  the  hospitalities  of  the  country  gen 
tlemen,  and  visit  with  them  the  school  of  the 
people. — To  MADAME  DE  STAEL.  v,  133.  (W., 
1807.) 

1282. .  Our  cities  exhibit  speci 
mens  of  London  only;  our  country  is  a  dif 
ferent  nation. — To  M.  DASHKOFF.  v,  463. 
(M.,  1809.) 

1283.  CITIES,    Founding.  —  There    are 
places  [in  Virginia]  at  which  *  *  *  the  laws 
have  said  there  shall  be  towns ;  but  nature  has 
said  there  shall  not.  *  *  *  Accidental  circum 
stances,  however,  may  control  the  indications 
of  nature,  and  in  no  instance  do  they  do  it 
more  frequently  than  in  the  rise  and  fall  of 
towns. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  351.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  213.    (1782.) 

1284.  CITIES,  Life  in.— A  city  life  offers 
indeed  more  means  of  dissipating  time,   but 
more   frequent,    also,    and   more   painful   ob 
jects  of  vice  and  wretchedness. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,     vii,  310.     (M.,  1823.) 

1285.  CITIES,  Misery  in.— Even  here  we 
find  too  strong  a  current  from  the  country  to 
the   towns ;    and    instances   are   beginning   to 
appear  of  that  species  of  misery,  which  you 
are  so  humanely  endeavoring  to  relieve  with 
you.     Although  we  have  in  the  old  countries 
of  Europe  the  lesson  of  their  experience  to 
warn  us,  yet  I  am  not  satisfied  we  shall  have 
the  firmness  and   wisdom  to  profit  by  it. — 
To  DAVID  WILLIAMS,    v,  514.     (W.,  1803.) 

1286. .     The    general    desire    of 

men  to  live  by  their  heads  rather  than  their 
hands,  and  the  strong  allurements  of  great 
cities  to  those  who  have  any  turn  for  dissi 
pation  threaten  to  make  them  here,  as  in 
Europe,  the  sinks  of  voluntary  misery. — To 
DAVID  WILLIAMS,  iv,  514.  (W.,  1803.) 

1287.  CITIES,  Political  influence  of.— 
The  commercial  cities,  though,  by  the  com 


mand  of  newspapers,  they  make  a  great  deal 
of  noise,  have  little  effect  in  the  direction  of 
the  government. — To  M.  PICTET.  iv,  463. 
(W.,  1803.) 

1288.  CITIZENS,  Adopted.— Born  in 
other  countries,  yet  believing  you  could  be 
happy  in  this,  our  laws  acknowledge,  as  they 
should  do,  your  right  to  join  us  in  society, 
conforming  *  *  *  to  our  established  rules. 
That  these  rules  shall  be  as  equal  as  pruden 
tial  considerations  will  admit,  will  certainly 
be  the  aim  of  our  legislatures,  general  and  par 
ticular. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  iv,  394.  (W.,  May 
1801.) 

1289. .  If  the  unexampled  state 

of  the  world  has,  in  any  instance,  occasioned 
among  us  temporary  departures  from  the  sys 
tem  of  equal  rule,  the  restoration  of  tranquil 
lity  will  doubtless  produce  reconsideration; 
and  your  knowledge  of  the  liberal  conduct 
heretofore  observed  towards  strangers  settling 
among  us  will  warrant  the  belief  that  what  is 
right  will  be  done. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  iv, 
394.  (May  1801.) 

1290.  CITIZENS,  Dangerous.— Every  so 
ciety    has    a    right    to    fix    the    fundamental 
principles  of  its  association,  and  to  say  to  all 
individuals,  that,  if  they  contemplate  pursuits 
beyond  the  limits  of  these  principles,  and  in 
volving  dangers  which  the  society  chooses  to 
avoid,  they  must  go  somewhere  else  for  their 
exercise ;  that  we  want  no  citizens,  and  still 
less  ephemeral  and  pseudo-citizens,  on  such 
terms.     We  may  exclude  them  from  our  ter 
ritory,  as  we  do  persons  infected  with  dis 
ease.     We  have  most  abundant  resources  of 
happiness    within    ourselves,    which    we    may 
enjoy  in  peace  and  safety  without  permitting 
a   few   citizens,    infected   with   the   mania   of 
rambling  and  gambling,  to    bring    danger  on 
the  great  mass  engaged  in  innocent  and  safe 
pursuits  at  home. — To  WILLIAM   H.   CRAW 
FORD,    i,  6.   FORD  ED.,  x,  34.    (M.,  1816.) 

1291.  CITIZENS,  Fraudulent  and  real. 
— [As  to  citizens]  there  is  a  distinction  which 
we  ought  to  make  ourselves,  and  with  which 
the  belligerent  powers  [France  and  England] 
ought  to  be  content.     Where,  after  the  com 
mencement  of  a  war,  a  merchant  of  either 
comes  here  and  is  naturalized,  the  purpose^  is 
probably  fraudulent  against  the  other,  and  in 
tended   to  cloak  their  commerce   under  our 
flag.   This  we  should  honestly  discountenance, 
and  never  reclaim  their  property  when  cap 
tured.      But    merchants    from    either,    settled 
and  made  citizens  before  a  war,  are  citizens 
to  every  purpose  of  commerce,  and  not  to  be 
distinguished    in    our    proceedings    from    na 
tives.      Every    attempt   of   Great    Britain    to 
enforce  her  principle  of  "  once  a  subject,  al 
ways  a  subject "  beyond  the  case  of  her  own 
subjects,   ought  to  be   repelled.— To   ALBERT 
GALLATIN.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  251.    (July  1803.) 
See  EXPATRIATION. 

1292.  CITIZENS,     Government    and. — 
Give  to  every  citizen,   personally,   a  part   in 
the  administration  of  the  public  affairs. — To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.    vii,  13.    FORD  ED.,  x,  41. 
(M.,  1816.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Citizens 
Civilization 


1293.  CITIZENS,  Military  service  and. 
— Every  citizen  [should]  be  a  soldier.     This 
was  the  case  with  the  Greeks  and  Romans, 
and  must  be  that  of  every  free   State. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,    vi,  131.     (M.,  1813.) 

1294.  CITIZENS,    Protection    of.— It  is 
an  obligation   of  every  government  to   yield 
protection  to  its  citizens  as  the  consideration 
of  their  obedience.— To  JOHN  JAY.     i,  458. 
(P.,  1785-) 

1295. .    The  first  foundations  of 

the  social  compact  would  be  broken  up,  were 
we  definitely  to  refuse  to  its  members  the  pro 
tection  of  their  persons  and  property,  while 
in  their  lawful  pursuits. — To  JAMES  MAURY. 
vi,  52.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  348.  (M.,  1812.) 

1296. .  The  persons  and  prop 
erty  of  our  citizens  are  entitled  to  the  protec 
tion  of  our  government  in  all  places  where 
they  may  lawfully  go. — OFFICIAL  OPINION. 
vii,  624.  (I793-) 

1297.  CITIZENS,  Belief  of  imprisoned. 
— There  are  in  the  prison  of  St.  Pol  de  Leon 
six  or  seven  citizens  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  charged  with  having  attempted  a 
contraband  of  tobacco,  but,  as  they  say  them 
selves,  forced  into  that  port  by  stress  of 
weather.  I  believe  that  they  are  innocent. 
Their  situation  is  described  to  me  as  deplora 
ble  as  should  be  that  of  men  found  guilty  of 
the  worst  of  crimes.  They  are  in  close  jail, 
allowed  three  sous  a  day  only,  and  unable  to 
speak  a  word  of  the  language  of  the  country. 
I  hope  their  distress,  which  it  is  my  duty  to 
relieve,  *  *  *  will  apologize  for  the  liberty 
I  take  of  asking  you  to  advise  them  what  to 
do  for  their  defence,  to  engage  some  good 
lawyer  for  them,  and  to  pass  them  the  pecuni 
ary  reliefs  necessary.  I  write  to  Mr.  Lister 
Asquith,  the  owner  of  the  vessel,  that  he 
may  draw  bills  on  me  from  time  to  time,  for 
a  livre  a  day  for  every  person  of  them,  and 
what  may  be  necessary  to  engage  a  lawyer 
for  him.— To  M.  DESBORDES.  i,  402.  (P.,  1785.) 

1298. .  I  take  the  liberty  of 

troubling  your  excellency  on  behalf  of  six 
citizens  of  the  United  States  who  have  been 
for  some  time  confined  in  the  prison  of  St.  Pol 
de  Leon,  and  of  referring  for  particulars  to  the 
enclosed  state  of  their  case.  *  *  *  I  have  thus 
long  avoided  troubling  your  Excellency  with 
this  case,  in  hopes  it  would  receive  its  decision 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  law,  and  I  relied 
that  that  would  indemnify  the  sufferers,  if 
they  had  been  used  unjustly;  but  though 
they  have  been  in  close  confinement,  now  near 
three  months,  it  has  yet  no  appearance  of  ap 
proaching  to  decision.  In  the  meantime,  the 
cold  of  the  winter  is  coming  on,  and,  to  men 
in  their  situation,  may  produce  events  which 
would  render  all  indemnification  too  late. 
I  must,  therefore,  pray  the  assistance  of  your 
Excellency,  for  the  liberation  of  their  persons, 
if  the  established  order  of  things  may  possi 
bly  admit  of  it.— To  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES. 
i,  479-  (P.,  1785.) 

1299.  CITIZENS,  Bights  of  distressed. 
—Citizens  [in  a  foreign  country]  under  un 


expected  calamity  have  a  right  to  call  for  the 
patronage  of  the  public  servants. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  i,  583.  (P.,  1786.)  See  ALIEN  AND 
SEDITION  LAWS,  EXPATRIATION,  NATURALIZA 
TION. 

1300.  CITIZENSHIP,  Government  and. 
— No  Englishman  will  pretend  that  a  right  to 
participate  in  government  can  be  derived  from 
any  other  source  than  a  personal  right,  or  a 
right  of  property.     The  conclusion   is  inevi 
table  that  he,  who  had  neither  his  person  nor 
property    in    America,    could    rightfully   as 
sume  a  participation  in  its  government. — To 
M.  SOULES.    ix,  299.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  306.    (P., 
1786.) 

-  CIVIL  SEBVICE.— See  OFFICE. 

1301.  CIVILIZATION,    Letters    and.— 
Our  experience  with  the  Indians  has  proved 
that  letters  are  not  the  first,  but  the  last  step 
in  the  progression  from  barbarism  to  civiliza 
tion. — To  JAMES  PEMBERTON.     v,  303.     (W., 
1808.) 

1302.  CIVILIZATION,    Progress    of.— 

The  idea  which  you  present  of  the  progress 
of  society  from  its  rudest  state  to  that  it  has 
now  attained,  seems  conformable  to  what  may 
be  probably  conjectured.  Indeed,  we  have 
under  our  eyes  tolerable  proofs  of  it.  Let  a 
philosophic  observer  commence  a  journey 
from  the  savages  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
eastwardly  to  our  seacoast.  These  he  would 
observe  in  the  earliest  stages  of  association 
living  under  no  law  but  that  of  nature,  sub 
sisting  and  covering  themselves  with  the  flesh 
and  skins  of  wild  beasts.  He  would  next  find 
those  on  our  frontiers  in  the  pastoral  state, 
raising  domestic  animals  to  supply  the  defects 
of  hunting.  Then  succeed  our  semi-barba 
rous  citizens,  the  pioneers  of  the  advance  of 
civilization,  and  so  in  his  progress  he  would 
meet  the  gradual  shades  of  improving  man 
until  he  would  reach  his,  as  yet,  most  im- 

? roved  state  in  our  seaport  towns.  This,  in 
act,  is  equivalent  to  a  survey,  in  time,  of  the 
progress  of  man  from  the  infancy  of  creation 
to  the  present  day.  I  am  eighty-one  years  of 
age,  born  where  I  now  live,  in  the  first  range 
of  mountains  in  the  interior  of  our  country. 
And  I  have  observed  this  march  of  civilization 
advancing  from  the  sea  coast,  passing  over  us 
like  a  cloud  of  light,  increasing  our  knowl 
edge  and  improving  our  condition,  insomuch 
as  that  we  are  at  this  time  more  advanced  in 
civilization  here  than  the  seaports  were  when 
I  was  a  boy.  And  where  this  progress  will 
stop  no  one  can  say.  Barbarism  has,  in  the 
meantime,  been  receding  before  the  steady 
step  of  amelioration ;  and  will  in  time,  I 
trust,  disappear  from  the  earth.  You  seem 
to  think  that  this  advance  has  brought  on  us 
too  complicated  a  state  of  society,  and  that  we 
should  gain  in  happiness  by  treading  back  our 
steps  a  little  way.  I  think,  myself,  that  we 
have  more  machinery  of  government  than  is 
necessary,  too  many  parasites  living  on  the 
labor  of  the  industrious.  I  believe  it  might 
be  much  simplified  to  the  relief  of  those 
who  maintain  it.  Your  experiment  seems  to 
have  this  in  view.  A  society  of  seventy 


Claiborne  (W.  C.  C.) 
Clergy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


146 


families,  the  number  you  name,  may  very  pos 
sibly  be  governed  as  a  single  family,  subsist 
ing  on  their  common  industry,  and  holding 
all  things  in  common.  Some  regulators  of 
the  family  you  still  must  have,  and  it  re 
mains  to  be  seen  at  what  period  of  your  in 
creasing  population  your  simple  regulations 
will  cease  to  be  sufficient  to  preserve  order, 
peace,  and  justice. — To  WILLIAM  LUDLOW. 
vii,  377.  (M.,  1824.) 

1303.  CLAIBORNE    (W.    C.    C.),    Ap 
pointed    Governor.— Among    the    enclosed 
commissions  is  one  for  yourself  as  Governor  of 
the  Territory  of  Orleans.     With  respect  to  this 
I  will  enter  into  frank  explanations.     This  office 
was    originally    destined    for   a   person*    whose 
great  services  and  established  fame  would  have 
rendered  him  peculiarly  acceptable  to  the  na 
tion   at   large.     Circumstances,    however,    exist, 
which  do  not  now  permit  his  nomination,  and 
perhaps  may  not  at  any  time  hereafter.     That, 
therefore,    being    suspended    and    entirely    con 
tingent,  your  services  have  been  so  much  ap 
proved  as  to  leave  no  desire  to  look  elsewhere 
to  fill  the  office.     Should  the  doubts  you  have 
sometimes  expressed,  whether  it  would  be  eli 
gible   for   you  to   continue,    still   exist  in   your 
mind,  the  acceptance  of  the  commission  gives 
you  time  to  satisfy  yourself  by  further  experi 
ence,  and  to  make  the  time  and  manner  of  with 
drawing,    should    you    ultimately    determine    on 
that,  agreeable  to  yourself. — To  GOVERNOR  CLAI 
BORNE.     iv,  558.     (M.,  Aug.   1804.) 

1304.  CLAIBORNE  (W.  C.  C.),  Feder 
alists  and. — The  federalists  have  been  long 
endeavoring  to  batter  down  the  Governor,  who 
has  always  been  a  firm  republican.     There  were 
characters  superior  to  him  whom   I  wished  to 
appoint,  but  they  refused  the  office.     I  know  no 
better  man  who  would  accept  of  it,  and  it  would 
not  be  right  to  turn  him  out  for  one  not  better. 
— To  JOHN   DICKINSON,     v,  30.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
8.     (W.,  1807.) 

1305.  CLAIMANTS,   Assistance  to— It 

is  impossible  for  me  to  give  any  authority  for 
the  advance  of  moneys  to  Mr.  Wilson.  Were 
we  to  do  it  in  his  case,  we  should,  on  the 
same  principles,  be  obliged  to  do  it  in  several 
others,  wherein  foreign  nations  decline  or 
delay  doing  justice  to  our  citizens.  No  law  of 
the  United  States  would  cover  such  an  act 
of  the  executive ;  and  all  we  can  do  legally  is 
to  give  him  all  the  aid  which  our  patronage 
of  his  claims  with  the  British  court  can  effect. 
— To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  526.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

1306.  CLAIMS,    Settle   just.— Mr.    Cut 
ting  has  a  claim  against  the  government.  *  *  * 
I  have  only  to  .desire   that  you   will   satisfy 
yourself  as  to  the  facts  *  *  *  and  communi 
cate  the  same  to  me,  that  justice  may  be  done 
between   the    public    and    the    claimant. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.    iii,  445.    (Pa.,  1792.) 

1307.  CLARK  (George  Rogers),  Great 
ness  of. — I  know  the  greatness  of  General 
Clark's  mind  and  am  the  more  mortified  at  the 
cause  which  obscures  it.     Had  not  this  unhap 
pily  taken   place,   there  was   nothing  he   might 
not  have   hoped ;   could   it  be   surmounted,   his 
lost  ground  might  yet  be  recovered.     No  man 
alive  rated  him  higher  than  I  did,  and  would 

*  In  the  margin  is  written  by  Jefferson,   "  Lafay 
ette  ".—EDITOR. 


again,  were  he  to  become  what  I  knew  him. 
We  are  made  to  hope  he  is  writing  an  ac 
count  of  his  expeditions  north  of  Ohio.  They 
will  be  valuable  morsels  of  history,  and  will 
justify  to  the  world  those  who  have  told  them 
how  great  he  was. — To  HARRY  INNES.  iii,  217. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  295.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

1308.  CLARKE     (Daniel),     Consul     at 

New  Orleans.— I  have  appointed  Mr.  Daniel 
Clarke,  at  New  Orleans,  our  consul  there.  His 
worth  and  influence  will  aid  you  powerfully  in 
the  interfering  interests  of  those  who  go,  and 
who  reside  there. — To  WILLIAM  C.  CLAIBORNE. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  72.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

_  CLASSICS,  Study  of  the.— See  LAN 
GUAGES. 

1309.  CLAY  (Henry),  Opposition  to  Jef 
ferson. — It  is  true,  as  you  have  heard,  that  a 
distance    has    taken    place    between    Mr.    Clay 
and   myself.     The   cause    I    never   could   learn, 
nor  imagine.     I  had  always  known  him  to  be  an 
able  man,  and  I  believe  him  an  honest  one.     I 
had  looked  to  his  coming  into  Congress  with  an 
entire  belief  that  he  would  be  cordial  with  the 
administration,    and,    even    before    that,    I    had 
always  had  him  in  my  mind  for  a  high  and  im 
portant  vacancy  which  had  been,  from  time  to 
time,  expected,  but  is  only  now  about  to  take 
place.     I  feel  his  loss,  therefore,  with  real  con 
cern,  but  it  is  irremediable  from  the  necessity 
of  harmony  and  cordiality  between  those  who 
are  to  manage  the  public  concerns.     Not  only 
his    withdrawing    from    the    usual    civilities    of 
intercourse  with  me  (which  even  the  federalists 
with  two  or  three  exceptions  keep  up),    but  his 
open  hostility  in  Congress  to  the  administration, 
leave  no  doubt  of  the  state  of  his  mind  as  a 
fact,     although    the    cause    be    unknown. — To 
THOMAS   COOPER,     v,   183.      (M.,   Sep.    1807.) 

1310.  CLERGY,  Benefit  of.— This  privi 
lege,  originally  allowed  to  the  clergy,  is  now 
extended  to  every  man,  and  even  to  women. 
It  is  a  right  of  exemption  from  capital  pun 
ishment,  for  the  first  offence,  in  most  cases. 
It  is,  then,  a  pardon  by  the  law.     In  other 
cases,  the  Executive  gives  the  pardon.     But 
when  laws  are  made  as  mild  as  they  should  be, 
both  these  pardons  are  absurd.    The  principle 
of  Beccaria  is  sound.     Let  the  legislators  be 
merciful,  but  the  executors  of  the  law  inex 
orable. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.     ix,  263.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  168.     (P.,  1786.) 

1311.  CLERGY,    Public    office    and.— 

In  the  scheme  of  constitution  for  Virginia 
which  I  prepared  in  1783,  I  observe  an  abridg 
ment  of  the  right  of  being  elected,  which  after 
seventeen  years  more  of  experience  and  reflec 
tion,  I  do  not  approve.  It  is  the  incapacitation 
of  a  clergyman  from  being  elected.  The 
clergy,  by  getting  themselves  established  by 
law,  and  ingrafted  into  the  machine  of  gov 
ernment,  have  been  a  very  formidable  engine 
against  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  man. 
They  are  still  so  in  many  countries,  and  even 
in  some  of  these  United  States.  Even  in  1783, 
we  doubted  the  stability  of  our  recent  meas 
ures  for  reducing  them  to  the  footing  of 
other  useful  callings.  It  now  appears  that 
our  means  were  effectual.  The  clergy  here 
seem  to  have  relinquished  all  pretension  to 
privilege,  and  to  stand  on  a  footing  with  law 
yers,  physicians,  &c.  They  ought,  therefore, 


147 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Clergy 
Climate 


to  possess  the  same  rights. — To  JEREMIAH 
MOOR.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  454.  (M.,  Aug.  1800.) 

1312.  CLERGY,  Support  of.— In  the  an 
cient  feudal  times  of  our  good  old  forefathers, 
when  the  seigneur  married  his  daughter,  or 
knighted   his   son,   it  was  the  usage   for  his 
vassals  to  give  him  a  year's  rent  extra  in  the 
name   of   an   aid.      I    think    it   as    reasonable 
when  our  pastor  builds  a  house,  that  each  of 
his  flock  should  give  him  an  aid  of  a  year's 
contribution.     I  enclose  mine  as  a  tribute  of 
justice,  which  of  itself  indeed  is  nothing,  but 
as  an  example,  if  followed,  may  become  some 
thing.     In  any  event,  be  pleased  to  accept  it 
as  an  offering  of  duty. — To  THE  REV.   MR. 
HATCH.     FORD  ED.,  x,  197.    (M.,  1821.)     See 
CHURCH,    CHURCH    AND    STATE,    MINISTERS, 
RELIGION. 

1313.  CLIMATE,  American  and  Euro 
pean. — The  comparison  of  climate  between 
Europe  and  North  America,  taking  together  its 
corresponding    parts,    hangs    chiefly    on    three 
great  points,     i.  The  changes  between  heat  and 
cold  in  America  are  greater  and  more  frequent, 
and  the  extremes   comprehend  a  greater  scale 
on  the  thermometer  in  America  than  in  Europe. 
Habit,   however,  prevents  these   from   affecting 
us   more  than   the  smaller  changes   of   Europe 
affect  the  European.     But  he  is  greatly  affected 
by   ours.     2.  Our  sky  is  always  clear ;   that  of 
Europe  always  cloudy.     Hence  a  greater  accu 
mulation  of  heat  here  than  there,  in  the  same 
parallel.     3.  The  changes  between  wet  and  dry 
are  much  more  frequent  and  sudden  in  Europe 
than  in  America.     Though  we  have  double  the 
rain,  it  falls  in  half  the  time.     Taking  all  these 
together,    I    prefer    much    the    climate    of    the 
United  States  to  that  of  Europe.     I  think  it  a 
more    cheerful    one.     It    is    our    cloudless    sky 
which    has    eradicated    from    our    constitutions 
all    disposition    to    hang    ourselves,    which    we 
might     otherwise     have     inherited     from     our 
English     ancestors.      During     a     residence     of 
between  six  and  seven  years  in  Paris,  I  never, 
but  once,   saw  the  sun  shine  through  a  whole 
day,  without  being  obscured  by  a  cloud  in  any 
part  of   it ;    and   I    never   saw   the   moment,   in 
which,     viewing    the    sky    through     its    whole 
hemisphere,    I    could    say    there    was    not    the 
smallest  speck  of  a  cloud  in   it.     I   arrived  at 
Monticello,     on    my    return    from     France,     in 
January ;    and    during    only    two    months'    stay 
there,    I    observed   to    my    daughters,    who    had 
been    with    me    to    France,    that,    twenty    odd 
times  within  that  term,  there  was  not  a  speck 
of    cloud    in    the    whole    atmosphere.     Still,    I 
dp  not  wonder  that  an  European  should  prefer 
his  gray  to  our  azure  sky.     Habit  decides  our 
taste  in  this,  as  in  most  other  cases. — To  C.  F. 
VOLNEY.     iv,  570.     (W.,  1805.) 

1314.  CLIMATE,  Enjoyment  and.— Cer 
tainly  it  is  a  truth  that  climate  is  one  of  the 
sources  of  the  greatest  sensual  enjoyment. — To 
DR  JOSEPH   PRIESTLEY,    iv,  441.   FORD  ED.,  viii, 
160.     (W.,  1802.) 

1315.  CLIMATE,     Habit     and.— In     no 

case,  perhaps,  does  habit  attach  our  choice  or 
judgment  more  than  in  climate.  The  Canadian 
glows  with  delight  in  his  sleigh  and  snow  ;  the 
very  idea  of  which  gives  me  the  shivers. — To 
C.  F.  VOLNEY.  iv,  569.  (W.,  1805.) 

1316.  CLIMATE,     Humidity.  —  It     has 
been     an     opinion     pretty     generally     received 
among    philosophers,    that    the    atmosphere    of 


America  is  more  humid  than  that  of  Europe. 
Monsieur  de  Buffon  makes  this  hypothesis  one 
ol  the  two  pillars  whereon  he  builds  his  system 
of  the  degeneracy  of  animals  in  America.  Hav 
ing  had  occasion  to  controvert  this  opinion  of 
his,  as  to  the  degeneracy  of  animals  there,  I 
expressed  a  doubt  of  the  fact  assumed  that  our 
climates  are  more  moist.  I  did  not  know  of 
any  experiments  which  might  authorize  a  de 
nial  of  it.  Speaking  afterwards  on  the  sub 
ject  with  Dr.  Franklin,  he  mentioned  to  me 
the  observations  he  had  made  on  a  case  of 
magnets,  made  for  him  by  Mr.  Nairne  in 
London.  Of  these  you  will  see  a  detail,  in  the 
second  volume  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Transactions,  in  a  letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to 
Mr.  Nairne,  wherein  he  recommends  to  him  to 
take  up  the  principle  therein  explained,  and 
endeavor  to  make  an  hygrometer,  which,  taking 
slowly  the  temperature  of  the  atmosphere,  shall 
give  its  mean  degree  of  moisture,  and  enable  us 
to  make  with  more  certainty,  a  comparison  be 
tween  the  humidities  of  different  climates. 
May  I  presume  to  trouble  you  with  an  inquiry 
of  Mr.  Nairne,  whether  he  has  executed  the 
Doctor's  idea?  and  if  he  has,  to  get  him  to 
make  for  me  a  couple  of  the  instruments  he 
may  have  contrived.  They  should  be  made  of 
the  same  piece,  and  under  like  circumstances, 
that  sending  one  to  America,  I  may  rely  on 
its  indications  there,  compared  with  those  of 
the  one  I  shall  retain  here  [Paris].  Being  in 
want  of  a  set  of  magnets  also,  I  would  be  glad 
if  he  would  at  the  same  time  send  me  a  set,  the 
case  of  which  should  be  made  as  Dr.  Franklin 
describes  his  to  have  been,  so  that  I  may  re 
peat  his  experiment. — To  MR.  VAUGHAN.  ii, 
82.  (P.,  1786.) 

1317.  CLIMATE,     Humidity    gauge.— 

I  think  Mr.  Rittenhouse  never  published  an 
invention  of  his  in  this  way,  which  was  a  very 
good  one.  It  was  of  an  hygrometer  which,  like 
the  common  ones,  was  to  give  the  actual  moist 
ure  of  the  air.  He  has  two  slips  of  mahogany 
about  five  inches  long,  three-fourths  of  an  inch 
broad,  and  one-tenth  of  an  inch  thick,  the  one 
having  the  grain  running  lengthwise,  and  the 
other  crosswise.  These  are  glued  together  by 
their  faces,  so  as  to  form  a  piece  five  inches 
long,  three-fourths  of  an  inch  broad,  and  one- 
third  of  an  inch  thick,  which  is  stuck  by  its 
lower  end  into  a  little  plinth  of  wood,  presenting 
their  edge  to  the  view.  The  fibres  of  the 
wood,  you  know,  are  dilated,  but  not  lengthened 
by  moisture.  The  slip,  therefore,  whose 
grain  is  lengthwise,  becomes  a  standard,  retain 
ing  always  the  same  precise  length.  That 
which  has  its  grain  crosswise,  dilates  with 
moisture,  and  contracts  for  the  want  of  it.  If 
the  right  hand  piece  be  the  cross-grained  one, 
when  the  air  is  very  moist,  it  lengthens,  and 
forces  its  companion  to  form  a  kind  of  interior 
annulus  of  a  circle  on  the  left.  When  the  air 
is  dry,  it  contracts,  draws  its  companion  to  the 
right,  and  becomes  itself  the  interior  annulus. 
In  order  to  show  this  dilation  and  contraction, 
an  index  is  fixed  on  the  upper  end  of  two  of  the 
slips ;  a  plate  of  metal  or  wood  is  fixed  on  the 
upper  end  of  two  of  the  slips  ;  a  plate  of  metal 
or  wood  is  fastened  to  the  front  of  the  plinth, 
so  as  to  cover  the  two  slips  from  the  eye.  A 
slit,  being  nearly  the  portion  of  a  circle,  is  cut 
in  this  plate,  so  that  the  shank  of  the  index 
may  play  freely  through  its  whole  range.  On 
the  edge  of  the  slit  is  a  graduation.  The  ob 
jection  to  this  instrument  is,  that  it  is  not  fit 
for  comparative  observations,  because  no  two 
pieces  or  wood  being  of  the  same  texture  ex 
actly,  no  two  will  yield  exactly  alike  to  the 


Climate 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


148 


same  agent.  However,  it  is  less  objectionable 
on  this  account  than  are  most  of  the  substances 
used.  Mr.  Rittenhouse  had  a  thought  of  try 
ing  ivory ;  but  I  do  not  know  whether  he  exe 
cuted  it.  All  these  substances  not  only  vary 
from  one  another  at  the  same  time,  but  from 
themselves  at  different  times.  All  of  them, 
however,  have  some  peculiar  advantages,  and 
I  think  this,  on  the  whole,  appeared  preferable 
to  any  other  I  had  ever  seen. — To  MR.  VAUGHAN. 
ii,  83.  (P.,  1786.) 

%  1318.  CLIMATE,  Madeira.— [I  am]  told 
that  the  temperature  of  Madeira  is  generally 
from  55°  to  65°,  its  extreme  about  50°  and  70° 
If  I  ever  change  my  climate  for  health,  it 
should  be  for  that  Island. — To  DR.  HUGH  WILL 
IAMSON,  iv,  346.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  479.  (W., 
1801.) 

1319.  CLIMATE,    Old    persons    and.— I 

have  a  great  opinion  of  the  favorable  influence 
of  genial  climates  in  winter,  and  especially 
on  old  persons. — To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  180.  (W.,  1802.) 

1320.  CLIMATE,  Preference  for  warm. 
— I  wonder  that  any  human  being  should  re 
main  in  a  cold  country  who  could  find  room  in 
a  warm  one. — To  DR.  HUGH  WILLIAMSON,     iv, 
346.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  479.     (W.,  1801.) 

1321. .     I  have  often  wondered 

that  any  human  being  should  live  in  a  cold 
country  who  can  find  room  in  a  warm  one. — To 
WILLIAM  DUNBAR.  iv,  347.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  482. 
(W.,  Jan.  1 80 1.), 

1322.  CLIMATE,  Sufferings  from  cold. 
— I  have  no  doubt  but  that  cold  is  the  source 
of  more  suffering  to  all  animal  nature  than  hun 
ger,  thirst,  sickness,  and  all  the  other  pains  of 
life  and  of  death  itself  put  together.    I  live  in  a 
temperate    climate,    and    under    circumstances 
which   do   not   expose   me   often   to   cold.     Yet 
when  I  recollect,  on  one  hand,  all  the  sufferings 
I  have  had  from  cold,  and,  on  the  other,  all  my 
other   pains,   the   former   preponderate   greatly. 
What,  then,  must  be  the  sum  of  that  evil  if  we 
take   in   the   vast   proportion    of   men   who   are 
obliged  to  be  out  in  all  weather,  by  land  and  by 
sea ;   all  the  families  of  beasts,  birds,  reptiles, 
and  even  the  vegetable  kingdom !  for  that,  too, 
has  life,  and  where  there  is  life  there  may  be 
sensation. — To     WILLIAM     DUNBAR.      iv,     347. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  482.     (W.,  Jan.  1801.) 

1323.  CLIMATE,  Theories  concerning. 

— I  thank  you  for  your  pamphlet  on  the  cli 
mate  of  the  west,  and  have  read  it  with  great 
satisfaction.  Although  it  does  not  yet  estab 
lish  a  satisfactory  theory,  it  is  an  additional 
step  towards  it.  Mine  was  perhaps  the  first  at 
tempt,  not  to  form  a  theory,  but  to  bring  to 
gether  the  few  facts  then  known,  and  suggest 
them  to  public  attention.  They  were  written 
between  forty  and  fifty  years  ago,  before  the 
close  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  when  the 
western  country  was  a  wilderness,  untrodden 
but  by  the  foot  of  the  savage  or  the  hunter.  It 
is  now  flourishing  in  population  and  science, 
and  after  a  few  years  more  of  observation  and 
collection  of  facts,  they  will  doubtless  furnish 
a  theory  of  solid  foundation.  Years  are  requi 
site  for  this,  steady  attention  to  the  ther 
mometer,  to  the  plants  growing  there,  the  times 
of  their  leafing  and  flowering,  its  animal  inhabit 
ants,  beasts,  birds,  reptiles,  and  insects ;  its 
prevalent  winds,  quantities  or  rain  and  snow, 
temperature  of  fountains,  and  other  indexes  of 
climate.  We  want  this  indeed  for  all  the 


States,  and  the  work  should  be  repeated  once, 
or  twice  in  a  century,  to  show  the  effect  of 
clearing  and  culture  towards  changes  of  climate. 
My  Notes  give  a  very  imperfect  idea  of  what 
our  climate  was,  half  a  century  ago,  at  this 
place  [Monticello],  which  being  nearly  central 
to  the  State  may  be  taken  for  its  medium.  Lat 
terly,  after  seven  years  of  close  and  exact  ob 
servation,  I  have  prepared  an  estimate  of  what 
it  is  now,  which  may  some  day  be  added  to 
the  former  work ;  and  I  hope  something  like  this 
is  doing  in  the  other  States,  which,  when  all 
shall  be  brought  together,  may  produce  theories 
meriting  confidence. — To  LEWIS  M.  BECK,  vii, 
375.  (1824.) 

1324.  CLIMATE     OF     VIRGINIA.— A 

change  in  our  [Virginia]  climate  is  taking  place 
very  sensibly.  Both  heats  and  colds  are  becom 
ing  much  more  moderate  within  the  memory 
even  of  the  middle-aged.  Snows  are  less  frequent 
and  less  deep.  They  do  not  often  lie,  below  the 
mountains,  more  than,  one.  two,  or  three  days, 
and  very  rarely  a  week.  They  are  remembered 
to  have  been  formerly  frequent,  deep,  and  of 
long  continuance.  The  elderly  inform  me,  the 
earth  used  to  be  covered  with  snow  about  three 
months  in  every  year.  The  rivers,  which  then 
seldom  failed  to  freeze  over  in  the  course  of 
the  winter,  scarcely  ever  do  so  now. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  327.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  185.  (1782.) 

1325.  — . .     The   change   which   has 

taken  place  in  our  [Virginia]  climate,  is  one  of 
those  facts  which  all  men  of  years  are  sensible 
of,  and  yet  none  can  prove  by  regular  evidence ; 
they   can   only   appeal   to   each   other's   general 
observation  for  the  fact.     I  remember  when  I 
was  a  small  boy   (say  sixty  years  ago),  snows 
were    frequent    and    deep    in    every   winter — to 
my  knee  very  often,  to  my  waist  sometimes — 
and  that  they  covered  the  earth  long.     And  I 
remember  while  yet  young,  to  have  heard  from 
very  old  men,  that  in  their  youth,  the  winters 
had  been   still  colder,   with   deeper   and  longer 
snows.     In  the  year  1772,  we  had  a  snow  two 
feet  deep  in  the  champaign  parts  of  Virginia, 
and  three  feet  in  the  counties  next  below  the 
mountains.     That  year  is  still  marked  in  con 
versation   by  the  designation   of   "  the  year   of 
the   deep    snow."     But    I    know    of   no    regular 
diaries  of  the  weather  very  far  back.     In  latter 
times,  they  might  perhaps  be  found.     While  I 
lived   at   Washington,    I    kept   a   diary,    and   by 
recurring  to  that,  I  observe  that  from  the  winter 
of  1802-3,  to  that  of  1808-9,  inclusive,  the  aver 
age  fall  of  snow  of  the  seven  winters  was  only 
fourteen  and  a  half  inches,  and  that  the  ground 
was   covered   but   sixteen   days   in   each   winter 
on  an  average  of  the  whole.     The  maximum  in 
any  one  winter,  during  that  period,  was  twenty- 
one   inches    fall,    and   thirty-four   days    on    the 
ground. — To     DR.     CHAPMAN,      v,     487.      (M., 
1809.) 

1326. .     I  find  nothing  anywhere 

else,  in  point  of  climate,  which  Virginia  need 
envy  to  any  part  of  the  world.  Here  [northern 
New  York]  they  are  locked  up  in  snow  and  ice 
for  six  months.  Spring  and  autumn,  which 
make  a  paradise  of  our  country,  are  rigorous 
winter  with  them  ;  and  a  tropical  summer  breaks 
on  them  all  at  once.  When  we  consider  how 
much  climate  contributes  to  the  happiness  of 
our  condition,  by  the  fine  sensations  it  excites, 
and  the  productions  it  is  the  parent  of,  we  have 
reason  to  value  highly  the  accident  of  birth  in 
such  a  one  as  that  of  Virginia. — To  MARTHA 
JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  338.  (1791.) 
See  WEATHER. 


149 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Clinton 
Coast  Line 


1327.  CLINTON     (De    Witt),     Defends 
Jefferson. — Thomas    Jefferson    presents    his 
compliments  to  Mr.  Clinton,  and  his  thanks  for 
the  pamphlet  sent  him.*     He  recollects  the  hav 
ing  read  it  at  the  time  with  a  due  sense  of  his 
obligation  to  the  author,  whose  name  was  sur 
mised,  though  not  absolutely  known,  and  a  con 
viction  that  he  had  made  the  most  of  his  matter. 
The  ground  of  defence  might  have  been  solidly 
aided  by  the  assurance   (which  is  the  absolute 
fact)  that  the  whole  story  fathered  on  Mazzei, 
was    an    unfounded    falsehood.     Dr.    Linn,    as 
aware  of  that,   takes   care  to  quote   it  from   a 
dead  man,  who  is  made  to  quote  from  one  re 
siding  in  the  remotest  part  of  Europe.     Equally 
false  was  Dr.  Linn's  other  story  about  Bishop 
Madison's  lawn  sleeves,  as  the  Bishop  can  tes 
tify,    for    certainly    Th :    J.    never    saw    him    in 
lawn    sleeves.      Had    the    Doctor    ventured    to 
name  time,  place,  and  person,  for  his  third  lie 
(the  government  without  religion),   it  is  prob 
able  he  might  have  been  convicted  on  that  also. 
But    these    are    slander    and    slanderers,    whom 
Th :    J.    has    thought    it    best    to    leave    to    the 
scourge  of  public  opinion. — To  DE  WITT  CLIN 
TON,     v,  80.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  59.     (W.,  1807.) 

1328.  CLINTON   (George),  Election  as 
Governor. — It  seems  probable  that  Mr.  Jay 
had  a  majority   of  the  qualified   voters,   and   I 
think  not  only  that  Clinton  would  have  honored 
himself  by  declining  to  accept,  and  agreeing  to 
take  another  fair  start,  but  that  probably  such 
a  conduct  would  have  ensured  him  a  majority 
on  a  new  election.     To  retain  the  office,  when 
it  is  probable  the  majority  was  against  him,  is 
dishonorable. — To    JAMES    MONROE.     FORD    EDV 
vi,  94.     (Pa.,  June  1792.) 

1329. .  It  does  not  seem  possi 
ble  to  defend  Clinton  as  a  just  or  disinterested 
man,  if  he  does  not  decline  the  office  [of  Gov 
ernor],  of  which  there  is  no  symptom;  and  1 
really  apprehend  that  the  cause  of  republicanism 
will  suffer  if  its  votaries  be  thrown  into  schism 
by  embarking  in  support  of  this  man,  and  for 
what?  To  draw  over  the  anti-federalists  who 
are  not  numerous  enough  to  be  worth  drawing 
over. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  89. 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

1330.  CLINTON  (George),  English  war 
ships  and. — I  congratulate  you  on  your  safe 
arrival  with  Miss  Clinton  at  New  York,  and  es 
pecially  on  your  escape  from   British  violence. 
This   aggression   is   of   a   character   so   distinct 
from  that  on  the  Chesapeake,  and  of  so  aggra 
vated   a   nature,   that   I    consider   it   as   a  very 
material  one  to  be  presented  with  that  to  the 
British  government.     I  pray  you,  therefore,  to 
write  me  a  letter,  stating  the  transaction,  and 
in  such  form  as  that  it  may  go  to  that  govern 
ment. — To    VICE-PRESIDENT    CLINTON,     v,    115. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  100.     (W.,  July  1807.) 

1331.  CLINTON     (George),     Estrange 
ment   from   Jefferson. — I    already   perceive 
my  old  friend  Clinton,  estranging  himself  from 
me.     No  doubt  lies  are  carried  to  him,  as  they 
will   be   to   the   two   other   candidates    [for   the 
Presidency],  under  forms  which,  however  false, 
he    can    scarcely    question.     Yet,    I    have    been 
equally  careful  as  to  him  also,  never  to  say  a 
word  on  this  subject. — To  JAMES   MONROE,     v, 
247.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  177.     (W.,  Feb.  1808.) 

1332.  CLINTON   (George),   Mental   de 
cay. — It  is  wonderful  to  me  that  old   men 

*"  A  vindication  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  against  the 
charges  contained  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  '  Serious 
Considerations'.  By  Grotius,  N.  Y.,  1800".—  EDITOR. 


should  not  be  sensible  that  their  minds  keep 
pace  with  their  bodies  in  the  progress  of  decay. 
Our  old  revolutionary  friend  Clinton,  for  ex 
ample,  who  was  a  hero,  but  never  a  man  of 
mind,  is  wonderfully  jealous  on  this  head.  He 
tells  eternally  the  stories  of  his  younger  days 
to  prove  his  memory,  as  if  memory  and  reason 
were  the  same  faculty.  Nothing  betrays  imbe 
cility  so  much  as  the  being  insensible  of  it. — To 
BENJAMIN  RUSH,  vi,  3.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  328. 
(P.P.,  1811.) 

-  COAST  DEFENCE.— See  DEFENCE. 

1333.  COAST  LINE,  Jurisdiction  and.— 
Governments    and    jurisconsults    have    been 
much  divided   in  opinion  as  to  the  distance 
from   their   sea   coasts  to   which   they  might 
reasonably  claim   a   right  of  prohibiting  the 
commitment  of  hostilities.     The  greatest  dis 
tance,  to  which  any  respectable  assent  among 
nations  has  been  at  any  time  given,  has  been 
the  extent  of  the  human  sight,  estimated  at 
upwards  of  twenty  miles;   and   the   smallest 
distance,    I    believe,    claimed    by   any   nation 
whatever,  is  the  utmost  range  of  a  cannon 
ball,  usually  stated  at  one  sea  league.     Some 
intermediate  distances  have  also  been  insisted 
on,  and  that  of  three  sea-leagues  has  some 
authority  in  its  favor.     The  character  of  our 
coast,  remarkable  in  considerable  parts  of  it 
for  admitting  no  vessels  of  size  to  pass  the 
shores,  would  entitle  us  in  reason  to  as  broad 
a  margin  of  protected  navigation  as  any  na 
tion  whatever.     Not  proposing,  however,  at 
this  time,  and  without  a  respectful  and  friend 
ly  communication  with  the  powers  interested 
in  this  navigation,  to  fix  on  the  distance  to 
which  we  may  ultimately  insist  on  the  right 
of  protection,  the  President  gives  instructions 
to  the  officers  acting  under  his  authority,  to 
consider  those  heretofore  given  them  as  re 
strained,  for  the  present,  to  the  distance  of 
one  sea-league,  or  three  geographical  miles, 
from  the  sea  shore.    This  distance  can  admit 
of    no    opposition,    as    it    is    recognized    by 
treaties   between    some    of  the   powers    with 
whom   we   are   connected   in   commerce   and 
navigation,   and  is  as   little  or  less  than  is 
claimed  by  any  one  of  them  on  their  own 
coasts.* — To  E.  C.  GENET,     iv,  75.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  440.     (G.,  Nov.   1793.) 

1334.  —        __.     I  think  myself  that  the 
limits  of  our  [marine]  protection  are  of  great 
consequence,  and  would  not  hesitate  the  sac 
rifice  of  money  to  obtain  them  large.    I  would 
say,  for  instance,  to  Great  Britain,  "  we  will 
pay  you  for  such  of  these  vessels   [taken  by 
France]  as  you  choose;  only  requiring  in  re 
turn  that  the  distance  of  their  capture  from 
shore  shall,  as  between  us,  be  ever  considered 
as  within  our  limits ;  now  say  for  yourself, 
which  of  these  vessels  you  will  accept  pay 
ment  for  ".      With  France  it  might  not  be  so 
easy  to  purchase  distance  by  pecuniary  sacri 
fices ;  but  if  by  giving  up  all  further  reclama 
tion  of  the  vessels  in  their  hands,  they  could 
be    led    to    fix    the    same    limits    (say    three 
leagues)    I   should   think  it  an  advantageous 
purchase. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  434.     (M.,  Oct.  1793.) 

*  Jefferson  wrote  to  the  same  effect  to  Mr  Ham 
mond,  the  British  Minister.— EDITOR. 


Coast  Line 
Coles  (Edward) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


150 


1335.  COAST    LINE,    Limits    of.— The 
rule    of   the    common    law    is    that    wherever 
you  can  see  from  land  to  land,  all  the  water 
within  the  line  of  sight  is  in  the  body  of  the 
adjacent    country,    and    within    common    law 
jurisdiction.      Thus,     if     in     this     curvature 
•2^_^^~~^\_J^you  can  see  from  a  to  b,  all  the 
water  within  the  line  of  sight  is  within  com 
mon    law   jurisdiction,   and   a   murder   com 
mitted  at  c  is  to  be  tried  as  at  common  law. 
Our  coast  is  generally  visible,  I  believe,  by  the 
time  you  get  within  about  twenty-five  miles. 
I   suppose  that   at   New   York  you   must  be 
some  miles  out  of  the  Hook  before  the  oppo 
site  shores  recede  twenty-five  miles  from  each 
other.    The  three  miles  of  marine  jurisdiction 
is  always  to  be  counted  from  this  line  of  sight. 
—To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  559.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
319.    (M.,  1804.) 

1336.  COAST  LINE,  Rivers,  Bays  and. 
— For  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rivers  and  bays 
of  the  United  States,  the  laws  of  the  several 
States    *    *    *    have  made  provision,  and  they 
are,   moreover,   as   being  land-locked,   within 
the  body  of  the  United  States.— To  GEORGE 
HAMMOND,  iv,  76.  FORDED.,  vi,  442.  (G.,  1793-) 

1337.  COCKADES,  Politics  and.— Some 
of  the  young  men,  who  addressed  the  President 
[John  Adams]   on  Monday,  mounted  the  black 
(or  English)   cockade.     The  next  day,  numbers 
of  the  people  appeared  with  the  tricolored   (or 
French)  cockade.     Yesterday  being  the  fast  day, 
the  black  cockade  again  appeared,  on  which  the 
tricolor  also  showed  itself.     A  fray  ensued,  the 
light  horse  were  called  in,  and  the  city  [Phila 
delphia]    was    so    filled    with    confusion,    from 
about   6   to    10   o'clock  last   night,   that   it  was 
dangerous     going     out. — To     JAMES     MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  251.     (Pa.,  May  10,  1798.) 

1338. .     In  the  first  moments  of 

the  tumult  in  Philadelphia,  the  cockade  assumed 
by  one  party  was  mistaken  to  be  the  tricolor. 
It  was  the  old  blue  and  red,  adopted  in  some 
places  in  an  early  part  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.  It  is  laid  aside,  but  the  black  is  still  fre 
quent. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  253. 
(Pa.,  May  1798.) 

1339.  COERCION   OF   A    STATE,    The 

Confederation  and. — It  has  been  often  said 
that  the  decisions  of  Congress  are  impotent 
because  the  Confederation  provides  no  com 
pulsory  power.  But  when  two  or  more  na 
tions  enter  into  compact,  it  is  not  usual  for 
them  to  say  what  shall  be  done  to  the  party 
who  infringes  it.  Decency  forbids  this,  and 
it  is  as  unnecessary  as  indecent,  because  the 
right  of  compulsion  naturally  results  to  the 
party  injured  by  the  breach.  When  any  one 
State  in  the  American  Union  refuses  obedi 
ence  to  the  Confederation  by  which  they  have 
bound  themselves,  the  rest  have  a  natural 
right  to  compel  them  to  obedience.  Congress 
would  probably  exercise  long  patience  before 
they  would  recur  to  force ;  but  if  the  case  ul 
timately  required  it,  they  would  use  that  re 
currence.  Should  this  case  ever  arise,  they 
will  probably  coerce  by  a  naval  force,  as  be 
ing  more  easy,  less  dangerous  to  liberty,  and 
less  likely  to  produce  much  bloodshed. — To 
M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix.  291.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  147. 
(P.,  1786.) 


1340.  COERCION  OF  A  STATE,  Law  of 

Nature  and. — The  coercive  powers  supposed 
to  be  wanting  in  the  federal  head,  I  am  of 
opinion  they  possess  by  the  law  of  nature, 
which  authorizes  one  party  to  an  agreement 
to  compel  the  other  to  performance.  A  delin 
quent  State  makes  itself  a  party  against  the 
rest  of  the  confederacy. — To  EDWARD  RAN 
DOLPH,  ii,  211.  (P.,  1787.) 

1341. .    it  has  been  so  often  said, 

as  to  be  generally  believed,  that  Congress  have 
no  power  by  the  Confederation  to  enforce 
anything,  for  example,  contributions  of 
money.  It  was  not  necessary  to  give  them 
that  power  expressly,  for  they  have  it  by  the 
law  of  nature.  When  two  parties  make  a 
compact,  there  results  to  each  a  power  of 
compelling  the  other  to  execute  it. — To  E. 
CARRINGTON.  ii,  217.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  424.  (P., 
Aug.  1787.) 

1342.  COERCION  OF  A  STATE,  Meth 
ods  of. — Peaceable  means  should  be  contrived 
for  the  Federal  head  to  enforce  compliance 
on  the  part  of  the  States. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE. 
ii,  267.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  445.     (P.,  Sept.  1787.) 

1343.  COERCION  OF  A  STATE,  A  navy 

— Compulsion  was  never  so  easy  as  in 
our  case,  where  a  single  frigate  would  soon 
levy  on  the  commerce  of  any  State  the  de 
ficiency  of  its  contributions ;  nor  more  safe 
than  in  the  hands  of  Congress  which  has  al 
ways  shown  that  it  would  wait,  as  it  ought 
to  do,  to  the  last  extremities  before  it  would 
execute  any  of  its  powers  which  are  disagree 
able. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  218.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  424-  (P-,  August  1787.) 

1344.  COERCION  OF  A  STATE,  Neces 
sity  of.— -There  never  will  be  money  in  the 
treasury  till  the  confederacy  shows  its  teeth. 
The  States  must  see  the  rod ;  perhaps  it  must 
be  felt  by  some  of  them.     I  am  persuaded  all 
of  them  would  rejoice  to  see  every  one  obliged 
to    furnish    its    contributions.      It   is   not   the 
difficulty  of  furnishing  them,  which  beggars 
the  treasury,  but  the  fear  that  others  will  not 
furnish  as  much.    Every  rational  citizen  must 
wish  to  see  an  effective  instrument  of  coer 
cion,  and  should  fear  to1  see  it  on  any  other 
element  than  the  water.     A  naval  force  can 
never    endanger    our    liberties,    nor   occasion 
bloodshed :  a  land  force  would  do  both. — To 
JAMES   MONROE,     i,  606.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  265. 
(P.,  1786.) 

—  COINAGE  OF  UNITED  STATES.— 

See  DOLLAR. 

1345.  COKE  (Lord),  Opinions  of.— Lord 

Cokes  opinion  it  is  ever  dangerous  to  neglect. — 
NOTE  TO  CRIMES  BILL,  i,  150.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
208.  (i779-) 

-  COLD,     Suffering     caused    by.— See 

CLIMATE. 

1346.  COLES  (Edward),  Jefferson's  sec 
retary. — Mr.  Coles,  the  bearer  of  public  des 
patches,  by  an  aviso,  has  lived  with  me  as  Sec 
retary,   is   my  wealthy  neighbor  at   Monticello, 
and    worthy    of    all    confidence.     His    intimate 
knowledge  of  our  situation  has  induced  us  to 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Coles  (Edward) 
Colonies 


send  him,  because  he  will  be  a  full  supplement 
as  to  all  those  things  which  cannot  be  detailed 
in  writing. — To  JOHN  ARMSTRONG,  v,  433. 
(W.,  March  1809.) 

1347. .  To  give  you  a  true  de 
scription  of  the  state  of  things  here,  I  must 
refer  you  to  Mr.  Coles,  the  bearer  of  this 
[letter],  my  Secretary,  a  most  worthy,  intelli 
gent  and  well-informed  young  man,  whom  I 
recommend  to  your  notice.  *  His  dis 

cretion  and  fidelity  may  be  relied  on. — To  Du- 
PONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  432.  (W.,  1809.) 

_  COLLEGES  Arrangement,  of  build 
ings  for. — See  ACADEMIES. 

1348.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Be 
ginning   of  the. — America   was   conquered, 
and  her  settlements  made,  and  firmly  estab 
lished,  at  the  expense  of  individuals,  and  not 
of  the  British  public.     Their  own  blood  was 
spilt  in  acquiring  lands  for  their  settlement, 
their  own  fortunes  expended  in  making  that 
settlement     effectual;      for   themselves    they 
fought,   for  themselves  they  conquered,    and 
for  themselves  alone  they  have  right  to  hold. 
No  shilling  was  ever  issued  from  the  public 
treasuries  of  his   Majesty,   or  his  ancestors, 
for  their  assistance,   till   of  very  late   times, 
after  the  colonies  had  become  established  on  a 
firm  and  permanent  footing.— RIGHTS  OF  BRIT 
ISH  AMERICA,  i,  126.   FORD  ED.,  i,  430.    (i?74-) 
See  RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  APPENDIX. 

1349.  COLONIES  (The  American),  The 
Crown  and. — Our  forefathers,  inhabitants  of 
the  island  of  Great  Britain,  left  their  native 
land  to  seek  on  these  shores  a  residence  for 
civil  and  religious  freedom.     At  the  expense 
of  their  blood,  to  the  ruin  of  their  fortunes, 
with  the  relinquishment  of  everything  quiet 
and  comfortable  in  life,  they  effected  settle 
ments  in  the  inhospitable  wilds  of  America; 
and  there  established  civil  societies  with  va 
rious    forms    of    constitution.      To    continue 
their  connection  with  the  friends  whom  they 
had  left,  they  arranged  themselves  by  charters 
of  compact  under  the  same  common  King, 
who  thus  completed  their  powers  of  full  and 
perfect    legislation    and   became    the    link    of 
union  between  the  several  parts  of  the  em 
pire.— DECLARATION    ON    TAKING    UP  ARMS 
FORD  ED.,  i,  464.     (July  I775-) 

1350. .     That    settlement  having 

been  thus  effected  in  the  wilds  of  America 
the  emigrants  thought  proper  to  adopt  tha 
system  of  laws  under  which  they  had  hitherto 
lived  in  the  mother  country,  and  to  continue 
their  union  with  her.  by  submitting  them 
selves  to  the  same  common  sovereign,  who 
was  thereby  made  the  central  link,  connecting 
the  several  parts  of  the  empire  thus  newly 
multiplied.— RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA, 
126.  FORD  ED.,  i,  431-  (I774-) 

_  COLONIES  (The  American),  George 
III.  and.— See  GEORGE  III. 

1351.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Har 
assed  by  the  Stuarts. — But  not  long  wer 
the  Colonies  permitted,  however  far  the] 
thought  themselves  removed  from  the  ham 
of  oppression,  to  hold  undisturbed  the  right 


.cquired  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives  and  loss 
)f  their  fortunes.  A  family  of  princes  was 
hen  on  the  British  throne,  whose  treason- 
ible  crimes  against  their  people  brought  on 
hem,  afterwards,  the  exertion  of  those 
acred  and  sovereign  rights  of  punishment, 
cserved  in  the  hands  of  the  people  for  cases 
>f  extreme  necessity,  and  judged  by  the  con- 
titution  unsafe  to  be  delegated  to  any  other 
udicature.  While  every  day  brought  forth 
;ome  new  and  unjustifiable  exertion  of  power 
over  their  subjects  on  that  side  of  the  water, 
t  was  not  to  be  expected  that  those  here, 
much  less  able  at  the  time  to  oppose  the  de 
signs  of  despotism,  should  be  exempted  from 
njury.  Accordingly,  this  country  which  had 
Deen  acquired  by  the  lives,  the  labors,  and  for- 
unes  of  individual  adventurers,  was  by  these 
Princes,  several  times,  parted*  out  and  dis 
tributed  among  the  favorites  and  followers 
of  their  fortunes;  and.  by  an  assumed  right 
of  the  Crown  alone,  was  erected  into  distinct 
and  independent  governments ;  a  measure 
which,  it  is  believed,  his  Majesty's  prudence 
and  understanding  would  prevent  him  from 
imitating  at  this  day;  as  no  exercise  of  such 
power  of  dividing  and  dismembering  a 
country  has  ever  occurred  in  his  Majesty's 
realm  of  England,  though  now  of  very  an 
cient  standing;  nor  could  it  be  justified  or 
acquiesced  under  there,  or  in  any  other  part 
of  his  Majesty's  empire. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA.  1,127.  FORD  ED.,  i,  431.  (I774-) 

1352.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Par 
liamentary  encroachments. — In  1650,  the 
parliament,  considering  itself  as  standing  in 
the  place  of  their  deposed  king,  and  as  hav 
ing  succeeded  to  all  his  powers,  without  as 
well  as  within  the  realm,  began  to  assume 
a  right  over  the  Colonies,  passing  an  act  for 
inhibiting  their  trade  with  foreign  nations. 
This  succession  to  the  exercise  of  kingly  au 
thority  gave  the  first  color  for  parliamentary 
interference  with  the  Colonies,  and  produced 
that  fatal  precedent  which  they  continued  to 
follow,  after  they  had  retired,  in  other  re 
spects,  within  their  proper  functions. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  355-  FORD  ED.,  iii,  217. 
(1782.) 

1353. .  What  powers  the  Par 
liament  might  rightfully  exercise  over  us, 
and  whether  any,  had  never  been  declared 
either  by  them  or  us.  They  had  very  early 
taken  the  gigantic  step  of  passing  the  Navi 
gation  Act.  The  Colonies  remonstrated  vio 
lently  against  it,  and  one  of  them,  Virginia, 
when  she  capitulated  to  the  Commonwealth 
of  England,  expressly  stipulated  for  a  free 

*  In  1621,  Nova  Scotia  was  granted  by  James  I.  to 
Sir  William  Alexander.  In  16^2,  Maryland  was 
granted  by  Charles  I.  to  Lord  Baltimore.  In  1664, 
New  York  was  granted  by  Charles  II.  to  the  Duke  of 
York  •  as  also  New  Jersey,  which  the  Duke  of  York 
conveyed  again  to  Lord  Berkely  and  Sir  George  Car- 
teret.  So  also  were  the  Delaware  counties,  which  the 


same  Duke  conveyed  to  Wm.  Penn.  In  1665,  the 
countrv  including  "North  and  South  Carolina,  Geor 
gia  and  the  Floridas  was  granted  by  Charles  II.  to 


the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  Duke  of  Albemarle,  Earl  of 
Craven,  Lord  Berkely,  Lord  Ashlev,  Sir  George  Car- 
teret,  Sir  John  Coleton,  and  Sir  Wm.  Berkely.  In 
1681,  Pennsylvania  was  granted  by  Charles  II.  to 
Wm.  Penn.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


Colonies 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


152 


trade.  This  capitulation,  however,  was  as 
little  regarded  as  the  original  right,  restored 
by  it,  had  been.  The  Navigation  Act  was 
reenacted  by  Charles  II.,  and  was  enforced. 
And  we  had  been  so  long  in  the  habit  of  see 
ing  them  consider  us  merely  as  objects  for 
the  extension  of  their  commerce,  and  of  sub 
mitting  to  every  duty  or  regulation  imposed 
with  that  view,  that  we  had  ceased  to  com 
plain  of  them.— NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S  BOOK. 
ix,  294.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  302.  (P.,  1786.) 

1354.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Po 
litical  relations  of. — The  settlement  of  the 
Colonies  was  not  made  by  public  authority, 
or  at  the  public  expense  of  England;  but  by 
the  exertions,  and  at  the  expense  of  individu 
als.     Hence  it  happened  that  their  constitu 
tions  were  not  formed  systematically,  but  ac 
cording  to  the  circumstances  which  happened 
to  exist  in  each.     Hence,  too,  the  principles 
of  the  political   connection  between   the   old 
and  new  countries  were  never  settled.     That 
it  would  have  been  advantageous  to  have  set 
tled  them,  is  certain ;  and,  particularly  to  have 
provided  a  body  which  should  decide,  in  the 
last   resort,    all    cases    wherein   both   parties 
were  interested.     But  it  is  not  certain  that 
that  right  would  have  been  given,  or  ought 
to  have  been  given  to  the  Parliament ;  much 
less,  that  it  resulted  to  the  Parliament,  with 
out  having  been  given  to  it  expressly.     Why 
was  it  necessary  that  there  should  have  been 
a  body  to  decide  in  the  last  resort?     Because 
it   would   have  been   for   the   good   of  both 
parties.     But  this  reason  shows  it  ought  not 
to  have  been   the   Parliament,   because  that 
would  have  exercised  it  for  the  good  of  one 
party    only. — To    M.    DE    MEUNIER.     ix,    255. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  160.     (P.,  1786.) 

1355.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Rec 
onciliation  of.— There  was  *  *  *  a  plan  of 
accommodation  offered  in  Parliament,  which, 
though   not   entirely   equal   to   the  terms   we 
had  a  right  to  ask,  yet  differed  but  in  few 
points  from  what  the  General  Congress  had 
held  out.     Had  Parliament  been  disposed  sin 
cerely,  as  we  are,  to  bring  about  a  reconcilia 
tion,  reasonable  men  had  hoped,  that  by  meet 
ing  us  on  this  ground  something  might  have 
been  done.     Lord  Chatham's  Bill,  on  the  one 
part,  and  the  terms  of  Congress  on  the  other, 
would  have  formed  a  basis  for  negotiations, 
which  a  spirit  of   accommodation  on  both  sides 
might,  perhaps,  have  reconciled.     It  came  rec 
ommended,  too,   from  one  whose  successful 
experience  in  the  art  of  government  should 
have  insured  it  some  attention  from  those  to 
whom  it  was  intended.     He  had  shown  to  the 
world,  that  Great  Britain  with  her  Colonies 
united  firmly  under  a  just  and  honest  Gov 
ernment  formed  a  power  which  might  bid  de 
fiance  to  the  most  potent  enemies.     With  a 
change  of  Ministers,  however,  a  total  change 
of    measures    took    place.     The    component 
parts  of  the  Empire  have  from  that  moment 
been  falling  asunder,  and  a  total  annihilation 
of  its  weight  in  the  political  scale  of  the  world 
seems  justly  to  be  apprehended. — ADDRESS  OF 
VA.  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  TO  LORD  DUNMORE. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  458.     (I775-) 


1356. .  Though  desirous  and  de 
termined  to  consider,  in  the  most  dispassion 
ate  view,  every  advance  towards  reconcilia 
tion  made  by  the  British  Parliament,  let  our 
brethren  of  Britain  reflect  what  would  have 
been  the  sacrifice  to  men  of  free  spirits,  had 
even  fair  terms  been  proffered,  *  *  *  as 
these  were,  with  circumstances  of  insult  and 
defiance. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSI 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  478.  (July  1775.) 

1357. .  With  what  patience 

could  Britain  have  received  articles  of  treaty 
from  any  power  on  earth,  when  borne  on  the 
point  of  the  bayonet  by  military  plenipoten 
tiaries? — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSI 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  479.  (July  1775.) 

1358. .  If  *  *  *  Great  Britain, 

disjoined  from  her  Colonies,  be  a  match  for 
the  most  potent  nations  of  Europe,  with  the 
Colonies  thrown  into  their  scale,  they  may  go 
on  securely.  But  if  they  are  not  assured  of 
this,  it  would  be  certainly  unwise,  by  try 
ing  the  event  of  another  campaign,  to  risk  our 
accepting  a  foreign  aid,  which,  perhaps,  may 
not  be  obtainable,  but  on  condition  of  ever 
lasting  avulsion  from  Great  Britain.  This 
would  be  thought  a  hard  condition  to  those 
who  still  wish  for  reunion  with  their  parent 
country.  I  am  sincerely  one  of  those,  and 
would  rather  be  in  dependence  on  Great 
Britain,  properly  limited,  than  on  any  nation 
on  earth,  or  than  on  no  nation.  But  I  am  one 
of  those,  too,  who,  rather  than  submit  to  the 
rights  of  legislating  for  us,  assumed  by  the 
British  Parliament,  and  which  late  experi 
ence  has  shown  they  will  so  cruelly  exercise, 
would  lend  my  hand  to  sink  the  whole  Island 
in  the  ocean. — To  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  i,  201. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  484.  (M.,  August  1775.) 

1359.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Re 
sistance  to  Unjust  Taxation.— When  Par 
liament  proposed  to  consider  us  as  objects  of 
taxation,  all  the  States  took  the  alarm.  Yet 
so  little  had  we  attended  to  this  subject,  that 
our  advocates  did  not  know  at  first  on  what 
ground  to  take  their  stand.  Mr.  Dickinson, 
a  lawyer  of  more  ingenuity  than  sound  judg 
ment,  and  still  more  timid  than  ingenious, 
not  daring  to  question  the  authority  to  regu 
late  commerce  so  as  best  to  answer  their  own 
purpose,  to  which  we  had  long  submitted, 
admitted  that  authority  in  its  utmost  extent. 
He  acknowledged  *  *  *  that  they  could 
levy  duties,  internal  or  external,  payable  in 
Great  Britain  or  in  the  States.  He  only  re 
quired  that  these  duties  should  be  bond  fide 
for  the  regulation  of  commerce,  and  not  to 
raise  a  solid  revenue.  He  admitted,  there 
fore,  that  they  might  control  our  commerce, 
but  not  tax  us.  This  mysterious  system  took 
for  a  moment  in  America  as  well  as  in  Eu 
rope.  But  sounder  heads  saw  in  the  first 
moment  that  he  who  could  put  down  the 
loom,  could  stop  the  spinning  wheel,  and  he 
who  could  stop  the  spinning  wheel  could  tie 
the  hands  which  turned  it.  They  saw  that 
this  flimsy  fabric  could  not  be  supported. 
Who  were  to  be  the  judges  whether  duties 
were  imposed  with  a  view  to  burden  and  sup- 


153 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Colonies 


press  a  branch  of  manufacture  or  to  raise  a 
revenue  ?  If  either  party,  exclusively  of  the 
other,  it  was  plain  where  that  would  end. 
If  both  parties,  it  was  plain  where  that 
would  end  also.  They  saw,  therefore,  no 
sure  clew  to  lead  them  out  of  their  difficulties 
but  reason  and  right.  They  dared  to  follow 
them,  assured  that  they  alone  could  l?ad  them 
to  defensible  ground.  The  first  elements  of 
our  reason  showed  that  the  members  of  Par 
liament  could  have  no  power  which  the 
people  of  the  several  counties  had  not;  that 
these  had  naturally  a  power  over  their  own 
farms,  and  collectively  over  all  England. 
But  if  they  had  any  power  over  counties  out 
of  England,  it  must  be  founded  on  compact 
or  force.  No  compact  could  be  shown,  and 
neither  party  chose  to  bottom  their  preten 
sions  on  force.  It  was  objected  that  this 
annihilated  the  Navigation  Act.  True,  it 
does.  The  Navigation  Act,  therefore,  be 
comes  a  proper  subject  of  treaty  between 
the  two  nations.  Or,  if  Great  Britain  does 
not  choose  to  have  its  basis  questioned,  let 
us  go  on  as  we  have  done.  Let  no  new 
shackles  be  imposed,  and  we  will  continue  to 
submit  to  the  old.  We  will  consider  the 
restrictions  on  our  commerce  now  actually 
existing  as  compensations  yielded  by  us  for 
the  protection  and  privileges  we  actually  en 
joy,  only  trusting  that  if  Great  Britain  on  a 
revisal  of  these  restrictions,  is  sensible  that 
some  of  them  are  useless  to  her  and  oppres 
sive  to  us,  she  will  repeal  them.  But  on  this 
she  shall  be  free.  Place  us  in  the  condition 
we  were  when  the  King  came  to  the  throne, 
let  us  rest  so,  and  we  will  be  satisfied.  This 
was  the  ground  on  which  all  the  States  very 
soon  found  themselves  rallied,  and  that  there 
was  no  other  which  could  be  defended. — 
NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S  BOOK,  ix,  295.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  302.  (P.,  1786.)  See  TAXATION. 

—  COLONIES  (The  American),  Re 
strictions  on  trade  of. — See  TRADE. 

1360.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Sep 
aration  from  England. — It  is  neither  our 
wish  nor  our  interest  to  separate  from  Great 
Britain.  We  are  willing,  on  our  part,  to  sac 
rifice  everything  which  reason  can  ask  to  the 
restoration  of  that  tranquillity  for  which  all 
must  wish.  On  their  part,  let  them  be  ready 
to  establish  union  on  a  generous  plan.  Let 
them  name  their  terms,  but  let  them  be  just. 
Accept  of  every  commercial  privilege  which 
it  is  in  our  power  to  give,  for  such  things 
as  we  can  raise  for  their  use,  or  they  make 
for  ours.  But  let  them  not  think  to  exclude 
us  from  going  to  other  markets  to  dispose 
of  those  commodities  which  they  cannot  use, 
or  to  supply  those  wants  which  they  cannot 
supply.  Still  less,  let  it  be  proposed,  that  our 
properties  within  our  own  territories  shall 
be  taxed  or  regulated  by  any  power  on  earth 
but  our  own.  The  God  who  gave  us  life, 
gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time :  the  hand  of 
force  may  destroy,  but  cannot  disjoin  them. 
This,  Sire,  is  our  last,  pur  determined  resolu 
tion.  And  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  inter 
pose  with  that  efficacy  which  your  earnest 


endeavors  may  insure  to  procure  redress  of 
these  our  great  grievances,  to  quiet  the  minds 
of  your  subjects  in  British  America  against 
any  apprehensions  of  future  encroachment, 
to  establish  fraternal  love  and  harmony  and 
love  through  the  whole  empire,  and  that  that 
may  continue  to  the  latest  ages  of  time,  is 
the  fervent  prayer  of  all  British  America. — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA.  \,  141.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  446.  (I774-) 

1361.  — .     Before    the    commence 
ment    of    hostilities    I    never    had    heard    a 
whisper  of  disposition  to  separate  from  Great 
Britain.     And  after  that,   its  possibility  was 
contemplated     with     affliction     by     all.— To 
GEORGE  A.   OTIS.      FORD  ED.,   x,    188.      (M., 
1821.) 

1362.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Tory 
ism  of  George  III.  and.— The  tory  educa 
tion  of  the   King   was   the   first   preparation 
for   that   change   in   the   British   government 
which  that  party  never  ceases  to  wish.     This 
naturally  ensured  tory  administration  during 
his   life.     At   the    moment   he    came   to    the 
throne  and  cleared  his  hands  of  his  enemies 
by   the   peace   of   Paris,    the   assumptions   of 
unwarrantable     right     over     America     com 
menced.     They  were  so  signal,  and  followed 
one  another  so  close,  as  to  prove  they  were 
part  of  a  system,   either  to  reduce  it  under 
absolute  subjection,  and  thereby  make  it  an 
instrument    for    attempts    on    Great    Britain 
itself,  or  to  sever  it  from  Britain,  so  that  it 
might   not   be   a   weight   in   the   Whig   scale. 
This  latter  alternative,  however,  was  not  con 
sidered  as  the  one  which  would  take  place. 
They  knew   so   little   of   America,   that   they 
thought  it  unable  to  encounter  the  little  finger 
of   Great    Britain. — NOTES    ON    M.    SOULES'S 
WORK,      ix,    299.      FORD   ED.,    iv,    307.      (P., 
1786.)     See  GEORGE  III. 

—  COLONIES  (The  American),  Tyr 
anny  of  George  III.  and.— See  TYRANNY. 

1363.  COLONIES  (The  American),  Un 
ion   of. — We   cannot,    my   Lord,    close    with 
the  terms  of  that  Resolution   [Lord  North's 
Conciliatory    Proposition]     because    *     *     * 
[it]    involves   the   interests   of  all   the   other 
Colonies.     We  are  now  represented  in  Gen 
eral  Congress  by  members  approved  by  this 
House,  where  the  former  union,  it  is  hoped, 
will  be  so  strongly  cemented,  that  no  partial 
applications  can  produce  the  slightest  depart 
ure  from  the  common  cause.     We  consider 
ourselves  as  bound  in  honor,  as  well  as  in 
terest,    to    share   one   general    fate    with   our 
sister   Colonies;    and   should   hold   ourselves 
base    deserters   of   that   union   to    which    we 
have    acceded,    were    we    to    agree    on    any 
measures    distinct    and    apart    from    them. — 
ADDRESS  TO  LORD  DUNMORE  FROM  VA.  HOUSE 
OF  BURGESSES.     FORD  ED.,  i,  457.     (1775.) 

1364. .  [Lord  North's] proposi 
tion  *  *  *  is  unreasonable  and  insidi 
ous  :  unreasonable  because  if  we  declare  we 
accede  to  it,  we  declare,  without  reservation, 
we  will  purchase  the  favor  of  Parliament, 
not  knowing  at  the  same  time  at  what  price 


Colonies 
Colonization 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


154 


they  will  please  to  estimate  their  favor;  it  is 
insidious  because  any  individual  Colonies, 
having  bid  and  bidden  again  till  they  find  the 
avidity  of  the  seller  too  great  for  all  their 
powers,  are  then  to  return  into  opposition, 
divided  from  their  sister  Colonies,  whom  the 
minister  will  have  previously  detached  by  a 
grant  of  easier  terms,  or  by  an  artful  pro 
crastination  of  a  definitive  answer. — REPLY  OF 
CONGRESS  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  478.  (July  1775.) 

1365. .     We  will  ever  be  ready 

to  join  with  our  fellow-subjects  in  every  part 
of  the  British  empire,  in  executing  all  those 
rightful  powers  which  God  has  given  us,  for 
the  reestablishment  and  guaranteeing    *    *    * 
their  constitutional  rights,  when,  where,  and 
by    whomsoever    invaded.* — RESOLUTION    OF 
ALBEMARLE  COUNTY.     FORD  ED.,  i,  419.     (July 
26,  1774.)     See  COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPOND 
ENCE. 

—  COLONIES    (The   American),    Viola 
tions  of  Charters. — See  CHARTERS. 

1366.  COLONIES,  Ancient  and  Modern. 

— Ancient  nations  considered  colonies  princi 
pally  as  receptacles  for  a  too  numerous  popu 
lation,  and  as  natural  and  useful  allies  in 
time  of  war ;  but  modern  nations,  viewing 
commerce  as  an  object  of  first  importance, 
value  colonies  chiefly  as  instruments  for  the 
increase  of  that.  This  is  principally  effected 
by  their  taking  commodities  from  the  mother 
State,  whether  raised  within  herself,  or  ob 
tained  elsewhere  in  the  course  of  her  trade, 
and  furnishing  in  return  colonial  productions 
necessary  for  her  consumption  or  for  her 
commerce  of  exchange  with  other  nations. 
In  this  way  the  colonies  of  Spain,  Portugal, 
France  and  England,  have  been  chiefly  sub 
servient  to  the  advantages  of  their  mother 
country.  In  this  way,  too,  in  a  smaller  de 
gree  has  Denmark  derived  utility  from  her 
American  colonies,  and  so,  also,  has  Holland, 
except  as  to  the  island  of  St.  Eustatius. — To 
BARON  STAKE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  238.  (P., 
1786.) 

1367.  COLONIES,      European     nations 
and    their.— The   habitual    violation    of   the 
equal  rights  of  the  colonist  by  the  dominant 
(for    I    will    not    call    them    the    mother) 
countries  of  Europe,   the   invariable   sacrifice 
of  their  highest  interests  to  the  minor  advan 
tages   of   any   individual  trade  or   calling  at 
home,  are  as  immoral  in  principle  as  the  con 
tinuance  of  them  is  unwise  in  practice,  after 
the  lessons  they  have  received. — To  CLEMENT 
CAINE.     vi,    13.      FORD   ED.,    ix,    329.      (M., 
1811.) 

1368.  COLONIZATION  (Negro),  Africa 

and — In  the  disposition  of  these  unfortunate 
people,  there  are  two  rational  objects  to  be 
distinctly  kept  in  view.  First.  The  estab 
lishment  of  a  colony  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
which  may  introduce  among  the  aborigines 
the  arts  of  cultivated  life  and  the  blessings 
of  civilization  and  science.  By  doing  this, 
we  may  make  to  them  some  retribution  for 
*  Jefferson's  own  county.— EDITOR. 


the  long  course  of  injuries  we  have  been  com 
mitting  on  their  population.  And  consider 
ing  that  these  blessings  will  descend  to  the 
"  nati  natorum  et  qui  nascentur  ab  illis",  we 
shall  in  the  long  run  have  rendered  them 
perhaps  more  good  than  evil.  To  fulfil  this 
object,  the  colony  of  Sierra  Leone  promises 
well,  and  that  of  Mesurado  adds  to  our  pros 
pect  of  success.  Under  this  view  the  Col 
onization  Society  is  to  be  considered  as  a 
missionary  society,  having  in  view,  however, 
objects  more  humane,  more  justifiable,  and 
less  aggressive  on  the  peace  of  other  nations 
than  the  others  of  that  appellation.  The  sec 
ond  object,  and  the  most  interesting  to  us, 
as  coming  home  to  our  physical  and  moral 
characters,  to  our  happiness  and  safety,  is 
to  provide  an  asylum  to  which  we  can,  by 
degrees,  send  the  whole  of  that  population 
from  among  us,  and  establish  them  under 
our  patronage  and  protection,  as  a  separate, 
free  and  independent  people,  in  some  country 
and  climate  friendly  to  human  life  and  hap 
piness.  That  any  place  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
should  answer  the  latter  purpose,  I  have  ever 
deemed  entirely  impossible.  And  without  re 
peating  the  other  arguments  which  have  been 
urged  by  others,  I  will  appeal  to  figures  only, 
which  admit  no  controversy.* — To  JARED 
SPARKS,  vii,  332.  FORD  ED.,  x,  290.  (M 
1824.) 

1369.  COLONIZATION  (Negro),  Eman 
cipation  and. — There  is,  I  think,  a  way  in 
which  [the  removal  of  the  slaves  to  another 
country]    can  be   done;    that  is  by  emanci 
pating  the  after-born,  leaving  them,  on  due 
compensation,  with  their  mothers,  until  their 
services    are    worth    their    maintenance,    and 
then  putting  them  to  industrious  occupations 
until    a    proper    age    for    deportation.     This 
was  the  result  of  my  reflections  on  the  sub 
ject  five   and   forty  years   ago,   and   I   have 
never  yet  been   able  to  conceive   any  other 
practicable    plan.      It    was    sketched    in    the 
"  Notes  on  Virginia  ".     The  estimated  value 
of  the  new-born  infant  is  so  low  (say  twelve 
dollars  and  fifty  cents)    that  it  would  prob 
ably   be    yielded    by   the    owner    gratis,    and 
would  thus  reduce  the  six  hundred  millions 
of  dollars,  the  first  head  of  expense,  to  thirty- 
seven  millions  and  a  half;   leaving  only  the 
expenses    of    nourishment    while    with    the 
mother,    and    of    transportation. — To    JARED 
SPARKS,     vii,    333.     FORD   ED.,   x,   291.     (M., 
1824.) 

1370.  COLONIZATION     (Negro),     Ex 
penses  of. — From  what  fund  are  these  ex 
penses  to  be  furnished?     Why  not  from  that 
of  the  lands  which  have  been  ceded  by  the 
very   States   now   needing  this   relief?    And 
ceded  on  no  consideration,  for  the  most  part, 
but  that  of  the  general  good  of  the  whole. 
The.se  cessions  already  constitute  one-fourth 
of  the  States  of  the  Union,     It  may  be  said 

*  Jefferson  then  made  a  calculation  showing  that  it 
would  require  six  hundred  millions  of  dollars  to  pur 
chase  the  slaves,  -while  the  cost  of  transportation, 
provisions,  support  in  the  settlement,  &c.,  would  take 
three  hundred  millions  additional,— an  amount  which 
made  it  "  impossible  to  look  at  the  question  a  second 
time  ".—EDITOR. 


155 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Colonization 
Colony 


that  these  lands  have  been  sold ;  are  now  the 
property  of  the  citizens  composing  those 
States ;  and  the  money  long  ago  received  and 
expended.  But  an  equivalent  of  lands  in 
the  territories  since  acquired  may  be  appropri 
ated  to  that  object,  or  so  much,  at  least,  as 
may  be  sufficient;  and  the  object,  although 
more  important  to  the  slave  States,  is  highly 
so  to  the  others  also,  if  they  were  serious  in 
their  arguments  on  the  Missouri  question. 
The  slave  States,  too,  if  more  interested, 
would  also  contribute  more  by  their  gratu 
itous  liberation,  thus  taking  on  themselves 
alone  the  first  and  heaviest  item  of  expense. — 
To  JARED  SPARKS,  vii,  334.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
291.  (M.,  1824.) 

1371.  COLONIZATION     (Negro),     San 
Domingo  and.— In  the  plan  sketched  in  the 
"  Notes  on  Virginia  ",  no  particular  place  of 
asylum      was      specified ;     because     it     was 
thought    possible    that    in    the    revolutionary 
state   of   America,    then    commenced,    events 
might  open  to  us  some  one  within  practicable 
distance.      This   has   now   happened.      Santo 
Domingo  has  become  independent,  and  with 
a  population  of  that  color  only;  and  if  the 
public  papers  are  to  be  credited,  their  Chief 
offers  to  pay  their  passage,  to  receive  them 
as  free  citizens,  and  to  provide  them  employ 
ment.     This  leaves,  then,  for  the  general  con 
federacy,  no  expense  but  that  of  nurture  with 
the  mother  for  a  few  years,  and  would  call, 
of  course,  for  a  very  moderate  appropriation 
of  the  vacant  lands.     *    *    *     In   this  way 
no  violation  of  private  right  is  proposed. — To 
JARED   SPARKS,     vii,   334.     FORD  ED.,   x,   292. 
(M.,  1824.)     See  COLONY,  SLAVES. 

1372.  COLONY  (Penal),  Establishment 
of. — Questions  would  arise   whether  the  es 
tablishment  of  a  [negro  penal]  colony*  within 
our   limits,    and    to   become    a   part   of   our 
Union,    would   be   desirable   to   the    State   of 
Virginia    itself,    or    to    other    States — espe 
cially   those   who   would   be   in    its   vicinity. 
Could   we   procure   lands   beyond   the   limits 
of  the  United    States   to  form   a   receptacle 
for  these  people?     On  our  northern  boundary, 
the  country  not  occupied  by  British  subjects, 
is  the  property  of  Indian  nations,  whose  title 
would  have  to  be  extinguished,  with  the  con 
sent  of  Great  Britain ;  and  the  new  settlers 
would  be  British  subjects.  It  is  hardly  to  be  be 
lieved  that  either  Great  Britain  or  the  Indian 
proprietors    have    so    disinterested    a    regard 
for  us,   as  to   be   willing  to   relieve   us,   by 
receiving  such  a  colony  themselves. 

On  our  western  and  southern  frontiers,  Spain 
holds  an  immense  country,  the  occupancy  of 
which,  however,  is  in  the  Indian  natives,  ex 
cept  a  few  insulated  spots  possessed  by  Span 
ish  subjects.  It  is  very  questionable,  indeed, 
whether  the  Indians  would  sell?  whether 
Spain  would  be  willing  to  receive  these  peo 
ple?  and  nearly  certain  that  she  would  not 
alienate  the  sovereignty.  The  same  question 

*  James  Monroe,  then  Governor  of  Virginia,  wrote 
to  Jefferson  asking  his  good  offices  towards  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  penal  colony  in  America.  A  short  time 
before,  there  had  been  a  negro  insurrection  in  Vir 
ginia  and  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State 
had  passed  a  resolution  on  the  subject. — EDITOR. 


to  ourselves  would  recur  here  also,  as  did 
in  the  first  case :  should  we  be  willing  to  have 
such  a  colony  in  contact  with  us?  However 
our  present  interests  may  restrain  us  within 
our  own  limits,  it  is  impossible  not  to  look 
forward  to  distant  times,  when  our  rapid 
multiplication  will  expand  itself  beyond  those 
limits,  and  cover  the  whole  northern,  if  not 
the  southern  continent,  with  a  people  speak 
ing  the  same  language,  governed  in  similar 
forms,  and  by  similar  laws ;  nor  can  we  con 
template  with  satisfaction  either  blot  or  mix 
ture  on  that  surface.  Spain,  France,  and 
Portugal  hold  possessions  on  the  southern 
continent,  as  to  which  I  am  not  well  enough 
informed  to  say  how  far  they  might  meet  our 
views.  But  either  there  or  in  the  northern 
continent,  should  the  constituted  authorities 
of  Virginia  fix  their  attention,  of  preference, 
I  will  have  the  dispositions  of  those  powers 
sounded  in  the  first  instance. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  420.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  104.  (W., 
1801.) 

1373.  COLONY  (Penal),  Sierra  Leone 
and. — The  course  of  things  in  the  *  *  *  West 
Indies  appears  to  have  given  a  considerable 
impulse  to  the  minds  of  the  slaves  in  *  *  * 
the  United  States.  A  great  disposition  to 
insurgency  has  manifested  itself  among  them, 
which,  in  one  instance,  in  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia,  broke  out  into  actual  insurrection.  This 
was  easily  suppressed ;  but  many  of  those 
concerned'  (between  twenty  and  thirty,  I  be 
lieve)  fell  victims  to  the  law.  So  extensive 
an  execution  could  not  but  excite  sensibility  in 
the  public  mind,  and  beget  a  regret  that  the 
laws  had  not  provided  for  such  cases,  some 
alternative,  combining  more  mildness  with 
equal  efficacy.  The  Legislature  of  the  State 
*  *  *  took  the  subject  into  consideration,  and 
have  communicated  to  me  through  the  Gov 
ernor  of  the  State,  their  wish  that  some 
place  could  be  provided,  out  of  the  limits  of 
the  United  States,  to  which  slaves  guilty  of 
insurgency  might  be  transported;  and  they 
have  particularly  looked  to  Africa  as  offering 
the  most  desirable  receptacle.  We  might,  for 
this  purpose,  enter  into  negotiations  with  the 
natives,  on  some  part  of  the  coast,  to  obtain 
a  settlement ;  and,  by  establishing  an  African 
company,  combine  with  it  commercial  opera 
tions,  which  might  not  only  reimburse  ex 
penses,  but  procure  profit  also.  But  there  be 
ing  already  such  an  establishment  on  that 
coast  by  the  English  Sierra  Leone  Company, 
made  for  the  express  purpose  of  colonizing 
civilized  blacks  to  that  country,  it  would  seem 
better,  by  incorporating  our  emigrants  with 
theirs,  to  make  one  strong,  rather  than  two 
weak  colonies.  This  would  be  the  more  desir 
able  because  the  blacks  settled  at  Sierra 
Leone,  having  chiefly  gone  from  the  States, 
would  often  receive  among  those  whom  we 
should  send,  their  acquaintances  and  relatives. 
The  object  of  this  letter  is  to  ask  *  *  *  you 
to  enter  into  conference  with  such  persons, 
private  and  public,  as  would  be  necessary 
to  give  us  permission  to  send  thither  the  per 
sons  under  contemplation.  *  *  They  are 
not  felons,  or  common  malefactors,  but  per- 


Colony 
Commerce 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


156 


sons  guilty  of  what  the  safety  of  society,  un 
der  actual  circumstances,  obliges  us  to  treat 
as  a  crime,  but  which  their  feelings  may  rep 
resent  in  a  far  different  shape.  They  will  be 
a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  settlement,  *  * 
and  well  calculated  to  cooperate  in  the  plan 
of  civilization.— To  RUFUS  KING,  iv,  442. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  161.  (W.,  1802.) 

1374. .      The     consequences     of 

permitting  emancipations  to  become  extensive, 
unless  a  condition  of  emigration  be  annexed 
to  them,  furnish  matter  of  solicitude  to  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia.  Although  provision 
for  the  settlement  of  emancipated  negroes 
might  perhaps  be  obtained  nearer  home  than 
Africa,  yet  it  is  desirable  that  we  should  be 
free  to  expatriate  this  description  of  people 
also  to  the  colony  of  Sierra  Leone,  if  consid 
erations  respecting  either  themselves  or  us 
should  render  it  more  expedient.  I  pray  you, 
therefore,  to  get  the  same  permission  extended 
to  the  reception  of  these  as  well  as  the  [in 
surgents].  Nor  will  there  be  a  selection  of 
bad  subjects ;  the  emancipations,  for  the  most 
part,  being  either  of  the  whole  slaves  of  the 
master,  or  of  such  individuals  as  have  partic 
ularly  deserved  well.  The  latter  are  most 
frequent. — To  RUFUS  KING,  iv,  443.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  163.  (W.,  1802.) 

1375.  COLONY  (Penal),  Transportation 

to. — As  the  expense  of  so  distant  a  trans 
portation  would  be  very  heavy,  and  might 
weigh  unfavorably  in  deciding  between  the 
modes  of  punishment,  it  is  very  desirable  that 
it  should  be  lessened  as  much  as  is  practica 
ble.  If  the  regulations  of  the  place  would  per 
mit  these  emigrants  to  dispose  of  themselves, 
as  the  Germans  and  others  do  who  come  to 
this  country  poor,  by  giving  their  labor  for  a 
certain  time  to  some  one  who  will  pay  their 
passage ;  and  if  the  master  of  the  vessel  could 
be  permitted  to  carry  articles  of  commerce 
from  this  country  and  take  back  others  from 
that,  which  might  yield  him  a  mercantile  profit 
sufficient  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  voyage, 
a  serious  difficulty  would  be  removed. — To 
RUFUS  KING,  iv,  443.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  162.  (W., 
1802.) 

1376.  COLONY    (Penal),    West   Indies 
and. — The  West  Indies  offer  a  more  probable 
and  practicable  retreat  for  them.     Inhabited 
already  by  a  people  of  their  own  race  and 
color;  climates  congenial  with  their  natural 
constitution;     insulated   from   the   other   de 
scriptions    of    men;    nature    seems    to    have 
formed  these  islands  to  become  the  receptacle 
of   the   blacks   transplanted    into   this   hemi 
sphere.     Whether  we  could  obtain  from  the 
European  sovereigns  of  those  islands  leave  to 
send  thither  the  persons  under  consideration, 
I  cannot  say ;  but  I  think  it  more  probable  than 
the  former  propositions,  because  of  their  being 
already  inhabited  more  or  less  by  the  same 
race.    The  most  promising  portion  of  them  is 
the  island  of  St.  Domingo,  where  the  blacks 
are  established  into  a   sovereignty   de  facto, 
and  have  organized  themselves  under  regular 
laws  and  government.     I   should   conjecture 
that  their  present  ruler  might  be  willing  *  *  * 


to  receive  over  that  description  which  would 
be  exiled  for  acts  deemed  criminal  by  us,  but 
meritorious,  perhaps,  by  him.  The  possibility 
that  these  exiles  might  stimulate  and  conduct 
vindictive  or  predatory  descents  on  our  coasts, 
and  facilitate  concert  with  their  brethren  re 
maining  here,  looks  to  a  state  of  things  be 
tween  that  island  and  us  not  probable  on  a 
contemplation  of  our  relative  strength.  *  *  * 
Africa  would  offer  a  last  and  undoubted  re 
sort,  if  all  others  more  desirable  should  fail 
us.  Whenever  the  Legislature  of  Virginia 
shall  have  brought  its  mind  to  a  point,  so  that 
I  may  know  exactly  what  to  propose  to  for 
eign  authorities,  I  will  execute  their  wishes 
with  fidelity  and  zeal. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv, 
421.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  105.  (W.,  1801.) 

—  COLUMBIA     RIVER,    Fur    trading 

posts  on.— See  ASTOR'S  SETTLEMENT  and  FUR 
TRADE. 

1377.  COLUMBUS,  Portrait  of. —While 
I  resided  at  Paris,  knowing  that  the  portraits 
of  Columbus  and  Americus  Vespucius  were  in 
the  gallery  of  Medici  at  Florence,  I  took  meas 
ures    for   engaging   a   good   artist   to   take   and 
send   me   copies   of   them.     I    considered   it   as 
even  of  some  public  concern  that  our  country 
should  not  be  without  the  portraits  of  its  first 
discoverers. — To     MR.     DELAPLAINE.      vi,     343. 
(M.,  1814.) 

1378.  COMMERCE,  Agriculture  and.— 
The  exercise,  by  our  own  citizens,  of  so  much 
commerce  as  may  suffice  to  exchange  our  su 
perfluities  for  our  wants,   may  be  advanta 
geous  for  the  whole.    But  it  does  not  follow, 
that  with  a  territory  so  boundless,  it  is  the 
interest  of  the  whole  to  become  a  mere  city  of 
London,  to  carry  on  the  business  of  one  half 
the  world  at  the  expense  of  eternal  war  with 
the  other  half.     The  agricultural   capacities 
of  our  country  constitute   its   distinguishing 
feature ;  and  the  adapting  our  policy  and  pur 
suits  to  that,  is  more  likely  to  make  us  a  nu 
merous  and  happy  people,  than  the  mimicry  of 
an  Amsterdam,  a  Hamburg,  or  a  city  of  Lon 
don. — To   WILLIAM    H.    CRAWFORD,      vii,    6. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  34.    (M.,  1816.) 

1379. .     I    am    sensible    of   the 

great  interest  which  Rhode  Island  justly  feels 
in  the  prosperity  of  commerce.  It  is  of  vital 
interest  also  to  States  more  agricultural, 
whose  produce,  without  commerce,  could  not 
be  exchanged. — To  THE  RHODE  ISLAND  AS 
SEMBLY,  iv,  398.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

1380.  COMMERCE,  Agriculture,  manu 
factures  and.— I  trust  the  good  sense  of  our 
country    will    see    that  its  greatest  prosperity 
depends  on  a  due  balance  between  agricul 
ture,     manufactures     and     commerce.  —  To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.     v,  417.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  239. 
(W.,  1809.)     See  MANUFACTURES. 

1381.  COMMERCE,   But  no   alliance.— 

Commerce  with  all  nations,  alliance  with  none, 
should  be  our  motto. — To  T.  LOMAX.  iv,  301. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.  (M..  March  1799.) 

1382.  COMMERCE,      Cherish.— As     the 

handmaid  of  agriculture,   commerce  will  be 


1 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Commerce 


cherished  by  me  both  from  principle  and  duty. 
— To  THE  RHODE  ISLAND  ASSEMBLY,  iv,  398. 
(W.,  May  1801.) 

1383. — .  Unconscious  of  partial 
ity  between  the  different  callings  of  my  fellow 
citizens,  I  trust  that  a  fair  review  of  my  at 
tention  to  the  interests  of  commerce  in  partic 
ular,  in  every  station  of  my  political  life,  will 
afford  sufficient  proofs  of  my  just  estimation 
of  its  importance  in  the  social  system.  What 
has  produced  our  present  difficulties,  and  what 
will  have  produced  the  impending  war,  if  that 
is  to  be  our  lot?  Our  efforts  to  save  the 
rights  of  commerce  and  navigation.  From 
these,  solely  and  exclusively,  the  whole  of  our 
present  dangers  flow.' — R.  TO  A.  LEESBURG 
CITIZENS,  viii,  161.  (1809.) 

1384. .  One  imputation  in  par 
ticular  has  been  remarked  till  it  seems  as  if 
some  at  least  believe  it:  that  I  am  an  enemy 
to  commerce.  They  admit  me  as  a  friend  to 
agriculture,  and  suppose  me  an  enemy  to  the 
only  means  of  disposing  of  its  produce. — To 
MAJOR  WILLIAM  JACKSON,  iv,  358.  (M..  Feb. 
1801.) 

1385.  COMMERCE,  Coercion  of  Europe 
by. — War  is  not  the  best  engine  for  us  to  re 
sort  to ;  nature  has  given  us  one  in  our  com 
merce,  which,   if  properly  managed,   will  be 
a  better   instrument   for  obliging   the   inter 
ested  nations  of  Europe  to  treat  us  with  jus 
tice.     If  the  commercial  regulations  had  been 
adopted  which  our  Legislature  were  at  one 
time  proposing,   we  should  at  this  moment 
have  been  standing  on  such  an  eminence  of 
safety  and  respect  as  ages  can  never  recover. 
But  having  wandered  from  that,  our  object 
should  now  be  to  get  back,  with  as  little  loss 
as  possible,  and  when  peace  shall  be  restored 
to  the  world,  endeavor  so  to  form  our  com 
mercial  regulations  as  that  justice  from  other 
nations  shall  be  their  mechanical  result. — To 
THOMAS   PINCKNEY.   iv,   177.    FORD  ED.,  vii, 
129.    (Pa.,  May  1797.) 

—  COMMERCE,  The  Confederation  and. 
— See  CONFEDERATION. 

1386.  COMMERCE,     Control    by     Con 
gress. — A  general  disposition  is  taking  place 
to    commit   the    whole    management    of   our 
commerce  to  Congress.*     This  has  been  much 
promoted  by  the  interested  policy  of  England 
which,  it  was  apparent,  could  not  be  counter 
worked    by    the    States    separately. — To    W. 
CARMICHAEL.    i,  393.     (P.,  1785.) 

1387. .     I  am  much  pleased  with 

the  proposition  to  the  States  to  invest  Con 
gress  with  the  regulation  of  their  trade,  re 
serving  its  revenue  to  the  States.  I  think  it 
a  happy  idea,  removing  the  only  objection 
which  could  have  been  justly  made  to  the 
proposition.  The  time,  too,  is  the  present, 
before  the  admission  of  the  Western  States. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  347.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  52. 
(P.,  1785.) 

*  The  Congress  of  the  Confederation.  This  move 
ment  finally  resulted  in  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.— EDITOR. 


— .  The  late  proceedings  in 
America  have  produced  a  wonderful  sensa 
tion  in  England  in  our  favor.  I  mean  the 
disposition  which  seems  to  be  becoming  gen 
eral,  to  invest  Congress  with  the  regulation 
of  our  commerce,  and,  in  the  meantime,  the 
measures  taken  to  defeat  the  avidity  of  the 
British  government  grasping  at  our  carrying 
business.  I  can  add  with  truth,  that  it  was 
not  till  these  symptoms  appeared  in  America 
that  I  have  been  able  to  discover  the  smallest 
token  of  respect  towards  the  United  States  in 
any  part  of  Europe. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
i,  413-  (P.,  Sep.  1785.) 

1389. .     Congress    have    desired 

to  be  invested  with  the  whole  regulation  of 
their  trade,  and  forever;  and  to  prevent  all 
temptations  to  abuse  the  power,  and  all  fears 
of  it,  they  propose  that  whatever  moneys  shall 
be  levied  on  commerce,  either  for  the  purpose 
of  revenue,  or  by  way  of  forfeitures  or  pen 
alty,  shall  go  directly  into  the  coffers  of  the 
State  wherein  it  is  levied,  without  being 
touched  by  Congress.  From  the  present  tem 
per  of  the  States,  and  the  conviction  which 
your  country  [England]  has  carried  home  to 
their  minds,  that  there  is  no  other  method  of 
defeating  the  greedy  attempts  of  other  coun 
tries  to  trade  with  them  on  equal  terms,  I 
think  they  will  add  an  article  for  this  purpose 
to  their  Confederation. — To  DAVID  HARTLEY. 
i,  425.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  94.  (P.,  1785.) 

1390. .  The  British  *  *  *  at 
tempt  without  disguise  to  possess  themselves 
of  the  carriage  of  our  produce,  and  to  pro 
hibit  our  own  vessels  from  participating  of 
it.  This  has  raised  a  general  indignation  in 
America.  The  States  see,  however,  that  their 
constitutions  have  provided  no  means  of  coun 
teracting  it.  They  are,  therefore,  beginning 
to  invest  Congress  with  the  absolute  power 
of  regulating  their  commerce,  only  reserv 
ing  all  revenue  arising  from  it  to  the  State 
in  which  it  is  levied.  This  will  consolidate 
our  Federal  building  very  much,  and  for  this 
we  shall  be  indebted  to  the  British.— To 
COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP.  i,  465.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
104.  (P.,  Oct.  1785.) 

1391.  .     The    determination    of 

the  British  cabinet  to  make  no  equal  treaty 
[of  commerce]  with  us,  confirms  me  in  the 
opinion  *  *  *  that  the  United  States  must 
pass  a  navigation  act  against  Great  Britain, 
and  load  her  manufactures  with  duties,  so  as 
to  give  a  preference  to  those  of  other  coun 
tries;  and  I  hope  our  Assemblies  will  wait 
no  longer,  but  transfer  such  a  power  to  Con 
gress,  at  the  sessions  of  this  fall. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  ii,  486.  (P.,  Nov.  1785.) 

1392. .     I  have  heard  with  great 

pleasure  that  the  [Virginia]  Assembly  have 
come  to  the  resolution  of  giving  the  regula 
tion  of  their  commerce  to  the  federal  head. 
I  will  venture  to  assert,  that  there  is  not  one 
of  its  opposers  who,  placed  on  this  ground 
[Europe]  would  not  see  the  wisdom  of  this 
measure.  The  politics  of  Europe  render  it 
indispensably  necessary  that  with  respect  to 


Commerce 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


everything  external,  we  be  one  nation  only, 
firmly  hooped  together.  *  *  *  If  it  were  seen 
in  Europe  that  all  our  States  could  be  brought 
to  concur  in  what  the  Virginia  Assembly  has 
done,  it  would  produce  a  total  revolution  in 
their  opinion  of  us,  and  respect  for  us. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  i,  531.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  192. 
(P.,  February  1786.) 

1393. .      All     the     States    have 

agreed  to  the  impost.  But  New  York  has 
annexed  such  conditions  that  it  cannot 
be  accepted.  It  is  thought,  therefore,  they 
will  grant  it  unconditionally.  But  a  new 
difficulty  has  started  up.  Three  or  four 
States  had  coupled  the  grant  of  the  impost 
with  the  grant  of  the  supplementary  funds, 
asked  by  Congress  at  the  same  time,  declar 
ing  that  they  should  come  into  force  only 
when  all  the  States  had  granted  both.  One 
of  these,  Pennsylvania,  refuses  to  let  the  im 
post  come  into  being  alone.  We  are  still  to 
see  whether  they  will  persist  in  this. — To 
WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  19.  (P.,  1786.) 

1394.  COMMERCE,  Cultivate.— All  the 
world  is  becoming  commercial.  Were  it  prac 
ticable  to  keep  our  new  empire  separated  from 
them,  we  might  indulge  ourselves  in  specula 
ting  whether  commerce  contributes  to  the  hap 
piness  of  mankind.  But  we  cannot  separate 
ourselves  from  them.  Our  citizens  have  had 
too  full  a  taste  of  the  comforts  furnished  by 
the  arts  and  manufactures  to  be  debarred  the 
use  of  them.  We  must,  then,  in  our  defence 
endeavor  to  share  as  large  a  portion  as  we  can 
of  this  modern  source  of  wealth  and  power. — 
To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  422. 
(A.,  1784.) 

1395. .  I  am  decidedly  of  opin 
ion  we  should  take  no  part  in  European  quar 
rels,  but  cultivate  peace  and  commerce  with 
all. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  57-  (P-,  1788.) 

1396.  COMMERCE,  Debt  and.— No 
earthly  consideration   could   induce   my  con 
sent  to  contract  such  a  debt  as  England  has 
by  her  wars  for  commerce,  to  reduce  our  cit 
izens  by  taxes  to  such1  wretchedness,  as  that 
laboring    sixteen    of   the    twenty-four    hours, 
they    are    still    unable    to    afford    themselves 
bread,  or  barely  to  earn  as  much  oatmeal  or 
potatoes  as  will  keep  soul  and  body  together. 
And  all  this  to  feed  the  avidity  of  a  few  mil- 
lionary  merchants,  and  to  keep  up  one  thou 
sand  ships  of  war  for  the  protection  of  their 
commercial    speculations. — To    WILLIAM    H. 
CRAWFORD,     vii,   7.     FORD   ED.,   x,   35.     (M., 
1816.) 

1397.  COMMERCE,  Discriminating  Du 
ties. — It  is  true  we  must  expect  some  incon 
venience  in  practice  from  the  establishment  of 
discriminating  duties.     But  in  this,  as  in  so 
many  other  cases,  we  are  left  to  choose  be 
tween  two   evils.     These   inconveniences  are 
nothing    when    weighed    against   the    loss    of 
wealth  and  loss  of  force,  which  will  follow 
our  perseverance  in  the  plan  of  indiscrimina 
tion.     When  once  it  shall  be  perceived  that 
we  are  either  in  the  system  or  in  the  habit  of 


giving  equal  advantages  to  those  who  ex 
tinguish  our  commerce  and  navigation  by  du 
ties  and  prohibitions,  as  to  those  who  treat 
both  with  liberality  and  justice,  liberality  and 
justice  will  be  converted  by  all  into  duties  and 
prohibitions.  It  is  not  to  the  moderation  and 
justice  of  others  we  are  to  trust  for  fair  and 
equal  access  to  market  with  our  productions, 
or  for  our  due  share  in  the  transportation  of 
them ;  but  to  our  own  means  of  independence, 
and  the  firm  will  to  use  them.  Nor  do  the 
inconveniences  of  discrimination  merit  con 
sideration.  Not  one  of  the  nations  before 
mentioned,  perhaps  not  a  commercial  nation 
on  earth,  is  without  them.  In  our  case,  one 
distinction  alone  will  suffice :  that  is  to  say, 
between  nations  who  favor  our  productions 
and  navigation,  and  those  who  do  not  favor 
them.  One  set  of  moderate  duties,  say  the 
present  duties,  for  the  first,  and  a  fixed  ad 
vance  on  these  as  to  some  articles,  and  pro 
hibitions  as  to  others,  for  the  last. — REPORT 
ON  FOREIGN  COMMERCE  AND  NAVIGATION. 
vii,  650.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  483.  (Dec.  1793.) 

—  COMMERCE,    Drawbacks    and. — See 

DRAWBACKS. 

—  COMMERCE,    The    Embargo    and. — 

See  EMBARGO. 

1398.  COMMERCE,  Encouragement  of. 
— [The]  encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of 
commerce  as  its  handmaid,   I  deem    [one  of 
the]    essential   principles   of  our  government 
and,  consequently  [one]  which  ought  to  shape 
its    administration. — FIRST    INAUGURAL    AD 
DRESS,    viii,  4.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.    (1801.) 

1399.  COMMERCE,    Exchange   of   pro- 
dxictions. — A   commerce  carried  on  by  ex 
change  of  productions  is  the  most  likely  to  be 
lasting  and  to  meet  mutual  encouragement. — 
To  DR.  RAMSAY,    ii,  50.     (P.,  1786.) 

1400. .     I  hope  that  the  policy  of 

our  country  will  settle  down  with  as  much 
navigation  and  commerce  only  as  our  own 
exchanges  will  require,  and  that  the  disadvan 
tage  will  be  seen  of  our  undertaking  to  carry 
on  that  of  other  nations.     This,  indeed,  may 
bring  gain  to  a  few  individuals,  and  enable 
them  to  call  off  from  our  farms  more  labor 
ers  to  be  converted  into  lackeys  and  grooms 
for  them,   but   it  will   bring  nothing  to   our 
country  but  wars,  debt,  and  dilapidation. — To 
J.  B.  STUART,    vii,  64.    (M.,  1817.) 

—  COMMERCE,    Drawbacks    and.— See 
FRANCE. 

1401.  COMMERCE,  Freedom  of.— If  we 
are  to  contribute  equally  with  the  other  parts 
of  the  empire,  let  us  equally  with  them  enjoy 
free  commerce  with  the  whole  world. — REPLY 
TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
479.     (July   1775.) 

1402. .     Our  interest  will  be  to 

throw  open  the  doors  of  commerce,  and  to 
knock  off  all  its  shackles,  giving  perfect  free 
dom  to  all  persons  for  the  vent  of  whatever 
they  may  choose  to  bring  into  our  ports,  and 
asking  the  same  in  theirs. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,     viii,  412.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  279.    (1782.) 


159 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Commerce 


1403. .       By     a     declaration     of 

rights,  I  mean  one  which  shall  stipulate  *  *  * 
freedom  of  commerce  against  monopolies 
*  *  *  .—To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  355.  (P.,  1788.) 

1404. .  One  of  my  favorite  ideas 

is  to  leave  commerce  free. — THE  ANAS,  ix, 
431.  FORD  ED.,  i,  198.  (1792:) 

1405. .  Instead  of  embarrassing 

commerce  under  piles  of  regulating  laws,  du 
ties  and  prohibitions,  could  it  be  relieved 
from  all  its  shackles  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
could  every  country  be  employed  in  producing 
that  which  nature  has  best  fitted  it  to  pro 
duce,  and  each  be  free  to  exchange  with  oth 
ers  mutual  surpluses  for  mutual  wants  the 
greatest  mass  possible  would  then  be  produced 
of  those  things  which  contribute  to  human 
life  and  human  happiness ;  the  numbers  of 
mankind  would  be  increased,  and  their  con 
dition  bettered.  Would  even  a  single  nation 
begin  with  the  United  States  this  system  of 
free  commerce,  it  would  be  advisable  to  begin 
it  with  that  nation ;  since  it  is  one  by  one  only 
that  it  can  be  extended  to  all.  Where  the  cir 
cumstances  of  either  party  render  it  expedi 
ent  to  levy  a  revenue,  by  way  of  impost,  on 
commerce,  its  freedom  might  be  modified,  in 
that  particular,  by  mutual  and  equivalent 
measures,  preserving  it  entire  in  all  others. — 
REPORT  ON  FOREIGN  COMMERCE  AND  NAVIGA 
TION,  vii,  646.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  479.  (Dec.  1793.) 

1406. .  I  am  for  free  commerce 

with  all  nations. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  328.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

_  COMMERCE  WITH  GREAT  BRIT 
AIN. — See  ENGLAND. 

1407.  COMMERCE.,  Independence  and. 
— To  have  submitted  pur  rightful  commerce 
to  prohibitions  and  tributary  exactions  from 
others,  would  have  been  to  surrender  our  in 
dependence. — REPLY  TO  A  BOSTON   REQUEST. 
viii,  133.    (Aug.  1808.) 

1408.  COMMERCE,    Individual     enter 
prise  and. — Agriculture,  manufactures,  com 
merce,  and  navigation,  the  four  pillars  of  our 
prosperity,  are  the  most  thriving  when  left 
most   free  to   individual   enterprise.     Protec 
tion   from   casual   embarrassments,    however, 
may   sometimes  be   seasonably   interposed. — 
FIRST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  13.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  123.    (Dec.  1801.) 

1409.  COMMERCE,     Interdicted.— By 
several   acts   of   parliament   *  *  *   they    [the 
British   ministers]    have   interdicted   all   com 
merce  to  one  of  our  principal  towns. — DECLA 
RATION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
468.    (July  I775-) 

1410.  COMMERCE,  Laws  governing.— 
George  Mason's  proposition  in  the  [Federal] 
Convention  was  wise,  that  on  laws  regulating 
commerce,  two-thirds  of  the  votes  should  be 
required  to  pass  them.— To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  323.   FORD  ED.,  vii,  432.    (Pa.,  March  1800.) 

1411.  COMMERCE,    Madness   for.— We 
are    running    commerce    mad.— To    JOSEPH 
PRIESTLEY,    iv,  311.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  406.    (Pa., 
Jan.  1800.) 


1412.  COMMERCE,  Maintain.— To  main 
tain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all  their  law 
ful  enterprises    *    *    *    [is  one  of]  the  land 
marks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves 
in    all    our    proceedings. — SECOND    ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,    viii,  21.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  186      (Dec 
1802.) 

1413.  COMMERCE,,    Merchants    and.— 
Where    a   nation    refuses    permission    to    our 
merchants  and  factors  to  reside  within  certain 
parts  of  their  dominions,  we  may,  if  it  should 
be    thought    expedient,    refuse    residence    to 
theirs  in  any  and  every  part  of  ours,  or  modify 
their  transactions. — REPORT  ON    FOREIGN  COM 
MERCE  AND  NAVIGATION,     vii,  649.    FORD  ED., 
vi,  482.   (Dec.  1793.) 

1414. .  The  merchants  will  man 
age  commerce  the  better,  the  more  they  are 
left  free  to  manage  for  themselves. — To  GID 
EON  GRANGER,  iv,  331.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  452.  (M  , 
1800.) 

-  COMMERCE.,    Navigation    and.— See 
NAVIGATION,  OCEAN. 

1415.  COMMERCE,    Neutrality    and.— 

If  the  new  government  wears  the  front  which 
I  hope  it  will,  I  see  no  impossibility  in  avail 
ing  ourselves  of  the  wars  of  others  to  open 
the  other  parts  *  of  America  to  our  commerce, 
as  the  price  of  our  neutrality. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD  ED.,  v,  57.  (P., 
I788.) 

-  COMMERCE,    The    Ocean    and.— See 
OCEAN. 

1416.  COMMERCE,  Oppressing.— I  am 

principally  afraid  that  commerce  will  be  over 
loaded  by  the  assumption  [of  the  State  debts], 
believing  that  it  would  be  better  that  property 
should  be  duly  taxed. — To  MR.  RANDOLPH. 
iii,  185.  (N.Y.,  1700.) 

1417.  COMMERCE,  Power  of  Congress 
over. — The  power  given  to  Congress  by  the 
Constitution  does  not  extend  to  the  internal 
regulation  of  the  commerce  of  a  State   (that 
is  to  say  oi  the  commerce  between  citizen  and 
citizen),  which  remains  exclusively  with  its 
own   Legislature;    but   to   its   external    com 
merce  only,  that  is  to  say,  its  commerce  with 
another  State,  or  with  foreign  nations,  or  with 
the    Indian    tribes. — NATIONAL    BANK    OPIN 
ION,    vii,  557.    FORD  ED.,  v,  286.    (1791.) 

1418.  COMMERCE,     Protection    of.— If 
we  wish  our  commerce  to  be  free  and  unin- 
sulted,   we  must  let   [the  European]   nations 
see  that  we  have  an  energy  which  at  present 
they  disbelieve.     The  low  opinion   they  en 
tertain  of  our  powers,  cannot  fail  to  involve  us 
soon  in  a  naval  war. — To  JOHN  PAGE,    i,  401. 
(P,  1785.) 

1419. .  Should  any  nation,  con 
trary  to  our  wishes,  suppose  it  may  better 
find  its  advantage  by  continuing  its  system 
of  prohibitions,  duties  and  regulations,  it  be 
hooves  us  to  protect  our  citizens,  their  com 
merce  and  navigation,  by  counter  prohibi 
tions,  duties  and  regulations,  also.  Free 
*  The  Colonies  of  the  European  powers.— EDITOR. 


Commerce 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


1 60 


commerce  and  navigation  are  not  to  be  given 
in  exchange  for  restrictions  and  vexations; 
nor  are  they  likely  to  produce  a  relaxation  of 
them. — REPORT  ON  COMMERCE  AND  NAVIGA 
TION,  vii,  647.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  480.  (Dec.  1793.) 

—    COMMERCE  WITH  PRUSSIA.— See 

FREDERICK  THE  GREAT. 

1420.  COMMERCE,     Pursuit     of.— You 
ask  what  I  think  on  the  expediency  of  en 
couraging  our  States  to  be  commercial  ?  Were 
I  to  indulge  my  own  theory,  I  should  wish 
them  to  practice  neither  commerce  nor  navi 
gation,  but  to  stand,  with  respect  to  Europe, 
precisely  on  the  footing  of  China.    We  should 
thus  avoid  wars,  and  all  our  citizens  would  be 
husbandmen.   Whenever,  indeed,  our  numbers 
should  so  increase  as  that  our  produce  would 
overstock  the  markets  of  those  nations  who 
should   come  to   seek   it,   the   farmers   must 
either  employ   the   surplus  of  their  time   in 
manufactures,   or  the  surplus   of  our  hands 
must  be  employed  in  manufactures,  or  in  nav 
igation.    But  that  day  would,  I  think,  be  dis 
tant,  and  we  should  long  keep  our  workmen 
in  Europe,  while  Europe  should  be  drawing 
rough  materials,   and  even  subsistence  from 
America.    But  this  is  theory  only,  and  a  the 
ory  which  the  servants  of  America  are  not 
at  liberty  to  follow.     Our  people  have  a  de 
cided    taste    for    navigation    and    commerce. 
They  take     this  from  their  mother  country; 
and  their  servants  are  in  duty  bound  to  cal 
culate  all  their  measures  on  this  datum:  we 
wish  to  do  it  by  throwing  open  all  the  doors 
of  commerce,  and  knocking  off  its  shackles. 
But  as  this  cannot  be  done  for  others,  unless 
they  will  do  it  for  us,  and  there  is  no  proba 
bility  that  Europe  will  do  this,  I  suppose  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  adopt  a  system  which  may 
shackle  them  in  our  ports,  as  they  do  us  in 
theirs.— To  COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP.    i,  465. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,   104.     (P.,   1785.) 

1421.  COMMERCE,   Reciprocity. — Some 
nations,  not  yet  ripe  for  free  commerce  in  all 
its  extent,  might  still  be  willing  to  mollify  its 
restrictions  and   regulations   for  us,   in  pro 
portion   to   the   advantages   which   an   inter 
course  with  us  might  offer.    Particularly  they 
may  concur  with  us  in  reciprocating  the  du 
ties  to  be  levied  on  each  side,  or  in  compen 
sating  any  excess  of  duty  by  equivalent  ad 
vantages  of  another  nature.     Our  commerce 
is  certainly  of  a  character  to  entitle  it  to  favor 
in  most  countries.   The  commodities  we  offer 
are  either  necessaries  of  life,  or  materials  for 
manufacture,  or  convenient  subjects  of  rev 
enue;  and  we  take  in  exchange,  either  man 
ufactures,  when  they  have  received  the  last 
finish  of  art  and  industry,  or  mere  luxuries. 
Such  customers  may  reasonably  expect  wel 
come  and  friendly  treatment  at  every  market. 
Customers,   too,   whose  demands,   increasing 
with  their  wealth  and  population,  must  very 
shortly  give   full   employment  to   the   whole 
industry  of  any  nation  whatever,  in  any  line  of 
supply  they  may  get  into  the  habit  of  calling 
for  from  it. — REPORT  ON    FOREIGN   COMMERCE 
AND  NAVIGATION,    vii.  646.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  479. 
(Dec.  1793.) 


1422.  COMMERCE,  Regulation  of.— The 
interests  of  commerce  require  steady  regula 
tions.— To    COMTE    DE    MONTMORIN.      U,    531. 

(P.,  1788.) 

1423.  COMMERCE,    Restrictions    on.— 

The  question  is,  in  what  way  may  best  be 
removed,  modified  or  counteracted,  the  re 
strictions  on  the  commerce  and  navigation 
of  the  United  States?  As  to  commerce,  two 
methods  occur,  i.  By  friendly  arrangements 
with  the  several  nations  with  whom  these 
restrictions  exist:  Or,  2,  by  the  separate 
act  of  our  own  legislatures  for  counter 
vailing  their  effects.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
but  that  of  these  two,  friendly  arrangement 
is  the  most  eligible.  *  *  *  Friendly  arrange 
ments  are  preferable  with  all  who  will  come 
into  them;  and  we  should  carry  into  such  ar 
rangements  all  the  liberality  and  spirit  of 
accommodation  which  the  nature  of  the  case 
will  admit. — REPORT  ON  FOREIGN  COMMERCE 
AND  NAVIGATION,  vii,  645-650.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
479-483-  (Dec.  1793.) 

1424.  COMMERCE,     Routes    of.— Com 
merce  is  slow  in  changing  its  channel. — To 
COMTE  DE  MONTMORIN.     ii,  300.     (P.,  1787.) 

1425.  COMMERCE,  Selfish.— The  selfish 
spirit  of  commerce  knows  no  country,   and 
feels  no  passion  or  principle  but  that  of  gain. 
— To  LARKIN  SMITH,    v,  441.    (M.,  1809.) 

1426.  COMMERCE,    The   States   and.— 
As   long  as  the   States  exercise,   separately, 
those  acts  of  power  which  respect  foreign  na 
tions,  so  long  will  there  continue  to  be  irreg 
ularities  committed  by  some  one  or  other  of 
them,  which  will  constantly  keep  us  on  an  ill 
footing  with  foreign  nations. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON.    1,531.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  192.    (P.,  February 
1786.) 

1427.  COMMERCE,     Suppression    of.— 

They  [Parliament]  have  cut  off  the  commer 
cial  intercourse  of  whole  Colonies  with  for 
eign  countries. — DECLARATION  ON  TAKING  UP 
ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  468.  (July  1775.) 

1428.  COMMERCE,,   Swollen.— That  the 

wars  of  the  world  have  swollen  our  com 
merce  beyond  the  wholesome  limits  of  ex 
changing  our  own  productions  for  our  own 
wants,  and  that,  for  the  emolument  of  a 
small  proportion  of  our  society,  who  prefer 
these  demoralizing  pursuits  to  labors  useful 
to  the  whole,  the  peace  of  the  whole  is  endan 
gered,  *  *  *  are  evils  more  easily  to  be  de 
plored  than  remedied. — To  ABBE  SALIMAN- 
KIS.  v,  516.  (M.,  1810.) 

1429. .     You   have   fairly   stated 

the  alternatives  between  which  we  are  to 
choose:  i,  licentious  commerce  and  gam 
bling  speculations  for  a  few,  with  eternal  war 
for  the  many ;  or,  2,  restricted  commerce, 
peace,  and  steady  occupations  for  all.  If  any 
State  in  the  Union  will  declare  that  it  prefers 
separation  with  the  first  alternative,  to  a  con 
tinuance  in  union  without  it,  I  have  no  hesi 
tation  in  saying  "  let  us  separate."  I  would 
rather  the  States  should  withdraw  which  are 
for  unlimited  commerce  and  war,  and  confed- 


161 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Commerce 


the  States 


erate  with  those  alone  which  are  for  peace 
and  agriculture.  I  know  that  every  nation  in 
Europe  would  join  in  sincere  amity  with  the 
latter,  and  hold  the  former  at  arm's  length, 
by  jealousies,  prohibitions,  restrictions,  vexa 
tions  and  war. — To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD. 
vii,  7.  FORD  ED.,  x,  35.  (M.,  1816.) 

_  COMMERCE,  Treaties  of.— See  TREA 
TIES. 

1430.  COMMERCE,      Vices      of.  —  Our 

greediness  for  wealth,  and  fantastical  expense, 
have  degraded,  and  will  degrade,  the  minds 
of  our  maritime  citizens.  These  are  the  pecul 
iar  vices  of  commerce. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  104.  FORD  ED.,  x,  107.  (M.,  1818.) 

1431.  COMMERCE,  War  and.— The  ac 
tual  habits  of  our  countrymen  attach  them  to 
commerce.    They  will  exercise  it  for  them 
selves.    Wars,  then,  must  sometimes  be  our 
lot ;  and  all  the  wise  can  do,  will  be  to  avoid 
that  half  of  them  which  would  be  produced 
by  our  own  follies,  and  our  own  acts  of  injus 
tice;  and  to  make  for  the  other  half  the  best 
preparations  we  can.    Of  what  nature  should 
these  be?    A  land  army  would  be  useless  for 
offence,  and  not  the  best  nor  safest  instru 
ment  of  defence.    For  either  of  these  pur 
poses,  the  sea  is  the  field  on  which  we  should 
meet  an  European  enemy.     On  that  element 
it  is  necessary  we  should  possess  some  power. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,   viii,  413.   FORD  ED.,  iii, 
279-     (1782.) 

1432. .     My    principle    has    ever 

been  that  war  should  not  suspend  either  ex 
ports  or  imports.— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vi, 
128.  (M.,  1813.) 

1433. .  Whether  we  shall  en 
gage  in  every  war  of  Europe,  to  protect  the 
mere  agency  of  our  merchants  and  shipown 
ers  in  carrying  on  the  commerce  of  other  na 
tions,  even  were  these  merchants  and  ship 
owners  to  take  the  side  of  their  country  in 
the  contest,  instead  of  that  of  the  enemy,  is 
a  question  of  deep  and  serious  consideration. 
—To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  460.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

—  COMMERCE,  West  Indies  and.— See 
WEST  INDIES. 

—  COMMERCE,   Western   Routes   of.— 
See  CANALS. 

1434.  COMMISSIONS,  Adams's  Mid 
night.— Among  the  midnight  appointments  of 
Mr.  Adams  were  commissions  to  some  federal 
justices  of  the  peace  for  Alexandria.  These 
were  signed  and  sealed  by  him  but  not  de 
livered.  I  found  them  on  the  table  of  the 
department  of  State,  on  my  entrance  into 
office,  and  I  forbade  their  delivery.  Marbury. 
named  in  one  of  them,  applied  to  the  Su 
preme  Court  for  a  mandamus  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  (Mr.  Madison)  to  deliver  the  com 
mission  intended  for  him.  The  Court  deter 
mined  at  once  that,  being  an  original  process, 
they  had  no  cognizance  of  it;  and,  therefore 
the  question  before  them  was  ended.  But  the 
Chief  Justice  went  on  to  lay  down  what  the 
law  would  be,  had  they  jurisdiction  of  the 
case,  to  wit:  that  they  should  command  the 


delivery.  The  object  was  clearly  to  instruct 
any  other  court,  having  the  jurisdiction,  what 
hey  should  do  if  Marbury  should  apply  to 
them. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  295.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  230.  (M.,  1823.) 

1435.  COMMISSIONS,   Blank.— In   mat- 
:crs  of  government,  there  can  be  no  question 
n\t  that  a  commission  sealed  and  signed  with 
a  blank  for  the  name,  date,  place,  &c.,  is  good ; 
because  government  can  in  no  country  be  car 
ried  on  without  it.     The  most  vital  proceed 
ings  of  our  own  government  would  soon  be 
come  null  were  such  a  construction  to  pre 
vail,  and  the  argumentum  ab  inconvenienti, 
which  is  one  of  the  great  foundations  of  the 
law,   will   undoubtedly    sustain    the   practice, 
and  sanction  it  by  the  maxim  "  qui  facit  per 
alium,  facit    per    se."     I    would    not,    there 
fore,  give  the  countenance  of  the  government 
to  so  impracticable  a  construction  by  issuing 
a    new    commission. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN. 
v,  371.    (W.,  1808.) 

1436.  COMMISSIONS,     Delivery     of.— 
In  the  case  of  Marbury  and  Madison,  the  Fed 
eral  judges  declared  that  commissions,  signed 
and  sealed  by  the  President,  were  valid,  al 
though  not  delivered.    I  deemed  delivery  es 
sential  to  complete  a  deed,  which,  as  long  as 
it  remains  in  the  hands  of  the  party,  is  yet 
no  deed ;  it  is  in  posse  only,  but  not  in  esse, 
and  I  withheld  delivery  of  the  commissions. — 
To  SPENCER  ROANE.     vii,   135.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
142.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

1437.  _  — .    The    Constitution,    hav 
ing  given  to  the  Judiciary  branch  no  means 
of  compelling  the  Executive  either  to  deliver 
a  commission,  or  to  make  a  record  of  it,  shows 
that  it  did  not  intend  to  give  the  Judiciary 
that  control  over  the  Executive,  but  that  it 
should  remain  in  the  power  of  the  latter  to  do 
it  or  not.— To  GEORGE  HAY.    v,  84.    FORD  ED., 
ix,  53-    (W.,  1807.) 

1438.  COMMISSIONS,  Signing  of.— The 
delivery  of  a  commission  is  immaterial.     As 
it  may  be  sent  by  letter  to  any  one,  so  it  may 
be  delivered  by  hand  to  him  anywhere.     The 
place  of  signature  by  the  sovereign  is  the  ma 
terial  thing.     Were  that  to  be  done  in  any 
other  jurisdiction  than  his  own,  it  might  draw 
the    validity    of    the    act    into    question. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.     iii,  583.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
302.    (Pa.,  June  I793-) 

1439.  COMMISSIONERS,    Executive.— 
To  the  list  may  be  added  the  appointment  of 
Gouverneur    Morris    to    negotiate    with    the 
court  of  London,  by  letter  written  and  signed 
by   General    Washington,    and    David    Hum 
phreys    to    negotiate    with    Liston    by    letter. 
Commissions  were  not  given  in  form  because 
no   ministers   had   been   sent  here   by   those 
courts.    But  all  the  powers  were  given  them, 
and  half  the  salary  (as  they  were  not  to  dis 
play   the    diplomatic    ranks,    half-salary    was 
thought  sufficient)   but  they  were  completely 
officers  on  salaries,  and  no  notice  given  the 
Senate  till  afterwards. — To  WILSON  C.  NICH 
OLAS.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  131.    (W.,  Jan.  1802.) 

_  COMMITTEE    OF    THE    STATES.— 
See  CONFEDERATION. 


Common  Law 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


162 


1440.  COMMON      LAW,      Christianity 
and.— I   was   glad   to   find   in   your  book   a 
formal  contradiction  of  the  judiciary  usurpa 
tion    of    legislative    powers;    for    such     the 
judges  have  usurped  in  their  repeated  deci 
sions,  that  Christianity  is  a  part  of  the  com 
mon  law.     The  proof  of  the  contrary,  which 
you  have  adduced,  is  incontrovertible ;  to  wit, 
that  the  common  law  existed  while  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  were  yet  Pagans,  at  a  time  when  they 
had   never   heard   the   name   of   Christ   pro 
nounced,  or  knew  that  such  a  character  had 
ever  existed.    But  it  may  amuse  you,  to  show 
when,  and  by  what  means,  they  stole  this  law 
in  upon  us.    In  a  case  of  quare  impedit  in  the 
Year  Book  34,  H.  6,  folio  38  (anno  1458.)  a 
question  was  made,  how  far  the  ecclesiastical 
law  was  to  be  respected  in  a  common  law 
court?     And  Prisot,  Chief  Justice,  gives  his 
opinion  in  these  words :   "  A  tiel  leis  qu  us  de 
seint  eglise  ont  en  ancien  scripture,  covient  a 
nous  a  donner  credence ;  car  ceo  common  ley 
sur  quels  touts  manners  leis  sont  fondes.    Et 
auxy,   Sir,  nous  sumus  obleges  de  conustre 
lour  ley  de  saint  eglisse;  et  semblablement 
its  sont  obliges  de  consustre  nostre  ley.    Et, 
Sir,  si  poit  apperer  or  a  nous  que  1'evesque  ad 
fait  come  un  ordinary  fera  en  tiel  cas,  adong 
nous  devons  cee  adjuger  bon,  ou  auterment 
nemy,"  sec.     See  S.  C.  Fitzh.  Abr.  Qu.  imp. 
89,  Bro.  Abr.  Qu.  imp.  12.    Finch  in  his  first 
book  c.  3,  is  the  first  afterwards  who  quotes 
this  case  and  mistakes  it  thus :     "  To   such 
laws  of  the  church  as  have  warrant  ^  in  holy 
scripture,   our    law   giveth    credence."      And 
cites    Prisot;    mistranslating   "ancien   scrip 
ture,"  into  "  holy  scripture."   Whereas  Prisot 
palpably  says,  "  to  such  laws  as  those  of  holy 
church  have  in  ancient  writing,  it  is  proper  for 
us  to  give  credence,"  to  wit,  to  their  ancient 
-written  laws.    This  was  in  1613,  a  century  and 
a  half  after  the  dictum  of  Prisot.     Wingate,  in 
1658,  erects  this  false  translation  into  a  max 
im  of  the  common  law,  copying  the  words  of 
Finch,  but  citing  Prisot,  Wing.  Max.  3.    And 
Sheppard,   title,   "  Religion,"   in   1675,   copies 
the   same  mistranslation,   quoting  the  Y.   B. 
Finch   and   Wingate.     Hale    expresses   it   in 
these  words :    "  Christianity  is  parcel  of  the 
laws  of  England."    I  Ventr.  293,  3  Keb.  607. 
But  he  quotes  no  authority.     By  these  echo- 
ings  and  re-echoings  from  one  to  another,  it 
had  become  so  established  in  1728,  that  in  the 
case  of  the  King  vs.  Woolston,  2  Stra.  834, 
the  court  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  debated, 
whether    to    write    against    Christianity    was 
punishable  in  the  temporal  court  at  common 
law?    Wood,  therefore,  409,  ventures  still  to 
vary  the  phrase,  and  say,  that  all  blasphemy 
and  profaneness  are  offences  by  the  common 
law;  and  cites  2  Stra.     Then  Blackstone,  in 
1763,  iv.  59,  repeats  the  words  of  Hale,  that 
"  Christianity  is  part  of  the  laws  of  England," 
citing  Ventris  and  Strange.    And  finally,  Lord 
Mansfield,  with  a  little  qualification,  in  Evans 
case,  in  1767,  says,  that  "  the  essential  princi 
ples  of  revealed  religion  are  part  of  the  com 
mon    law."     Thus   ingulphing   Bible,    Testa 
ment  and  all  into  the  common  law,  without 
citing  any  authority.     And  thus  we  find  this 
chain  of  authorities,  hanging  link  by  link,  one 


upon  another,  and  all  ultimately  on  one  and 
the  same  hook,  and  that  a  mistranslation  of 
he  words  "  ancien  scripture,"  used  by  Prisot. 
Finch  quotes  Prisot ;  Wingate  does  the  same. 
Sheppard  quotes  Prisot,  Finch  and  Wingate. 
Hale  cites  nobody.  The  court  in  Woolston's 
case,  cites  Hale.  Wood  cites  Woolston's  case. 
Blackstone  quotes  Woolston's  case  and  Hale. 
And  Lord  Mansfield,  like  Hale,  ventures  it  on 
bis  own  authority.  Here  I  might  defy  the 
best-read  lawyer  to  produce  another  scrip  of 
authority  for  this  judiciary  forgery;  and  I 
might  go  on  further  to  show,  how  some  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  priests  interpolated  into  the 
text  of  Alfred's  laws,  the  20th,  21  st,  22d,  and 
23d  chapters  of  Exodus,  and  the  isth,  of  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  from  the  23d  to  the 
29th  verses.  But  this  would  lead  my  pen  and 
your  patience  too  far.  What  a  conspiracy 
this  between  Church  and  State !— To  JOHN 
CARTWRIGHT.  vii,  359.  (M.,  1824.) 

1441. .    Those  who  read  Prisot' s 

opinion  with  a  candid  view  to  understand  and 
not  to  chicane  it,  cannot  mistake  its  meaning. 
The  reports  in  the  Year-Books  were  taken 
very  short.    The  opinions  of  the  judges  were 
written  down  sententiously,  as  notes  or  mem 
oranda,    and   not   with    all   the   development 
which  theya  probably  used  in  developing  them. 
Prisot's  opinion,  to  be  fully  expressed,  should 
be  thus  paraphrased :  "  To  such  laws  as  those 
holy  church  have  recorded,  and  preserved  in 
their  ancient  books  and  writings,  it  is  proper 
for  us  to  give  credence;  for  so  is,  or  so  says 
the  Common  Law,   or  law  of  the  land,   on 
which  all  manner  of  other  laws  rest  for  their 
authority,  or  are  founded ;  that  is  to  say,  the 
Common  Law,  or  the  law  of  the  land  com 
mon  to  us  all,  and  established  by  the  author 
ity  of  us  all,  is  that  from  which  is  derived  the 
authority  of  all  other  special  and  subordinate 
branches  of  law,  such  as  the  canon  law,  law 
merchant,    law    maritime,    law   of   gavelkind, 
Borough  English,  corporation  laws,  local  cus 
toms  and  usages,  to  all  of  which  the  common 
law  requires  its  judges  to  permit  authority 
in  the  special  or  local  cases  belonging  to  them. 
The  evidence  of  these  laws  is  preserved  in 
their  ancient  treatises,  books  and  writings,  in 
like   manner   as   our   common    law    itself   is 
known,   the  text  of  its   original   enactments 
having  been  long  lost,  and  its  substance  only 
preserved    in    ancient    and    traditionary    wri 
tings.     And  if  it  appears,  from  their  ancient 
books,  writings  and  records,  that  the  bishop, 
in  this  case,  according  to  the  rules  prescribed 
by  these  authorities,  has  done  what  an  ordi 
nary  would  have  done  in  such  case,  then  we 
should  adjudge  it  good,  otherwise  not."  To 
decide  this  question,  they  would  have  to  turn 
to  the  ancient  writings  and   records  of  the 
canon  law,  in  which  they  would  find  evidence 
of    the    laws    of    advowsons,    quare  impedit, 
the    duties    of    bishops    and  ordinaries,    for 
which    terms     Prisot     could     never       have 
meant  to  refer  them    to  the    Old    or  New 
Testament,    les    saincts    scriptures,       where 
surely      they      would      not      be    found.     A 
license  which  should  permit  "ancien  scrip- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Common  Law 


ture,"  to  be  translated  "  holy  scripture,"  an 
nihilates  at  once  all  the  evidence  of  lan 
guage.  With  such  a  license,  we  might  re 
verse  the  sixth  commandment  into  "  Thou 
shalt  not  omit  murder."  It  would  be  the  more 
extraordinary  in  this  case,  where  the  mis 
translation  was  to  effect  the  adoption  of  the 
whole  code  of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  laws 
into  the  text  of  our  statutes,  to  convert  relig 
ious  offenses  into  temporal  crimes,  to  make 
the  breach  of  every  religious  precept  a  sub 
ject  of  indictment;  to  submit  the  question  of 
idolatry,  for  example,  to  the  trial  of  a  jury, 
and  to  a  court,  its  judgment,  to  the  third  and 
fourth  generation  of  the  offender.  Do  we  al 
low  our  judges  this  lumping  legislation?— To 
EDWARD  EVERETT,  vii,  381.  (M.,  1824.) 

1442.  COMMON  LAW,  Codification  of. 
— Whether   we   should   undertake   to   reduce 
the  common  law,  our  own,  and  so  much  of  the 
English    statutes     as    we    have    adopted,    to 
a   text,    is   a   question   of  transcendent   diffi 
culty.     It  was  discussed  at  the  first  meeting 
of  the  committee  of  the  Revised   Code    [of 
Virginia]  in  1776,  and  decided  in  the  negative, 
by  the  opinions  of  Wythe,  Mason  and  my 
self,    against    Pendleton    and    Thomas    Lee. 
Pendleton  proposed  to  take  Blackstone  for  that 
text,  only  purging  him  of  what  was  inappli 
cable  or  unsuitable  to  us.     In  that  case,  the 
meaning  of  every  word  of  Blackstone  would 
have  become  a  source  of  litigation,  until  it 
had  been  settled  by  repeated  legal  decisions. 
And  to  come  at  that  meaning,  we  should  have 
had  produced,  on  all  occasions,  that  very  pile 
of  authorities  from  which  it  would  be  said  he 
drew  his  conclusion,  and   which,   of  Bourse, 
would  explain  it,  and  the  terms  in  which  it  is 
couched.     Thus  we  should  have  retained  the 
same  chaos  of  law  lore  from  which  we  wished 
to   be   emancipated,    added   to   the    evils    of 
the  uncertainty  which  a  new  text  and  new 
phrases  would  have  generated.  An  example  of 
this  may  be  found  in  the  old  statutes,  and 
commentaries  on  them,  in  Coke's  Second  In 
stitute,  but  more  remarkably  in  the  Institute 
of  Justinian,  and  the  vast  masses  explanatory 
or  supplementary  of  that  which  fill  the  libra 
ries  of  the  civilians.    We  were  deterred  from 
the  attempt  by  these  considerations,  added  to 
which,  the  bustle  of  the  times  did  not  admit 
leisure  for  such  an  undertaking. — To  JOHN 
TYLER,    vi,  66.    (M.,  1812.) 

1443.  COMMON    LAW,    The    Colonists 
and. — I   deride   with  you   the  ordinary  doc 
trine,  that  we  brought  with  us  from  England 
the  common  law  rights.     This  narrow  notion 
was  a  favorite  in  the  first  moment  of  rallying 
to  our  rights  against  Great  Britain.     But  it 
was  that  of  men  who  felt  their  rights  before 
they  had  thought  of  their  explanation.     The 
truth  is,  that  we  brought  with  us  the  rights  of 
men;    of   expatriated   men.     On   our   arrival 
here,  the  question  would   at  once  arise,  by 
what   law   will   we   govern   ourselves?     The 
resolution  seems  to  have  been,  by  that  system 
with  which  we  are  familiar,    to  be   altered   by 
ourselves   occasionally,    and    adapted   to   our 
new  situation.     The  proofs  of  this  resolution 


are  to  be  found  in  the  form  of  the  oaths  of 
the  judges,  i.  Henings  Stat.  169.  187:  of  the 
Governor,  ib.  504 ;  in  the  act  for  a  provisional 
government,  ib,  372;  in  the  preamble  to  the 
laws  of  1661-2;  the  uniform  current  of  opin 
ions  and  decisions,  and  in  the  general  recog 
nition  of  all  our  statutes,  framed  on  that 
basis.  But  the  state  of  the  English  law  at 
the  date  of  our  emigration,  constituted 
the  system  adopted  here.  We  may  doubt, 
therefore,  the  propriety  of  quoting  in  our 
courts  English  authorities  subsequent  to  that 
adoption ;  still  more  the  admission  of  author 
ities  posterior  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  or  rather  to  the  accession  of  that 
King,  whose  reign,  ab  initio,  was  the  very 
tissue  of  wrongs  which  rendered  the  Declara 
tion  at  length  necessary.  The  reason  for  it 
had  inception  at  least  as  far  back  as  the  com 
mencement  of  his  reign.  This  relation  to  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  would  add  the  ad 
vantage  of  getting  us  rid  of  all  Mansfield's 
innovations,  or  civilizations  of  the  Common 
Law.  For,  however,  I  admit  the  superiority 
of  the  civil  over  the  common  law  code,  as  a 
system  of  perfect  justice,  yet  an  incorpora 
tion  of  the  two  would  be  like  Nebuchadnez 
zar's  image  of  metals  and  clay,  a  thing  with 
out  cohesion  of  parts.  The  only  natural  im 
provement  of  the  common  law.  is  through  its 
homogeneous  ally,  the  Chancery,  in  which 
new  principles  are  to  be  examined,  concocted 
and  digested.  But  when,  by  repeated  decis 
ions  and  modifications,  they  are  rendered  pure 
and  certain,  they  should  be  transferred  by 
statute  to  the  courts  of  common  law  ana 
placed  within  the  pale  of  juries.  The  exclu 
sion  from  the  courts  of  the  malign  influence 
of  all  authorities  after  the  Gcorgium  Sidus 
became  ascendant,  would  uncanonize  Black- 
stone,  whose  book,  although  the  most  elegant 
and  best  digested  of  our  law  catalogue,  has 
been  perverted  more  than  all  others,  to  the 
degeneracy  of  legal  science.  A  student  finds 
there  a  smattering  of  everything,  and  his  in 
dolence  easily  persuades  him  that  if  he  under 
stands  that  book,  he  is  master  of  the  whole 
body  of  the  law.  The  distinction  between 
these,  and  those  who  have  drawn  their  stores 
from  the  deep  and  rich  mines  of  Coke  on  Lit 
tleton,  seems  well  understood  even  by  the  un 
lettered  common  people  who  apply  the  appel 
lation  of  Blackstone  lawyers  to  these 
ephemeral  insects  of  the  law.* — To  JOHN  TY 
LER,  vi,  65.  (1812.) 

1444.  COMMON  LAW,  The  Constitu 
tion  and. — I  consider  all  the  encroachments 
made  on  the  Constitution,  heretofore,  as 
nothing,  as  mere  retail  stuff  compared  with 
the  wholesale  doctrine,  that  there  is  a  Com 
mon  Law  in  force  in  the  United  States  of 
which,  and  of  all  the  cases  within  its  provi- 

*  W.  G.  Hammond,  in  his  edition  of  Blackstone's 
Commentaries,  (i.  276)  says  :  "  Jefferson  and  the  party 
he  represented  were  always  disposed  to  disown  the 
Common  Law  and  claim  their  freedom  as  one  of  the 
'rights  of  man',  but  the  majority  of  the  'rebels' 
insisted  only  on  what  they  considered  their  common- 
law  rights,  and  maintained  that  the  English  Colonists 
had  brought  these  with  them  over  the  sea.  The  Dec 
laration  of  Independence  unites  both  positions  in  the 
most  skilful  manner."— EDITOR. 


Common  Law 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


164 


sions,  their  courts  have  cognizance.*  It  is 
complete  consolidation.  [Judgesl  Ellsworth 
and  Iredell  have  openly  recognized  it.  [Bush- 
rod]  Washington  has  squinted  at  it,  and 
I  have  no  doubt  it  has  been  decided  to  cram 
it  down  our  throats. — To  CHARLES  PINCKNEY. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  398.  (M.,  Oct.  1799.) 

1445.  COMMON  LAW,  Corruption  and. 

— I  do  verily  believe,  that  if  the  principle  were 
to  prevail,  of  a  Common  Law  being  in  force 
in  the  United  States  (which  principle  pos 
sesses  the  General  Government  at  once  of  all 
the  powers  of  the  State  governments,  and 
reduces  us  to  a  single  consolidated  govern 
ment),  it  would  become  the  most  corrupt 

*  The  subjoined  extracts  from  Jefferson's  ANAS, 
bear  on  the  assertion  of  this  doctrine  in  the  United 
States  Senate : 

i— Mr.  Dexter,  Mr.  Hillhouseand  Mr.  Read  insisted 
[in  the  Senate]  in  the  fullest  and  most  explicit  terms, 
that  the  Common  Law  of  England  is  in  force  in  these 
States,  and  may  be  the  rule  of  adjudication  in  all 
cases  where  the  laws  of  the  United  States  have  made 
no  provision.  Mr.  Livermore  seemed  to  urge  the 
same,  though  he  seemed  to  think  that  in  criminal 
cases  it  might  be  necessary  to  adopt  by  an  express 
law.  Mr.  Tracy  was  more  reserved  on  this  occasion. 
He  only  said  that  Congress  might  by  a  law  adopt 
the  provisions  of  the  Common  Law  on  any  subjects 
by  a  reference  to  that,  without  detailing  the  particu 
lars  ;  as  in  this  bill  it  was  proposed  that  the  marshals 
should  summon  juries  "according  to  the  practice  of 
the  Common  Law".  THE  ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  288. 
(April  1800.) 

2— Dexter  maintained  that  the  Common  Law  as  to 
crimes  is  in  force  jn  the  courts  of  the  United  States. 
Chipman  says  that  the  principles  of  common  right 
are  Common  Law.  And  he  says  the  Common  Law 
of  England  is  in  force  here.  There  being  no  law  in 
Vermont  for  appointing  juries  which  the  marshal 
can  follow,  he  says  he  may  appoint  them  as  provided 
by  the  Common  Law  of  England,  though  that  part 
of  the  Common  Law  was  never  adopted  in  Vermont. 
THE  ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  286.  (March  19,  1800.) 

3_ Heretical  doctrines  maintained  in  Senate  on 
the  motion  against  the  Aurora  *  *  *  that  the 
Common  Law  authorizes  the  proceeding  proposed 
against  the  Aurora,  and  is  in  force  here.  By  Read. 
*  *  *  Tracy  says  he  would  not  exactly  say  that 
the  Common  Law  of  England  in  all  its  extent  is  in 
force  here  ;  but  common  sense,  reason  and  morality, 
which  are  the  foundations  of  the  Common  Law,  are 
in  force  here  and  establish  a  Common  Law.  He  held 
himself  so  nearly  half  way  between  the  Common 
Law  of  England  and  what  everybody  else  has  called 
natural  law,  and  not  Common  Law,  that  he  could 
hold  to  either  the  one  or  the  other,  as  he  should  find 
expedient.  Dexter  maintained  that  the  Common 
Law,  as  to  crimes,  is  in  force  in  the  United  States. 
Chipman  says  that  the  principles  of  common  right 
are  Common  Law.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  198.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
285.  (1800.) 

4— The  jury  bill  before  the  Senate.  Mr.  Read  says 
that,  if  from  any  circumstances  of  inaptitude  the 
marshal  cannot  appoint  a  jury  analogously  with 
the  State  juries,  the  Common  Law  steps  in,  and  he 
may  name  them  according  to  that.  And  March  12, 
same  bill,  Mr.  Chipman  speaking  of  the  case  of  Ver 
mont,  where  a  particular  mode  of  naming  jurors 
was  in  force  under  a  former  law  of  that  State,  when 
the  law  of  the  United  States  passed  declaring  that 
juries  shall  be  appointed  in  their  courts  in  the  sev 
eral  States  in  the  mode  unow"  in  use  in  the  same 
State.  Vermont  has  since  altered  their  mode  of 
naming  them.  Mr.  Chipman  admits  the  Federal 
courts  cannot  adopt  the  new  mode,  but  in  that  case 
he  says  their  marshal  may  name  them  according  to 
the  rules  of  the  Common  Law.  Now  observe  that 
that  is  a  part  of  the  Common  Law  which  Vermont 
had  never  adopted,  but,  on  the  contrary,  had  made 
a  law  of  their  own,  better  suited  to  their  circum 
stances.— THE  ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  286.  (March  n, 

5— See  in  the  Wilmington  Mirror  of  Feb.  i4th,  Mr. 
Bayard's  elaborate  argument  to  prove  that  the  Com 
mon  Law,  as  modified  by  the  laws  of  the  respective 
States  at  the  epoch  of  the  ratification  of  the  Consti 
tution,  attached  to  the  courts  of  the  United  States.— 
THE  ANAS,  ix,  203.  FORD  ED.,  i,  291.  (Feb.  1801.) 


government  on  the  earth. — To  GIDEON  GRAN 
GER,  iv,  331.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  451.  (M.,  Aug. 
1800.) 

1446.  COMMON  LAW,  Origin  of.— The 
term  "  common  law,"  although  it  has  more 
than  one  meaning,  is  perfectly  definite,  secun- 
dum  subjectam  materiem.  Its  most  probable 
origin  was  on  the  conquest  of  the  Heptarchy 
by  Alfred,  and  the  amalgamation  of  their  sev 
eral  codes  of  law  into  one,  which  became  com 
mon  to  them  all.    The  authentic  text  of  these 
enactments  has  not  been  preserved ;   but  their 
substance  has  been  committed  to  many  ancient 
books  and  writings,  so  faithfully  as  to  have 
been  deemed  genuine  from  generation  to  gen 
eration,  and  obeyed  as  such  by  all.     We  have 
some  fragments  of  them  collected  by  Lam- 
bard,  Wilkins  and  others,  but  abounding  with 
proofs  of  their  spurious  authenticity.     Magna 
Charta    is   the   earliest    statute,    the    text    of 
which  has  come  down  to  us  in  an  authentic 
form,  and  thence  downward  we  have  them 
entire.     We  do  not  know  exactly  when  the 
common  law  and  statute  law,  the  lex  scripta 
et    non    scripta,     began     to    be     contra-dis 
tinguished,  so  as  to  give  a  second  acceptation 
to  the  former  term ;  whether  before,  or  after 
Prisot's   day,   at  which  time   we  know   that 
nearly  two  centuries  and  a  half  of  statutes 
were  in  preservation.     In  later  times,  on  the 
introduction  of  the  chancery  branch  of  law, 
the  term  common  law  began  to  be  used  in  a 
third  sense,  as  the  correlative  of  chancery  law. 
— To  EDWARD  EVERETT,    vii,  382.     (M.,  1824.) 

1447.  COMMON  LAW,  State  Laws  and. 
— On  the  settlement  of  the  colonies  now  com 
posing  the  United  States,  and  the  settlement 
of  a  legislature  in  each  of  them,  that  legisla 
ture,  in  some  cases,  finding  that  the  enacting 
a  complete  code  of  laws  which  should  reach 
every  transaction   needing  legislation,   would 
be  far  beyond  their  time  and  abilities,  adopted, 
by  an  express  act  of  their  own,  the  laws  of 
England  as  they  stood  at  that  date,  compre 
hending   the   common   law,   statutes   to   that 
period,  and  the  chancery  law.    In  other  cases, 
instead  of  adopting  them  by  an  express  statute 
of  their  own,  they  considered  themselves  as 
having  brought  with  them,  and  been,  even  on 
their  passage,   under  the  constant  obligation 
of  the  laws  of  the  mother  country,   and  on 
their  arrival  they  continued  to  practice  them 
without  any  act  of  adoption,  which  practice 
or  usage  is  evidence  that  there  was  an  adop 
tion  by  general  consent.     In  the  case  of  Con 
necticut,  they  did  not  adopt  the  common  law 
of  England  at  all  as  their  basis,  but  declared 
by  an  act  of  their  own,  that  the  law  of  God, 
as  it  stood  revealed  in  the  Old  and  New  Tes 
taments,  should  be  the  basis  of  their  laws,  to 
be  subject  to  such  alterations  as  they  should 
make.     In  all  the  cases  where  the  common 
law,  or  laws  of  England,  were  adopted  either 
expressly  or  tacitly,  the  legislatures  held  of 
course,   and  exercised  the  power  of  making 
additions   and   alterations.     As   the   different 
States  were  settled  at  very  different  periods, 
and  the  adoption  for  each  State  was  the  laws 
of  England  as  they  stood  at  the  moment  of 
the  adoption  by  the  State,  it  is  evident  that 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Common  Law 


the  system  as  adopted  in  1607  by  Virginia,  was 
one  thing,  as  by  Pennsylvania  was  another 
thing,  as  by  Georgia,  in  1759,  was  still  a  dif 
ferent  one.  And  when  to  this  is  added  the 
very  diversified  modifications  of  the  adopted 
code,  produced  by  the  subsequent  laws  passed 
by  the  legislatures  of  the  different  States,  the 
system  of  common  law  in  force  in  any  one 
State  on  the  24th  of  September,  1789,  when 
Congress  assumed  the  jurisdiction  given  them 
by  the  Constitution,  was  very  different  from 
the  systems  in  force  at  the  same  moment  in 
the  several  other  States:  that  in  all  of  these 
the  common  law  was  in  force  by  virtue  of 
the  adoption  of  the  State,  express  or  tacit,  and 
that  it  was  not  in  force  in  Connecticut,  be 
cause  they  had  never  adopted  it. — OBSERVA 
TIONS  ON  HARDIN'S  CASE,  ix,  485.  (Nov. 
1812.) 

1448.  COMMON  LAW,  United  States 
Law  and. — Having  settled  by  way  of  prelimi 
nary,  to  what  extent,  and  by  what  authority, 
the  common  law  of  England  is  the  law  of 
each  of  the  States,  we  will  proceed  to  consider 
how  far,  and  by  what  authority,  it  "is  the  law 
of  the  United  States  'as  a  national  govern 
ment.  By  the  Constitution,  the  General  Gov 
ernment  has  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  arising 
under  the  Constitution,  under  the  (constitu 
tional)  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  under 
treaties;  in  all  cases,  too,  of  ambassadors,  of 
admiralty  jurisdiction,  where  the  United 
States  is  a  party,  between  a  State  or  its  citi 
zens,  or  another  State  or  its  citizens,  or  for 
eign  State  or  its  citizens.  The  General  Gov 
ernment,  then,  had  a  right  to  take  under  their 
cognizance  all  these  cases,  and  no  others. 
This  might  have  been  done  by  Congress,  by 
passing  a  complete  code,  assuming  the  whole 
field  of  their  jurisdiction,  and  by  applying 
uniformly  to  every  State,  without  any  respect 
to  the  laws  of  that  State.  But,  like  the  State 
legislatures,  who  had  been  placed  before  in 
a  similar  situation,  they  felt  that  it  was  a 
work  of  too  much  time  and  difficulty  to  be 
undertaken.  Observing,  therefore,  that  (ex 
cept  cases  of  piracy  and  murder  on  the  high 
seas)  all  the  cases  within  the  jurisdiction  must 
arise  in  some  of  the  States,  they  declared 
by  the  act  of  September,  24,  1789.  C  20  § 
34,  "  that  the  laws  of  the  several  States,  ex 
cept  where  the  Constitution,  treaties,  or  stat 
utes  of  the  United  States  shall  otherwise  pro 
vide,  shall  be  regarded  as  rules  of  decision  in 
trials  at  common  law  in  the  courts  of  the 
United  States  in  cases  where  they  apply." 
Here,  then,  Congress  adopted  for  each  State 
the  laws  of  that  State ;  and  among  the  laws  so 
adopted  were  portions  of  the  common  law, 
greater  or  less  in  different  States,  and  in  force, 
riot  by  any  innate  authority  of  its  own,  but  by 
the  adoption  or  enacting  of  it  by  the  State 
authority.  Now  what  was  the  opinion  to 
which  this  was  opposed?  Several  judges  of 
the  General  Government  declared  that  "  the 
common  law  of  England  is  the  unwritten 
law  of  the  United  States  in  their  national  and 
federal  capacity.''  A  State  judge,  in  a  printed 
work,  lays  it  down  as  "  certainly  wrong  to 
say  that  the  judiciary  power  of  the  nation  can 


exercise  no  authority  but  what  depends  for 
its  principle  on  acts  of  the  national  legisla 
ture."  And  then,  quoting  the  preamble  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which 
says  that  its  object  is,  "  to  insure  domestic 
tranquillity,  promote  the  general  welfare " 
&c.,  he  adds,  that  "  what  is  here  expressed  is 
the  common  law  of  the  whole  country,"  and 
that  "  whatever  is  in  opposition  to  it,  whether 
treason,  insurrection,  sedition,  murder,  riot, 
assaults,  batteries,  thefts  or  robberies,  may  be 
punished  as  crimes,  independent  of  any  act  of 
Congress."  And  opinions  equivalent  to  these 
were  declared  by  one  party  on  the  floor  of 
Congress.  This  is  the  doctrine  which  the  re 
publicans  declared  heretical.  They  deny  that 
Congress  can  pass  any  law  not  authorized  by 
the  Constitution,  and  that  the  judges  can  act 
on  any  law  not  authorized  by  Congress,  or  by 
the  Constitution  in  very  direct  terms.  If  the 
true  doctrine  then  be,  that  certain  portions 
of  the  common  and  statute  law  of  England 
be  in  force  in  the  different  States  by  virtue  of 
the  adoption  in  that  State,  and  in  the  Federal 
courts  of  the  same  State  by  virtue  of  the  adop 
tion  by  Congress  of  the  laws  of  that  State 
within  its  limits,  then  whenever  a  case  is 
presented  to  a  Federal  court,  they  are  to  ask 
themselves  the  following  questions :  i.  Is  this 
case  within  any  of  the  definitions  of  jurisdic 
tion  given  by  the  Constitution  to  the  General 
Government?  If  it  be  decided  that  it  is,  then, 
2.  Has  Congress  by  any  positive  statute  as 
sumed  cognizance  of  this  case  as  permitted 
them  by  the  Constitution  ?  To  determine  this 
question,  the  judge  must  first  look  into  the 
statutes  of  Congress  generally;  if  he  finds  it 
not  there,  he  must  look  into  the  laws  of  the 
State,  as  well  as  that  portion  of  the  English 
code  which  the  State  may  have  adopted,  as 
the  acts  passed  specially  by  the  legislature. 
If  the  case  be  actually  found  provided  for 
in  these  laws,  another  question  still  remains, 
viz. :  3.  Is  the  law  of  the  State  applicable  to 
the  analogous  case  of  the  General  Govern 
ment?  for  it  may  happen  that  a  law  of  the 
State,  adapted  perfectly  to  its  own  organiza 
tion  and  local  circumstances,  may  not  tally 
with  the  different  organizations  or  circum 
stances  of  the  Federal  government.  If  the 
difference  be  such  as  to  defeat  the  ap 
plication,  it  must  be  considered  as  a  case 
unprovided  for  by  Congress,  and  not  cog 
nizable  in  their  courts.  Just  so  parts 
of  the  common  or  statute  law  of  Eng 
land  are  found  by  the  State  judges  inap 
plicable  to  their  State  from  a  difference  of 
circumstances.  These  differences  of  circum 
stances  will  be  shaded  off  from  nothing  to 
direct  inconsistence,  and  it  will  be  only  by 
many  decisions  on  a  great  variety  of  cases 
that  the  line  will  at  length  be  drawn.  Let 
us  apply  these  questions  to  Hardin's  case, 
which  is  simply  this  :  Congress  by  an  express 
statute,  1802,  c.  13.  §  6,  have  made  the  mur 
der  of  an  Indian  within  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  punishable  by  death.  A  mur 
der  is  committed  on  an  Indian  in  that  terri 
tory.  The  murderers  fly  to  Kentucky.  They 
are  demanded  by  the  Governor  of  Indiana  of 
the  Governor  of  Kentucky;  under  whose 


Common  Law 
Compacts 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


166 


authority  our  officer  attempting  to  take  them, 
they  were  protected  by  Hardin  and  others  in 
arms.  i.  Is  this  case  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  Congress?  Answer.  Congress  having  a 
right  "  to  make  all  rules  and  regulations  re 
specting  the  territory  of  the  United  States," 
have  declared  this  to  be  a  case  of  murder.  As 
they  can  "  make  all  laws  necessary  and  proper 
for  carrying  their  power  into  execution," 
they  can  make  the  protecting  a  murderer  crim 
inal  in  any  part  of  the  United  States.  2.  Has 
Congress  assumed  cognizance  of  the  offence 
of  Hardin?  We  must  first  examine  whether 
the  act  oi  Congress,  1799.  c.  Q,  §  22,  takes  in 
this  offence.  Then  whether  the  laws  of  Ken 
tucky,  common,  statute,  or  State  law,  as 
adopted  by  Congress  comprehend  this  offence. 
3.  Whether  any  difference  of  organization  or 
other  circumstance  renders  the  law  of  Ken 
tucky  inapplicable  to  this  offence,  can  be  de 
cided  by  those  only  who  are  particularly  ac 
quainted  with  that  law. — OBSERVATIONS  ON 
HARBIN'S  CASE,  ix,  486.  (Nov.  1812.) 

1449.  -  — .    I  read  the  sixth  chapter 
of  your  book  with  interest  and  satisfaction,  on 
the  question  whether  the  common  law    (of 
England)    makes  a  part  of  the  laws  of  our 
General    Government.     That   it   makes   more 
or  less  a  part  of  the  laws  of  the  States  is, 
I   suppose,   an  unquestionable   fact.     Not  by 
birthright,  *  *  *  but  by  adoption.    But,  as  to 
the   General    Government,   the   Virginia   Re 
port  on  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  has  so 
completely    pulverized    this     pretension    that 
nothing  new  can  be  said  on  it.     Still,  seeing 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  (I  recollect, 
for  example,  Ellsworth  and  Story)  had  been 
found  capable  of  such  paralogism,  I  was  glad 
to  see  that  the  Supreme  Court  had  given  it 
up.    In  the  case  of  Libel  in  the  United  States 
District  Court  of  Connecticut,  the  rejection  of 
it  was  certainly  sound ;  because  no  law  of  the 
General  Government  had  made  it  an  offence. 
But  such  a  case  might,  I  suppose,  be  sustained 
in  the   State  courts  which  have   State  laws 
against  libels.     Because  as  to  the  portions  of 
power  within  each  State  assigned  to  the  Gen 
eral  Government,  the  President  is  as  much  the 
Executive   of   the    State,    as   their   particular 
governor  is  in  relation  to  State  powers. — To 
MR.  GOODENOW.   vii,  251.    (M.,  1822.) 

1450.  COMMON      SENSE,      Authority 
and. — Common  sense  is  the  foundation  of  all 
authorities,   of   the   laws   themselves,   and   of 
their  construction. — BATTURE  CASE,    viii,  575. 
(1812.) 

1451.  COMMON  SENSE,  Confidence  in. 
— I    have    great    confidence    in    the    common 
sense  of  mankind  in  general. — To  JEREMIAH 
MOOR.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  455.     (M.,  1800.) 

1452.  COMMON  SENSE,  Kings  and.— 
No  race  of  kings  has  ever  presented  above  one 
man  of  common  sense  in  twenty  generations. 
To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,    ii,  221.    FORD  ED., 
iv,  426.    (P.,  1787.) 

1453.  COMMON  SENSE,   Safety  in.— I 
can  never  fear  that  things  will  go  far  wrong 
where  common  sense  has  fair  play. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,    ii,  73.    (P.,  1786.) 


1454. .     Let  common   sense  and 

common  honesty  have  fair  play  and  they  will 
soon  set  things  to  rights.— To  EZRA  STILES 
ii,  77-  (P.,  1786.) 

1455.  COMMON  SENSE,  Stock-jobbing 

and.— Happy  if  the  victims  of  the  stock 
jobbers  now  *  *  *  get  back  into  the  tract  of 
plain,  unsophisticated  common  sense  which 
they  ought  never  to  have  been  decoyed  from.— 
To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  508.  (Pa 
1792.)  See  SENSE. 

1456.  COMPACT,    The    Federal.— The 

States  in  North  America  which  confederated 
to  establish  their  independence  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  of  which  Virginia  was 
one,  became,  on  that  acquisition  free  and  inde 
pendent  States,  and  as  such,  authorized  to 
constitute  governments,  each  for  itself,  in 
such  form  as  it  thought  best.  They  entered 
into  a  compact  (which  is  called  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  of  America), 
by  which  they  agreed  to  unite  in  a  single 
government  as  to  their  relations  with  each 
other  and  with  foreign  nations,  and  as  to  cer- 
tain^other  articles  particularly  specified.  They 
retained  at  the  same  time,  each  to  itself  the 
other  rights  of  independent  government,  com 
prehending  mainly  their  domestic  interests. 
For  the  administration  of  their  Federal 
branch,  they  agreed  to  appoint,  in  conjunction, 
a  distinct  set  of  functionaries,  legislative,  ex 
ecutive  and  judiciary,  in  the  manner  settled  in 
that  compact:  while  to  each,  severally,  and 
of  course  remained  its  original  right  of  ap 
pointing,  each  for  itself,  a  separate  set  of 
functionaries,  legislative,  executive  and  judi 
ciary,  also  for  administering  the  domestic 
branch  of  their  respective  governments. 
These  two  sets  of  officers,  each  independent 
of  the  other,  constitute  thus  a  whole  of  gov 
ernment,  for  each  State  separately ;  the  powers 
ascribed  to  the  one,  as  specifically  made 
federal,  exercisable  over  the  whole,  the  re 
siduary  powers,  retained  to  the  other,  exer 
cisable  exclusively  over  its  particular 
State,  foreign  herein,  each  to  the  others, 
as  they  were  before  the  original  compact. — 
DECLARATION  AND  PROTEST  OF  VIRGINIA,  ix, 
496.  FORD  ED.,  x,  349.  (Dec.  1825.) 

1457.  COMPACTS,  Enforcing.— The  co 
ercive  powers  supposed  to  be  wanting  in  the 
federal  head  I  am  of  opinion  they  possess  by 
the  law  of  nature,  which  authorizes  one  party 
to  an  agreement  to  compel  the  other  to  per 
formance.    A    delinquent    State    makes    itself 
a  party  against  the  rest  of  the  confederacy. — 
To  EDWARD  RANDOLPH,    ii,  211.     (P.,  1787.) 
See  COERCION. 

1458.  COMPACTS,  Infractions  of.— As 

in  all  other  cases  of  compact  among  powers 
having  no  common  judge,  each  party  has  an 
equal  right  to  judge  for  itself,  as  well  of  in 
fractions  as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  re 
dress. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS.  ix,  465. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  292.  (1798.) 

1459. .     Where     a     party     from 

necessity  or  danger  withholds  compliance  with 
part  of  a  treaty,  it  is  bound  to  make  com- 


167 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Compacts 
Confederation 


pensation  where  the  nature  of  the  case  ad 
mits  and  does  not  dispense  with  it. — OPINION 
ON  FRENCH  TREATIES,  vii,  617.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
224.  (I793-) 

1460.  COMPACTS,    Self-preservation 
and. — Obligation    is    [to   observe   compacts] 
not  suspended  till  the  danger  [of  self-preser 
vation]  is  become  real,  and  the  moment  of  it 
so  imminent,  that  we  can  no  longer  avoid  de 
cision  without  forever  losing  the  opportunity 
to  do  it. — OPINION  ON  FRENCH  TREATIES,    vii, 
615.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  222.     (1793.) 

1461.  COMPACTS,  Straining.— However 
strong  the  cord  of  compact  may  be,  there  is  a 
point  of  tension  at  which  it  will  break. — To 
EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,    vii,  404.     (M.,   1825.) 
See  TREATIES. 

1462.  COMPROMISE,  Necessity  of.— It 
is  necessary  to  give  as  well  as  take  in  a  gov 
ernment  like  ours. — To  GEORGE  MASON,     iii, 
147.     FORD  ED.,  v,  184.    (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1463.  COMPROMISE  OF  OPINION.— I 

see  the  necessity  of  sacrificing  our  opinions 
sometimes  to  the  opinions  of  others  for  the 
sake  of  harmony. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  194.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1464. .  A  government  held  to 
gether  by  the  bands  of  reason  only,  requires 
much  compromise  of  opinion ;  that  things 
even  salutary  should  not  be  crammed  down 
the  throats  of  dissenting  brethren,  especially 
when  they  may  be  put  into  a  form  to  be  will 
ingly  swallowed,  and  that  a  great  deal  of  in 
dulgence  is  necessary  to  strengthen  habits  of 
harmony  and  fraternity. — To  EDWARD  LIV 
INGSTON,  vii,  343.  FORD  ED.,  x,  301.  (M., 
1824.) 

_  CONCHOLOGY.— See  SHELLS. 

1465.  CONCILIATION,    Coalition   and. 
— If  we  can  hit  on  the  true  line  of  conduct 
which  may  conciliate  the  honest  part  of  those 
who  were  called  federalists,  and  do  justice  to 
those  who  have  so  long  been  excluded  from  it, 
I  shall  hope  to  be  able  to  obliterate,  or  rather 
to  unite  the  names  of  federalists  and  republic 
ans. — To  HORATIO  GATES.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  n. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

1466.  CONCILIATION,   Principle   and. 
— My  inaugural  address    *  *     *    will  present 
the  leading  objects  to  be  conciliation  and  ad 
herence  to  sound  principle.     This,  I  know,  is 
impracticable  with  the  leaders  of  the  late  fac 
tion,  whom  I  abandon  as  incurables,  and  will 
never  turn  an  inch  out  of  my  way  to  reconcile 
them.     But  with  the  main  body  of  the  fed 
eralists,    I    believe    it    very    practicable. — To 
JAMES   MONROE,     iv,  367.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  8. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

1467. .  After  the  first  unfavor 
able  impressions  of  doing  top  much*  in  the 
opinion  of  some,  and  too  little  in  that  of 
others,  shall  be  got  over.  I  should  hope  a 
steady  line  of  conciliation  very  practicable,  and 
that  without  yielding  a  single  republican  prin- 

*  With  respect  to  appointments  and  removals.— 
EDITOR. 


ciple.  A  certainty  that  these  principles  pre 
vailed  in  the  breasts  of  the  main  body  of  fed 
eralists,  was  my  motive  for  stating  them  as 
the  ground  of  reunion.— To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  iv,  384.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  32.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

—  CONDOLENCE.— See    SYMPATHY. 

1468.  CONDORCET  (M.  J.  A.  N.  C.  de), 

Genius  of. — I  am  glad  the  bust  of  Condorcet 
has  been  saved.  His  genius  should  be  before 
us ;  while  the  lamentable,  but  singular  act  of 
ingratitude  which  tarnished  his  latter  days,  may 
be  thrown  behind  us. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii, 
141.  FORD  ED.,  x,  145.  (M.,  1819.) 

1469.  CONDUCT,  Advice  as  to.— Be  very 
select  in  the  society  you  attach  yourself  to; 
avoid  taverns,  drinkers,  smokers,  idlers,  and 
dissipated   persons  generally     *     *     *     and 
you  will  find  your  path  more  easy  and  tran 
quil. — To  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH,    v, 
391.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  233.     (W.,  1808.) 

1470. .     A    determination    never 

to  do  what  is  wrong,  prudence  and  good  humor, 
will  go  far  towards  securing  to  you  the  estima 
tion  of  the  world.  When  I  recollect  that  at 
fourteen  years  of  age,  the  whole  care  and  di 
rection  of  myself  was  thrown  on  myself  en 
tirely,  without  a  relation  or  friend  qualified  to 
advise  or  guide  me,  and  recollect  the  various 
sorts  of  bad  company  with  which  I  associated 
from  time  to  time,  I  am  astonished  I  did  not 
turn  off  with  some  of  them,  and  become  as 
worthless  to  society  as  they  were.  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  become  acquainted  very  early 
with  some  characters  of  very  high  standing,  and 
to  feel  the  incessant  wish  that  I  could  ever  be 
come  what  they  were.  Under  temptations  and 
difficulties,  I  would  ask  myself  what  would  Dr. 
Small,  Mr.  Wythe,  Peyton  Randolph  do  in  this 
situation?  What  course  in  it  will  insure  me 
their  approbation?  I  am  certain  that  this  mode 
of  deciding  on  my  conduct,  tended  more  to  its 
correctness  than  any  reasoning  powers  I  pos 
sessed.  Knowing  the  even  and  dignified  line 
they  pursued,  I  could  never  doubt  for  a  moment 
which  of  two  courses  would  be  in  character  for 
them.  Whereas,  seeking  the  same  object 
through  a  process  of  moral  reasoning,  and  with 
the  jaundiced  eye  of  youth,  I  should  often  have 
erred.  From  the  circumstances  of  my  position, 
I  was  often  thrown  into  the  society  of  horse 
racers,  card  players,  fox  hunters,  scientific  and 
professional  men,  and  of  dignified  men ;  and 
many  a  time  have  I  asked  myself,  in  the  enthu 
siastic  moment  of  the  death  of  a  fox,  the  vic 
tory  of  a  favorite  horse,  the  issue  of  a  question 
eloquently  argued  at  the  bar,  or  in  the  great 
council  of  the  nation,  well,  which  of  these  kinds 
of  reputation  should  I  prefer?  That  of  a  horse 
jockey?  a  fox  hunter?  an  orator?  or  the  honest 
advocate  of  my  country's  rights?  Be  assured, 
my  dear  Jefferson,  that  these  little  returns  into 
ourselves,  this  self-catechising  habit,  is  not  tri 
fling  nor  useless,  but  leads  to  the  prudent  selec 
tion  and  steady  pursuit  of  what  is  right. — To 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH,  v,  388.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  231.  (W.,  1808.) 

1471.  CONFEDERATION,  The  Articles 
of. — On  Friday,  July  12  [1776],  the  commit 
tee  appointed  to  draw  the  Articles  of  Confed 
eration  reported  them,  and,  on  the  22d,  the 
House  resolved  themselves  into  a  committee 
to  take  them  into  consideration.  On  the  3Oth 
and  3  ist  of  that  month,  and  ist  of  the  ensu- 


Confederation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


168 


ing,  those  Articles  were  debated  which  deter 
mined  the  proportion,  or  quota,  of  money 
which  each  State  should  furnish  to  the  com 
mon  treasury,  and  the  manner  of  voting  in 
Congress.  The  first  of  these  Articles  was 
expressed  in  the  oriemal  draft  in  these  words. 
"  Art.  XI.  All  charges  of  war  and  all  other 
expenses  that  shall  be  incurred  for  the  com 
mon  defence,  or  general  welfare,  and  allowed 
by  the  United  States  assembled,  shall  be  de 
frayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  which  shall 
be  supplied  by  the  several  colonies  in  propor 
tion  to  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  every  age, 
sex,  and  quality,  except  Indians  not  paying 
taxes,  in  each  Colony,  a  true  account  of 
which,  distinguishing  the  white  inhabitants, 
shall  be  triennially  taken  and  transmitted  to 
the  Assembly  of  the  United  States." 
[Here  follows  Jefferson's  report  of  the  debates, 
printed  in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume.] 
These  Articles,  reported  July  12,  '76,  were 
debated  from  day  to  day,  and  time  to  time,  for 
two  years,  were  ratified  July  9,  '78,  by  ten 
States,  by  New  Jersey  on  the  26th  of  Novem 
ber  of  the  same  year,  and  by  Delaware  on  the 
23d  of  February  following.  Maryland  alone 
held  off  two  years  more,  acceding  to  them 
March  I,  '81,  and  thus  closing  the  obligation. 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  26.  FORD  ED.,  i,  38. 
(1821.) 

1472.  CONFEDERATION-,  Commerce 
and. — Congress,  by  the  Confederation,  have 
no  original  and  inherent  power  over  the  com 
merce  of  the  States.  But,  by  the  pth  article, 
we  are  authorized  to  enter  into  treaties  of 
commerce.  The  moment  these  treaties  are 
concluded,  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  over 
the  commerce  of  the  States  springs  into  exist 
ence,  and  that  of  the  particular  States  is 
superseded  so  far  as  the  articles  of  the  treaty 
may  have  taken  up  the  subject.  There  are 
two  restrictions  only,  on  the  exercise  of  the 
power  of  treaty  by  Congress,  ist.  That  they 
shall  not,  by  such  treaty,  restrain  the  legisla 
tures  of  the  States  from  imposing  such  duties 
on  foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subject 
to;  nor,  2ndly,  from  prohibiting  the  exporta 
tion  or  importation  of  any  particular  species  of 
goods.  Leaving  these  two  points  free,  Con 
gress  may,  by  treaty,  establish  any  system  of 
commerce  they  please;  but,  as  I  before  ob 
served,  it  is  by  treaty  alone  they  can  do  it. 
Though  they  may  exercise  their  other  powers 
by  resolution  or  ordinance,  those  over  com 
merce  can  only  be  exercised  by  forming  a 
treaty,  and  this  probably  by  an  accidental 
wording  of  our  Confederation. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  i,  349.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  54.  (P.,  1785.) 
See  TREATIES. 

1473.  CONFEDERATION,  Congress 
under  the. — Our  body  [the  Confederation 
Congress]  was  little  numerous,  but  very  con 
tentious.  Day  after  day  was  wasted  on  the 
most  unimportant  questions.  My  colleague 
[John  F.]  Mercer,  was  one  of  those  afflicted 
with  the  morbid  rage  of  debate,  of  an  ardent 
mind,  prompt  imagination,  and  copious  flow 
of  words,  who  heard  with  impatience  any  logic 
which  was  not  his  own.  Sitting  near  me  on 
some  occasion  of  a  trifling  but  wordy  debate, 


he  asked  how  I  could  sit  in  silence,  hearing  so 
much  false  reasoning,  which  a  word  should 
refute  ?  I  observed  to  him,  that  to  refute  was 
easy,  but  to  silence  was  impossible;  that  in 
measures  brought  forward  by  myself,  I  took 
the  laboring  oar,  as  was  incumbent  on  me; 
but  that  in  general,  I  was  willing  to  listen; 
that  if  every  sound  argument  or  objection  was 
used  by  some  one  or  other  of  the  numerous 
debaters,  it  was  enough;  if  not,  I  thought  it 
sufficient  to  suggest  the  omission,  without  go 
ing  into  a  repetition  of  what  had  been  already 
said  by  others ;  that  this  was  a  waste  and 
abuse  of  the  time  and  patience  of  the  House, 
which  could  not  be  justified.  And  I  believe, 
that  if  the  members  of  deliberative  bodies 
were  to  observe  this  course  generally,  they 
would  do  in  a  day  what  takes  them  a  week; 
and  it  is  really  more  questionable,  than  may  at 
first  be  thought,  whether  Bonaparte's  dumb 
legislature  which  said  nothing  and  did  much, 
may  not  be  preferable  to  one  which  talks 
much  and  does  nothing. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  58.  FORD  ED.,  i,  81.  (1821.)  See  CON 
GRESS. 

—  CONFEDERATION,    Consuls   and.— 
See  CONSULS. 

—  CONFEDERATION,  Debates  on  Ar 
ticles. — See  APPENDIX. 

1474.  CONFEDERATION,  Defects  of.— 

There  are  some  alterations  which  experience 
proves  to  be  wanting.  Those  are  principally 
three,  i.  To  establish  a  general  rule  for 
the  admission  of  new  States  into  the  Union. 
*  *  *  2.  The  Confederation,  in  its  eighth  arti 
cle,  decides  that  the  quota  of  money,  to  be 
contributed  by  the  several  States,  shall  be  in 
proportion  to  the  value  of  the  landed  property 
in  the  State.  Experience  has  shown  it  im 
practicable  to  come  at  this  value.  Congress 
have,  therefore,  recommended  to  the  States 
to  agree  that  their  quotas  shall  be  in  propor 
tion  to  the  number  of  their  inhabitants,  count 
ing  five  slaves,  however,  but  as  equal  to 
three  free  inhabitants.  3.  The  Confederation 
forbids  the  States  individually  to  enter 
into  treaties  of  commerce,  or  of  any  other 
nature,  with  foreign  nations ;  and  it  au 
thorizes  Congress  to  establish  such  treaties, 
with  two  reservations  however,  viz.,  that  they 
shall  agree  to  no  treaty  which  would,  I,  re 
strain  the  legislatures  from  imposing  such 
duties,  on  foreigners  as  matters  are  subject 
to ;  or  2,  from  prohibiting  the  exportation  or 
importation  of  any  species  of  commodities. 
Congress  may.  therefore,  be  said  to  have  a 
power  to  regulate  commerce,  so  far  as  it 
can  be  effected  by  conventions  with  other 
nations,  and  by  conventions  which  do  not 
infringe  the  two  fundamental  reservations 
before  mentioned.  But  this  is  too  imper 
fect.  Because  till  a  convention  be  made 
with  any  particular  nation,  the  commerce  of 
any  one  of  our  States  with  that  nation 
may  be  regulated  by  the  State  itself,  and 
even  when  a  convention  is  made,  the  reg 
ulation  of  commerce  is  taken  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  several  States  only  so  far  as  it  is  cov 
ered  or  provided  for  by  that  convention  or 


169 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Confederation 


treaty.  But  treaties  are  made  in  such  general 
terms,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  regulations 
would  still  result  to  the  legislatures.  *  *  * 
The  commerce  of  the  States  cannot  be  regu 
lated  to  the  best  advantage  but  by  a  single 
body,  and  no  body  so  proper  as  Congress. 
*  *  *  — ANSWERS  TO  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix, 
285.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  141.  (P.,  1786.) 

1475.  _  — .     Its  greatest  defect  is  the 
imperfect  manner  in  which  matters  of  com 
merce  have  been  provided  for. — To  E.  CAR- 

RINGTON.     i'l,2l7.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  424.      (P.,  1787.) 

1476.  -  — .     The  fundamental  defect 
of  the  Confederation  was  that  Congress  was 
not  authorized  to  act  immediately  on  the  peo 
ple,  and  by  its  own  officers.    Their  power  was 
only  requisitory,  and  these  requisitions  were 
addressed  to  the  several   Legislatures,   to  be 
by  them  carried  into  execution,  without  other 
coercion   than    the   moral   principle   of   duty. 
This  allowed  in  fact  a  negative  to  every  Leg 
islature,  on  every  measure  proposed  by  Con 
gress;  a  negative  so  frequently  exercised  in 
practice  as  to  benumb  the  action  of  the  Fed 
eral  Government,  and  to  render  it  inefficient 
in  its  general  objects,  and  more  especially  in 
pecuniary  and   foreign  concerns.     The  want, 
too,  of  a  separation  of  the  Legislative,  Execu 
tive,    and    Judiciary    functions,    worked    dis- 
advantageously  in  practice.     Yet  this  state  of 
things  afforded  a  happy  augury  of  the  future 
march  of  our  confederacy,  when  it  was  seen 
that  the  good  sense  and  good  dispositions  of 
the  people,  as  soon  as  they  perceived  the  in 
competence    of    their    first    compact,    instead 
of  leaving  its  correction  to  insurrection  and 
civil  war,  agreed  with  one  voice  to  elect  dep 
uties  to  a  general   Convention,   who   should 
peaceably  meet  and  agree  on  such  a  Constitu 
tion  as  "  would  ensure  peace,  justice,  liberty, 
the  common  defence  and  general  welfare."- 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY.    i,  78.    FORD  ED.,  i,  I08.    (l82I.) 

1477.  CONFEDERATION,  Distribution 
of  Powers. — To  make  us  one  nation   as  to 
foreign  concerns,  and  keep  us  distinct  in  do 
mestic  ones,  gives  the  outline  of  the  proper 
division  of  power  between   the  general   and 
particular  governments.     But,   to  enable   the 
Federal  head  to  exercise  the  power  given  it, 
to  best  advantage,  it  should  be  organized,  as 
the  particular  ones  are,  into  Legislative,  Ex 
ecutive  and  Judiciary.     The  first  and  last  are 
already  separated.    The  second  should  also  be. 
When  last  with  Congress,  I  often  proposed  to 
members  to  do  this,  by  making  of  the  Com 
mittees  of  the  States,  an  Executive  Commit 
tee  during  the  recess  of  Congress,  and,  dur 
ing  its  sessions,  to  appoint  a  Committee  to  re 
ceive  and  despatch  all  executive  business,  so 
that  Congress  itself  should  meddle  only  with 
what  should  be  legislative.     But  I  question  if 
any    Congress    (much    less    all    successively) 
can   have   self-denial    enough   to   go   through 
with  this  distribution.    The  distribution,  then, 
should    be    imposed    on    them. — To    JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,  66.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  333.    (P.,  Dec. 
1786.) 

—  CONFEDERATION,  Executive  Com 
mittee  for.— -See  1477. 


1478.  CONFEDERATION,  Failure  of.— 
Our  first  essay,  in  America,  to  establish  a  fed 
erative  government  had  fallen,  on  trial,  very 
short  of  its  object.    During  the  war  of  Inde 
pendence,  while  the  pressure  of  an  external 
enemy  hooped  us  together,  and  their  enter 
prises  kept  us  necessarily  on  the  alert,  the 
spirit  of  the  people,  excited  by  danger,  was  a 
supplement  to  the  Confederation,  and  urged 
them  to  zealous  exertions,  whether  claimed  by 
that  instrument,  or  not ;  but,  when  peace  and 
safety  were  restored,  and  every  man  became 
engaged  in  useful  and  profitable  occupation, 
less  attention  was  paid  to  the  calls  of  Con 
gress. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,  78.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
107.     (1821.) 

1479.  CONFEDERATION,       Financial 
Embarrassments  under.— Mr.  Adams,  while 
residing   at    the    Hague,    had    a   general    au 
thority    to    borrow    what    sums    might    be 
requisite  for  ordinary  and  necessary  expenses. 
Interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  the  mainte 
nance  of  the  diplomatic  establishment  in  Eu 
rope,    had   been   habitually   provided    in    this 
way.     He  was  now  elected  Vice-President  of 
the   United    States,    was    soon    to    return   to 
America,  and  had  referred  our  bankers  to  me 
for    future   counsel    on    our    affairs    in    their 
hands.    But  I  had  no  powers,  no  instructions, 
no  means,  and  no  familiarity  with  the  subject. 
It    had    always    been    exclusively    under    his 
management,  except  as  to  occasional  and  par 
tial    deposits    in    the    hands    of    Mr.    Grand, 
banker  in   Paris,   for  special   and  local  pur 
poses.     These   last   had   been   exhausted    for 
some  time,  and  I  had  frequently  pressed  the 
Treasury  Board  to   replenish  this  particular 
deposit,  as  Mr.  Grand  now  refused  to  make 
further   advances.     They   answered   candidly 
that   no   funds   could   be  obtained   until   the 
new  government  should  get  into  action,  and 
have  time   to   make   its  arrangements.     Mr. 
Adams  had  received  his  appointment  to  the 
court  of  London  while  engaged  at  Paris,  with 
Dr.  Franklin  and  myself,  in  the  negotiations 
under   our   joint   commissions.      He   had   re 
paired  thence  to  London,  without  returning  to 
the  Hague  to  take  leave  of  that  government. 
He  thought  it  necessary,  however,  to  do  so 
now,  before  he  should  leave  Europe,  and  ac 
cordingly   went  there.     I   learned  of  his  de 
parture  from  London  by  a  letter  from  Mrs. 
Adams  received  on  the  very  day  on  which  he 
would  arrive  at  the  Hague.     A  consultation 
with  him,  and  some  provision  for  the  future 
was  indispensable,   while  we  could  yet  avail 
ourselves  of  his  powers ;  for  when  they  would 
be  gone,   we  should  be  without  resource.     I 
was   daily  dunned   by   a   Company   who   had 
formerly   made  a   small    loan    to   the   United 
States,   the  principal  of  which   was  now  be 
come   due ;    and   our  bankers   in    Amsterdam 
had  notified  me  that  the  interest  on  our  gen 
eral  debt  would  be  expected  in  June ;    that  if 
we  failed  to  pay  it,   it  would  be  deemed  an 
act  of  bankruptcy  and  would  effectually  de 
stroy  the  credit  of  the  L^nited  States  and  all 
future    prospect    of   obtaining    money    there; 
that   the   loan    they   had   been   authorized   to 
open,  of  which  a  third  only  was  filled,  had 


Confederation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


170 


now  ceased  to  get  forward  and  rendered  des 
perate  that  hope  of  resource.  I  saw  that  there 
was  not  a  moment  to  lose,  and  set  out  for  the 
Hague  on  the  second  morning  after  receiv 
ing  the  information  of  Mr.  Adams's  journey. 
*  *  *  Mr.  Adams  concurred  with  me  at  once 
in  opinion  that  something  must  be  done,  and 
that  we  ought  to  risk  ourselves  on  doing  it 
without  instructions,  to  save  the  credit  of  the 
United  States.  We  foresaw  that  before  the 
new  government  could  be  adopted,  assem 
bled,  establish  its  financial  system,  get  the 
money  into  the  Treasury  and  place  it  in  Eu 
rope,  considerable  time  would  elapse;  that, 
therefore,  we  had  better  provide  at  once  for 
the  years  1788,  1789  and  1790  in  order  to 
place  our  government  at  its  ease,  and  our 
credit  in  security,  during  that  trying  interval. 
We  set  out  *  *  *  for  Amsterdam. 

I  had  prepared  an  estimate  showing  that: 

There  would  be  necessary  for  the 

year  '88 531.937-10  Florins 

There  would  be  necessary  for  the 

year  '89 538.540 

There  would  be  necessary  for  the 

year  '90 473-540 

Total .  1.544.017-10       " 

To  meet  this  the  bankers  had  in 

hand 79.268-2-8  florins 

And  the  unsold  bonds  would  yield    542. 800         florins 

622.068-2-8  florins 


Leaving  a  deficit  of 921.949-7-4  florins 

We  proposed  then  to  borrow  a 
million,  yielding gao.ooo  florins 

Which  would  leave  a  small  defi 
ciency  of 1.949-7-4  florins 

Mr.  Adams  accordingly  executed  1000 
bonds,  for  1000  florins  each  and  deposited 
them  in  the  hands  of  our  bankers,  with  in 
structions,  however,  not  to  issue  them  until 
Congress  should  ratify  the  measure.  *  *  * 
I  had  the  satisfaction  to  reflect  that  by  this 
journey  our  credit  was  secured,  the  new  gov 
ernment  was  placed  at  ease  for  two  years  to 
come  and  that,  as  well  as  myself,  relieved 
from  the  torment  of  incessant  duns,  whose 
just  complaints  could  not  be  silenced  by  any 
means  within  our  power. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  83.  FORD  ED,,  i,  114.  (1821.) 

1480.  CONFEDERATION,  Franklin's 
plan  for. — I  was  absent  from  Congress  from 
the  beginning  of  January,  1776,  to  the  middle 
of  May.  Either  just  before  I  left  Congress, 
or  immediately  on  my  return  to  it  (I  rather 
think  it  was  the  former),  Dr.  Franklin  put 
into  my  hands  the  draft  of  a  plan  of  Confed 
eration,  desiring  me  to  read  it,  and  tell  him 
what  I  thought  of  it.  I  approved  it  highly. 
He  showed  it  to  others.  Some  thought  as  I 
did ;  others  were  revolted  at  it.  We  found  it 
could  not  be  passed,  and  the  proposing  it 
to  Congress  as  the  subject  for  any  vote 
whatever  would  startle  many  members  so 
much,  that  they  would  suspect  we  had  lost 
sight  of  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain, 
and  that  we  should  lose  much  more 
ground  than  we  should  gain  by  the  prop 
osition.  Yet,  that  the  idea  of  a  more  firm 
bond  of  union  than  the  undefined  one  under 
which  we  then  acted  might  be  suggested  and 


permitted  to  grow,  Dr.  Franklin  informed 
Congress  that  he  had  sketched  the  outlines  of 
an  instrument  which  might  become  necessary 
at  a  future  day,  if  the  ministry  continued  per 
tinacious,  and  would  ask  leave  for  it  to  lay 
on  the  table  of  Congress,  that  the  members 
might  in  the  meantime  be  turning  the  subject 
in  their  minds,  and  have  something  more 
perfect  prepared  by  the  time  it  should  become 
necessary.  This  was  agreed  to  by  the  more 
timid  members,  only  on  condition  that  no 
entry  whatever  should  be  made  in  the  jour 
nals  of  Congress  relative  to  this  instrument. 
This  was  to  continue  in  force  only  till  a 
reconciliation  with  Great  Britain.  <  This  is  all 
that  ever  was  done  or  proposed  in  Congress 
on  the  subject  of  a  Confederation  before  June, 
1776,  when  the  proposition  was  regularly 
made  to  Congress,  a  committee  appointed  to 
draw  an  instrument  of  Confederation,  who 
accordingly  drew  one,  very  considerably  dif 
fering  from  the  sketch  of  Dr.  Franklin. — 
NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S  WORK,  ix,  303.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  310.  (P.,  1786.) 

1481.  CONFEDERATION,   Jealousy  of 
government  under.— pur  first  federal  con 
stitution,  or  Confederation,  as  it  was  called, 
was  framed  in  the  first  moments  of  our  sepa 
ration  from  England,  in  the  highest  point  of 
our  jealousies  of  independence  as  to  her,  and 
as  to  each  other.     It  formed,  therefore,  too 
weak  a  bond  to  produce  an  union  of  action 
as  to  foreign  nations.    This  appeared  at  once 
on  the  establishment  of  peace,  when  the  pres 
sure  of  a  common  enemy  which  had  hooped 
us  together  during  the  war,  was  taken  away. 
Congress   was   found   to  be  quite  unable  to 
point  the  action  of  the  several   States  to  a 
common  object.     A  general  desire,  therefore, 
took  place  of  amending  the  federal  constitu 
tion. — To  C.  D.  EBELING.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  451. 
(I795-) 

1482.  CONFEDERATION,   Money  req 
uisitions  and.— Among  the  debilities  of  the 
government  of  the  Confederation,  no  one  was 
more  distinguished  or  more  distressing  than 
the  utter  impossibility  of  obtaining,  from  the 
States,    the   moneys    necessary    for   the    pay 
ment  of  debts,  or  even  for  the  ordinary  ex 
penses  of  the  government.     Some  contributed 
a  little,  some  less,  and  some  nothing,  and  the 
last  furnished  at  length   an   excuse   for  the 
first  to   do   nothing   also.  —  AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  82.     FORD  ED.,  i,  ..14.     (1821.) 

1483.  CONFEDERATION,       Perfection 

of. — The  confederation  is  a  wonderfully  per 
fect  instrument  considering  the  circumstances 
under  which  it  was  formed. — To  M.  DE  MEU- 
NIER.  ix,  285.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  141.  (P.,  1786.) 

1484. .  With  all  the  imperfec 
tions  of  our  present  government,  it  is  with 
out  comparison  the  best  existing,  or  that  ever 
did  exist. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  217.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  424.  (P.,  1787.) 

1485.  CONFEDERATION,  Representa 
tion  under. — I  learn  from  our  delegates  that 
the  Confederation  is  again  on  the  carpet,  a 
great  and  a  necessary  work,  but  I  fear  al- 


I/I 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Confederation 
Confiscation 


most  desperate.  The  point  of  representation 
is  what  most  alarms  me,  and  I  fear  the  great 
and  small  colonies  are  bitterly  determined  not 
to  cede.  Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  collect  the 
proposition  I  formerly  made  you  in  private, 
and  try  if  you  can  work  it  into  some  good 
to  save  our  union?  It  was,  that  any  propo 
sition  might  be  negatived  by  the  representa 
tives  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  America, 
or  of  a  majority  of  the  Colonies  of  Amer 
ica.  The  former  secures  the  larger;  the  lat 
ter,  the  smaller  Colonies.  I  have  mentioned 
it  to  many  here  [Williamsburg].  The  good 
Whigs,  I  think,  will  so  far  cede  their  opin 
ions  for  the  sake  of  the  union,  and  others  we 
care  little  for. — To  JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  130.  (Wg.,  May  1777.) 

1486.  CONFEDERATION,  State  Coer 
cion  and. — It  has  often  been  said  that  the 
decisions  of  Congress  are  impotent  because  the 
Confederation  provides  no  compulsory  power. 
But  when  two  or  more  nations  enter  into 
compact,  it  is  not  usual  for  them  to  say  what 
shall  be  done  to  the  party  who  infringes  it. 
Decency  forbids  this,  and  it  is  as  unnecessary 
as  indecent,  because  the  right  of  compulsion 
naturally  results  to  the  party  injured  by  the 
breach.  When  any  one  State  in  the  Amer 
ican  Union  refuses  obedience  to  the  confed 
eration  by  which  they  have  bound  themselves, 
the  rest  have  a  natural  right  to  compel  them 
to  obedience.  Congress  would  probably  ex 
ercise  long  patience  before  they  would  recur 
to  force;  but  if  the  case  ultimately  required 
it,  they  would  use  that  recurrence.  Should 
this  case  ever  arise,  they  will  probably  coerce 
by  a  naval  force,  as  being  more  easy,  less 
dangerous  to  liberty,  and  less  likely  to  pro 
duce  much  bloodshed.— To  M.  DE  MEUNIER, 
ix,  291.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  147.  (P.,  1786.)  See 
COERCION. 

1487.  CONFEDERATION,  The  States' 
Committee. — The  Committee  of  the  States, 
which  shall  be  appointed  pursuant  to  the  Qth 
article  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  union, 
to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress  for  transact 
ing  the  business  of  the  United  States,  shall 
possess  all  the  powers  which  may  be  exercised 
by  seven  States  in  Congress  assembled,  ex 
cept  that  of  sending  ambassadors,  ministers, 
envoys,  resident-consuls  or  agents  to  foreign 
countries  or  courts :  Establishing  rales  for  de 
ciding  what  captures  on  land  or  water  shall 
be  legal,  and  i.  what  manner  prizes,  taken  by 
land  or  naval  forces  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  divided  or  appropri 
ated  :  Establishing  courts  for  receiving  and 
determining  finally  appeals  in  cases  of  cap 
ture,  constituting  courts  for  deciding  dis 
putes  and  differences  arising  between  two  or 
more  States :  Fixing  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures  for  the  United  States:  Chan 
ging  the  rate  of  postage  on  the  papers  passing 
through  the  post-offices  established  by  Con 
gress,  *and  of  repealing  or  contravening  any 
ordinance  or  act  passed  by  Congress.  No 
question  except  for  adjourning  from  day  to 
day  shall  be  determined  without  the  con 
currence  of  nine  votes.  A  chairman  to  be 
chosen  by  the  Committee  shall  preside.  The 


officers  of  Congress,  when  required,  shall 
attend  on  the  Committee.  The  Committee 
shall  keep  a  journal  of  their  proceedings,  to 
DC  laid  before  Congress,  and  in  these  journals, 
which  shall  be  published  monthly,  and  trans 
mitted  to  the  Executives  of  the  several  States, 
shall  be  entered  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the 
members,  when  any  one  of  them  shall  have 
desired  it  before  the  question  be  put. — RE 
PORT  ON  COM.  OF  THE  STATES.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  392. 
(Jan.  1784.) 

1488.  -  — .     As     the     Confederation 

d  made  no  provision  for  a  visible  head  of 
the  government  during  the  vacations  of  Con 
gress,  and  such  a  one  was  necessary  to  super 
intend  the  executive  business,  to  receive  and 
communicate  with  foreign  ministers  and  na 
tions,  and  to  assemble  Congress  on  sudden 
and  extraordinary  emergencies,  I  proposed 
early  in  April  [April  14,  1784]  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  committee,  to  be  called  the  Commit 
tee  of  the  States,  to  consist  of  a  member  from 
each  State,  who  should  remain  in  session 
during  the  recess  of  Congress :  that  the  func 
tions  of  Congress  should  be  divided  into  ex 
ecutive  and  legislative,  the  latter  to  be  re 
served,  and  the  former  by  a  general  resolution 
to  be  delegated  to  that  Committee.  This 
proposition  was  afterwards  agreed  to. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  54.  FORD  ED.,  i,  75.  (1821.) 

1489.  -  — .A  Committee  [of  the 

States]  was  appointed  who  entered  on  duty 
on  the  subsequent  adjournment  of  Congress 
[in  1784], quarrelled  very  soon,  split,  into  two 
parties,  abandoned  their  post,  and  left  the 
government  without  any  visible  head  until  the 
next  meeting  in  Congress.*  We  have  since 
seen  the  same  thing  take  place  in  the  Direc 
tory  of  France;  and  I  believe  it  will  forever 
take  place  in  any  Executive  consisting  of  a 
plurality.  Our  plan  best,  I  believe,  combines 
wisdom  and  practicability,  by  providing  a 
plurality  of  Counsellors,  but  a  single  Arbiter 
for  ultimate  decision.— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  54. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  75.  (1821.) 

—  CONFIDENCE,  Public.— See  PUBLIC 
CONFIDENCE. 

1490.  CONFISCATION,     George     III. 
and. — He   has   incited   treasonable   insurrec 
tions  of  our  fellow  citizens,  with  the  allure 
ments   of  forfeiture  and   confiscation  of  our 
property.!  —  DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE 
AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

1491.  CONFISCATION,  Loyalist  Refu 
gees  and. — The  British  court  had  it  extreme 
ly  at  heart  to  procure  a  restitution  of  the  es 
tates  of  the  refugees  who  had  gone  over  to 
their  side  [in  the  Revolution]  ;  they  proposed 
it  in  the  first  conferences   [on  the  treaty  of 
peace],   and  insisted  on  it  to  the  last.     Our 
commissioners,    on   the   other   hand,    refused 
it  from  first  to  last,  urging,   ist,  that  it  was 
unreasonable  to  restore  the  confiscated  prop 
erty  of  the  refugees  unless  they  would  reim- 

*  Jefferson  adds  that  in  speaking  of  this  disruption 
of  the  Committee  with  Franklin  in  Paris,  the  latter 
told  the  famous  story  of  the  Eddystone  lighthouse 
keepers.— EDITOR. 

t  Struck  out  by  Congress.— EDITOR. 


Confiscation 
Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


172 


burse  the  destruction  of  the  property  of  our 
citizens,  committed  on  their  part ;  and  2dly, 
that  it  was  beyond  the  powers  of  the  commis 
sioners  to  stipulate,  or  of  Congress  to  enforce. 
On  this  point,  the  treaty  hung  long.  It  was 
the  subject  of  a  special  mission  of  a  confiden 
tial  agent  of  the  British  negotiator  from  Paris 
to  London.  It  was  still  insisted  on,  on  his 
return,  and  still  protested  against,  by  our 
commissioners;  and  when  they  were  urged 
to  agree  only,  that  Congress  should  recom 
mend  to  the  State  Legislatures  to  restore  the 
estates,  &c.,  of  the  refugees,  they  were  ex 
pressly  told  that  the  Legislatures  would  not 
regard  the  recommendation.  In  proof  of  this, 
I  subjoin  extracts  from  the  letters  and  jour 
nals  of  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr.  Franklin,  two  of 
our  commissioners,  the  originals  of  which  are 
among  the  records  of  the  Department  of 
State.  *  *  *  These  prove,  beyond  all  question, 
that  the  difference  between  an  express  agree 
ment  to  do  a  thing,  and  to  recommend  it  to 
be  done,  was  well  understood  by  both  parties, 
and  that  the  British  negotiators  were  put  on 
their  guard  by  those  on  our  part,  not  only 
that  the  Legislatures  will  be  free  to  refuse,  but 
that  they  probably  would  refuse.  And  it 
is  evident  from  all  circumstances,  that  Mr. 
Oswald  accepted  the  recommendation  merely 
to  have  something  to  oppose  to  the  clamors  of 
the  refugees — to  keep  alive  a  hope  in  them 
that  they  might  yet  get  their  property  from 
the  State  Legislatures ;  and  that  if  they  should 
fail  in  this,  they  would  have  ground  to  de 
mand  indemnification  from  their  own  gov 
ernment  ;  and  he  might  think  it  a  circumstance 
of  present  relief  at  least,  that  the  question  of 
indemnification  by  them  should  be  kept  out  of 
sight,  till  time  and  events  should  open  it 
upon  the  nation  insensibly.  The  same  was 
perfectly  understood  by  the  British  ministry, 
and  by  the  members  of  both  Houses  in  Par 
liament,  as  well  those  who  advocated,  as  those 
who  opposed  the  treaty ;  the  latter  of  whom, 
being  out  of  the  secrets  of  the  negotiation, 
must  have  formed  their  judgment  on  the  mere 
import  of  the  terms.  *— To  GEORGE  HAMMOND. 
iii,  372.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  18.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1492.  CONFISCATION,  Principles  Un 
derlying. — It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  state 
of  war  strictly  permits  a  nation  to  seize  the 
property  of  its  enemies  found  within  its  own 
limits,  or  taken  in  war,  and  in  whatever  form 
it  exists  whether  in  action  or  possession. 
This  is  so  perspicuously  laid  down  by  one 
of  the  most  respectable  writers  on  subjects  of 
this  kind,  that  I  shall  use  his  words.  "  Since 
it  is  a  condition  of  war.  that  enemies  may  be 
deprived  of  all  their  rights,  it  is  reasonable 
that  everything  of  an  enemy's,  found  among 
his  enemies,  should  change  its  owner,  and  go 
to  the  treasury.  It  is,  moreover,  usually  di 
rected,  in  all  declarations  of  war,  that  the 
goods  of  enemies,  as  well  those  found  among 
us,  as  those  taken  in  war,  shall  be  confiscated. 
If  we  follow  the  mere  right  of  war,  even  im- 

*  The  extract  is  from  Jefferson's  reply  to  Mr.  Ham 
mond,  the  British  minister,  on  the  infraction  of  the 
treaty  of  peace.  A  summary  of  the  confiscation  laws 
of  the  different  colonies  is  given  in  this  masterly 
State  paper.— EDITOR. 


movable  property  may  be  sold,  and  its  price 
carried  into  the  treasury,  as  is  the  custom 
with  movable  property.  But  in  almost  all 
Europe,  it  is  only  notified  that  their  profits, 
during  the  war,  shall  be  received  by  the  treas 
ury  ;  and  the  war  being  ended,  the  immovable 
property  itself  is  restored,  by  agreement,  to 
the  former  owner."  Bynkersh.  Quest.  Jur. 
Pub.  L.  i  c.  7.  Every  nation,  indeed,  would 
wish  to  pursue  the  latter  practice,  if  under 
circumstances  leaving  them  their  usual  re 
sources. — To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  369. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  15.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1493.  CONFISCATION,  The  Revolution 
and. — The   circumstances   of   our   war   were 
without   example;     excluded    from    all    com 
merce,  even  with  neutral  nations,  without  arms, 
money,  or  the  means  of  getting  them  abroad, 
we  were  obliged  to  avail  ourselves  of  such  re 
sources  as  we  found  at  home.    Great  Britain, 
too,  did  not  consider  it  as  an  ordinary  war, 
but  a  rebellion ;  she  did  not  conduct  it  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  of  war,  established  by  the  law 
of  nations,  but  according  to  her  acts  of  parlia 
ment,   made  from  time  to  time,  to  suit  cir 
cumstances.     She  would  not  admit  our  title 
even  to  the  strict  rights  of  ordinary  war ;  she 
cannot  then  claim  from  us  its  liberalities;  yet 
the  confiscations  of  property  were  by  no  means 
universal,  and  that  of  debts  still  less  so. — To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND,    iii,  369.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  16. 
(Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1494.  CONGRESS,    Adjournment.— The 

Houses  of  Congress  hold  [the  right  of  ad 
journment],  not  from  the  Constitution,  but 
from  nature.* — OFFICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  499. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  209.  (1790.)  See  ADJOURNMENT. 

1495. .  The  right  of  adjourn 
ment  is  not  given  by  the  Constitution,  and 
consequently,  it  may  be  modified  by  law  with 
out  interfering  with  that  instrument. — OF 
FICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  498.  FORD  ED.,  v,  208. 
(1790.) 

1496.  CONGRESS,  The  Administration 
and. — I  do  not  mean  that  any  gentleman,  re 
linquishing  his  own  judgment,  should  im 
plicitly  support  all  the  measures  of  the  ad 
ministration  ;  but  that,  where  he  does  not  dis 
approve  of  them,  he  should  not  suffer  them 
to  go  off  in  sleep,  but  bring  them  to  the  at 
tention  of  the  House,  and  give  them  a  fair 
chance.  Where  he  disapproves,  he  will  of 
course  leave  them  to  be  brought  forward  by 
those  who  concur  in  the  sentiment.  Shall  I 
explain  my  idea  by  an  example?  The  classi 
fication  of  the  militia  was  communicated  to 
General  Varnum  and  yourself  merely  as  a 
proposition  which,  if  you  approved,  it  was 
trusted  you  would  support.  I  knew,  indeed, 
that  General  Varnum  was  opposed  to  any 
thing  which  might  break  up  the  present  or 
ganization  of  the  militia ;  but  when  so  modi 
fied  as  to  avoid  this,  I  thought  he  might, 
perhaps,  be  reconciled  to  it.  As  soon  as  I 

*  In  all  the  extracts  respecting  the  National  Legis 
lature,  the  date  sufficiently  indicates  the  particular 
Congress — Continental,  Federal,  or  Confederation, 
and  United  States,— to  which  Jefferson  referred.— 
EDITOR. 


173 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


found  it  did  not  coincide  with  your  senti 
ments,  I  could  not  wish  you  to  support  it ;  but 
using  the  same  freedom  of  opinion,  I  procured 
it  to  be  brought  forward  elsewhere. — To  MR. 
BIDWELL.  v,  15.  (W.,  1806.) 

1497. .     If  members  of  Congress 

are  to  know  nothing  but  what  is  important 
enough  to  be  put  into  a  public  message,  and 
indifferent  enough  to  be  made  known  to  all 
the  world  ;  if  the  Executive  is  to  keep  all  other 
information  to  himself  and  the  House  to 
plunge  on  in  the  dark,  it  becomes  a  govern 
ment  of  chance  and  not  of  design. — To  MR. 
BIDWELL.  v,  16.  (W.,  1806.) 

1498. .     When      a      gentleman, 

through  zeal  for  the  public  service,  undertakes 
to  do  the  public  business,  we  know  that  we 
shall  hear  the  cant  of  backstairs  councillors. 
But  we  never  heard  this  while  the  declaimer 
[John  Randolph]  was  himself  a  backstairs 
man,  as  he  calls  it,  but  in  the  confidence  and 
views  of  the  administration,  as  may  more 
properly  and  respectfully  be  said. — To  MR. 
BIDWELL.  v,  16.  (W.,  1806.) 

1499.  -  — .     The    imputation    [back 

stairs  councillors]  was  one  of  those  artifices 
used  to  despoil  an  adversary  of  his  most  effec 
tual  arms ;  and  men  of  mind  will  place  them 
selves  above  a  gabble  of  this  order. — To  MR. 
BIDWELL.  v,  16.  (W.,  1806.) 

1500. .     All  we  have  to  wish  is, 

that  at  the  ensuing  session,  every  one  may 
take  the  part  openly  which  he  secretly  be 
friends.— To  MR.  BIDWELL.  v,  17.  (W.,  1806.) 

1501.  CONGRESS,      Appointment     of 
Members. — Delegates  to  represent  this  col 
ony  [Va.]  in  the  American  Congress  shall  be 
appointed,  when  necessary,  by  the  House  of 
Representatives.     After  serving  one  year  in 
that  office,  they  shall  not  be  capable  of  being 
reappointed  to  the  same  during  an  interval  of 
one     year.  —  PROPOSED     VA.     CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  20.     (June  1776.) 

1502.  -  — .     The   delegates   to   Con 
gress  shall  be  five  in  number;  any  three  of 
whom,  and  no  fewer,   may  be  a  representa 
tion.     They  shall  be  appointed  by  joint  ballot 
of  both   houses   of   Assembly   for  any  term 
not  exceeding  one  year,  subject  to  be  recalled, 
within   the   term,   by  joint   vote  of  both   the 
said  houses.     They  may,  at  the  same  time,  be 
members  of  the  legislative  or  judiciary  de 
partments,    but   not   of   the   executive. — PRO 
POSED  CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA,     viii,  452. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  331.     (1783.) 

1503.  CONGRESS,  Apportionment  and. 

— No  invasions  of  the  Constitution  are  fun 
damentally  so  dangerous  as  the  tricks  played 
on  their  own  numbers,  apportionment,  and 
other  circumstances  respecting  themselves, 
and  affecting  their  legal  qualifications  to  leg 
islate  for  the  Union.— OPINION  ON  APPORTION 
MENT  BILL,  vii,  601.  FORD  ED.,  v,  500. 
(1792.)  See  APPORTIONMENT. 

—  CONGRESS,    Arrest    of    Members.— 

See  1572. 


1504.  CONGRESS,     Attendance.  —  That 
every  State  should  be  represented  in  the  great 
council  of  the  nation,  is  not  only  the  interest 
of  each,  but  of  the  whole  united,  who  have  a 
right   to  be   aided   by  the   collective   wisdom 
and   information  of  the   whole,   in  questions 
which    are   to    decide    on    their    future    well- 
being.    I  trust  that  your  Excellency  will  deem 
it   incumbent  on  you   to  call   an   immediate 
meeting   of   your    [Tennessee's]    Legislature, 
in  order  to  put  it  in  their  power  to  fulfil  this 
high  duty,  by  making  special  and  timely  pro 
vision   for  the   representation   of   their   State 
at  the  ensuing  meeting  of  Congress ;  to  which 
measures    I    am    bound    earnestly    to   exhort 
yourself  and  them.    I  am  not  insensible  of  the 
personal  inconvenience  of  this  special  call  to 
the  members  composing  the  Legislature  of  so 
extensive  a  State ;  but  neither  will  I  do  them 
the  injustice  to  doubt  their  being  ready  to 
make  much  greater  sacrifices  for  the  common 
safety,  should  the  course  of  events  still  lead 
to  a  call  for  them. — To  GOVERNOR  SEVIER.  v, 
421.     (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

1505.  CONGRESS,  Authority.— The  au 
thority  of  Congress  can  never  be  wounded 
without  injury  to  the  present  Union. — To  THE 
PRESIDENT  OF   CONGRESS.     FORD  ED.,  ii,   286. 
(Wg..  I779-) 

1506. .     The   sense  of  Congress 

itself  is  always  respectable  authority. — OF 
FICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  499.  FORD  ED.,  v,  209. 
(1790.) 

—  CONGRESS,  Bribery  of  Members.— 

See  1573- 

1507.  CONGRESS,  Buildings  for.— The 

United  States  should  be  made  capable  of  ac 
quiring  and  holding  in  perpetuum  such 
grounds  and  buildings  in  and  about  the  place 
of  the  session  of  [the  Continental]  Congress  as 
may  be  necessary  for  the  transaction  of  busi 
ness  by  their  own  body,  their  committees  and 
officers;  each  State  should  be  made  capable 
of  acquiring  and  holding  in  perpetuum  such 
grounds  and  buildings  as  they  may  at  any 
time  think  proper  to  acquire  and  erect  for  the 
personal  accommodation  of  their  delegates; 
and  all  the  grounds  and  buildings  *  *  *  should 
be  exempt  from  taxation. — RESOLVE  ON  CONTI 
NENTAL  CONGRESS.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  463.  (April 
1784?) 

1508.  CONGRESS,  Business  Men  in.— 
We  want  men  of  business  [in  Congress].*  *  * 
I  am  convinced  it  is  in  the  power  of  any  man 
who  understands  business,  and  who  will  un 
dertake  to  keep  a  file  of  the  business  before 
Congress  and  press  it,  as  he  would  his  own 
docket  in  a  court,  to  shorten  the  sessions  a 
month  one  year  with  another,  and  to  save  in 
that  way  $30,000  a  year.     An  ill-judged  mod 
esty  prevents  those  from  undertaking  it  who 
are  equal  to  it.    I  really  wish  you  were  here. — 
To  CESAR  A.  RODNEY.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   187. 
(W.,  Dec.   1802.) 

1509.  CONGRESS,  Cabinet  Officers  in. 

— An  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  further 
extent  to  the  influence  of  the  executive  over 


Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


174 


the  Legislature,  by  permitting  the  heads  of  de 
partments  to  attend  the  House  and  explain 
their  measures  viva  voce.  But  it  was  nega 
tived  by  a  majority  of  35  to  n,  which  gives  us 
some  hope  of  the  increase  of  the  republican 
vote. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  491.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  134.  (Pa.,  Nov.  1792.) 

1510.  CONGRESS,  Call  for  Continental. 
—We    (Patrick   Henry,    R.   H.   Lee,    Francis 
R.  Lee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  three  or  four 
other    members    of    the    Virginia    House    of 
Burgesses)    *  *  *  agreed   to    an    association, 
and  instructed  the  committee  of  correspond 
ence  to  propose  to  the  corresponding  commit 
tees  of  the  other  Colonies,  to  appoint  deputies 
to  meet  in  Congress  at  such  place,  annually, 
as  should  be  convenient,  to  direct  from  time  to 
time,  the  measures  required  by  the  general  in 
terest  :  and  we  declared  that  an  attack  on  any 
one  Colony,  should  be  considered  as  an  attack 
on  the  whole.     This  was  in  May,  1774.     We 
further  recommended  to  the  several  counties 
to  elect  deputies  to  meet  at  Williamsburg,  the 
ist  of  August  ensuing,  to  consider  the  state  of 
the  Colony,  and  particularly  to  appoint  dele 
gates  to  a  general  Congress,  should  that  meas 
ure  be  acceded  to  by  the  committees  of  cor 
respondence   generally.     It   was   acceded   to: 
Philadelphia  was  appointed  for  the  place,  and 
the  5th  of  September  for  the  time  of  meeting. 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  1,7.  FORDED.,  i,  n.   (1820.) 

1511.  CONGRESS,      Compensation     of 
Members. — You  say  you  did  not  understand 
to  what  proceeding  of  Congress  I  alluded  as 
likely  to  produce  a  removal  of  most  of  the 
members,  and  that  by  a  spontaneous  move 
ment  of  the  people,  unsuggested  by  the  news 
papers,  which  had  been  silent  on  it.     I  al 
luded  to  the  law  giving  themselves  $1500  a 
year.    There  has  never  been  an  instant  before 
of  so   unanimous   an  opinion   of  the  people, 
and  that  through  every  State  in  the  Union. 
A  very   few   members   of  the  first  order  of 
merit  in  the  House  will  be  reelected ;  Clay,  of 
Kentucky,  by  a   small  majority,   and  a  few 
others.     But  the  almost  entire  mass  will  go 
out,  not  only  those  who  supported  the  law  or 
voted  for  it,   or  skulked  from  the  vote,  but 
those  who  voted  against  it  or  opposed  it  act 
ively,  if  they  took  the  money ;    and  the  ex 
amples  of  refusals  to  take  it  were  very  few. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    FORD  ED.,  x,  63.     (M., 
Sep.  1816.) 

1512. .  According  to  the  opin 
ion  I  hazarded  to  you,  we  have  had  almost  an 
entire  change  in  the  body  of  Congress.  The 
unpopularity  of  the  compensation  law  was 
completed,  by  the  manner  of  repealing  it  as 
to  all  the  world  except  themselves.  In  some 
States,  it  is  said,  every  member  is  changed ; 
in  all,  many.  What  opposition  there  was  to 
the  original  law,  was  chiefly  from  Southern 
members.  Yet  many  of  those  have  been  left 
out,  because  they  received  the  advanced 
wages.  I  have  never  known  so  unanimous  a 
sentiment  of  disapprobation;  and  what  is 
more  remarkable  is,  that  it  was  spontaneous. 
The  newspapers  were  almost  entirely  silent, 
and  the  people  not  only  unled  by  their  leaders, 


but  in  opposition  to  them.  I  confess  I  was 
highly  pleased  with  this  proof  of  the  innate 
good  sense,  the  vigilance,  and  the  determina 
tion  of  the  people  to  act  for  themselves. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78.  FORD  ED.,  x,  90. 
(M.,  1817.) 

-  CONGRESS,    Under    the    Confedera 
tion. — See  1473. 

1513.  CONGRESS,     The     Constitution 
and. — Congress    *    *    *     [is]  not  a  party  but 
merely  the  creature  of  the  [Federal]  compact, 
and    [is]    subject,    as   to    its   assumptions   of 
power,    to    the    final    judgment    of    those    by 
whom,  and  for  whose  use,  itself  and  its  pow 
ers    were    all    created    and    modified. — KEN 
TUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,     ix,  469.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
302.  (1798.) 

1514.  CONGRESS,   Constitutional  view 
of    Continental.— There   is    one   opinion   in 
your  book  which  I  will  ask  you  to  reconsider, 
because  it  appears  to  me  not  entirely  accurate, 
and  not  likely  to  do  good.     Page  362,  "  Con 
gress  [Continental]  is  not  a  legislative,  but  a 
diplomatic  body."     Separating  into  parts  the 
whole  sovereignty  of  our  States,  some  of  these 
parts  are  yielded  to  Congress.     Upon  these  I 
should  think  them  both  legislative  and  exec 
utive,    and   that   would   have  been   judiciary 
also,  had  not  the  Confederation  required  them 
for  certain  purposes  to  appoint  a  judiciary. 
It  has  accordingly  been  the  decision  of  our 
courts  that  the  Confederation  is  a  part  of  the 
law  of  the  land,  and  superior  in  authority  to 
the  ordinary  laws,  because  it  cannot  be  altered 
by  the  legislature  of  any  one  State.     I  doubt 
whether  they  are  at  all  a  diplomatic  assembly. 
—To  JOHN  ADAMS,     ii,  128.     (P.,  1787.) 

-  CONGRESS,  Contempt  of.— See  1573. 

1515.  CONGRESS,    Contracts   to   Mem 
bers. — I  am  averse  to  giving  contracts  of  any 
kind  to  members  of  the  Legislature. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.     v,  50.     (W.,  1807.) 

1516.  CONGRESS,    Control   over.— It   is 
not  from  this  branch  of  government    [Con 
gress]  we  have  most  to  fear.    Taxes  and  short 
elections  will  keep  them  right. — To  THOMAS 
RITCHIE,  vii,  192.  FORD  ED.,  x,  170.  (M.,  1820.) 

1517.  CONGRESS,    Convening. — I    have 
carefully  considered  the  question  whether  the 
President    may    call    Congress    to    any   other 
place  than  that  to  which  they  have  adjourned 
themselves,  and  think  he  cannot  have  such  a 
right   unless   it   has  been  given  him   by  the 
Constitution,  or  the  laws,  and  that  neither  of 
these   has   given   it.     The   only  circumstance 
which  he  can  alter,  as  to  their  meeting  is  that 
of  time,  by  calling  them  at  an  earlier  day  than 
that  to  which  they  stand  adjourned,  but  no 
power  to  change  the  place  is  given.     *     *     * 
I    think     *     *     *     Congress    must    meet    in 
Philadelphia,  even  if  it  be  in  the  open  fields, 
to  adjourn  themselves  to  some  other  place. — 
To    PRESIDENT   WASHINGTON,     iv,    73.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  436.     (M.,  Oct.  1793.) 

1518.  CONGRESS,    Corruption    and.— I 

told  President  [Washington]  that  it  was  a 
fact,  as  certainly  known  as  that  he  and  I 


i75 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


were  then  conversing,  that  particular  mem 
bers  of  the  Legislature,  while  those  laws  [As 
sumption,  Funding,  &c.]  were  on  the  carpet, 
had  feathered  their  nests  with  paper,  had  then 
voted  for  the  laws,  and  constantly  since  lent 
all  the  energy  of  their  talents,  and  instru 
mentality  of  their  offices,  to  the  establish 
ment  and  enlargement  of  the  [Treasury] 
system.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  104.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
177.  (Feb.  1792.) 

1519.  — .  It  [is]  a  cause  of  just 

uneasiness,  when  we  [see]  a  legislature  legis 
lating  for  their  own  interests,  in  opposition 
to  those  of  the  people.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  118. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  200.  (1792.) 

1520. .  The  capital  employed  in 

paper  speculation  *  *  *  has  furnished  ef 
fectual  means  of  corrupting  such  a  portion 
of  the  Legislature,  as  turns  the  balance  be 
tween  the  honest  voters,  which  ever  way  it  is 
directed.  This  corrupt  squadron,  deciding 
the  voice  of  the  Legislature,  have  manifested 
their  dispositions  to  get  rid  of  the  limitations 
imposed  by  the  Constitution  on  the  general 
Legislature,  limitations,  on  the  faith  of  which, 
the  States  acceded  to  that  instrument. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  361.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  3.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1521. .  Of  all  the  mischiefs  ob 
jected  to  the  system  of  measures  [public  debt, 
paper  money]  none  is  so  afflicting  as  the  cor 
ruption  of  the  Legislature.  As  it  was  the 
earliest  of  these  measures,  it  became  the  in 
strument  for  producing  the  rest,  and  will  be 
the  instrument  for  producing  in  future  a 
king,  lords  and  commons,  or  whatever  else 
those  who  direct  it  may  choose. — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  362.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
4.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1522. .  Withdrawn  such  a  dis 
tance  from  the  eye  of  their  constituents,  and 
these  so  dispersed  as  to  be  inaccessible  to  pub 
lic  information,  and  particularly  to  that  of 
the  conduct  of  their  own  representatives,  they 
will  form  the  most  corrupt  government  on 
earth,  if  the  means  of  their  corruption  be  not 
prevented. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON, 
iii,  362.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  4.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

1523. .  I  told  President  Wash 
ington  there  was  great  difference  between  the 
little  accidental  schemes  of  self-interest,  which 
would  take  place  in  every  body  of  men,  and 
influence  their  votes,  and  a  regular  system 
for  forming  a  corps  of  interested  persons,  who 
should  be  steadily  at  the  orders  of  the 
Treasury. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  122.  FORD  ED., 
i,  205.  (1792.) 

1524. .  I  indulge  myself  on  one 

political  topic  only,  that  is,  in  declaring  to  my 
countrymen  the  shameless  corruption  of  a  por 
tion  of  the  representatives  to  the  first  and 
second  Congresses,  and  their  implicit  devotion 
to  the  Treasury.  I  think  I  do  good  in  this, 
because  it  may  produce  exertions  to  reform 
the  evil,  on  the  success  of  which  the  form  of 
the  government  is  to  depend. — To  EDMUND 
RANDOLPH,  iv,  101.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  498.  (M., 
Feb.  1794.) 


1525.  .      Alexander     Hamilton 

avowed  the  opinion  that  man  could  be  gov 
erned  by  one  of  two  motives  only,  force  or 
interest.     Force,  he  observed,  in  this  country 
was  out  of  the  question;  and  the  interests, 
therefore,  of  the  members  must  be  laid  hold 
of  to  keep  the  Legislature  in  unison  with  the 
Executive.     And    with    grief    and    shame    it 
must  be  acknowledged  that  his  machine  was 
not  without  effect ;  that  even  in  this,  the  birth 
of    our    government,    some    members    were 
found   sordid  enough  to  bend  their  duty  to 
their   interests,    and    to    look   after   personal 
rather   than    public    good. — THE    ANAS,     ix, 
91.     FORD  ED.,  i,  160.     (1818.) 

1526.  CONGRESS,  Credentials  of  Mem 
bers. — We  have  had  hopes  till  to-day  of  re 
ceiving  an  authentication  of  the  next  year's 
delegation  [to  the  Continental  Congress],  but 
are   disappointed.     I   know   not   who   should 
have  sent  it, — the  Governor,  or  President  of 
the     convention ;     but     certainly     somebody 
should  have  done  it.     What  will  be  the  con 
sequence,    I   know   not.     We   cannot  be   ad 
mitted  to  take  our  seat  on  any  precedent,  or 
the  spirit  of  any  precedent  yet  set.     Accord 
ing  to  the   standing  rules,  not  only  an  au 
thentic  copy  will  be  required,  but  it  must  be 
entered  in  the  journals  verbatim,  that  it  may 
there  appear  we  have  right  to  sit.— To  JOHN 
PAGE.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  74.     (Pa.,  1776.) 

1527. .     Some  of  the  newspapers 

indeed  mention  that  on  such  a  day,  such  and 
such  gentlemen  were  appointed  to  serve  for 
the  next  year,  but  could  newspaper  evidence 
be  received?  They  could  not  furnish  the 
form  of  the  appointment. — To  JOHN  PAGE. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  75.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

-  CONGRESS,  Debate  in.— See  1571. 

1528.  CONGRESS,     Delegates.  —  Until 
their  admission  by  their  delegates  into  Con 
gress,  any  of  the  said  States,   after  the  es 
tablishment  of  their  temporary  Government, 
shall  have  authority  to  keep  a  sitting  member 
in  Congress,  with  a  right  of  debating,  but  not 
of     voting. — WESTERN     TERRITORY     REPORT. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  409.     (1784.) 

1529.  CONGRESS,  Election  of  Members. 
— An  election   [of  members  of  Congress]  by 
districts  would  be  best,  if  it  could  be  general ; 
but  while  ten   States  choose  either  by  their 
legislatures  or  by  a  general  ticket,  it  is  folly 
and  worse  than  folly  for  the  other  six  not  to 
do  it.    In  these  ten  States  the  minority  is  en 
tirely  unrepresented ;  and  their  majorities  not 
only  have  the  weight  of  their  whole  State  in 
their  scale,  but  have  the  benefit  of  so  much  of 
our  minorities  as  can  succeed  at  a   district 
election.     This   is,   in   fact,   ensuring  to   our 
minorities   the   appointment   of   the   Govern 
ment.     To    state    it    in    another    form,    it    is 
merely  a  question  whether  we  will  divide  the 
United  States  into  sixteen  or  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  districts.     The  latter  being  more 
chequered,    and    representing    the    people    in 
smaller  sections,  would  be  more  likely  to  be 
an   exact    representation   of   their   diversified 
sentiments.     But  a  representation  of  a  part  by 


Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


176 


great,  and  a  part  by  small  sections,  would  give 
a  result  very  different  from  what  would  be 
the  sentiment  of  the  whole  people  of  the 
United  States,  were  they  assembled  together. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  308.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  401.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

i  1530.  CONGRESS,  Executive  influence. 
— The  republicans  complain  that  the  influence 
and  patronage  of  the  Executive  are  to  be 
come  so  great  as  to  govern  the  Legislature. 
They  endeavored  a  few  days  ago  to  take  away 
one  means  of  influence  by  condemning  refer 
ences  to  the  heads  of  departments.  They 
failed  by  a  majority  of  five  votes.  They  were 
more  successful  in  their  endeavor  to  prevent 
the  introduction  of  a  new  means  of  influence, 
that  of  admitting  the  heads  of  departments  to 
deliberate  occasionally  in  the  House  in  ex 
planation  of  their  measures. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  iii,  493.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  143.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

1531.  CONGRESS,    Executive   informa 
tion.— The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  [Alex 
ander   Hamilton]    has   been   guilty   of   inde 
corum    to    this    House,    in    undertaking    to 
judge  of  its  motives  in  calling  for  informa 
tion  which  was  demandable  of  him,  from  the 
constitution  of  his  office ;   and   in   failing  to 
give  all  the  necessary  information  within  his 
knowledge,  relatively  to  the  subjects  of  the 
reference  made  to  him  of  the  I9th,  January, 
1792,  and  of  the  22d  November,  1792,  during 
the  present  session. — GILES  TREASURY  RESO 
LUTIONS.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  170.     (1793.) 

1532.  CONGRESS,  Expenditures  and.— 

The  subject  of  the  debates  was,  whether  the 
representatives  of  the  people  were  to  have 
no  check  on  the  expenditure  of  the  public 
money,  and  the  Executive  to  squander  it  at 
their  will,  leaving  to  the  Legislature  only  the 
drudgery  of  furnishing  the  money.  They  be 
gin  to  open  their  eyes  on  this  to  the  Eastward, 
and  to  suspect  they  have  been  hoodwinked. — 
To  EDMUND  PENDLETON.  iv,  229.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  228.  (Pa.,  April  1798.) 

1533.  CONGRESS,     Farmers     in.— The 
only   corrective   of   what   is   corrupt   in   our 
present  form  of  government  will  be  the  aug 
mentation  of  the  members  in  the  lower  House 
so  as  to  get  a  more  agricultural  representa 
tion,  which  may  put  that  interest  above  that 
of  the  stock-jobbers. — To  GEORGE  MASON,    iii, 
209.   FORD  ED.,  v,  275.    (Pa.,  1791.) 

1534.  CONGRESS,  Foreign  Powers  and. 

— The  Legislature  should  never  show  itself  in 
a  matter  with  a  foreign  nation,  but  where  the 
case  is  very  serious,  and  they  mean  to  commit 
the  nation  on  its  issue. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iii,  296.  FORD  ED.,  v,  391.  (1791.) 

1535.  CONGRESS,    Influencing.— As    I 
never  had  the  desire  to  influence  the  members, 
so  neither  had  I  any  other  means  than  my 
friendships,  which  I  valued  too  highly  to  risk 
by  usurpation  on  their  freedom  of  judgment, 
and   the   conscientious  pursuit  of  their  own 
sense  of  duty. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
iii,  460.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  102.     (M.,  1792.) 


1536.  .    If  it  has  been  supposed 

that  I  have  ever  intrigued  among  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  to  defeat  the  plans  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  it  is  contrary  to  all 
truth.     *     *     *     That  I  have  utterly,  in  my 
private    conversations,     disapproved    of    the 
system    of    the    Secretary    of    the    Treasury, 
I    acknowledge    and    avow ;     and    this    was 
not     merely     a     speculative     difference. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  460.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  102.     (M.,  1792.) 

—  CONGRESS,  Instructing  Members.— 
See  INSTRUCTIONS. 

—  CONGRESS,  Insult  to  Members.— See 
1572,  1575- 

1537.  CONGRESS,  Intermeddling  with. 
—With  the  affairs  of  the  Legislature,  I  never 
did   intermeddle. — To    PRESIDENT   WASHING 
TON,    iii,  467.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  108.     (M.,  1792.) 

1538. .     When  I  embarked  in  the 

government,  it  was  with  a  determination  to 
intermeddle  not  at  all  with  the  Legislature. — 
To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  460.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  102.  (M.,  1792.) 

1539.  CONGRESS,  Jobbery  in.— I  have 
always  observed  that  in  questions  of  expense, 
where  members  may  hope  either  for  offices  or 
jobs  for  themselves  or  their  friends,  some  few 
will  be  debauched,  and  that  is  sufficient  to 
turn  the  decision  where  a  majority  is,  at  most, 
but    small. — To    JAMES    MADISON,      iv,    103. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  503.     (M.,  April  1794.) 

1540.  CONGRESS,  The  Judiciary  vs.— 
Were  I  called  upon  to  decide  whether  the  peo 
ple  had  best  be  omitted  in  the  Legislative  or 
Judiciary  department,  I  would  say  it  is  better 
to  leave  them   out  of  the   Legislative.     The 
execution  of  the  laws  is  more  important  than 
the  making  them. — To  M.   L'ABBE  ARNOND. 
iii,  82.     FORD  ED.,  v,  104.     (P.,  1789.) 

1541.  CONGRESS,  Lawyers  in.— I  have 
much   doubted    whether,   in   case  .of   a   war, 
Congress  would  find  it  practicable  to  do  their 
part  of  the  business.     That  a  body  containing 
one  hundred  lawyers  in  it,  should  direct  the 
measures  of  a  war,  is,  I  fear,  impossible ;  and 
that  thus  that  member  of  our  Constitution, 
which   is    its  bulwark,    will   prove   to   be   an 
impracticable  one  from  its  cacoethes  loquendi. 
It  may  be  doubted  how  far  it  has  the  power, 
but  I  am  sure  it  has  not  the  resolution  to 
reduce    the    right    of    talking    to    practicable 
limits. — To    PRESIDENT    MADISON.     FORD   ED., 
ix,  337.     (M.,  Feb.  1812.) 

1542. .     How  can  expedition  be 

expected  from  a  body  which  we  have  saddled 
with  an  hundred  lawyers,  whose  trade  is  talk 
ing. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  466.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  521.  (M.,  1815.)  See  DEBATE,  LAWYERS. 

1543.  CONGRESS,     Leadership     in.— I 

wish  sincerely  you  were  back  in  the  Senate; 
and  that  you  would  take  the  necessary  meas 
ures  to  get  yourself  there.  Perhaps,  as  a 
preliminary,  you  should  go  to  our  [Virginia] 
Legislature.  *  *  *  A  majority  of  the 
Senate  means  well.  But  Tracy  and  Bayard 


177 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


are  too  dexterous  for  them,  and  have  very 
much  influenced  their  proceedings.  Tracy 
has  been  of  nearly  every  committee  during 
the  session,  and  for  the  most  part  the  chair 
man,  and  of  course  drawer  of  the  reports. 
Seven  federalists  voting  always  in  phalanx, 
and  joined  by  some  discontented  republicans, 
some  oblique  ones,  some  capricious,  have  so 
often  made  a  majority,  as  to  produce  very 
serious  embarrassment  to  the  public  opera 
tions  ;  and  very  much  do  I  dread  the  submit 
ting  to  them,  at  the  next  session,  any  treaty 
which  can  be  made  with  either  England  or 
Spain,  when  I  consider  that  five  joining  the 
federalists,  can  defeat  a  friendly  settlement 
of  our  affairs. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS. 
v,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  435.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

1544. .  The  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  is  as  well  disposed  as  I  ever  saw 
one.  The  defection  of  so  prominent  a  leader 
[John  Randolph],  threw  them  into  dismay 
and  confusion  for  a  moment;  but  they  soon 
rallied  to  their  own  principles,  and  let  him 
go  off  with  five  or  six  followers  only.  One 
half  of  these  are  from  Virginia.  His  late 
declaration  of  perpetual  opposition  to  this  ad 
ministration,  drew  off  a  few  others  who  at 
first  had  joined  him,  supposing  his  opposition 
occasional  only,  and  not  systematic.  The 
alarm  the  House  has  had  from  this  schism, 
has  produced  a  rallying  together  and  a  har 
mony,  which  carelessness  and  security  had  be 
gun  to  endanger.  On  the  whole,  this  little 
trial  of  the  firmness  of  our  representatives  in 
their  principles,  and  that  of  the  people  also, 
which  is  declaring  itself  in  support  of  their 
public  functionaries,  has  added  much  to  my 
confidence  in  the  stability  of  our  government ; 
and  to  my  conviction,  that,  should  things  go 
wrong  at  any  time,  the  people  will  set  them 
to  rights  by  the  peaceable  exercise  of  their 
elective  rights.— To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  v, 
5.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  435.  (W.,  April  1806.) 

1545. .  There  never  was  a  time 

when  the  services  of  those  who  possess  tal 
ents,  integrity,  firmness,  and  sound  judgment, 
were  more  wanted  in  Congress.  Some  one 
of  that  description  is  particularly  wanted  to 
take  the  lead  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
to  consider  the  business  of  the  nation  as  his 
own  business,  to  take  it  up  as  if  he  were 
singly  charged  with  it,  and  carry  it  through. 
I  do  not  mean  that  any  gentleman,  relinquish 
ing  his  own  judgment,  should  implicitly  sup 
port  all  the  measures  of  the  administration ; 
but  that,  where  he  does  not  disapprove  of 
them,  he  should  not  suffer  them  to  go  off  in 
sleep,  but  bring  them  to  the  attention  of  the 
House,  and  give  them  a  fair  chance.  Where 
he  disapproves,  he  will  of  course  leave  them 
to  be  brought  forward  by  those  who  concur 
in  the  sentiment.— To  MR.  BIDWELL.  v,  15. 
(W.,  1806.) 

1546. .  Mr.  T.  M.  Randolph  is, 

I  believe,  determined  to  retire  from  Congress, 
and  it  is  strongly  his  wish,  and  that  of  all 
here,  that  you  should  take  his  place.  Never 
did  the  calls  of  patriotism  more  loudly  assail 
you  than  at  this  moment.  After  excepting 


the  Federalists  who  will  be  twenty-seven,  and 
the  little  band  of  schismatics,  who  will  be 
three  or  four  (all  tongue),  is  as  well-disposed 
House  of  Representatives  is  as  well-disposed 
a  body  of  men  as  I  ever  saw  collected.  But 
there  is  no  one  whose  talents  and  standing, 
taken  together,  have  weight  enough  to  give 
him  the  lead.  The  consequence  is,  that  there 
is  no  one  who  will  undertake  to  do  the  public 
business,  and  it  remains  undone.  Were  you 
here,  the  whole  would  rally  round  you  in  an 
instant,  and  willingly  cooperate  in  whatever 
is  for  the  public  good.  Nor  would  it  require 
you  to  undertake  drudgery  in  the  House. 
There  are  enough,  able  and  willing  to  do  that. 
A  rallying  point  is  all  that  is  wanting.  Let 
me  beseech  you,  then,  to  offer  yourself. — To 
WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  v,  48.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
32.  (W.,  1807.) 

1547.  CONGRESS,    Legislation    and.— 
Whatever  of  the  enumerated  objects  [in  the 
Constitution]   is  proper  for  a  law,  Congress 
may  make  the  law. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS. 
iv,  506.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  248.     (M.,  1803.) 

—  CONGRESS,  Long  speeches  in. — See 
1571  and  1579. 

1548.  CONGRESS,       Majority.— What 
[you  ask]  has  led  Congress  to  determine  that 
the  concurrence  of  seven  votes  is  requisite  in 
questions  which,   by  the   Confederation,   are 
submitted   to  the  decision   of  a   majority  of 
the  United   States,   in   Congress  assembled? 
The   ninth   article   of   Confederation,    section 
six,  evidently  establishes  three  orders  of  ques 
tions  in  Congress.  I.  The  greater  ones,  which 
relate    to    making    peace    or    war,    alliances, 
coinage,  requisitions  for  money,  raising  mili 
tary  force,  or  appointing  its  commander-in- 
chief.     2.  The  lesser  ones,  which  comprehend 
all  other  matters  submitted  by  the  Confedera 
tion  to  the  federal  head.     3.  The  single  ques 
tion  of  adjourning   from   day  to  day.     This 
gradation  of  questions  is  distinctly  character 
ized  by  the  article.     In  proportion  to  the  mag 
nitude  of  these  questions,  a  greater  concur 
rence   of   the    voices    composing   the    Union 
was    thought    necessary.     Three    degrees    of 
concurrence,    well   distinguished   by   substan 
tial  circumstances,  offered  themselves  to  no 
tice.     I.  A  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  the 
people   of  the   Union.     It   was   thought   that 
this  would  be  ensured  by  requiring  the  voices 
of  nine  States ;  because  according  to  the  loose 
estimates  which  had  been  made  of  the  inhab 
itants,  and  the  proportion  of  them  which  were 
free,  it  was  believed  that  even  the  nine  small 
est  would  include  a  majority  of  the  free  citi 
zens  of  the  Union.     The  voices,  therefore,  of 
nine  States  were  required  in  the  greater  ques 
tions.     2.  A  concurrence  of  the  majority  of 
the  States.     Seven  constitute  that   majority. 
This  number,  therefore,  was  required  in  the 
lesser   questions.      3.  A   concurrence    of   the 
majority  of  Congress,  that  is  to  say,  of  the 
States  actually  present  in  it.     As  there  is  no 
Congress,   when  there  are  not  seven   States 
present,   this  concurrence  could  never  be  of 
less  than  four  States.     But  these  might  hap 
pen  to  be  the  four  smallest,  which  would  not 


Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


178 


include  one-ninth  part  of  the  free  citizens  of 
the  Union.  This  kind  of  majority,  therefore, 
was  entrusted  with  nothing  but  the  power  of 
adjourning  themselves  from  day  to  day. 
Here,  then,  are  three  kinds  of  majorities,  i. 
Of  the  people.  2.  Of  the  States.  3.  Of  the 
Congress;  each  of  which  is  entrusted  to  a 
certain  length. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  244. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  148.  (P.,  1786.) 

1549.  CONGBESS,     Messages    to.— The 

first  communication  to  the  next  Congress 
will  be,  like  all  subsequent  ones,  by  me  sage, 
to  which  no  answer  will  be  expected. — To 
NATHANIEL  MACON.  iv,  39^.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
52.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

1550. .  The  circumstances  un 
der  which  we  find  ourselves  placed  rendering 
inconvenient  the  mode  heretofore  practiced 
of  making,  by  personal  address,  the  first  com 
munications  between  the  Legislative  and  Ex 
ecutive  branches,  I  have  adopted  that  by  mes 
sage,  as  used  on  all  subsequent  occasions 
through  the  session.  In  doing  this,  I  have 
had  principal  regard  to  the  convenience  of 
the  Legislature,  to  the  economy  of  their  time, 
to  their  relief  from  the  embarrassment  of  im 
mediate  answers  on  subjects  not  yet  fully 
before  them,  and  to  the  benefits  thence  result 
ing  to  the  public  affairs.  Trusting  that  a 
procedure  founded  on  these  motives  will  meet 
their  approbation,  I  beg  leave  through  you, 
Sir,  to  communicate  the  enclosed  message, 
with  the  documents  accompanying  it,  to  the 
honorable  the  Senate,  *  *  *  . — To  THE 
PRESIDENT  OF  THE  SENATE,  iv,  423.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  108.  (W.,  Dec.  1801.) 

1551. .  By  sending  a  message, 

instead  of  making  a  speech,  *  *  *  I  have 
prevented  the  bloody  conflict  to  which  the 
making  an  answer  would  have  committed 
them.  They  consequently  were  able  to  set 
into  real  business  at  once,  without  losing  ten 
or  twelve  days  in  combating  an  answer. — To 
DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  iv,  426.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  127.  (W.,  1801.) 

1552.  CONGRESS,  Mutiny  against.— 
The  conduct  of  [the  Federation]  Congress 
was  marked  with  indignation  and  firmness. 
They  received  no  propositions  from  the  mu 
tineers.  They  came  to  the  resolutions  which 
may  be  seen  in  the  journals  of  June  the  2ist, 
1783,  then  adjourned  regularly,  and  went 
through  the  body  of  the  mutineers  to  their 
respective  lodgings.  The  measures  taken  by 
Dickinson,  the  President  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
punishing  this  insult,  not  being  satisfactory  to 
Congress,  they  assembled,  nine  days  after,  at 
Princeton,  in  Jersey.  The  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania  sent  petitions  declaring  their  indig 
nation  at  what  passed,  their  devotion  to 
the  federal  head,  and  their  dispositions 
to  protect  it,  and  praying  them  to  return ; 
the  Legislature,  as  soon  as  assembled,  did 
the  same  thing;  the  Executive,  whose 
irresolution  had  been  so  exceptionable, 
made  apologies.  But  Congress  was  now 
removed;  and,  to  the  opinion  that  this 
example  was  proper,  other  causes  were  now 
added,  sufficient  to  prevent  their  return  to 


Philadelphia. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  258. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  163.  (Pa.,  1786.) 

1553.  CONGBESS,   Non-attendance.— 

It  is  now  above  a  fortnight  since  Congress 
should  have  met,  and  six  States  only  appear. 
We  have  some  hopes  of  Rhode  Island  coming 
in  to-day,  but  when  two  more  will  be  added 
seems  as  insusceptible  of  calculation  as  when 
the  next  earthquake  will  happen. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  347.  (A.,  Dec 
1783-) 

1554.  — . .     I  am  sorry  to  say  that 

I  see  no  immediate  prospect  of  making  up 
nine  States  [requisite  to  ratify  the  definitive 
treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain],  so  care 
less  are  either  the  States  or  their  delegates 
to  their  particular  interests,  as  well  as  the 
general  good  which  would  require  that  they 
be  all  constantly  and  fully  represented  in  Con 
gress.— To  GOVERNOR  BENJ.  HARRISON.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  350.     (A.,  Dec.  1783.) 

1555. .     We  have  never  yet  had 

more  than  seven  States  [in  attendance],  and 
very  seldom  that,  a  Maryland  is  scarcely 
ever  present,  and  we  are  now  without  a  hope 
of  its  attending  till  February.  Consequently, 
having  six  States  only,  we  do  nothing.  Ex 
presses  and  letters  are  gone  forth  to  hasten  on 
the  absent  States,  that  we  may  have  nine  for 
a  ratification  of  the  definitive  treaty.  Jersey 
perhaps  may  come  in.  and  if  Beresford  will 
not  come  to  Congress,  Congress  must  go  to 
him  to  do  this  one  act. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  371.  (A.,  Jan.  i,  1784.) 

1556. .     We  have  but  nine  States 

present,  seven  of  which  are  represented  by 
only  two  members  each.  There  are  fourteen 
gentlemen,  then,  any  one  of  whom  differing 
from  the  rest,  stops  our  proceeding  on  ques 
tions  requiring  the  concurrence  of  nine  States. 
*  *  It  is  my  expectation  that  after  hav 
ing  tried  several  of  these  questions  succes 
sively,  and  finding  it  impossible  to  obtain  a 
single  determination,  Congress  will  find  it 
necessary  to  adjourn  till  the  Spring,  first  in 
forming  the  States  that  they  adjourn  because 
from  the  inattendance  of  members  their  busi 
ness  cannot  be  done,  recommending  to  them 
to  instruct  and  enable  their  members  to  come 
on  at  the  day  appointed,  and  that  they  con 
stantly  keep  three  at  least  with  Congress  while 
it  shall  be  sitting.  I  believe  if  we  had  thir 
teen  States  present  represented  by  three  mem 
bers  each,  we  could  clear  off  our  business  in 
two  or  three  months,  and  hereafter  a  session 
of  two  or  three  months  in  the  year  could 
suffice. — To  GOVERNOR  BENJ.  HARRISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  379.  (A.,  Jan.  1784.) 

1557. .     We  cannot  make  up  a 

Congress  at  all.  There  are  eight  States  in 
town,  six  of  which  are  represented  by  two 
members  only.  Of  these,  two  members  of 
different  States  are  confined  by  the  gout,  so 
that  we  cannot  make  a  House.  We  have 
not  sat  above  three  days,  I  believe,  in  as  many 
weeks.  Admonition  after  admonition  has 
been  sent  to  the  States,  to  no  effect.  We 
have  sent  one  to-day.  If  it  fails,  it  seems  as 


i79 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


well  we  should  all  retire.  There  have  never 
been  nine  States  on  the  floor  but  for  the  rati 
fication  of  the  treaty  [of  peace  with  England] 
and  a  day  or  two  after. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  399-  (A.,  Feb.  20,  1784.) 

1558. .     We     have     only     nine 

States  present,  eight  of  which  are  represented 
by  two  members  each  and,  of  course,  on  all 

freat  questions  not  only  an  unanimity  of 
tates  but  of  members  is  necessary,  an  una 
nimity  which  can  never  be  obtained  on  a  mat 
ter  of  any  importance.  The  consequence  is 
that  we  are  wasting  our  time  and  labor  in  vain 
efforts  to  do  business.  Nothing  less  than  the 
presence  of  thirteen  States,  represented  by 
an  odd  number  of  delegates,  will  enable  us 
to  get  forward  a  single  capital  point. — To 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  420. 
(A.,  1784.) 

1559. .      Delaware     and     South 

Carolina,  we  lost  within  these  two  days  by 
the  expiration  of  their  powers.  The  other  ab 
sent  States  are  New  York,  Maryland  and 
Georgia.  We  have  done  nothing,  and  can 
do  nothing  in  this  condition,  but  waste  our 
time,  temper,  and  spirits,  in  debating  things 
for  days  and  weeks  and  then  losing  them  by 
the  negative  of  one  or  two  individuals. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  426.  (A., 
1784.) 

1560.  CONGRESS,    Opportunity   and.— 
Congress  is  the  great  commanding  theatre  of 
this   nation,    and   the   threshold  to   whatever 
department   of  office   a  man   is   qualified   to 
enter. — To    WILLIAM    WIRT.    v,    233.     (W., 
1808.) 

1561.  CONGRESS,  Opposition  in.— You 

now  see  the  composition  of  our  public  bodies, 
and  how  essential  system  and  plan  are  for 
conducting  our  affairs  wisely  with  so  bitter  a 
party  in  opposition  to  us,  who  look  not  at  all 
to  what  is  best  for  the  public,  but  how  they 
may  thwart  whatever  we  may  propose,  though 
they  should  thereby  sink  their  country. — To 
CESAR  A.  RODNEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  296.  (W., 
1804.) 

1562.  CONGRESS,     Parliament    and.— 
There  is  a  difference  between  the  British  Par 
liament  and  our  Congress.     The  former  is  a 
legislature,  an  inquest  and  a  council  for  the 
king.     The  latter  is,  by  the  Constitution,  a 
legislature  and  an  inquest,  but  not  a  council. 
—THE   ANAS,     ix,    113.      FORD   ED.,   i,    190. 
(1792.) 

1563.  CONGRESS,     Partisan.  —  I     had 
hoped  that  the  proceedings  of  this  session  of 
Congress  would  have  rallied  the  great  body  of 
pur  citizens  at  once  to  one  opinion.     But  the 
inveteracy  of  their  quondam  leaders  has  been 
able  by   intermingling   the  grossest  lies  and 
misrepresentations  to  check  the  effect  in  some 
small  degree  until  they  shall  be  exposed.     The 
great  sources  and  authors  of  these  are  in  Con 
gress.     Besides  the  slanders  in  their  speeches, 
such  letters  have  been  written  to  their  con 
stituents  as  I  shall  forbear  to  qualify  by  the 
proper  terms. — To  CESAR  A.  RODNEY.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  147.     (W.,  April  1802.) 


1564. .  And  what  is  our  re 
source  for  the  preservation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  ?  Reason  and  argument  ?  You  might 
as  well  reason  and  argue  with  the  marble 
columns  encircling  them.  The  representatives 
chosen  by  ourselves?  They  are  joined  in  the 
combination,  some  from  incorrect  views  of 
government,  some  from  corrupt  ones,  suffi 
cient  voting  together  to  outnumber  the  sound 
parts;  and  with  majorities  only  of  one,  two, 
or  three,  bold  enough  to  go  forward  in  de 
fiance. — To  W.  B.  GILES,  vii,  427.  FORD  ED., 
x,  355-  (M.,  1825.) 

1565.  CONGRESS,  The   People    and.— I 

look  for  our  safety  to  the  broad  representa 
tion  of  the  people  [in  Congress].  It  will  be 
more  difficult  for  corrupt  views  to  lay  hold 
of  so  large  a  mass. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  455.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

1566.  -  — .     The  only  hope  of  safety 
hangs   now  on   the  numerous   representation 
which  is  to  come  forward  the  ensuing  year. 
Some  of  the  new  members  will  be,  probably, 
either  in  principle  or  interest,  with  the  present 
majority,   but   it   is   expected   that   the   great 
mass  will  form  an  accession  to  the  republican 
party.     They  will   not  be  able  to   undo   all 
which    the   two   preceding   Legislatures,    and 
especially  the  first,  have  done.     Public  faith 
and  right  will  oppose  this.    But  some  parts  of 
the    system    may   be    rightfully    reformed,    a 
liberation  from  the  rest  unremittingly  pursued 
as  fast  as  right  will  permit,  and  the  door  shut 
in  future  against  similar  commitments  of  the 
nation. — To    PRESIDENT    WASHINGTON.       iii, 
362.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  4.     (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

1567.  CONGRESS,  Power  over  papers. 

—At  a  meeting  of  the  cabinet  the  subject  [of 
discussion]  was  the  resolution  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  March  27,  to  appoint 
a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the 
failure  of  the  late  expedition  under  Major 
General  St.  Clair,  with  power  to  call  for  such 
persons,  papers  and  records  as  may  be  nec 
essary  to  assist  their  inquiries.  The  Presi 
dent  [Washington]  said  he  had  called  us  to 
consult,  merely  because  it  was  the  first  ex 
ample,  and  he  wished  that  so  far  as  it  should 
become  a  precedent,  it  should  be  rightly  con 
ducted.  He  neither  acknowledged  nor  denied, 
nor  even  doubted  the  propriety  of  what  the 
House  were  doing,  for  he  had  not  thought 
upon  it,  nor  was  acquainted  with  subjects  of 
this  kind.  He  could  readily  conceive  there 
might  be  papers  of  so  secret  a  nature  as  that 
they  ought  not  to  be  given  up.  [The  cabinet 
was  not  then  ready  to  give  their  opinions, 
but  another  meeting  was  held  two  days  later 
when]  we  had  all  considered  and  were  of 
one  mind :  I.  That  the  House  was  an  inquest, 
and,  therefore,  might  institute  inquiries.  2. 
That  it  might  call  for  papers  generally.  3. 
That  the  Executive  ought  to  communicate  such 
papers  as  the  public  good  would  permit,  and 
ought  to  refuse  those,  the  disclosure  of  which 
would  injure  the  public.  Consequently, 
[they]  were  to  exercise  discretion.  4.  That 
neither  the  Committee  nor  the  House  had  a 
right  to  call  on  the  head  of  a  Department,  who 


Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


1 80 


and  whose  papers  were  under  the  President 
alone ;  but  that  the  Committee  should  instruct 
their  Chairman  to  move  the  House  to  address 
the  President.  *  *  *  Hamilton  agreed  with 
us  in  all  these  points  except  as  to  the  power 
of  the  House  to  call  on  the  heads  of  Depart 
ments.  He  observed,  that  as  to  his  Depart 
ment,  the  act  constituting  it  had  made  it  sub 
ject  to  Congress  in  some  points,  but  he 
thought  himself  not  so  far  subject,  as  to  be 
obliged  to  produce  all  papers  they  might  call 
for.  They  might  demand  secrets  of  a  very 
mischievous  nature.  *  *  *  I  observed  here  a 
difference  between  the  British  Parliament  and 
our  Congress,  that  the  former  was  a  legisla 
ture,  an  inquest,  and  a  council  for  the  King. 
The  latter  was,  by  the  Constitution,  a  legis 
lature  and  an  inquest  but  not  a  council.  [It 
was]  finally  agreed,  to  speak  [separately]  to 
the  members  of  the  Committee,  and  bring 
them  by  persuasion  into  the  right  channel. 
It  was  agreed  in  this  case,  that  there  was  not 
a  paper  which  might  not  be  properly  produced, 
that  copies  only  should  be  sent,  with  an  as 
surance,  that  if  they  should  desire  it,  a  clerk 
should  attend  with  the  originals  to  be  verified 
by  themselves.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  112.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  189.  (April  1792.) 

1568.  CONGRESS,  Prayer  in.— I  enclose 
you  (to  amuse  your  curiosity)  the  form  of  the 
prayer  substituted  in  the  room  of  the  prayer 
for  the  King  by  Mr.  Duche,  chaplain  to  the 
Congress.    I  think  by  making  it  so  general  as 
to  take  in  conventions,   assemblies,    &c.,    it 
might  be  used  instead  of  that  for  the  Parlia- 
ment._To  JOHN  PAGE.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  75.  (Pa., 
1776.) 

1569.  CONGRESS,  Precedence.— As  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  repre 
sent  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole  Union,  their 
body  collectively,  and  their  President  individ 
ually,  should  on  all  occasions  have  precedence 
of  all  other  bodies  and  persons. — CONGRESS 
RESOLUTION.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  464.     (1784?) 

1570. .  During  the  recess  of 

Congress  the  Committee  of  the  States,  being 
left  to  pursue  the  same  objects  and  under  the 
same  circumstances,  their  body,  their  members 
and  their  President,  should  respectively  be 
placed  on  the  same  footing  with  the  body,  the 
members,  and  the  President  of  Congress.— 
CONGRESS  RESOLUTION.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  464. 
(April  1784?) 

1571.  CONGRESS,  Previous  question 
in. — I  observe  the  House  is  endeavoring  to 
remedy  the  eternal  protraction  of  debate  by 
sitting  up  all  night,  or  by  the  use  of  the  pre 
vious  question.  Both  will  subject  them  to  the 
most  serious  inconvenience.  The  latter  may 
be  turned  upon  themselves  by  a  trick  of  their 
adversaries.  I  have  thought  that  such  a  rule 
as  the  following  would  be  more  effectual  and 
less  inconvenient :  "  Resolved,  that  at 
[VIII.]  o'clock  in  the  evening  (whenever  the 
House  shall  be  in  session  at  that  hour)  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Speaker  to  declare  that 
hour  arrived,  whereupon  all  debate  shall  cease. 
If  there  be  then  before  the  House  a  main 
question  for  the  reading  or  passing  of  a  bill, 


resolution  or  order,  such  main  question  shall 
immediately  be  put  by  the  Speaker,  and  de 
cided  by  yeas  and  nays.  If  the  question  be 
fore  the  House  be  secondary,  as  for  amend 
ment,  commitment,  postponement,  adjourn 
ment  of  the  debate  or  question,  laying  on  the 
table,  reading  papers,  or  a  previous  question, 
such  secondary  (or  any  other  which  may 
delay  the  main  question)  shall  stand  ipso 
facto  discharged,  and  the  main  question  shall 
then  be  before  the  House,  and  shall  be  im 
mediately  put  and  decided  by  yeas  and  nays. 
But  a  motion  for  adjournment  of  the  House, 
may  once  and  once  only,  take  place  of  the 
main  question,  and  if  decided  in  the  negative, 
the  main  question  shall  then  be  put  as  before. 
Should  any  question  of  order  arise,  it  shall 
be  decided  by  the  Speaker  instanter,  and 
without  debate  or  appeal;  and  questions  of 
privilege  arising,  shall  be  postponed  till  the 
main  question  be  decided.  Messages  from  the 
President  or  Senate  may  be  received  but  not 
acted  on  till  after  the  decision  of  the  main 
question.  But  this  rule  shall  be  suspended 
during  the  [three]  last  days  of  the  session 
of  Congress."  No  doubt  this,  on  investiga 
tion,  will  be  found  to  need  amendment ;  but 
I  think  the  principle  of  it  better  adapted  to 
meet  the  evil  than  any  other  which  has  oc 
curred  to  me. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  v,  491.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  268.  (M.,  1810.) 

1572.  CONGRESS,  Privilege.— Delegates 
to  Congress  ought  to  be  invested  in  the  place 
where  they  may  be  sitting  with  such  privileges 
and  immunities  as  will  cover  them  from  mo 
lestation  and  disturbance,  and  leave  them  in 
freedom  and  tranquillity  to  apply  their  whole 
time  and  attention  to  the  objects  of  their 
delegation.  *  *  *  Long  experience  has 
led  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe  to 
an  ascertainment  of  those  principles  and 
immunities,  which  may  enable  the  repre 
sentatives  of  an  independent  nation,  exercis 
ing  high  functions  within  another,  to  do  the 
same  unawed  and  undisturbed,  and,  there 
fore,  the  privileges  and  immunities  annexed 
by  the  law  and  usage  of  nations  to  such  char 
acters  should  be  allowed  to  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  collectively,  and  to  their 
members  individually,  by  the  laws  of  the 
States  in  and  adjacent  to  which  they  may  be 
sitting,  and  should  be  secured  in  their  con 
tinuance  by  sufficient  sanctions. — RESOLVE  ON 
CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  463. 
(April  1784?) 

1573. .     In  December,   1795,  the 

House  of  Representatives  committed  two 
persons  of  the  names  of  Randall  and  Whit 
ney,  for  attempting  to  corrupt  the  integrity 
of  certain  members,  which  they  considered 
as  a  contempt  and  breach  of  the  privileges  of 
the  House ;  and  the  facts  being  proved, 
Whitney  was  detained  in  confinement  a 
fortnight,  and  Randall  three  weeks,  and  was 
reprimanded  by  the  Speaker.  In  March, 
1796,  the  House  of  Representatives  voted  a 
challenge  given  to  a  member  of  their  House, 
to  be  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  the  House ; 
but  satisfactory  apologies  and  acknowledg- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


ments  being  made,  no  further  proceedings 
were  had.  The  editor  of  the  Aurora  having 
in  his  paper  of  February  19,  1800,  inserted 
some  paragraphs  defamatory  to  the  Senate, 
and  failed  in  his  appearance,  he  was  ordered 
to  be  committed.  In  debating  the  legality  of 
this  order,  it  was  insisted  in  support  of  it, 
that  every  man,  by  the  law  of  nature,  and 
every  body  of  men,  possesses  the  right  of  self- 
defence;  that  all  public  functionaries  are 
essentially  invested  with  the  powers  of  self- 
preservation  ;  that  they  have  an  inherent  right 
to  do  all  acts  necessary  to  keep  themselves 
in  a  condition  to  discharge  the  trusts  con 
fided  to  them;  that  whenever  authorities  are 
given,  the  means  of  carrying  them  into  exe 
cution  are  given  by  necessary  implication ; 
that  thus  we  see  the  British  Parliament  ex 
ercise  the  right  of  punishing  contempts ;  all 
the  State  Legislatures  exercise  the  same 
power;  and  every  Court  does  the  same;  that 
if  we  have  it  not,  we  sit  at  the  mercy  of  every 
intruder  who  may  enter  our  doors  or  gallery, 
and  by  noise  and  tumult  render  proceeding 
in  business  impracticable ;  that  if  our  tran 
quillity  is  to  be  perpetually  disturbed  by  news 
paper  defamation,  it  will  not  be  possible  to 
exercise  our  functions  with  the  requisite  cool 
ness  and  deliberation;  and  that  we  must, 
therefore,  have  a  power  to  punish  these  dis 
turbers  of  our  peace  and  proceedings.  To 
this  it  was  answered,  that  the  Parliament  and 
Courts  of  England  have  cognizance  of  con 
tempts  by  the  express  provisions  of  their  law ; 
that  the  State  Legislatures  have  equal  author 
ity,  because  their  powers  are  plenary;  they 
represent  their  constituents  completely,  and 
possess  all  their  powers,  except  such  as  their 
Constitutions  have  expressly  denied  them ; 
that  the  Courts  of  the  several  States  have 
the  same  powers  by  the  laws  of  their  States, 
and  those  of  the  Federal  Government  by  the 
same  State  laws,  adopted  in  each  State  by 
a  law  of  Congress ;  that  none  of  these  bodies, 
therefore,  derive  those  powers  from  natural 
or  necessary  right,  but  from  express  law ;  that 
Congress  have  no  such  natural  or  necessary 
power,  nor  any  powers  but  such  as  are  given 
them  by  the  Constitution ;  that  that  has 
given  them  directly  exemption  from  personal 
arrest,  exemption  from  question  elsewhere 
for  what  is  said  in  the  House,  and  power 
over  their  own  members  and  proceedings; 
for  these,  no  further  law  is  necessary,  *he 
Constitution  being  the  law;  that,  moreover, 
by  that  article  of  the  Constitution  which 
authorizes  them  "  to  make  all  laws  necessary 
and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the 
powers  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  them," 
they  may  provide  by  law  for  an  undisturbed 
exercise  of  their  functions,  c.  g.  for  the 
punishment  of  contempts,  of  affrays,  or 
tumults  in  their  presence,  &c. ;  but,  till  the 
law  be  made,  it  does  not  exist ;  and  does  not 
exist,  from  their  own  neglect ;  that  in  the 
meantime,  however,  they  are  not  unprotected, 
the  ordinary  magistrates  and  courts  of  law 
being  open  and  competent  to  punish  all  un 
justifiable  disturbances  or  defamations,  and 
even  their  own  sergeant,  who  may  appoint 


deputies  ad  libitum  to  aid  him  (3  Grey,  59. 
147,  255),  is  equal  to  the  smallest  disturb 
ances;  that,  in  requiring  a  previous  law,  the 
Constitution  has  regard  to  the  inviolability  of 
the  citizen  as  well  as  of  the  member;  as, 
should  one  House,  in  the  regular  form  of  a 
bill,  aim  at  too  broad  privileges,  it  may  be 
checked  by  the  other,  and  both  by  the  Presi 
dent;  and  also  as,  the  law  being  promulgated, 
the  citizen  will  know  how  to  avoid  offence. 
But,  if  one  branch  may  assume  its  own 
privileges  without  control ;  if  it  may  do  it 
on  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  conceal  the  law 
in  its  own  breast,  and  after  the  fact  com 
mitted  make  its  sentence  both  the  law  and 
the  judgment  on  that  fact;  if  the  offence  is 
to  be  kept  undefined,  and  to  be  declared  only 
ex  re  nata,  and  according  to  the  passions  of 
the  moment,  and  there  be  no  limitation  either 
in  the  manner  or  measure  of  the  punishment, 
the  condition  of  the  citizen  will  be  perilous  in 
deed.  Which  of  these  doctrines  is  to  prevail, 
time  will  decide.  Where  there  is  no  fixed 
law,  the  judgment  on  any  particular  case  is 
the  law  of  that  single  case  only,  and  dies  with 
it.  When  a  new  and  even  similar  case  arises, 
the  judgment  which  is  to  make,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  apply,  the  law,  is  open  to  question 
and  consideration,  as  are  all  new  laws.  Per 
haps  Congress,  in  the  meantime,  in  their  care 
for  the  safety  of  the  citizen,  as  well  as  that 
for  their  own  protection,  may  declare  by  law 
what  is  necessary  and  proper  to  enable  them 
to  carry  into  execution  the  powers  vested  in 
them,  and  thereby  hang  up  a  rule  for  the  in 
spection  of  all,  which  may  direct  the  conduct 
of  the  citizen,  and,  at  the  same  time,  test  the 
judgments  they  shall  themselves  pronounce  in 
their  own  case. — PARLIAMENTARY  MANUAL. 
ix,  9. 

1574. .     It    was    probably    from 

this  view*  of  the  encroaching  character  of 
privilege,  that  the  framers  of  our  Constitution, 
in  their  care  to  provide  that  the  laws  shall 
bind  equally  on  all,  and  especially  that  those 
who  make  them  shall  not  be  exempt  them 
selves  from  their  operation,  have  only  privi 
leged  "  Senators  and  Representatives  "  them 
selves  from  the  single  act  of  arrest  in  all  cases 
except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the 
peace,  during  their  attendance  at  the  session 
of  their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to 
and  returning  from  the  same,  and  from  be 
ing  questioned  in  any  other  place  for  any 
speech  or  debate  in  either  House.— PARLIA 
MENTARY  MANUAL,  ix,  8. 

1575. .     J.  Randolph  *  *  *  used 

an  unguarded  word  in  his  first  speech  [on  the 
bill  suspending  intercourse  with  France],  ap 
plying  the  word  "  ragamuffin  "  to  the  common 
soldiery.  He  took  it  back  of  his  own  accord, 
and  very  handsomely,  the  next  day,  when  he 
had  occasion  to  reply.  Still,  in  the  evening  of 
the  second  day,  he  was  jostled,  and  his  coat 
pulled  at  the  theatre  by  two  officers  of  the 

*"The  maxims  upon  which  they[  Parliament]  pro 
ceed,  together  with  the  method  of  proceeding,  rest 
entirely  in  their  own  breast,  and  are  not  defined  and 
ascertained  by  any  particular  stated  laws  "  —  i 
BLACKSTONE,  163,  164. 


Congress 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


182 


Navy,  who  repeated  the  word  "  ragamuffin." 
His  friends  present  supported  him  spiritedly, 
so  that  nothing  further  followed.  Conceiv 
ing,  and,  as  I  think  justly,  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  (not  having  passed  a  law  on 
the  subject)  could  not  punish  the  offenders, 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  President,  who  laid 
it  before  the  House.  *  *  *  He  has  con 
ducted  himself  with  great  propriety,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  will  come  out  with  increase 
of  reputation,  being  determined  himself  to  op 
pose  the  interposition  of  the  House  when  they 
have  no  law  for  it. — To  MARY  JEFFERSON 
EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  404.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

1576.  CONGRESS,  Public  Opinion  and. 

— I  think  it  a  duty  in  those  entrusted  with  the 
administration  of  their  affairs  to  conform 
themselves  to  the  decided  choice  of  their  con 
stituents. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  404.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  89.  (P.,  1785-) 

1577.  CONGRESS,    Qualifications    of 
Members. — You  ask  my  opinion  on  the  ques 
tion,  whether  the  States  can  add  any  qualifi 
cations  to  those  which  the  Constitution  has 
prescribed  for  their  members  of  Congress?   It 
is  a  question  I  had  never  before  reflected  on; 
yet  had  taken  up  an  off-hand  opinion,  agree 
ing  with  your  first,  that  they  could  not;  that 
to  add  new  qualifications  to  those  of  the  Con 
stitution,  would  be  as  much  an  alteration  as 
to  detract  from-  them.     And   so  I  think  the 
House   of   Representatives    decided    in    some 
case;  I  believe  that  of  a  member  from  Balti 
more.     But  your   letter  having   induced   me 
to  look  into  the  Constitution,  and  to  consider 
the  question  a  little,  I  am  again  in  your  pre 
dicament,  of  doubting  the  correctness  of  my 
first  opinion.     Had  the  Constitution  been  si 
lent,  nobody  can  doubt  but  that  the  right  to 
prescribe  all  the  qualifications  and  disquali 
fications  of  those  they  would  send  to  repre 
sent  them,  would  have  belonged  to  the  State. 
So    also   the    Constitution   might   have   pre 
scribed  the  whole,  and  excluded  all  others. 
It  seems  to  have  preferred  the  middle  way. 
It  has  exercised  the  power  in  part,  by  declar 
ing   some   disqualifications,   to  wit,   those  of 
not  being  twenty-five  years  of  age,  of  not  hav 
ing  been  a  citizen  seven  years,  and  of  not  be 
ing  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  at  the  time  of 
election.     But  it  does  not  declare,  itself,  that 
the  member  shall  not  be  a  lunatic,  a  pauper, 
a  convict  of  treason,  of  murder,  of  felony,  or 
other  infamous  crime,   or  a  non-resident  of 
his  district;  nor  does  it  prohibit  to  the  State 
the  power  of  declaring  these,   or  any  other 
disqualifications  which  its  particular  circum 
stances    may    call    for;    and    these    may    be 
different    in    different    States.       Of    course, 
then,  by  the  tenth  amendment,  the  power  is 
reserved  to  the  State.     If,  wherever  the  Con 
stitution  assumes  a  single  power  out  of  many 
which  belong  to  the  same  subject,  we  should 
consider  it  as  assuming  the  whole,  it  would 
vest  the  General  Government  with  a  mass  of 
power  never  contemplated.    On  the  contrary, 
the  assumption  of  particular  powers  seems  an 
exclusion  of  all  not  assumed.    This  reasoning 
appears  to  me  to  be  sound ;  but,  on  so  recent  a 


change  of  view,  caution  requires  us  not  to  be 
too  confident,  and  that  we  admit  this  to  be  one 
of  the  doubtful  questions  on  which  honest  men 
may  differ  with  the  purest  motives ;  and  the 
more  readily,  as  we  find  we  have  differed  from 
ourselves  on  it. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vi, 
309.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  451.  (M.,  1814.) 

1578. .     I   have  always   thought 

that  where  the  line  of  demarcation  between 
the  powers  of  the  General  and  the  State 
governments  was  doubtfully  or  indistinctly 
drawn,  it  would  be  prudent  and  praise 
worthy  in  both  parties,  never  to  approach 
it  but  under  the  most  urgent  necessity.  Is  the 
necessity  now^  urgent,  to  declare  that  no  non 
resident  of  his  district  shall  be  eligible  as  a 
member  of  Congress?  It  seems  to  me  that, 
in  practice,  the  partialities  of  the  people  are 
a  sufficient  security  against  such  an  election ; 
and  that  if,  in  any  instance,  they  should  ever 
choose  a  non-resident,  it  must  be  one  of  such 
eminent  merit  and  qualifications,  as  would 
make  it  a  good,  rather  than  an  evil ;  and  that, 
m  any  event,  the  examples  will  be  so  rare,  as 
never  to  amount  to  a  serious  evil.  If  the  case 
then  be  neither  clear  nor  urgent,  would  it 
not  be  better  to  let  it  lie  undisturbed?  Per 
haps  its  decision  may  never  be  called  for. 
But  if  it  be  indispensable  to  establish  this 
disqualification  now,  would  it  not  be  better  to 
declare  such  others,  at  the  same  time,  as  may 
be  proper? — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vi,  310. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  452.  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

1579.  CONGRESS,      Reconsideration.— 

"  How  far "  [you  ask]  "  is  it  permitted  to 
bring  on  the  reconsideration  of  a  question 
which  Congress  has  once  determined?  "  The 
first  Congress  which  met,  being  composed 
mostly  of  persons  who  had  been  members  of 
the  legislatures  of  their  respective  States,  it 
was  natural  for  them  to  adopt  those  rules  in 
their  proceedings  to  which  they  had  been  ac 
customed  in  their  legislative  houses ;  and  the 
more  so,  as  there  happened  to  be  nearly  the 
same,  as  having  been  copied  from  the  same 
original,  those  of  the  British  Parliament. 
One  of  these  rules  of  proceeding  was,  that  "  a 
question,  once  determined,  cannot  be  proposed 
a  second  time  in  the  same  session."  Con 
gress,  during  the  first  session,  in  the  autumn 
of  1774,  observed  this  rule  strictly.  But  be 
fore  their  meeting  in  the  spring  of  the  follow 
ing  year,  the  war  had  broken  out.  They 
found  themselves  at  the  head  of  that  war, 
in  an  Executive  as  well  as  Legislative  capac 
ity.  They  found  that  a  rule,  wise  and 
necessary  for  a  legislative  body,  did  not  suit 
an  executive  one,  which,  being  governed  by 
events,  must  change  their  purposes,  as  those 
change.  Besides,  their  session  was  likely 
then  to  become  of  equal  duration  with  the 
war;  and  a  rule,  which  should  render  their 
legislation  immutable  during  all  that  period 
could  not  be  submitted  to.  They,  therefore, 
renounced  it  in  practice,  and  have  ever  since 
continued  to  reconsider  their  questions  freely. 
The  only  restraint  as  yet  provided  against 
the  abuse  of  this  permission  to  reconsider,  is 
that  when  a  question  has  been  decided,  it  can- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Congress 


not  be  proposed  for  reconsideration  but  by 
some  one  who  voted  in  favor  of  the  former 
decision,  and  declares  that  he  has  since 
changed  his  opinion. — ANSWERS  TO  M.  DE 
MEUNIER.  ix,  246.  FORDED.,  iv,  149.  (P.,  1786.) 

1580.  CONGRESS,  Reform  and.— They 
[new  Congress]  will  not  be  able  to  undo  all 
which  the  two  preceding  Legislatures,  and 
especially  the  first,  have  done.  Public  faith 
and  right  will  oppose  this.  But  some  parts  of 
the  system  may  be  rightfully  reformed,  a 
liberation  from  the  rest  unremittingly  pur 
sued  as  fast  as  right  will  permit,  and  the  door 
shut  in  future  against  similar  commitments 
of  the  nation.— To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
iii,  362.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  4.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

1581. .     The    representatives    of 

the  people  in  Congress  are  alone  competent 
to  judge  of  the  general  disposition  of  the 
people,  and  to  what  precise  point  of  reforma 
tion  they  are  ready  to  go.— To  MR.  RUTHER 
FORD,  iii,  499-  (Pa.,  I7Q2.) 

1582. .     The  session  of  the  first 

Congress,  convened  since  republicanism  has 
recovered  its  ascendancy,  *  *  *  will  pretty 
completely  fulfil  all  the  desires  of  the  people. 
They  have  reduced  the  army  and  navy  to  what 
is  barely  necessary.  They  are  disarming  ex 
ecutive  patronage  and  preponderance,  by  put 
ting  down  one-half  the  offices  of  the  United 
States,  which  are  no  longer  necessary.  These 
economies  have  enabled  them  to  suppress  all 
the  internal  taxes,  and  still  to  make  such  pro 
vision  for  the  payment  of  their  public  debt 
as  to  discharge  that  in  eighteen  years.  They 
have  lopped  off  a  parasite  limb,  planted  by 
their  predecessors  on  their  judiciary  for  party 
purposes,  and  they  are  opening  the  doors  of 
hospitality  to  the  fugitives  from  the  oppres 
sions  of  other  countries. — To  GENERAL  Kos- 
CIUSKO.  iv,  430.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

1583.  CONGRESS,  Republicanism  and. 
— In  the  General  Government,  the  House  of 
Representatives  is  mainly  republican ;    *    *    * 
as  elected  by  the  people  directly. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,     vi,   607.      FORD  ED.,   x,   30.      (M., 
1816.) 

—  CONGRESS,  Residence  of  Members. — 
See  1577,  1578. 

1584.  CONGRESS,  Rules  for.— No  per 
son   to   read   printed   papers.     Every   Colony 
present,  unless  divided,  to  be  counted.     No 
person  to  vote  unless  present  when  the  ques 
tion  is  put.     No  person  to  walk  while  the 
question  is  putting.     Every  person  to  sit  while 
not  speaking.     Orders  of  day  at  12  o'clock. 
Amendments   first   proposed   to   be  first  put. 
Committees   or  officers   to  be   named   before 
ballot.     Call   of   the   House  every   morning; 
absentees  to  be  noted  and  returned  to  Con 
vention.    No  members  to  be  absent  without 
leave  of  the  House,  or  written  order  of  Con 
vention  on  pain  of  being  returned  to  Conven 
tion.* — NOTES  OF  RULES  FOR  CONGRESS.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  60.     (1776.) 

*  Jefferson  was  member  of  a  committee  to  frame 
rules  for  the  Congress.— EDITOR. 


1585.  CONGRESS,     Salaries    of    Mem 
bers. — Our    [financial]    distresses  ask  notice 
[by  the   Virginia   Legislature].     I   had  been 
from  home  four  months,  and  had  expended 
$1200  before  I  received  one  farthing.     By  the 
last  post  we  received  about  seven  weeks'  al 
lowance.     In  the  meantime,  some  of  us  had 
had    the    mortification    to    have    our    horses 
turned  out  of  the  livery  stable  for  want  of 
money.      There    is    really    no    standing   this. 
The  supply  gives  us  no  relief  because  it  was 
mortgaged.     We  are  trying  to  get  something 
more  effectual  from  the  treasury,  having  sent 
on  express  to  inform  them  of  our  predica 
ment. — To   JAMES    MADISON.     FORD   ED.,    iii, 
404.     (A.,  Feb.  1784.)     See  1511. 

1586.  CONGRESS,     Sessions    of.— Each 
house  of  Congress  possesses  the  natural  right 
of  governing  itself,  and,  consequently,  of  fix 
ing  its  own  times  and  places  of  meeting,  so 
far  as  it  has  not  been  abridged  by  the  law  of 
those  who  employ  them,  that  is  to  say,  by 
the     Constitution.— OFFICIAL    OPINION,      vii, 
496.     FORD  ED.,  v,  206.     (1790.) 

1587. .     To  shorten  the  sessions, 

is  to  lessen  the  evils  and  burthens  of  the  gov 
ernment  on  our  country. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  243.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  259.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

1588. .  I  was  in  hopes  that  all 

efforts  to  render  the  sessions  of  Congress 
permanent  were  abandoned.  But  a  clear 
profit  of  three  or  four  dollars  a  day  is  suffi 
cient  to  reconcile  some  to  their  absence  from 
home.— To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
254-  (1798.) 

1589. .  Congress  separate  in 

two  ways  only,  to  wit,  by  adjournment  or 
dissolution  by  the  efflux  of  their  time.  What 
then  constitutes  a  session  with  them?  A 
dissolution  certainly  closes  one  session,  and 
the  meeting  of  the  new  Congress  begins  an 
other.  The  Constitution  authorizes  the 
President,  "  on  extraordinary  occasions,  to 
convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of  them." 
If  convened  by  the  President's  proclamation, 
this  must  begin  a  new  session,  and  of  course 
determine  the  preceding  one  to  have  been  a 
session.  So,  if  it  meets  under  the  clause  of 
the  Constitution,  which  says,  "  the  Congress 
shall  assemble,  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and 
such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in 
December,  unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint 
a  different  day,"  this  must  begin  a  new  ses 
sion.  For  even  if  the  last  adjournment  was 
to  this  day,  the  act  of  adjournment  is  merged 
in  the  higher  authority  of  the  Constitution, 
and  the  meeting  will  be  under  that,  and  not 
under  their  adjournment.  So  far  we  have 
fixed  landmarks  for  determining  sessions. 
In  other  cases,  it  is  declared  by  the  joint  vote 
authorizing  the  President  of  the  Senate  and 
the  Speaker  to  close  the  session  on  a  fixed 
day. — PARLIAMENTARY  MANUAL,  ix,  79. 

1590.  CONGRESS,  Size  of.— Our  present 
federal  limits  are  not  too  large  for  good  gov 
ernment,  nor  will  the  increase  of  votes  in 
Congress  produce  any  ill  effect.  On  the  con 
trary,  it  will  drown  the  little  divisions  at 


Congress 
Connecticut 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


184 


present  existing  there. — To  ARCHIBALD  STU 
ART,  i,  518.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  188.  (P.,  Jan. 
1786.) 

1591.  CONGRESS,     State      representa 
tion  in. — I  am  captivated  by  the  compromise 
[in  the  Federal  Constitution]  of  the  opposite 
claims  of  the  great  and  little  States,  of  the 
latter  to  equal,  and  the  former  to  proportional 
influence. — To     JAMES     MADISON.      ii,     329. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  475.     (P.,  1787.) 

1592.  CONGRESS,    Stock-jobbers    in.— 
Too    many    stock-jobbers    and    King- jobbers 
have  come  into  our  Legislature,  or  rather  too 
many  of  our  Legislature  have  become  stock 
jobbers  and  King- jobbers. — To  GENERAL  LA 
FAYETTE,      iii,  450.      FORD  ED.,  vi,  78.      (Pa., 
1792.) 

1593. .  I  told  President  Wash 
ington  that  my  wish  was  to  see  both  Houses 
of  Congress  cleansed  of  all  persons  inter 
ested  in  the  bank  or  public  stocks;  and  that 
a  pure  Legislature  being  given  us,  I  should 
always  be  ready  to  acquiesce  under  their  de 
terminations,  even  if  contrary  to  my  own 
opinions;  for  that  I  subscribe  to  the  prin 
ciple,  that  the  will  of  the  majority,  honestly 
expressed,  should  give  law. — ANAS,  ix,  131. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  215.  (Feb.  1793.) 

1594.  CONGRESS,      Taxation      and.— I 

like  the  power  given  the  Legislature  [in  the 
Federal  Constitution]  to  levy  taxes,  and  for 
that  reason  solely  approve  of  the  greater 
House  being  chosen  by  the  people  directly. 
For  though  I  think  a  House  chosen  by  them 
will  be  very  illy  qualified  to  legislate  for  the 
Union,  for  foreign  nations,  &c.,  yet  this  evil 
does  not  weigh  against  the  good  of  preserving 
inviolate  the  fundamental  principle  that  the 
people  are  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  representa 
tives  chosen  immediately  by  themselves. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  328.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  475. 
(P.,  1787-) 

1595.  CONGRESS,  Term  of  Members.— 
To  prevent  every  danger  which  might  arise  to 
American    freedom    by    continuing    too    long 
in  office  the  members  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  to  preserve  to  that  body  the  confidence 
of  their  friends,  and  to  disarm  the  malignant 
imputation  of  their  enemies:  It  is  earnestly 
recommended  to  the  several   Provinces,   As 
semblies  or  Conventions  of  the  United  Col 
onies,  that  in  their  future  elections  of  dele 
gates  to  the  Continental  Congress,  one  half, 
at  least,  of  the  persons  chosen  be  such  as  were 
not  of  the  delegation  next  preceding,  and  the 
residue  be  of  such  as  shall  not  have  served  in 
that  office  longer  than  two  years.  * — FORD  ED., 
ii,6i.    d776?) 

1596. .     No    person    who    shall 

have  served  two  years  in  Congress,  shall  be 
capable  of  serving  therein  again,  till  he  shall 
have  been  out  of  the  same  one  whole  year,  f — 
CONGRESS  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  128.  (1777.) 

*  This  resolution  *  *  *  was  probably  offered  in 
July,  1776,  when  Congress  was  establishing  rules  for 
its  own  guidance,  and  rejected.— NOTE  IN  FORD  ED. 

t  From  a  bill  drafted  by  Jefferson  and  passed  by 
the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates.  The  representa 
tion  of  the  Colony  in  the  Continental  Congress  ex- 


1597.  CONGRESS,  Verbosity  in.— Her 
[Delaware's]  long  speeches  and  wicked  work 
ings  at  this  session  have  added  at  least  thirty 
days  to  its  length,  cost  us  $30,000,  and  filled 
the  Union  with  falsehoods  and  misrepresenta 
tions. — To  OESAR  A.  RODNEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
148.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

1598. . — .    I  observe  that  the  House 

of  Representatives  are  sensible  of  the  ill  ef 
fects  of  the  long  speeches  in  their  house  on 
their  proceedings.  But  they  have  a  worse 
effect  in  the  disgust  they  excite  among  the 
people,  and  the  disposition  they  are  producing 
to  transfer  their  confidence  from  the  Legisla 
ture  to  the  Executive  branch,  which  would 
soon  sap  our  Constitution.  These  speeches, 
therefore,  are  less  and  less  read,  and  if  con 
tinued  will  soon  cease  to  be  read  at  all. — To 
JOHN  WAYLES  EPPES.  v,  490.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
267.  (M.,  1810.)  See  DEBATE. 

1599.  CONGRESS,     Voting    in.— I     am 

much  pleased  with  the  substitution  [in  the 
Federal  Constitution]  of  the  method  of  voting 
by  persons,  instead  of  that  of  voting  by 
States. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  329.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  475-  (P-,  1787.) 

1600.  CONGRESS,    Wisdom    of.— Their 
decisions  are  almost  always  wise ;   they  are 
like  pure  metal. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    ii,  152. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  391.     (P.,  1787.) 

1601.  CONGRESS,   Young   men   and.— 

Congress  is  a  good  school  for  our  young 
statesmen.  It  gives  them  impressions  friendly 
to  the  Federal  Government  instead  of  those 
adverse,  which  too  often  take  place  in  persons 
confined  to  the  politics  of  their  State. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  472.  (A., 
1784.) 

1602. -.     I    see    the    best    effects 

produced  by  sending  our  young  statesmen  [to 
Congress].  They  see  the  affairs  of  the  Con 
federacy  from  a  high  ground :  they  learn  the 
importance  of  the  Union,  and  befriend  federal 
measures  when  they  return.  Those  who  never 
come  here,  see  our  affairs  insulated,  pursue 
a  system  of  jealousy  and  self-interest,  and  dis 
tract  the  Union  as  much  as  they  can. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  403.  (A., 
Feb.  1784.) 

1603.  CONNECTICUT,  Bigotry  of.— In 

Connecticut,  they  are  so  priest-ridden  that 
nothing  is  expected  from  them  but  the  most 
bigoted,  passive  obedience. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  iv,  219.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  213.  (Pa.,  1789.) 

1604. .  Connecticut  remains  riv 
eted  in  her  political  and  religious  bigotry. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  344.  (Pa., 
Feb.  I799-) 

_  CONNECTICUT,  Federal  offices  in. 
— See  BISHOP. 

1605.  CONNECTICUT,  Government  in. 
— The  nature  of  your  government  being  a 

cited  bitter  factional  animosity.  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  being  the  leader  of  one  party,  and  Benjamin 
Harrison,  with  whom  Jefferson  acted,  of  the  other. — 
EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Connecticut 
Conscience 


subordination  of  the  civil  to  the  ecclesiastical 
power,  I  consider  it  as  desperate  for  long 
years  to  come.  Their  steady  habits  exclude 
the  advances  of  information,  and  they  seem 
exactly  where  they  were  when  they  separated 
from  the  saints  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  And 
there  your  clergy  will  always  keep  them  if 
they  can.  You  will  follow  the  bark  of  liberty 
only  by  the  help  of  a  tow-rope. — To  PIERRE- 
PONT  EDWARDS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  74.  (W.,  July 
1801.) 

1606.  CONNECTICUT,     Politics     of.— 
Connecticut  is  still  federal  by  a  small  major 
ity.    She  will  be  with  us  in  a  short  time. — To 
C  F.  VOLNEY.    iv,  573.     (W.,  1805.) 

1607.  CONNECTICUT,     Republicanism 
and. — I  rejoice  that  in  some  forms,  though 
not  in  all,  republicanism  shows  progress  in 
Connecticut.     A  clerical  bondage  is  the  root 
of    the    evil.  *  *  *  The    lawyers,    the    other 
pillar  of  federalism,  are  from  the  nature  of 
their  calling  so  ready  to  take  either  side,  that 
as  soon  as  they  see  as  much,  or  perhaps  more 
money  to  be  got  on  one  side  than  the  other, 
they  will  tack  over.    The  clergy  are  unwilling 
to    exchange   the    certain    resource    of    legal 
compulsion  for  the  uncertain  one  of  their  own 
merit    and    industry. — To    GIDEON    GRANGER. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  232.     (W.,  May  1803.) 

1608.  CONNECTICUT,  Resurrection  of. 
—What  need  we  despair  of  after  the  resur 
rection  of  Connecticut  to  light  and  liberty?   I 
had  believed  that  the  last  retreat  of  monkish 
darkness,  bigotry,  and  abhorrence  of  those  ad 
vances  of  the   mind  which  had   carried   the 
other  States  a  century  ahead  of  them.    They 
seemed  still  to  be  exactly  where  their  fore 
fathers   were   when   they    schismatized    from 
the  covenant  of  works,   and  to  consider  as 
dangerous  heresies  all   innovations,  good  or 
bad.    I  join  you,  therefore,  in  sincere  congrat 
ulations  that  this  den  of  the  priesthood  is  at 
length  broken  up,  and  that  a  Protestant  Pope- 
dom  is  no  longer  to  disgrace  the  American 
history   and   character.  *— To   JOHN   ADAMS. 
vii,  62.     (M.,  1817.) 

1609. .     Even  Connecticut,  as  a 

State,  and  the  last  one  expected  to  yield  its 
steady  habits  (which  were  essentially  bie-oted 
in  politics  as  well  as  religion),  has  chosen  a 
republican  governor,  and  republican  legisla 
ture.— To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  66. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  83.  (M.,  1817.) 

1610.  CONQUEST,   Avoid.— If  there   be 
one  principle   more  deeply   rooted  than   any 
other  in  the  mind  of  every  American,   it  is 
that  we  should  have  nothing  to  do  with  con 
quest.— To  WILLIAM   SHORT,     iii,  275.    FORD 
ED.,  v,  364.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

1611.  CONQUEST,  Compact  and  equal 
ity  vs. — I  have  much  confidence  that  we  shall 

*  Mr.  Adams  replied  :  u  Do  you  think  that  Protest 
ant  Popedom  is  annihilated  in  America?  Do  you 
recollect,  or  have  you  ever  attended  to  the  ecclesias 
tical  strifes  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  New  York, 
and  every  part  of  New  England  ?  What  a  mercy  it 
is  that  these  people  cannot  whip,  and  crop  and  pil- 
lorv  and  roast,  as  vet  in  the  United  States !  If  they 
could,  they  would.0— EDITOR, 


proceed  successfully  for  ages  to  come,  and 
that,  contrary  to  the  principle  of  Montes 
quieu  it  will  be  seen  that  the  larger  the  extent 
of  country,  the  more  firm  its  republican  struc 
ture,  if  founded,  not  on  conquest,  but  in  prin 
ciples  of  compact  and  equality.— To  M.  DE 
MARBOIS.  vii,  77.  (M.,  1817.) 

1612.  CONQUEST,  Disavowed.— We  did 

not  raise  armies  for  glory  or  for  conquest. — 
DECLARATION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  475.  (July  1775.) 

1613.  CONQUEST,  Submission  to.— The 
government  of  a  nation  may  be  usurped  by  the 
forcible  intrusion  of  an   individual  into   the 
throne.     But  to  conquer  its  will,  so  as  to  rest 
the  right  on  that,  the  only  legitimate  basis, 
requires  long  acquiescence  and  cessation  of  all 

opposition.— To .    vii,    413.      (M., 

1825.) 

1614.  CONQUEST,    Title   by.— It    is    an 
established  principle  that  conquest  gives  only 
an   inchoate    right,    which    does   not   become 
perfect  till  confirmed  by  the  treaty  of  peace, 
and  by  a  renunciation  or  abandonment  by  the 
former     proprietor. — MISSISSIPPI    RIVER    IN 
STRUCTIONS,    vii,  572.  FORD  ED.,  v,  463.  (1792.) 

1615.  CONQUEST,  Un-American.— Con 
quest  is  not  in  our  principles.     It  is  incon 
sistent  with  our  government. — INSTRUCTIONS 
TO  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ix,  414.  FORD  ED., 
v,  230.     (1790.) 

1616.  CONSCIENCE,  Coercing.— It  is  in 
consistent   with   the   spirit  of  our  laws  and 
Constitution    to    force    tender    consciences. — 
PROCLAMATION   CONCERNING   PAROLES.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  430.     (P.,  1781.) 

1617.  CONSCIENCE,    Elections    and.— 
Every  officer  of  the  government  may  vote  at 
elections  according  to  his  conscience ;   but  we 
should   betray   the   cause   committed   to   our 
care,  were  we  to  permit  the  influence  of  of 
ficial  patronage  to  be  used  to  overthrow  that 
cause. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,    iv,  451.    FORD  ED., 
viii,   176.      (W.,  Oct.   1802.) 

1618.  — - .      Our    principles    render 

federalists  in  office  safe,  if  they  do  not  employ 
their  influence  in  opposing  the  government, 
and  only  give  their  own  vote  according  to 
their  conscience.     And  this  principle  we  act 
on  as  well  with  those  put  in  office  by  others, 
as  by  ourselves. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,     v,  264. 
(W.,  March  1808.) 

1619.  CONSCIENCE,  Freedom  of.— We 
are  bound,  you,  I,  and  every  one,   to  make 
common  cause,  even  with  error  itself,  to  main 
tain  the  common  right  of  freedom   of  con 
science.— To  EDWARD  DOWSE,     iv,  478.     (W., 
1803.) 

1620. .     Nor  should  we  wonder 

at  *  *  *  [the]  pressure  [for  a  fixed  con 
stitution  in  1788-9]  when  we  consider  the 
monstrous  abuses  of  power  under  which  * 
*  *  the  [French]  people  were  ground  to 
powder;  when  we  pass  in  review  *  *  * 
the  shackles  on  the  freedom  of  conscience. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 86.  FORDED.,},  118.  (1821.) 


Conscience 
Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


186 


1621.  CONSCIENCE,     A     guide.— Con 
science  is  the  only  sure  clew  which  will  eter 
nally  guide  a  man  clear  of  all  doubts  and  in 
consistencies.— To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  iii, 
31.    FORD  ED.,  v,  96.     (P.,  1789-) 

1622.  CONSCIENCE,  Inquisition  over. 
— I  am  averse  to  the  communication  of  my  re 
ligious  tenets  to  the  public;  because  it  would 
countenance   the  presumption  of  those  who 
have  endeavored  to  draw  them  before  that 
tribunal,  and  to  seduce  public  opinion  to  erect 
itself  into  that  inquisition  over  the  rights  of 
conscience,  which  the  laws  have  so  justly  pro 
scribed. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,     iv,  480. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  224.     (W.,  April  1803.) 

1623.  CONSCIENCE,  Liberty  of.— It  be 
hooves    every    man    who    values    liberty    of 
conscience    for   himself,    to    resist    invasions 
of  it  in  the  case  of  others ;  or  their  case  may, 
by  change  of  circumstances,  become  his  own. 
It  behooves  him.  too,  in  his  own  case,  to  give 
no    example    of    concession,    betraying    the 
common    right    of    independent    opinion,    by 
answering  questions  of  faith,  which  the  laws 
have  left  between  God  and  himself. — To  DR. 
BENJAMIN   RUSH,    iv,   480.    FORD  ED.,   viii, 
224.      April  1803.) 

1624. .     This  blessed  country  of 

free  inquiry  and  belief  has  surrendered  its 
creed  and  conscience  to  neither  kings  nor 
priests. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  WATERHOUSE. 
vii,  253.  FORD  ED.,  x,  220.  (M.,  1822.) 

1625.  CONSCIENCE,  Moral  laws  and.— 

The  true  fountains  of  evidence  [are]  the  head 
and  heart  of  every  rational  and  honest  man, 
It  is  there  nature  has  written  her  moral  laws, 
and  where  every  man  may  read  them  for  him 
self. — FRENCH  TREATIES  OPINION,  vii,  613. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  221.  (1793.) 

1626.  CONSCIENCE,      Office     and.— If 
their  conscience  urges  them   [federalists]   to 
take  an  active  and  zealous  part  in  opposition, 
it  ought  also  to  urge  them  to  retire  from  a 
post    which    they    could    not    conscientiously 
conduct  with  fidelity  to  the  trust  reposed  in 
them.— To  JOHN  PAGE.       v,   136.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  119.     (W.,  1807.) 

1627.  CONSCIENCE,    Bights    of.— The 
error  seems  not  sufficiently  eradicated,  that  the 
operations  of  the  mind,  as  well  as  the  acts  of 
the  body,  are  subject  to  the  coercion  of  the 
laws.     But  our  rulers  can  have  no  authority 
over  such  natural  rights,  only  as  we  have  sub 
mitted  to  them.     The  rights  of  conscience  we 
never  submitted,  we  could  not  submit.     We 
are  answerable  for  them  to  our  God. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,   400.     FORD  ED.,   iii,   263. 
(1782.) 

1628. .     A  right  to  take  the  side 

which  every  man's  conscience  approves  in  a 
civil  contest  is  too  precious  a  right,  and  too 
favorable  to  the  preservation  of  liberty,  nol 
to  be  protected  by  all  its  well  informed 
friends.  The  Assembly  of  Virginia  have 
given  sanction  to  this  right  in  several  of  their 
laws,  discriminating  honorably  those  who  took 


side  against  us,  before  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  from  those  who  remained  among 
us,  and  strove  to  injure  us  by  their  treach 
eries. — To  MRS.  SPROWLE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  66 
(P.,  17850 

1629. .    No  provision  in  our  Con- 

jtitution  ought  to  be  dearer  to  man  than  that 
which  protects  the  rights  of  conscience  against 
the  enterprises  of  the  civil  authority.  It  has 
not  left  the  religion  of  its  citizens  under  the 
power  of  its  public  functionaries,  were  it 
possible  that  any  of  these  should  consider 
a  conquest  over  the  conscience  of  men  either 
attainable  or  applicable  to  any  desirable  pur 
pose. — R.  To  A.  NEW  LONDON  METHODISTS. 
viii,  147.  (1809.) 

1630. .     The   restoration   of   the 

rights  of  conscience  [in  the  Revised  Code  of 
Virginia]  relieved  the  people  from  taxation 
for  the  support  of  a  religion  not  theirs:  for 
the  [Church  of  England]  Establishment  was 
truly  of  the  religion  of  the  rich,  the  dis 
senting  sects  being  entirely  composed  of  the 
less  wealthy  people. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  49. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  69.  (1821.) 

—  CONSENT  OF  THE  GOVERNED.— 

See  GOVERNMENT. 

_  CONSOLIDATION.— See  CENTRALIZA 
TION. 

1631.  CONSTANTINOPLE,  The  Key  of 
Asia. — Constantinople   is   the   Key  of  Asia. 
Who    shall    have    it?    is    the    question. — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.    ii,  267.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  444. 
(P.,  1787.)     See  TURKS. 

1632.  CONSTITUTION,    Definition    of 

a. — A  constitution,  ex  vi  termini,  means  "  an 
act  above  the  powers  of  the  ordinary  legisla 
ture."  Constitutio,  constitutum,  statutum,  lex, 
are  convertible  terms.  "  Constitutio  dicitur 
jus  quod  a  principe  conditur."  Constitutum 
quod  ab  imperatoribus  rescriptum  statutumye 
est"  "Statutum,  idem  quod  lex."  (Calvini 
Lexicon  juridicum.)  Constitution  and  statute 
were  originally  terms  of  the*  civil  law,  and 
from  thence  introduced  by  ecclesiastics  into 
the  English  law.  Thus  in  the  statute  25 
Hen.  viii,  c.  19,  §  i,  "  Constitutions  and 
ordinances"  are  used  as  synonymous.  The 
term  constitution  has  many  other  significations 
in  physics  and  politics;  but  in  jurisprudence, 
whenever  it  is  applied  to  any  act  of  the  legis 
lature,  it  invariably  means  a  statute,  law,  or 
ordinance. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  365. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  227.  (1782.) 

1633.  CONSTITUTION   (The   Federal), 
Acceptance  of. — I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the 
new  Constitution  is  received  with  favor.     I 
sincerely  wish  that  the  nine  first  conventions 
may  receive,  and  the  four  last  reject  it.     The 
former  will  receive  it  finally,  while  the  latter 
will   oblige  them   to   offer  a   declaration   of 
rights  in  order  to  complete  the  Union.     We 

*  To  bid,  to  set,  was  the  ancient  legislative  word  of 
the  English.  LI.  Hlotharri  and  Eadrici.  LI.  Inae. 
LI.  Eadwerdi,  LI.  ^thelstani.— NOTE  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 


i87 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


shall  thus  have  all  its  good,  and  cure  its 
principal  defect. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  5-  (P-,  Feb.  1788.) 

1634. .     I  wish  with  all  my  soul 

that  the  nine  first  conventions  may  accept 
the  new  Constitution,  because  this  will  secure 
to  us  the  good  it  contains  which  I  think  great 
and  important.  But  I  equally  wish  that  the 
four  latest  conventions,  whichever  they  may 
be,  may  refuse  to  accede  to  it  till  a  declaration 
of  rights  be  annexed.  This  would  probably 
command  the  offer  of  such  a  declaration,  and 
thus  give  to  the  whole  fabric,  perhaps,  as 
much  perfection  as  any  one  of  that  kind  ever 
had.— To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  355.  (P.,  Feb. 
1788.) 

1635. .  I  am  glad  to  hear  that 

our  new  Constitution  is  pretty  sure  of  being 
accepted  by  States  enough  to  secure  the  good 
it  contains,  and  to  meet  such  opposition  in 
some  others  as  to  give  us  hopes  it  will  be 
accommodated  to  them  by  the  amendment  of 
its  most  glaring  faults,  particularly  the  want 
of  a  declaration  of  rights.— To  WILLIAM 
RUTLEDGE.  ii,  350.  FORD  ED.,  v,  4.  (P.,  Feb. 
1788.) 

1636.  —  — .  I  learn  with  great  pleas 
ure  the  progress  of  the  new  Constitution.  In 
deed  I  have  presumed  it  would  gain  on  the 
public  mind,  as  I  confess  it  has  on  my  own. 
At  first,  though  I  saw  that  the  great  mass 
and  groundwork  were  good,  I  disliked  many 
appendages.  Reflection  and  discussion  have 
cleared  off  most  of  these.— To  E.  CARRING- 
TON.  ii,  404.  FORD  ED.,  v,  19.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1637. .     My  first  wish  was  that 

nine  States  would  adopt  it  in  order  to 
ensure  what  was  good  in  it,  and  that  the 
others  might,  by  holding  off,  produce  the 
necessary  amendments.  But  the  plan  of 
Massachusetts  is  far  preferable,  and  will,  I 
hope,  be  followed  by  those  who  are  yet  to  de 
cide. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  404.  FORD  ED., 
v,  20.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1638. .     It  will  be  easier  to  get 

the  assent  of  nine  States  to  correct  what  is 
wrong  in  the  way  pointed  out  by  the  Con 
stitution  itself,  than  to  get  thirteen  to  concur 
in  a  new  convention  and  another  plan  of  con 
federation.  I  therefore  sincerely  pray  that 
the  remaining  States  may  accept  it,  as  Massa 
chusetts  has  done,  with  standing  instructions 
to  their  delegates  to  press  for  amendments 
till  they  are  obtained.  They  cannot  faU  of 
being  obtained  when  the  delegates  of  eight 
States  shall  be  under  such  perpetual  instruc 
tions.— To  T.  LEE  SHIPPEN.  ii,  415.  (P., 
June  1788.) 

1639. .     I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the 

acceptance  of  our  new  Constitution  by  nine 
States.  It  is  a  good  canvas,  on  which  some 
strokes  only  want  retouching.  What  these 
are,  I  think  are  sufficiently  manifested  by 
the  general  voice  from  north  to  south,  which 
calls  for  a  bill  of  rights.  It  seems  pretty 
generally  understood,  that  this  should  go  to 
juries,  habeas  corpus,  standing  armies,  print 


ing,  religion  and  monopolies. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  ii,  445.  FORD  ED.,  v,  45.  (P., 
July  1788.) 

1640.  CONSTITUTION   (The   Federal), 
Action  by  the  States.— With  respect  to  the 
new    government,    nine    or    ten    States    will 
probably  have  accepted   by   the   end    of   this 
month.     The  others  may  oppose  it.     Virginia, 
I  think,  will  be  of  this  number.     Besides  other 
objections  of  less  moment,  she  will  insist  on 
annexing  a  bill  of  rights  to  the  new  Consti 
tution,   i.   e.    a  bill    wherein   the   government 
shall  declare  that,     i.  Religion  shall  be  free. 
2.  Printing  presses   free.     3.  Trials   by  jury 
preserved  in  all  cases.     4.  No  monopolies  in 
commerce.     5.  No  standing  army.     Upon  re 
ceiving  this  bill  of  rights,  she  will  probably 
depart  from  her  other  objections,  and  the  bill 
is  so  much  to  the  interest  of  all  the  States, 
that  I  presume  they  will  offer  it,  and  thus  our 
Constitution    be    amended,    and    our    Union 
closed  by  the  end  of  the  present  year.    In  this 
way,  there  will  have  been  opposition  enough 
to  do  good,  and  not  enough  to  do  harm. — To 
C  W.  F.  DUMAS,   ii,  356.    (P.,  Feb.  1788.) 

1641.  -  — .     At  first,   I   wished  that 
when  nine  States  should  have  accepted  the 
Constitution,  so  as  to  ensure  us  what  is  good 
in  it,  the  other  four  might  hold  off  till  the 
want  of  the  bill  of  rights,  at  least,  might  be 
supplied.     But  I  am  now  convinced  that  the 
plan  of  Massachusetts  is  the  better,  that  is, 
to  accept,  and  to  amend  afterwards.     If  the 
States  which  were  to  decide  after  her,  should 
all  do  the  same,  it  is  impossible  but  they  must 
obtain    the    essential    amendments.      It    will 
be  more  difficult  if  we  lose  this  instrument, 
to  recover  what  is  good  in  it,  than  to  correct 
what  is  bad,  after  we  shall  have  adopted  it. 
It    has,    therefore,    my    hearty    prayers. — To 
WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.     ii,    399.     FORD    ED., 
v,  25.     (P.,  May  1788.) 

1642. .  The  conduct  of  Massa 
chusetts  has  been  noble.  She  accepted  the 
Constitution,  but  voted  that  it  should  stand 
as  a  perpetual  instruction  to  her  delegates,  to 
endeavor  to  obtain  such  and  such  reforma 
tions  ;  and  the  minority,  though  very  strong 
both  in  numbers  and  abilities,  declared  viritim 
and  seriatim,  that  acknowledging  the  principle 
that  the  majority  must  give  the  law,  they 
would  now  support  the  new  Constitution  with 
their  tongues,  and  with  their  blood,  if  neces 
sary. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  398. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  24.  (P.,  1788.) 

1643. .     I    congratulate    you    on 

the  accession  of  your  State  [South  Carolina] 
to  the  new  Federal  Constitution.  I  expect  to 
hear  daily  that  my  own  has  followed  the  good 
example.  Our  government  needed  bracing. 
Still,  we  must  take  care  not  to  run  from  one 
extreme  to  another ;  not  to  brace  too  high. — 
To  E.  RUTLEDGE.  ii,  435.  FORD  ED.,  v,  41. 
(P.,  July  1788.) 

1644.  -        .    In  New  York,  two-thirds 

of  the  State  were  against  it  [the  new  Constitu 
tion],  and  certainly,  if  they  had  been  called  to 
the  decision  in  any  other  stage  of  the  business, 


Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


188 


they  would  have  rejected  it;  but  before  they 
put  it  to  the  vote,  they  would  certainly  have 
heard  that  eleven  States  had  joined  in  it, 
and  they  would  find  it  safer  to  go  with  those 
eleven,  than  put  themselves  into  opposition, 
with  Rhode  Island  only.— To  WILLIAM  CAR- 
MICHAEL,  ii,  465.  (P.,  Aug.  1788.) 

1645. .     No    news    from    North 

Carolina ;  but  in  such  a  case  no  news  is  good 
news,  as  an  unfavorable  decision  of  the  I2th 
State  would  have  flown  like  an  electrical 
shock  through  America  and  Europe. — To  MR. 
SHIPPEN.  ii,  484.  (P.,  Sep.  1788.) 

1646. .     I  have  seen  with  infinite 

pleasure  our  new  Constitution  accepted  by 
eleven  States,  not  rejected  by  the  twelfth; 
and  that  the  thirteenth  happens  to  be  a  State 
of  the  least  importance.  It  is  true,  that  the 
minorities  in  most  of  the  accepting  States 
have  been  very  respectable ;  so  much  so  as  to 
render  it  prudent,  were  it  not  otherwise 
reasonable,  to  make  some  sacrifice  to  them. 
I  am  in  hopes  that  the  annexation  of  a  bill 
of  rights  to  the  Constitution  will  alone  draw 
over  so  great  a  proportion  of  the  minorities, 
as  to  leave  little  danger  in  the  opposition  of 
the  residue ;  and  that  this  annexation  may  be 
made  by  Congress  and  the  Assemblies,  with 
out  calling  a  convention  which  might  en 
danger  the  most  valuable  parts  of  the 
system. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  533. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  56.  (P.,  Dec.  1788.) 

1647. .     The  Virginia  Assembly, 

furiously  anti-federal,  have  passed  a  bill 
rendering  every  person  holding  any  Federal 
office  incapable  of  holding  at  the  same  time 
any  State  office.  This  is  a  declaration  of 
war  against  the  new  Constitution. — To  WIL 
LIAM  SHORT,  ii,  576.  (P.,  Feb.  1789.) 

1648.  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal), 
Adopt  and  amend.— Were  I  in  America,  I 
would  advocate  it  warmly  till  nine  [States] 
should  have  adopted  and  then  as  warmly  take 
the  other  side  to  convince  the  remaining  four 
that  they  ought  not  to  come  into  it  till  the 
declaration  of  rights  is  annexed  to  it.  By 
this  means  we  should  secure  all  the  good  of 
it,  and  procure  so  respectable  an  opposition  as 
would  induce  the  accepting  States  to  offer 
a  bill  of  rights.  This  would  be  the  happiest 
turn  the  thing  could  take. — To  WILLIAM 
STEPHENS  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  2.  (P.,  Feb. 
1788.) 

1649. .  Under  this  hope  [that 

the  necessary  amendments  will  be  made]  I 
look  forward  to  the  general  adoption  of  the 
new  Constitution  with  anxiety,  as  necessary 
for  us  under  our  present  circumstances. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  375.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
8.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1650. .  I  see  in  this  instrument 

a  great  deal  of  good.  The  consolidation  of 
onr  government,  a  just  representation,  an  ad 
ministration  of  some  permanence,  and  other 
features  of  great  value  will  be  gained  by  it. 
There  are,  indeed,,  some  faults  which  revolted 
me  a  good  deal  in  the  first  moment ;  but  we 
must  be  contented  to  travel  on  towards  per 


fection,  step  by  step.  We  must  be  contented 
with  the  ground  which  this  Constitution  will 
gain  for  us,  and  hope  that  a  favorable  moment 
will  come  for  correcting  what  is  amiss  in  it. — 

To    COMTE    DE    MOUSTIER.      ii,    388.      FORD   ED 

v,  ii.     (P.,  May  1788.) 

1651. .     I  should  deprecate  with 

you,  indeed,  the  meeting  of  a  new  conven 
tion.  I  hope  they  will  adopt  the  mode  of 
amendment  by  Congress  and  the  Assemblies, 
in  which  case  I  should  not  fear  any  danger 
ous  innovation  in  the  plan.  But  the  minorities 
are  too  respectable  not  to  be  entitled  to  some 
sacrifice  of  opinion  in  the  majority;  especially, 
when  a  great  proportion  of  them  would  be 
contented  with  a  bill  of  rights. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  ii,  506.  FORD  ED.,  v,  53.  (P.,  Nov. 
1788.) 

1652.  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal), 
Amendments  to. — We  must  be  contented  to 
accept  of  its  good,  and  to  cure  what  is  evil  in 
it  hereafter.  It  seems  necessary  for  our  hap 
piness  at  home ;  I  am  sure  it  is  so  for  our  re 
spectability  abroad. — To  JOHN  BROWN,  ii,  397. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  19.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1653. .  There  are  two  amend 
ments  only  which  I  am  anxious  for:  I.  A  bill 
of  rights,  which  it  is  so  much  the  interest  of 
all  to  have,  that  I  conceive  it  must  be  yielded. 
The  first  amendment  proposed  by  Massachu 
setts  *  will  in  some  degree  answer  this  end, 
but  not  so  well.  It  will  do  too  much  in  some 
instances,  and  too  little  in  others.  It  will 
cripple  the  Federal  Government  in  some 
cases  where  it  ought  to  be  free,  and  not  re 
strain  it  in  some  others  where  restraint  would 
be  right.  The  2d  amendment  which  appears 
to  me  essential  is  the  restoring  the  principle 
of  necessary  rotation,  particularly  to  the  Sen 
ate  and  Presidency,  but  most  of  all  to  the  last. 

*  *    *    Of    the    correction    of   this    article, 
however,  I  entertain  no  present  hope,  because 
I  find  it  has  scarcely  excited  an  objection  in 
America.     And  if  it  does  not  take  place  ere 
long,  it  assuredly  never  will. — To  E.  CARRING- 
TON.     ii,  404.     FORD  ED.,  v,  20.      (P.,   May 
1788.) 

1654. .     Though  I  approve  of  the 

mass,  I  would  wish  to  see  some  amendments, 
further  than  those  which  have  been  proposed, 
fixing  it  more  surely  on  a  republican  basis. 

*  *    *    To  secure  the  ground  we  gain,  and 
gain  what  more  we  can,  is  the  wisest  course. 
—To  GEORGE  MASON,     iii,  147.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
183.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1655. .     It  is  too  early  to  think 

of  a  declaratory  act  as  yet,  but  the  time  is 
approaching  and  not  distant.  Two  elections 
more  will  give  us  a  solid  majority  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  a  sufficient  one 
in  the  Senate.  As  soon  as  it  can  be  depended 
on,  we  must  have  "  A  Declaration  of  the 
Principles  of  the  Constitution,"  in  nature  of 
a  Declaration  of  Rights,  in  all  the  points  in 

*  The  ist  amendment  of  Massachusetts  was : 
"  That  it  explicitly  declare  that  all  powers,  not  ex 
pressly  delegated  by  the  aforesaid  Constitution,  are 
reserved  to  the  several  States,  to  be  by  them  exer 
cised."— EDITOR. 


189 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


which  it  has  been  violated. — To  P.  N.  NICH 
OLAS,  iv,  327.  FORD  ED.,  vtt,  439.  (Pa.,  April 
1800.) 

1656. .    How  the  good  [in  the  new 

Constitution]  should  be  secured  and  the  ill 
brought  to  right  was  the  difficulty.  To  refer 
it  back  to  a  new  Convention  might  endanger 
the  loss  of  the  whole.  My  first  idea  was  that 
the  nine  States,  first  acting,  should  accept  it 
unconditionally,  and  thus  secure  what  in  it  was 
good  and  that  the  four  last  should  accept  on  the 
previous  condition,  that  certain  amendments 
should  be  agreed  to ;  but  a  better  course  was 
devised  of  accepting  the  whole  and  trusting 
that  the  good  sense  and  honest  intentions  of 
our  citizens  would  make  the  alterations  which 
should  be  deemed  necessary.  Accordingly,  all 
accepted,  six  without  objection  and  seven  with 
recommendations  of  specified  amendments. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  1,79.  FORD  ED.,  i,  109.  (1821.) 

1657. .     Let  us  go  on  perfecting 

the  Constitution  by  adding,  by  way  of  amend 
ment,  those  forms  which  time  and  trial  show 
are  still  wanting. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS. 
iv,  506.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  248.  (M.,  1803.) 

1658. .     The  States  are  now  so 

numerous  that  I  despair  of  ever  seeing  an 
other  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  al 
though  the  innovations  of  time  will  certainly 
call,  and  now  already  call,  for  some. — To 
GEORGE  HAY.  FORD  ED.,  x,  265.  (M.,  1823.) 

1659.  .      Those    who     formerly 

usurped  the  name  of  federalists,  which  in 
fact,  they  never  were,  have  now  openly  aban 
doned  it,  and  are  as  openly  marching  by  the 
road  of  construction,  in  a  direct  line  to  that 
consolidation  which  was  always  their  real  ob 
ject.  They,  almost  to  a  man,  are  in  posses 
sion  of  one  branch  of  the  government,  and  ap 
pear  to  be  very  strong  in  yours.  The  three 
great  questions  of  amendment  now  before 
you,  will  give  the  measure  of  their  strength. 
I  mean,  ist,  the  limitation  of  the  term  of  the 
Presidential  service ;  2nd,  the  placing  the 
choice  of  President  effectually  in  the  hands  of 
the  people ;  3rd,  the  giving  to  Congress  the 
power  of  internal  improvement,  on  condition 
that  each  State's  federal  proportion  of  the 
moneys  so  expended  shall  be  employed  within 
the  State.  The  friends  of  consolidation  would 
rather  take  these  powers  by  construction  than 
accept  them  by  direct  investiture  of  the  States. 
Yet,  as  to  internal  improvement  particularly, 
there  is  probably  not  a  State  in  the  Union 
which  would  not  grant  the  power  on  the  con 
dition  proposed,  or  which  would  grant  it 
without  that.  *  *  *  If  I  can  see  these 
three  great  amendments  prevail,  I  shall  con 
sider  it  as  a  renewed  extension  of  the  term 
of  our  lease,  shall  live  in  more  confidence  and 
die  in  more  hope. — To  ROBERT  J.  GARNETT.  vii, 
336.  FORD  ED.,  x,  294.  (M.,  Feb.  1824.) 

1660. .     The  real  friends  of  the 

Constitution  in  its  federal  form,  if  they  wish 
it  to  be  immortal,  should  be  attentive,  by 
amendments,  to  make  it  keep  pace  with  the 
advance  of  the  age  in  science  and  experience. 
Instead  of  this,  the  European  governments 


have  resisted  reformation,  until  the  people, 
seeing  no  other  resource,  undertake  it  them 
selves  by  force,  their  only  weapon,  and  work 
it  out  through  blood,  desolation  and  long-con 
tinued  anarchy.  Here  it  will  be  by  large  frag 
ments  breaking  off,  and  refusing  reunion,  but 
on  condition  of  amendment,  or  perhaps  per 
manently. — To  ROBERT  J.  GARNETT.  vii,  336. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  295.  (M.,  1824.) 

1661. .  I  have  read  with  pleas 
ure  and  satisfaction  the  very  able  and  elo 
quent  speech  you  have  been  so  kind  as  to  send 
me  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
proposed  by  Mr.  McDuffie,  and  concur  with 
much  of  its  contents. — To  EDWARD  EVERETT. 
vii,  437.  FORD  ED.,  x,  385.  (M.,  April  1826.) 

1662.  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal), 
Approval  of. — I  like  much  the  general  idea 
of  framing  a  government  which  should  go  on 
of  itself,  peaceably,  without  needing  continual 
recurrence  to  the  State  Legislatures.  I  like 
the  organization  of  the  government  into  Leg-  j 
islative,  Judiciary  and  Executive.  I  like  the 
power  given  the  Legislature  to  levy  taxes, 
and  for  that  reason  solely,  I  approve  of  the 
greater  House  being  chosen  by  the  people  di 
rectly.  For  though  I  think  a  House  chosen 
by  them  will  be  very  illy  qualified  to  legislate 
for  the  Union,  for  foreign  nations,  &c.,  yet 
this  evil  does  not  weigh  against  the  good  of 
preserving  inviolate  the  fundamental  principle 
that  the  people  are  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  rep 
resentatives  chosen  immediately  by  them 
selves.  I  am  captivated  by  the  compromise  of 
the  opposite  claims  of  the  great  and  little 
States,  of  the  latter  to  equal,  and  the  former 
to  proportional  influence.  I  am  much  pleased, 
too,  with  the  substitution  of  the  method  of 
voting  by  persons  instead  of  that  of  voting  by 
States :  and  I  like  the  negative  given  to  the 
Executive,  conjointly  with  a  third  of  either 
House;  although  I  should  have  liked  it  bet 
ter,  had  the  Judiciary  been  associated  for  that 
purpose,  or  invested  separately  with  a  similar 
power.  There  are  other  good  things  of  less 
moment. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  328.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  475.  (P.,  Dec.  20,  1787.) 

1663. .  It  is  a  good  canvas,  on 

which  some  strokes  only  want  retouching. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  445.  FORD  ED.,  v,  45. 
(P.,  July  1788.) 

1664.  -  — .  I  approved,  from  the 

first  moment,  of  the  great  mass  of  what  is  in 
the  new  Constitution ;  the  consolidation  of  the 
government ;  the  organization  into  Executive. 
Legislative,  and  Judiciary;  the  subdivision  of 
the  Legislative ;  the  happy  compromise  of  in 
terests  between  the  great  and  little  States,  by 
the  different  manner  of  voting  in  the  differ 
ent  Houses ;  the  voting  by  persons  instead  of 
States;  the  qualified  negative  on  laws  given 
to  the  Executive,  which,  however,  I  should 
have  liked  better  if  associated  with  the  Judi 
ciary  also  as  in  New  York ;  and  the  power 
of  taxation.  I  thought  at  first  that  the  latter 
might  have  been  limited.  A  little  reflection 
soon  convinced  me  it  ought  not  to  be. — To 
F.  HOPKINSON.  ii,  586.  FORD  ED.,  v,  76. 
(P.,  March  1789.) 


Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


IQO 


_  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  Bill 
of  Bights  and. — See  BILL  OF  RIGHTS. 

1665.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Compromises  of. — The   Constitution  was  a 
matter  of  compromise ;  a  capitulation  between 
conflicting  interests  and  opinions. — To  SAM 
UEL  KERCHIVAL.    vii,  37.    FORD  ED.,  x,  46.  (M., 
1816.) 

_  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  Con 
solidation  and.— See  CENTRALIZATION. 

1666.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 

Construction  of.— I  told  the  President 
[Washington]  *  *  *  that  they  [the  Ham 
ilton  members  of  the  Legislature]  had  chained 
it  [the  Treasury  system]  about  our  necks  for  a 
great  length  of  time,  and,  in  order  to  keep 
the  game  in  their  hands  had,  from  time  to 
time,  aided  in  making  such  legislative  con 
structions  of  the  Constitution,  as  made  it  a 
very  different  thing  from  what  the  people 
thought  they  had  submitted  to.— THE  ANAS. 
ix,  104.  FORD  ED.,  i,  177.  (Feb.  1792.) 

1667. .     Our  peculiar  security  is 

in  the  possession  of  a  written  Constitution. 
f  Let  us  not  make  it  a  blank  paper  by  construc 
tion.  I  say  the  same  as  to  the  opinion  of  those 
who  consider  the  grant  of  the  treaty-making 
power  as  boundless.  If  it  is,  then  we  have 
no  Constitution.  If  it  has  bounds,  they  can 
be  no  others  than'  the  definitions  of  the  powers 
which  that  instrument  gives.  It  specifies  and 
delineates  the  operations  permitted  to  the 
Federal  Government,  and  gives  all  the  powers 
necessary  to  carry  these  into  execution.  What 
ever  of  these  enumerated  objects  is  proper  for 
a  law,  Congress  may  make  the  law ;  whatever 
is  proper  to  be  executed  by  way  of  a  treaty, 
the  President  and  Senate  may  enter  into  the 
treaty;  whatever  is  to  be  done  by  a  judicial 
sentence,  the  Judges  may  pass  the  sentence. 
Nothing  is  more  likely  than  that  their^  enu 
meration  of  powers  is  defective.  This  is  the 
ordinary  case  of  all  human  works.  Let  us  then 
go  on  perfecting  it,  by  adding,  by  way  of 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  those  powers 
which  time  and  trial  show  are  still  wanting. 
To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  505.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  247.  (M.,  Sep.  1803.) 

1668. .  When  an  instrument  ad 
mits  two  constructions,  the  one  safe  the  other 
dangerous ;  the  one  precise,  the  other  indefi 
nite,  I  prefer  that  which  is  safe  and  precise. 
I  had  rather  ask  an  enlargement  of  power 
from  the  nation,  where  it  is  found  necessary, 
than  to  assume  it  by  a  construction  which 
would  make  our  powers  boundless. — To  WIL 
SON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  506.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
247.  (M.,  1803.) 

1669.  .      Strained    constructions 

*  *  *  loosen  all  the  bands  of  the  Consti 
tution.— To  GEORGE  TICKNOR.  FORD  ED.,  x,  81 
(1817.) 

1670. .    In  denying  the  right  they 

[the  Supreme  Court]  usurp  of  exclusively  ex 
plaining  the  Constitution,  I  go  further  than 
you  do,  if  I  understand  rightly  your  quota 
tion  from  the  Federalist,  of  an  opinion  tha 


'  the  judiciary  is  the  last  resort  in  relation  to 
the  other  departments  of  the  government,  but 
not  in  relation  to  the  rights  of  the  parties  to 
the  compact  under  which  the  judiciary  is  de 
rived."  If  this  opinion  be  sound,  then  in 
deed  is  our  Constitution  a  complete  felo  de  se. 
For  intending  to  establish  three  departments, 
co-ordinate  and  independent,  that  they  might 
check  and  balance  one  another,  it  has  given, 
according  to  this  opinion,  to  one  of  them 
alone,  the  right  to  prescribe  rules  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  others,  and  to  that  one,  too, 
which  is  unelected  by  and  independent  of  the 
nation.  For  experience  has  already  shown 
that  the  impeachment  it  has  provided  is  not 
even  a  scare-crow ;  that  such  opinions  as 
the  one  you  combat,  sent  cautiously  out,  as 
you  observe  also,  by  detachment,  not  belong 
ing  to  the  case  often,  but  sought  for  out  of  it, 
as  if  to  rally  the  public  opinion  beforehand  to 
their  views,  and  to  indicate  the  line  they  are 
to  walk  in,  have  been  so  quietly  passed  over 
as  never  to  have  excited  animadversion,  even 
in  a  speech  of  any  one  of  the  body  entrusted 
with  impeachment.  The  Constitution,  on  this 
hypothesis,  is  a  mere  thing  of  wax  in  the 
hands  of  the  judiciary,  which  they  may  twist 
and  shape  into  any  form  they  please.  *  *  * 
My  construction  of  the  Constitution  is  very 
[different  from  that  you  quote.  It  is  that  each 
(department  is  truly  independent  of  the  others, 
and  has  an  equal  right  to  decide  for  itself 
what  is  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  in 
the  cases  submitted  to  its  action;  and  espe- 
jcially,  where  it  is  to  act  ultimately  and  with- 
but  appeal.— To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  134. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  140.  (P.F.,  1819.) 

1671.  -  — .     Each   of   the   three    de 
partments  has  equally  the  right  to  decide  for 
itself  what  is  its  duty  under  the  Constitution, 
without  any  regard  to  what  the  others  may 
have  decided  for  themselves  under  a  similar 
question. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.    vii,  136.   FORD 
ED.,  x,  142.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

1672.  . .     My  construction  of  the 

Constitution    is    *    *    *    that    each    depart 
ment  is  truly  independent  of  the  others,  and 

[has  an  equal  right  to  decide  for  itself  what 
,is  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  in  the  cases 
submitted  to  its  action ;  and  especially,  where 
it  is  to  act  ultimately  and  without  appeal.  I 
will  explain  myself  by  examples,  which,  hav 
ing  occurred  while  I  was  in  office,  are  better 
known  to  me,  and  the  principles  which  gov 
erned  them.  A  Legislature  had  passed  the 
-Sedition  law.  The  Federal  courts  had  sub 
jected  certain  individuals  to  its  penalties  of 
fine  and  imprisonment.  On  coming  into  of 
fice,  I  released  these  individuals  by  the  power 
of  pardon  committed  to  executive  discretion, 
which  could  never  be  more  properly  exercised 
than  where  citizens  were  suffering  without  the 
authority  of  law,  or,  which  was  equivalent, 
under  a  law  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution, 
and  therefore  null.  In  the  case  of  Marbury 
vs.  Madison,  the  Federal  judges  declared  that 
commissions,  signed  and  sealed  by  the  Presi 
dent,  were  valid,  although  not  delivered.  I 
deemed  delivery  essential  to  complete  a  deed, 
which,  as  long  as  it  remains  in  the  hands  of 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


the  party,  is  as  yet  no  deed,  it  is  in  posse  only, 
but  not  in  esse,  and  I  withheld  delivery  of  the 
commissions.  They  cannot  issue  a  mandamus 
to  the  President  or  Legislature,  or  to  any  of 
their  officers.*  When  the  British  treaty  of 

arrived,   without   any   provision   against 

the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  I  determined 
not  to  ratify  it.  The  Senate  thought  I  should 
ask  their  advice.  I  thought  that  would  be  a 
mockery  of  them,  when  I  was  predetermined 
against  following  it,  should  they  advise  its 
ratification.  The  Constitution  had  made  their 
advice  necessary  to  confirm  a  treaty,  but  not 
to  reject  it.  This  has  been  blamed  by  some; 
but  I  have  never  doubted  its  soundness.  In 
the  cases  of  two  persons,  antenati,  under  ex 
actly  similar  circumstances,  the  Federal  court 
had  determined  that  one  of  them  (Duane) 
was  not  a  citizen;  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  nevertheless  determined  that  the  other 
(Smith,  of  South  Carolina)  was  a  citizen,  and 
admitted  him  to  his  seat  in  their  body.  Duane 
was  a  republican,  and  Smith  a  federalist,  and 
these  decisions  were  made  during  the  federal 
ascendency.  These  are  examples  of  my  posi 
tion,  that  each  of  the  three  departments  has 
equally  the  right  to  decide  for  itself  what  is 
its  duty  under  the  Constitution,  without  any 
regard  to  what  the  others  may  have  decided 
for  themselves  under  a  similar  question. — To 
SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  135.  FORD  ED.,  x,  141. 
(P.F.,  1819.) 

1673. .  The  judges  are  practic 
ing  on  the  Constitution  by  inferences,  an 
alogies,  and  sophisms,  as  they  would  on  an 
ordinary  law.  They  do  not  seem  aware  that 
it  is  not  even  a  constitution,  formed  by  a 
single  authority,  and  subject  to  a  single 
superintendence  and  control ;  but  that  it 
is  a  compact  of  many  independent  powers, 
every  single  one  of  which  claims  an  equal 
right  to  understand  it,  and  to  require  its  ob 
servance.  However  strong  the  cord  of  com 
pact  may  be,  there  is  a  point  of  tension  at 
which  it  will  break.  A  few  such  doctrinal 
decisions,  as  barefaced  as  that  of  the  Cohens, 
happening  to  bear  immediately  on  two  or 
three  of  the  large  States,  may  induce  them  to 
join  in  arresting  the  march  of  government, 
and  in  arousing  the  co-States  to  pay  some 
attention  to  what  is  passing,  to  bring  back 
the  compact  to  its  original  principles,  or  to 
modify  it  legitimately  by  the  express  consent 
of  the  parties  themselves,  and  not  by  the 
usurpation  of  their  created  agents.  They  im 
agine  they  can  lead  us  into  a  consolidate 
government,  while  their  road  leads  directly  to 
its  dissolution. — To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii, 
403.  (M.,  1825.)  See  1684. 

—  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  Cor 
porations  and. — See  INCORPORATION. 

1674.  CONSTITUTION   (The   Federal), 

Disapproval  of. — How  do  you  like  our  new 
Constitution?  I  confess  there  are  things  in 
it  which  stagger  all  my  dispositions  to  sub 
scribe  to  what  such  an  assembly  has  proposed. 

*  Jefferson  adds  this  note  :  "  The  Constitution  con 
trolling  the  common  law  in  this  particular."— 
EDITOR. 


The  House  of  Federal  representatives  will 
not  be  adequate  to  the  management  of  af 
fairs,  either  foreign  or  federal.  Their  Presi 
dent  seems  a  bad  edition  of  a  Polish  king. 
He  may  be  elected  from  four  years  to  four  ^ 
years  for  life.  Reason  and  experience  prove 
to  us  that  a  chief  magistrate,  so  continuable, 
is  an  officer  for  life.  When  one  or  two  gen 
erations  shall  have  proved  that  this  is  an  office 
for  life,  it  becomes  on  every  occasion  worthy 
of  intrigue,  of  bribery,  of  force,  and  even  of 
foreign  interference.  It  will  be  of  great  con 
sequence  to  France  and  England  to  have 
America  governed  by  a  Galloman,  or  an 
Angloman.  Once  in  office,  and  possessing  the 
military  force  of  the  Union,  without  the  aid 
or  check  of  a  council,  he  would  not  be  easily 
dethroned  even  if  the  people  could  be  induced 
to  withdraw  their  votes  from  him.  I  wish 
that  at  the  end  of  four  years  they  had  made 
him  forever  ineligible  a  second  time.  Indeed, 
I  think  all  the  good  of  this  new  Constitution 
might  have  been  couched  in  three  or  four  new 
articles,  to  be  added  to  the  good,  old  and 
venerable  fabric,  which  should  have  been 
preserved  even  as  a  religious  relique.— To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  ii,  316.  (P.,  Nov.  13,  1787.) 

1675. .  There  are  very  good  ar 
ticles  in  it,  and  very  bad.  I  do  not  know 
which  preponderate.— To  W.  S.  SMITH,  ii, 
318.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  466.  (P.,  Nov.  1787.) 

1676. .     I    dislike,    and    greatly  l 

dislike,  the  abandonment  in  every  instance,  of /y 
the  necessity  of  rotation  in  office,  and  most  I 
particularly  in  the  case  of  the  President.  Ex-f 
perience  concurs  with  reason  in  concluding 
that  the  first  magistrate  will  always  be  re- 
elected,  if  the  Constitution  permits  it.  He  is 
then  an  officer  for  life.  This  once  observed, 
it  becomes  of  so  much  consequence  to  certain 
nations  to  have  a  friend  or  a  foe  at  the  head 
of  our  affairs,  that  they  will  interfere  with 
money  and  with  arms.  A  Galloman,  or  an 
Angloman  will  be  supported  by  the  nation  he 
befriends.  If  once  elected,  and  at  a  second  or 
third  election  outvoted  by  one  or  two  votes, 
he  will  pretend  false  votes,  foul  play,  hold 
possession  of  the  reins  of  government,  be 
supported  by  the  States  voting  for  him,  es 
pecially  if  they  are  the  central  ones,  lying  in 
a  compact  body  themselves,  and  separating 
their  opponents ;  and  they  will  be  aided  by 
one  nation  of  Europe,  while  the  majority  are 
aided  by  another.  The  election  of  a  Presi 
dent  of  America,  some  years  hence  will  be 
much  more  interesting  to  certain  nations  of 
Europe  than  ever  the  election  of  a  King  of 
Poland  was.  Reflect  on  all  the  instances  in 
history,  ancient  and  modern,  of  elective  mon 
archies,  and  say  if  they  do  not  give  founda 
tion  for  my  fears.  The  Roman  Emperors,  the 
Popes,  while  they  were  of  any  importance ; 
the  German  Emperors,  till  they  became  hered 
itary  in  practice ;  the  Kings  of  Poland ;  the 
Deys  of  the  Ottoman  Dependencies.  It  may 
be  said  that  if  elections  are  to  be  attended 
with  these  disorders,  the  seldomer  they  are 
renewed  the  better.  But  experience  shows 
that  the  only  way  to  prevent  disorder  is  to 


Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


I92 


render  them  uninteresting  by  frequent 
changes.  An  incapacity  to  be  elected  a 
second  time  would  have  been  the  only  effec 
tual  preventive.  The  power  of  removing  him 
every  fourth  year  by  the  vote  of  the  people, 
is  a  power  which  will  not  be  exercised.  The 
King  of  Poland  is  removable  every  day  by 
the  Diet,  yet  he  is  never  removed.  Smaller 
objections  are,  the  appeal  in  fact  as  well  as 
law,  and  the  binding  all  persons,  legislative, 
executive,  and  judiciary  by  oath  to  maintain 
that  Constitution.  I  do  not  pretend  to  decide 
what  would  be  the  best  method  of  procuring 
the  establishment  of  the  manifold  good 
things  in  this  Constitution,  and  of  getting  rid 
of  the  bad.  Whether  by  adopting  it,  in 
hopes  of  future  amendment ;  or  after  it  has 
been  duly  weighed  and  canvassed  by  the 
people,  after  seeing  the  parts  they  generally 
dislike,  and  those  they  generally  approve,  to 
say  to  them :  "  We  see  now  what  you  wish. 
Send  together  your  deputies  again,  let  them 
frame  a  constitution  for  you,  omitting  what 
you  have  condemned,  and  establishing  the 
powers  you  approve.  Even  these  will  be  a 
great  addition  to  the  energy  of  your  govern 
ment."  At  all  events,  I  hope  you  will  not  be 
discouraged  from  other  trials,  if  the  present 
one  should  fail  of  its  full  effect.  I  have  thus 
told  you  freely  what  I  like  and  dislike ;  merely 
as  a  matter  of  curiosity,  for  I  know  your  own 
judgment  has  been  formed  on  all  these  points 
after  having  heard  everything  which  could  be 
urged  on  them.  *  *  :  After  all,  it  is  my 
principle  that  the  will  of  the  majority  should 
always  prevail.  If  they  approve  the  pro 
posed  convention  in  all  its  parts,  I  shall  con 
cur  in  it  cheerfully,  in  hopes  that  they  will 
amend  it  whenever  they  shall  find  it  works 
wrong. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  330.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  477.  (P.,  December  20,  1787.) 

1677. .  As  to  the  new  Constitu 
tion,  I  find  myself  nearly  a  neutral.  There 
is  a  great  mass  of  good  in  it,  in  a  very  de 
sirable  form;  but  there  is  also  to  me  a  bitter 
pill  or  two. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  334. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  481.  (P.,  Dec.  1787.) 

1678. .     I  was  much  pleased  with 

many  and  essential  parts  of  this  instrument 
from  the  beginning.  But  I  thought  I  saw  in 
it  many  faults,  great  and  small.  What  I 
have  read  and  reflected  has  brought  me  over 
from  several  of  my  objections  of  the  first 
moment,  and  to  acquiesce  under  some  others. 
Two  only  remain  of  essential  consideration, 
to  wit,  the  want  of  a  bill  of  rights,  and  the 
expunging  the  principle  of  necessary  rotation 
in  the  offices  of  President  and  Senator. — To 
WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  398.  FORD  ED., 
v,  25-  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1679. .   What  I  disapproved  from 

the  first  moment  was  the  want  of  a  bill  of 
rights,  to  guard  liberty  against  the  Legisla 
tive  as  well  as  the  Executive  branches  of  the 
government;  that  is  to  say,  to  secure  freedom 
in  religion,  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom 
from  monopolies,  freedom  from  unlawful  im 
prisonment,  freedom  from  a  permanent  mili 
tary,  and  a  trial  by  jury,  in  all  cases  de- 


terminable  by  the  laws  of  the  land.  I  dis 
approved,  also,  the  perpetual  re-eligibility  of 
the  President.  To  these  points  of  disappro 
bation  I  adhere.  My  first  wish  was  that  the 
nine  first  conventions  might  accept  the  Con 
stitution,  as  the  means  of  securing  to  us  the 
great  mass  of  good  it  contained ;  and  that  the 
four  last  might  reject  it,  as  the  means  of  ob 
taining  amendments.  But  I  was  corrected  in 
this  wish  the  moment  I  saw  the  much  better 
plan  of  Massachusetts,  and  which  had  never 
occurred  to  me.  With  respect  to  the  dec 
laration  of  rights,  I  suppose  the  majority  of 
the  United  States  are  of  my  opinion ;  for,  I 
apprehend,  all  the  anti-federalists,  and  a 
very  respectable  proportion  of  the  federalists, 
think  that  such  a  declaration  should  now  be 
annexed.  The  enlightened  part  of  Europe 
have. given  us  the  greatest  credit  for  invent 
ing  this  instrument  of  security  for  the  rights 
of  the  people,  and  have  not  been  a  little  sur 
prised  to  see  us  so  soon  give  it  up.  With 
respect  to  the  re-eligibility  of  the  President, 
I  find  myself  differing  from  the  majority  of 
my  countrymen ;  for  I  think  there  are  but 
three  States  out  of  the  eleven  which  have 
desired  an  alteration  of  this.  And,  indeed, 
since  the  thing  is  established,  I  would  wish 
it  not  to  be  altered  during  the  life  of  our 
great  leader,  whose  executive  talents  are 
superior  to  those  I  believe,  of  any  man  in 
the  world,  and  who,  alone,  by  the  authority 
of  his  name,  and  the  confidence  reposed  in 
his  perfect  integrity,  is  fully  qualified  to  put 
the  new  government  so  under  way,  as  to 
secure  it  against  the  efforts  of  opposition. 
But,  having  derived  from  our  error  all  the 
good  there  was  in  it,  I  hope  we  shall  correct 
it,  the  moment  we  can  no  longer  have  the 
same  name  at  the  helm.  *  *  *  These,  my 
opinions,  I  wrote  within  a  few  hours  after 
I  had  read  the  Constitution,  to  one  or  two 
friends  in  America. — To  F.  HOPKINSON.  ii, 
586.  FORD  ED.,  v,  76.  (P.,  March  1789.) 

1680. .     I  received  a  copy  [of  the 

new  Federal  Constitution]  early  in  Novem 
ber  [1787]  and  read  and  contemplated  its 
provisions  with  great  satisfaction.  As  not  a 
member  of  the  Convention,  however,  nor 
probably  a  single  citizen  of  the  Union  had 
approved  it  in  all  its  parts,  so  I,  too,  found 
articles  which  I  thought  objectionable.  The 
absence  of  express  declarations  ensuring/ 
freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  the  press," 
freedom  of  the  person  under  the  uninter 
rupted  protection  of  the  habeas  corpus,  and 
trial  by  jury  in  civil  as  well  as  in  criminal 
cases  excited  my  jealousy;  and  the  re-eligi 
bility  of  the  President  for  life  I  quite  dis 
approved.  I  expressed  freely  in  letters  to 
my  friends  and  most  particularly  to  Mr. 
Madison  and  General  Washington  my  ap 
probations  and  objections. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  79.  FORD  ED.,  i,  108.  (1821.) 

_  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  Fed 
eral  Convention  and. —  See  CONVENTION. 

1681.  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal), 
Foundation  of. — I  consider  the  foundation  of 
the  Constitution  as  laid  on  this  ground: 


Thomas  Jefferson 

Age  about  /,/  years 


From  ;ui  ciio  raving  by  Boquevauvilli^r  after  the  painting  by  Desnoyers.  This  portrait 
was  painted  by  the  French  artist  IVsimvrrs,  when  .Ti'HVrson  was  in  France  as  United  States 
Ambassador  (1784-1789). 


193 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


That  "  all  powers  not  delegated  to  the 
United  States,  by  the  Constitution,  nor  pro 
hibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  or  to  the  people."  [Xllth  Amend 
ment.]  To  take  a  single  step  beyond  the 
boundaries  thus  specifically  drawn  around  the 
powers  of  Congress,  is  to  take  possession  of 
a  boundless  field  of  power,  no  longer  suscep 
tible  of  any  definition.— NATIONAL  BANK 
OPINION,  vii,  556.  FORD  ED.,  v,  285.  (I791-) 
_  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  Gen 
eral  Welfare  clause  of. — See  GENERAL  WEL 
FARE  CLAUSE. 

1682.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Infractions  of. — If  on   [one]   infraction   [of 
the  Constitution]  we  build  a  second,  on  that 
second  a  third,  &c.,  any  one  of  the  powers 
in   the   Constitution   may  be  made   to   com 
prehend    every    power    of    government. — To 
ALBERT   GALLATIN.     iv,   450.     FORD  ED.,   viii, 
175.     (1802.) 

1683.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Intention  of. — We  ought  always  to  presume 
that  the  real  intention   [of  the  Constitution] 
which  is  alone  consistent  with  the  Constitu 
tion. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     iv,  449.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  174.     ((1802.) 

_  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal),  In 
ternal  Improvements  and. — See  INTERNAL 
IMPROVEMENTS. 

1684.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Interpretation  of. — Where  a  phrase  is  sus 
ceptible  of  two  meanings,  we  ought  certainly 
to  adopt  that  which  will  bring  upon  us  the 
fewest  inconveniences. — OPINION  ON   APPOR 
TIONMENT  BILL,     vii,  599.     FORD  ED.,  v,  498. 
(1792.) 

1685. .      The   Constitution^  *  * 

was  meant  to  be  republican,  and  we  believe  it 
to  be  republican  according  to  every  candid 
interpretation.  Yet  we  have  seen  it  so  in 
terpreted  and  administered,  as  to  be  truly/ 
what  the  French  have  called,  a  monarchist 
masquee. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON.  \<\ 
338.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  464.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

1686.  -        .      The     Constitution     on 

which  our  Union  rests,  shall  be  administered 
by  me  according  to  the  safe  and  honest  mean-j 
ing  contemplated  by  the  plain  understanding 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  at  the  tim 
of  its  adoption, — a  meaning  to  be   found  i 
the  explanations  of  those  who  advocated,  m}t 
those   who  opposed  it,   and  who  opposed 
merely   lest   the   construction    should   be   ap 
plied    which    they    denounced    as    possible.- 
REPLY   TO   ADDRESS,     iv,   387.      (W.,    Marc 
1801.) 

1687. .  The  Constitution  is  a 

compact  of  many  independent  powers,  every 
single  one  of  which  claims  an  equal  right  to 
understand  it,  and  to  requre  its  observance. — 
To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii,  404.  (M., 
1825.) 

1688. .  The  Constitution  of  the 

United  States  is  a  compact  of  independent 
nations,  subject  to  the  rules  acknowledged  in 


similar  cases,  as  well  that  of  amendment  pro 
vided  within  itself,  as.  in  case  of  abuse,  the 
justly  dreaded  but  unavoidable  ultima  ratio 
gentium. — To  EDWARD  EVERETT,  vii,  437. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  385.  (M..  1826.) 

1689.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Jefferson   and. — One   passage   in    the   paper 
you   enclosed   me   must   be   corrected.     It   is 
the  following:  "And  all  say  it  was  yourself 
more  than  any  other  individual  that  planned 
and  established  the  Constitution."     I  was  in 
Europe  when  the  Constitution  was  planned, 
and  never  saw  it  till  after  it  was  established. 
On  receiving  it,  I  wrote  strongly  to  Mr.  Mad 
ison,  urging  the  want  of  provision  for  the  free 
dom  of  religion,   freedom  of  the  press,  trial 
by  jury,   habeas  corpus,  and   substitution   of 
militia  for  a  standing  army,  and  an  express 
reservation  to  the    State    of    all    rights    not 
specifically   granted   to   the    Union.     He    ac 
cordingly    moved     in    the    first    session     of 
Congress  for  these  amendments,  which  were 
ag?eed  to  and  ratified  by  the  States  as  they 
now   stand.     This   is   all   the  hand   I   had   in 
what   related   to    the    Constitution. — To   DR. 
JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,     iv,  441.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
159.     (W..   1802.) 

1690.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Jurisdiction  of. — It  may  be  impracticable  to 
lay  down  any  general  formula  of  words  which 
shall   decide   at   once  and   with   precision   in 
every   case,    this    limit    of   jurisdiction.     But 
there   are   two   canons    which   will    guide    us 
safely  in  most  of  the  cases,     ist.  The  capital 
and  leading  object  of  the  Constitution  was  to 
leave   with  the   States   all   authorities   which 
respected    their    own    citizens    only,    and    to 
transfer   to   the   United    States   those   which 
respected  citizens  of  foreign  or  other  States; 
to  make  us  several  as  to  ourselves,  but  one 
as  to  all  others.     In  the  latter  case,  then,  con 
structions   should  lean   to  the  general   juris 
diction,    if   the   words    will   bear   it,    and    in 
favor  of  the  States  in  the  former,  if  possible 
to  be  so  construed.   And,  indeed,  between  citi 
zens  and  citizens  of  the  same  State  and  under 
their  own  laws,  I  know  but  a  single  case  in 
which  a  jurisdiction  is  given  to  the  General 
Government.  That  is  where  anything  but  gold 
or  silver  is  made  a  lawful  tender,  or  the  obli 
gation  of  contracts  is  any  otherwise  impaired. 
The  separate  legislatures  had  so  often  abused 
that  power  that  the  citizens  themselves  chose 
to  trust  it  to  the  general  rather  than  to  their 
own  special  authorities.     2d.  On  every  ques 
tion  of  construction,  carry  ourselves  back  to 
the  time  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted 
recollect  the  spirit  manifested  in  the  debates, 
and  instead  of  trying  what  meaning  may  be 
squeezed  out  of  the  text,  or  invented  against 
it,  conform  to  the  probable  one  in  which  it 
was    passed. — To    WILLIAM    JOHNSON,     vii, 
296.     FORD  ED.,  x,  230.     (M.,  1823.) 

1691.  CONSTITUTION  (The  Federal), 
Model  for  France. — Ours  [Constitution]  has 
been  professedly  their  model,  in  which  such 
changes  are  made  as  a  difference  of  circum 
stances  rendered  necessary,  and  some  others 
neither  necessary  nor  advantageous,  but  into 


Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


194 


which  men  will  ever  run,  when  versed  in 
theory  and  new  in  the  practice  of  the  govern 
ment,  when,  acquainted  with  man  only  as 
they  see  him  in  their  books,  and  not  in  the 
world. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  98.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  109.  (P.,  Aue.  1789-) 

1692.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Monarchizing. — I  am  opposed  to  the  mon- 
archizing  its  features  by  the  forms  of  its  ad 
ministration,    with    a    view    to    conciliate    a 
first   transition   to    a    President    and    Senate 
for  life,  and  from  that  to  an  hereditary  tenure 
of  these  offices,  and  thus  to  worm  out  the 
elective   principle. — To   ELBRIDGE   GERRY,     iv, 
268.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  327.     (Pa.,  I799-) 

1693.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Necessity  for. — Our  new   Constitution   has 
succeeded    beyond    what    I    apprehended    it 
would  have  done.     I  did  not  at  first  believe 
that  eleven  States  out  of  thirteen  would  have 
consented  to  a  plan  consolidating  themselves 
as  much  into  one.     A  change  in  their  dis 
positions,  which  had  taken  place  since  I  left 
them,  had  rendered  this  consolidation  neces 
sary,  that  is  to  say,  had  called  for  a  federal 
government  which  could  walk  upon  its  own 
legs,  without  leaning  for  support  on  the  State 
Legislatures.     A    sense   of  necessity,    and   a 
submission  to  it,  is  to  me  a  new  and  con 
solatory  proof  that  whenever  the  people  are 
well-informed,  they  can  be  trusted  with  their 
own  government;  that  whenever  things  get 
so  far  wrong  as  to  attract  their  notice,  they 
may  be  relied  on  to  set  them  to  rights. — To 
DR.  PRICE,     ii,  553.     (P.,  1789.)    See  1648. 

1694.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Preservation  of. — The  preservation  of   the 
Federal  Constitution    is    all    we    need    con 
tend   for. — To  ARCHIBALD   STUART,    iii,   314. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  409.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

1695. .    The  preservation  of  the 

General  Government  in  its  whole  constitu 
tional  vigor,  as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace 
at  home  and  safety  abroad,  I  deem  [one  of] 
the  essential  principles  of  our  government, 
and  consequently  [one  of]  those  which  ought 
to  shape  its  administration. — FIRST  INAUGU 
RAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

1696. .  I  do,  with  sincere  zeal, 

wish  an  inviolable  preservation  of  our  present 
Federal  Constitution  according  to  the  true 
sense  in  which  it  was  adopted  by  the  States ; 
that  in  which  it  was  advocated  by  its  friends, 
and  not  that  which  its  enemies  apprehended, 
who  therefore  became  its  enemies. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  327. 
(Pa.,  I799-) 

1697. .  May  you  and  your  co- 
temporaries  meet  them  [attacks  on  the  Con 
stitution]  with  the  same  determination  and 
effect,  as  your  father  and  his  did  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  laws,  and  preserve  inviolate  a 
constitution,  which,  cherished  in  all  its 
chastity  and  purity,  will  prove  in  the  end  a 
blessing  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. — To 
MR.  NICHOLAS,  vii,  230.  (M.,  1821.) 


1698. .  To  preserve  the  repub 
lican  forms  and  principles  of  our  Constitution, 
and  cleave  to  the  salutary  distribution  of 
powers  which  that  has  established,  *  *  * 
are  the  two  sheet  anchors  of  our  Union.  If 
driven  from  either  we  shall  be  in  danger  of 
foundering. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  298. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  232.  (M.,  1823.) 

1699.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 

Principles  of.— The  principle  of  the  Consti 
tution  is  that  of  a  separation  of  Legislative, 
Executive  and  Judiciary  functions,  except 
in  cases  specified.  If  this  principle  be  not  ex 
pressed  in  direct  terms,  it  is  clearly  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution,  and  it  ought  to  be  so 
commented  and  acted  on  by  every  friend  of 
free  government. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 
161.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  108.  (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

1700. .     The  leading  principle  of 

our  Constitution  is  the  independence  of  the 
Legislative,  Executive  and  Judiciary  of  one 
another. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  103.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  60.  (W.,  1807.) 

1701.  — .     The  adored  principles  of 

our  Constitution. — To  JEDEDIAH  MORSE,     vii, 
235.     FORD  ED.,  x.  205.     (M.,  1822.) 

1702.  CONSTITUTION   (The   Federal), 
Republican  opposition  to. — Our  first  federal 
constitution,    or    Confederation,    as    it    was 
called,   was  framed  in  the  first  moments  of 
our  separation  from  England,  in  the  highest 
point   of  our  jealousies   of  independence   as 
to   her,   and   as   to   each   other.     It    formed, 
therefore,    too    weak   a   bond    to   produce   a 
union  of  action  as  to  foreign  nations.     This 
appeared    at    once    on    the    establishment    of 
peace,  when  the  pressure  of  a  common  enemy 
which   had   hooped    us   together    during   the 
war,  was  taken  away.     Congress  was  found 
to  be  quite  unable  to  point  the  action  of  the 
several  States  to  a  common  object.     A  gen 
eral  desire,  therefore,  took  place  of  amending 
the   federal   constitution.     This  was   opposed 
by  some  of  those  who  wished  for  monarchy, 
to  wit,  the  refugees,  now  returned ;  the  old 
tories,  and  the  timid  whigs  who  prefer  tran 
quillity  to  freedom,  hoping  monarchy  might 
be  the  remedy  if  a  state  of  complete  anarchy 
could  be   brought   on.     A   convention,    how 
ever,   being  decided  on.   some  of  the  mono- 
crats  got  elected,  with  a  hope  of  introducing 
an  English  constitution,  when  they  found  that 
the  great  body  of  the  delegates  were  strongly 
for  adhering  to  republicanism,  and  for  giving 
due  strength  to  their  government  under  that 
form,  they  then  directed  their  efforts  to  the 
assimilation  of  all  the  parts  of  the  new  gov 
ernment  to  the  English  constitution  as  nearly 
as  was  attainable.     In  this  they  were  not  al 
together  without  success;  insomuch  that  the 
monarchical  features  of  the  new  Constitution 
produced  a  violent  opposition  to  it  from  the 
most     zealous     republicans     in     the     several 
States.     For   this    reason,    and    because    they 
also    thought    it    carried    the    principle    of    a 
consolidation  of  the  States  farther  than  was 
requisite    for    the    purpose    of    producing    a 
union  of  action  as  to  foreign  powers,  it  is  still 


195 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


doubted  by  some  whether  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  were  not  against 
adopting  it.  However  it  was  carried  through 
all  the  assemblies  of  the  States,  though  by 
very  small  majorities  in  the  larger  States. — 
To  C  D.  EBELING.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  45.  (i?95-) 

1703.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Reverence  for. — With  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  Vermont  I  join  cordially  in  ad 
miring  and  revering  the  Constitution  of  the 
United    States, — the    result   of   the    collected 
wisdom  of  our  country. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS. 
iv,  418.     (W.,  1801.) 

1704.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Safety  in. — Our    national    Constitution,    the 
ark  of  our  safety,   and  grand  palladium  of 
our  peace  and  happiness. — R.  TO  A.     MASSA 
CHUSETTS  CITIZENS,     viii,   160.     (1800.) 

1705.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Security  in. — A   constitution   has   been   ac 
quired,   which,    though   neither  of  us   thinks 
perfect,   yet   both   consider   as   competent   to 
render  our  fellow  citizens  the  happiest  and 
the    securest    on    whom    the    sun    has    ever 
shone. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vi,  227.    FORD  ED., 
ix,  429.     (M.,  1813.) 

1706.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Self-government      and. — No      constitution 
was  ever  before  so  well  calculated  as  ours  for 
extensive    empire    and    self-government. — To 
PRESIDENT    MADISON,     v,    444.     (M.,    April 
1809.) 

1707.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
'  Theory  of. — The  true  theory  of  our  Constitu 
tion  is  surely  the   wisest    and   best,    that  the 
States  are  independent  as  to  everything  within 
themselves,  and  united  as  to  everything  re 
specting    foreign    affairs.    Let    the    General 
Government  be  reduced  to  foreign  concerns 
only,  and  let  our  affairs  be  disentangled  from 
those  of  all  other  nations,  except  as  to  com 
merce,  which  the  merchants  will  manage  the 
better,  the  more  they  are  left  free  to  manage^ 
for  themselves,  and  our  General  Government 
may  be  reduced  to  a  very  simple  organization, 
and  a  very  inexpensive  one ;   a  few  plain  du 
ties  to  be  performed  by  a  few  servants. — T 
GIDEON  GRANGER,     iv,  331.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  451. 
(M.,  1800.) 

1708.  CONSTITUTION    (The  Federal), 
Value  of. — Much  has  been  gained  by  the  new 
Constitution ;    for  the  former  was  terminating 
in  anarchy,  as  necessarily  consequent  to  in 
efficiency. — To  GEORGE  MASON,    iii,  148.    FORD 
ED.,  v,  183.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1709.  CONSTITUTION    (The   Federal), 
Wisdom,  of.— The  Constitution     *     *     *     is 
unquestionably  the  wisest  ever  yet  presented 
to  men,  and  some  of  the  accommodations  of 
interest    which    it    has    adopted    are    greatly 
pleasing  to  me,   who  have  had  occasions  of 
seeing  how  difficult  those  interests  were  to  ac 
commodate. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,     iii,  12. 
FORD  ED.,  v.  80.     (P.,  March  1789.) 

1710.  CONSTITUTION    (French),    Ad 
vice  of  Jefferson  on. — I  wish  you  success  in 
your  meeting  [of  the  Notables].     I  should  form 


jetter  hopes  of  it,  if  it  were  divided  into  two 
houses  instead  of  seven.  Keeping  the  good 
model  of  your  neighboring  country  [England] 
before  your  eyes,  you  may  get  on,  step  by  step, 
towards  a  good  constitution.  Though  that  model 
is  not  perfect,  yet,  as  it  would  unite  more  suf 
frages  than  any  new  one  which  could  be  pro 
posed,  it  is  better  to  make  that  the  object.  If 
every  advance  is  to  be  purchased  by  filling  the 
royal  coffers  with  gold,  it  will  be  gold  well  em 
ployed. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  ii,  131.  (P., 
1787.) 

1711.  CONSTITUTION  (French),  Ame 
lioration  of. — If  the  Etats  Gencrcux,  when 
they  assemble,  do  not  aim  at  too  much,  they  may 
begin    a    good    constitution.     There    are    three 
articles  which  they  may  easily  obtain  ;    i,  their 
own    meeting,    periodically ;      2,    the    exclusive 
right   of   taxation ;    3,    the   right   of   registering 
laws,    and   proposing   amendments   to   them,   as 
exercised    now    by   the    parliaments.     This   last 
would    be    readily    approved    by    the    court,    on 
account    of    their    hostility    against    the    parlia 
ments,     and    would    lead    immediately    to    the 
origination   of  laws.     The  second  has  been  al 
ready  solemnly  avowed  by  the  King ;    and  it  is 
well   understood  there  would  be  no   opposition 
to  the  first.     If  they   push   at   much   more,   all 
may  fail. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  506.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  54.     (P.,  Nov.  1788.) 

1712.  CONSTITUTION     (French), 

Amendments  contemplated. — No  plan  [of  a 
constitution]  is  yet  reported ;  but  the  leading 
members  [of  the  National  Assembly]  (with 
some  small  differences  of  opinion)  have  in 
contemplation  the  following :  The  Executive 
power  in  a  hereditary  King,  with  a  negative  on 
laws,  and  power  to  dissolve  the  legislature ;  to 
be  considerably  restrained  in  the  making  of 
treaties,  and  limited  in  his  expenses.  The  Leg 
islative  is  a  House  of  Representatives.  They 
propose  a  Senate  also,  chosen  on  the  plan  of 
our  Federal  Senate  by  the  Provincial  Assem 
blies,  but  to  be  for  life,  of  a  certain  age  (they 
talk  of  forty  years),  and  certain  wealth  (four 
or  five  hundred  guineas  a  year),  but  to  have 
no  other  power  against  the  laws  but  to  remon 
strate  against  them  to  the  Representatives,  who 
will  then  determine  their  fate  by  a  simple  ma 
jority.  This,  you  will  readily  perceive,  is  a 
mere  council  of  revision,  like  that  of  New  York, 
which,  in  order  to  be  something,  must  form  an 
alliance  with  the  King,  to  avail  themselves  of 
his  veto.  The  alliance  will  be  useful  to  both, 
and  to  the  nation.  The  Representatives  to  be 
chosen  every  two  or  three  years.  The  Judiciary 
system  is  less  prepared  than  any  other  part  of 
the  plan  ;  however,  they  will  abolish  the  parlia 
ments,  and  establish  an  order  of  judges  and 
justices,  general  and  provincial,  a  good  deal 
like  ours,  with  trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases 
certainly,  perhaps  also  in  civil.  The  provinces 
will  have  Assemblies  for  their  provincial  gov 
ernment,  and  the  cities  a  municipal  body  for 
municipal  government,  all  founded  on  the  basis 
of  popular  election.  These  subordinate  gov 
ernments,  though  completely  dependent  on  the 
general  one,  will  be  entrusted  with  almost  the 
whole  of  the  details  which  our  State  govern 
ments  exercise.  They  will  have  their  own  ju 
diciary,  final  in  all  but  great  cases :  the  Execu 
tive  business  will  principally  pass  through  their 
hands,  and  a  certain  local  legislature  will  be 
allowed  them.  In  short,  ours  has  been  pro 
fessedly  their  model,  in  which  such  changes 
are  made  as  a  difference  of  circumstances  ren 
dered  necessary,  and  some  others,  neither  neces 
sary  nor  advantageous,  but  into  which  men  will 
ever  run,  when  versed  in  theory  and  new  in  the 


Constitution 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


196 


practice  of  government,  when  acquainted  with 
man  only  as  they  see  him  in  their  books,  and  not 
in  the  world. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  97. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  108.  (P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

1713.  CONSTITUTION"      (French), 
Amendments    demanded. — The   [National] 
Assembly     *     *     *     proceeded   to   arrange   the 
order  in  which  they  would  take  up  the  heads 
of  their  constitution  as  follows :     First,  and  as 
preliminary  to  the  whole,  a  general  Declaration 
of  the  Rights  of  Man.     Then,  specifically,  the 
Principles    of    the    Monarchy ;    Rights    of    the 
Nation  ;  Rights  of  the  King ;  Rights  of  the  Citi 
zens  ;   organization  and  rights  of  the  National 
Assembly ;   forms  necessary  for  the   enactment 
of    Laws ;    organization    and    functions    of    the 
Provincial    and    Municipal    Assemblies;    duties 
and  limits   of   the   Judiciary   power;    functions 
and  duties  of  the  Military  power.     A  Declara 
tion  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  as  the  preliminary 
of   their   work,   was   accordingly   prepared   and 
proposed  by  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,     i,  96.     FORD  ED.,  i,  132.     (1821.) 

1714.  CONSTITUTION  (French),  Coop 
eration  of  Jefferson  invited. — The  Assem 
bly  appointed  a  committee  for  the  "  reduction 
of  a  projet  "  of  a  constitution,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux.     I  re 
ceived  from  him,  as  chairman  of  the  committee, 
a  letter  of  July  2oth   [1/89],  requesting  me  to 
attend  and  assist  at  their  deliberations;  but  I 
excused  myself,  on  the  obvious  considerations 
that  my  mission  was  to  the  King  as  Chief  Mag 
istrate  of  the  nation,  that  my  duties  were  limited 
to  the  concerns  of  my  own  country,  and  forbade 
me  to    intermeddle   with   the   internal   transac 
tions  of  that  in  which  I  had  been  received  under 
a  specific  character  only. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i, 
103.     FORD  ED.,   i,    143.      (1821.) 

1715.  CONSTITUTION     (French),    Di 
vergent  views  on.— The  plan  of  a  consti 
tution  was  discussed  in  sections,  and  so  reported 
from  time  to  time,   as  agreed  to  by  the  com 
mittee.     The  first  respected  the  general  frame 
of   the   government ;    and   that   this    should   be 
formed  into  three  departments,  Executive,  Leg 
islative    and    Judiciary,    was    generally    agreed. 
But  when  they  proceeded  to  subordinate  devel 
opments,  many  and  various  shades  of  opinion 
came  into  conflict,  and  schism,  strongly  marked., 
broke  the  Patriots  into  fragments  of  very  dis 
cordant  principles.    The  first  question  :  Whether 
there  should  be  a  King?  met  with  no  open  oppo 
sition  ;  and  it  was  readily  agreed  that  the  gov 
ernment  of  France  should  be  monarchical  and 
hereditary.     Shall  the  King  have  a  negative  on 
the  laws?     Shall  that  negative  be   absolute  or 
suspensive  only?     Shall  there  be  two  Chambers 
of  Legislation,  or  one  only  ?     If  two,  shall  one 
of  them  be  hereditary?   or  for  life?   or   for  a 
fixed  term?  and  named  by  the  King?  or  elected 
by  the  people?     These  questions  found  strong 
differences  of  opinion,  and  produced  repulsive 
combinations    among   the    Patriots.     The   Aris 
tocracy  was   cemented  by   a   common  principle 
of  preserving  the  ancient  regime,  or  whatever 
should  be  nearest  to  it.     Making  this  their  polar 
star,   they  moved  in  phalanx,   gave  preponder 
ance  on  every  question  to  the  minorities  of  the 
Patriots,    and   always   to   those   who    advocated 
the  least  change.     The  features  of  the  new  con 
stitution  were  thus  assuming  a  fearful  aspect, 
and  great  alarm  was  produced  among  the  honest 
Patriots  by  these  dissensions  in  their  ranks. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.       i,    103.       FORD    ED.,    i,    144. 
(1821.) 


—  CONSTITUTION  (French),  Jeffer 
son's  Bill  of  Bights  for. — See  BILL  OF 
RIGHTS. 

1716.  CONSTITUTION    (French),    Jef 
ferson,  Patriots  and.— The  features  of  the 
new  Constitution  were  thus  assuming  a  fearful 
aspect,   and   great  alarm   was  produced   among 
the  honest  Patriots  in  their  ranks.     In  this  un 
easy  state  of  things,  I  received  one  day  a  note 
from  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  informing  me 
that   he   should   bring   a  party   of   six   or   eight 
friends  to  ask  a  dinner  of  me  the  next  day.     * 
*     *     When    they    arrived,    they    were    Lafay 
ette   himself,    Duport,    Barnave,    Alexander    La 
Meth,  Blacon,  Mounier,  Maubourg  and  Dagout. 
These  were  leading  Patriots,  of  honest  but  dif 
fering  opinions,  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  ef 
fecting  a  coalition  by  mutual  sacrifices,  knowing 
each    other,    and   not   afraid,   therefore,   to   un 
bosom   themselves   mutually.      This   last   was   a 
material  principle  in  the  selection.     With  this 
view,  the  Marquis  had  invited  the  conference, 
and  had  fixed  the  time  and  place  inadvertently 
as  to  the  embarrassment  under  which  it  might 
place  me.     The  cloth  being  removed,  wine  set 
on  the  table,   after  the  American  manner,   the 
Marquis  introduced  the  objects  of  the  confer 
ence,  by  summarily  reminding  them  of  the  state 
of  things  in  the  Assembly,  the  course  which  the 
principles  of  the  Constitution  were  taking,  and 
the   inevitable   result   unless   checked   by   more 
concord    among    the    Patriots    themselves.     He 
observed,  that  although  he  also  had  his  opinion, 
he    was    ready    to    sacrifice    it    to    that    of    his 
brethren  of  the  same  cause ;  but  that  a  common 
opinion   must  now   be   formed,   or  the   Aristoc 
racy  would  carry  everything  and  that,  whatever 
they  should  now  agree  on,  he,  at  the  head  of  the 
National    force,    would   maintain.     The    discus 
sions  began  at  the  hour  of  four  and  were  con 
tinued  till  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening ;   during 
which  time  I  was  a  silent  witness  to  a  coolness 
and  candor  of  argument,  unusual   in  the  con 
flicts  of  political  opinion ;  to  a  logical  reasoning 
and   chaste  eloquence,   disfigured  by   no   gaudy 
tinsel    of    rhetoric    or    declamation,    and    truly 
worthy    of   being   placed    in    parallel    with    the 
finest   dialogues   of  antiquity,   as   handed  to   us 
by  Xenophon,  by  Plato  and  Cicero.    The  result 
was  an  agreement  that  the  King  should  have 
a  suspensive  veto  on  the  laws,  that  the  legisla 
ture  should  be  composed  of  a  single  body  only, 
and  that  to   be   chosen   by  the   people.        This 
Concordat  decided  the  fate  of  the  Constitution. 
The   Patriots  all   rallied  to  the  principles  thus 
settled,    carried    every    question    agreeably    to 
them,  and  reduced  the  Aristocracy  to  insignifi 
cance  and  impotence. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,  104. 
FORD  ED.,  i,    144.     (1821.) 

1717.  CONSTITUTION  (French),  Mont- 
morin,  Jefferson  and. — But  duties  of  ex 
culpation  were  now  incumbent  on  me.     I  waited 
on    Count   Montmorin   the   next   morning,    and 
explained  to  him  with  truth  and  candor  how  it 
had   happened   that   my   house   had   been   made 
the  scene  of  conferences  of  such  a  character. 
He  told  me  he  already  knew  everything  which 
had  passed,   that   so   far   from   taking  umbrage 
at  the   use   of   my   house   on   that  occasion,   he 
earnestly   wished    I    would   habitually   assist   at 
such  conferences,  being  sure  that  I   should  be 
useful   in   moderating  the   warmer   spirits,    and 
promoting  a  wholesome  and  practicable  reforma 
tion  only.     I  told  him  I  knew  too  well  the  du 
ties  I  owed  to  the  King,  to  the  nation  and  to 
my  own  country,  to  take  any  part  in  councils 
concerning  their  internal  government,  and  that 
I  should  persevere,  with  care,  in  the  character 


i97 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitution 


of  a  neutral  and  passive  spectator,  with  wishes 
only  and  very  sincere  ones,  that  those  measures 
might  prevail  which  would  be  for  the  greatest 
good  of  the  nation.  I  have  no  doubts,  indeed, 
that  this  conference  was  previously  known  and 
approved  by  this  honest  minister,  who  was  in 
confidence  and  communication  with  the  Patriots, 
and  wished  for  a  reasonable  reform  of  the  Con 
stitution. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  105.  FORD  ED., 
i,  146.  (1821.) 

1718.  CONSTITUTION    (French),    Ne 
cessity  for. — Nor  should  we  wonder  at  the 
pressure,    [for   a   fixed   constitution]    when   we 
consider  the  monstrous  abuses  of  power  under 
which      *      *      *      the    [French]    people   were 
ground  to  powder ;  when  we  pass  in  review  the 
weight    of   their    taxes,    and    the    inequality    of 
their  distribution  ;  the  oppressions  of  the  tithes, 
the  tallies,  the  corvees,  the  gabelles,  the  farms 
and  barriers ;  the  shackles  on  commerce  by  mon 
opolies  ;  on  industry  by  guilds  and  corporations ; 
on  the  freedom  of  conscience,  of  thought,  and 
of  speech  ;  on  the  freedom  of  the  press  by  the 
Censure;    and    of    the    person    by    Lcttres    de 
Cachet;  the  cruelty  of  the  Criminal  code  gen 
erally;  the  atrocities  of  the  Rack;  the  venality 
of  the  judges,  and  their  partialities  to  the  rich  ; 
the   monopoly   of    Military   honors   by   the   No 
blesse;   the   enormous   expenses   of  the   Queen, 
the    Princes    and    the    Court;    the   prodigalities 
of  pensions ;   and  the  riches,  luxury,   indolence 
and   immorality   of   the   Clergy.      Surely   under 
such  a  mass  of  misrule  and  oppression,  a  peo 
ple  might  justly  press  for  a  thorough  reforma 
tion,    and    might    even    dismount    their    rough 
shod  riders,   and  leave  them  to  walk  on  their 
own  legs. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  86.    FORD  ED.,  i, 
118.     (1821.) 

1719.  CONSTITUTION      (Great      Brit 
ain's),  Boot  of. — I  think  your  book  has  de 
duced   the   constitution    of   the    English    nation 
from  its  rightful  root,  the  Anglo-Saxon.     It  is 
really  wonderful  that  so  many  able  and  learned 
men  should  have  failed  in  their  attempts  to  de 
fine  it  with  correctness.     No  wonder,  then,  that 
[Thomas]    Paine,    who   thought   more   than   he 
read,  should  have  credited  the  great  authorities 
who  have  declared,  that  the  will  of  parliament 
is   the   constitution    of    England.     So    Marbois, 
before    the    French     Revolution,     observed    to 
me,  that  the  Almanac  Royal  was  the  constitu 
tion  of  France.     Your  derivation  of  it  from  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  seems  to  be  made  on  legitimate 
principles.     Having  driven   out  the  former  in 
habitants  of  that  part  of  the  island  called  Eng 
land,   they   become    aborigines   as   to    you,    and 
your  lineal  ancestors.     They,  doubtless,   had  a 
constitution ;   and   although  they  have   not  left 
it  in  a  written  formula,  to  the  precise  text  of 
which   you   may   always   appeal,   yet  they   have 
left  fragments  of  their  history  and  laws,  from 
which    it    may    be    inferred    with    considerable 
certainty.     What   ever   their   history    and    laws 
show  to  have  been  practiced  with  approbation, 
we  may  presume  was  permitted  by  their  con 
stitution  ;   whatever  was  not  so  practiced,  was 
not  permitted.     And,  although  this  constitution 
was  violated  and  set  at  naught  by  Norman  force, 
yet    force    cannot    change    right.     A    perpetual 
claim  was  kept  up  by  the  nation,  by  their  per 
petual  demand  of  a  restoration  of  their  Saxon 
laws  ;  which  shows  they  were  never  relinquished 
by  the  will  of  the  nation.     In  the  pullings  and 
haulings  for  these  ancient  rights,  between  the 
nation,  and  its  kings  of  the  races  of  Plantagenets. 
Tudors  and  Stuarts,  there  was  sometimes  gain, 
and  sometimes  loss,  until  the  final  re-conquest 
of  their  rights  from  the  Stuarts.     The  destitu 
tion  and  expulsion  of  this  race  broke  the  thread 


of  pretended  inheritance,  extinguished  all  regal 
usurpations,  and  the  nation  reentered  into  all 
its  rights ;  and  although  in  their  Bill  of  Rights 
they  specifically  reclaimed  some  only,  yet  the 
omission  of  the  others  was  no  renunciation  of 
the  right  to  assume  their  exercise  also,  whenever 
occasion  should  occur.  The  new  King  received 
no  rights  or  powers,  but  those  expressly  granted 
to  him.  It  has  ever  appeared  to  me,  that  the 
difference  between  the  whig  and  the  tory  of 
England  is,  that  the  whig  deduces  his  rights 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  source  and  the  tory  from 
the  Norman.  And  Hume,  the  great  apostle  of 
toryism,  says,  in  so  many  words  (note  AA  to 
chapter  42),  that,  in  the  reign  of  the  Stuarts, 
"  it  was  the  people  who  encroached  upon  the 
sovereign,  not  the  sovereign  who  attempted,  as 
is  pretended,  to  usurp  upon  the  people."  This 
supposes  the  Norman  usurpations  to  be  rights 
in  his  successors.  And  again  (C.  159),  "the 
commons  established  a  principle,  which  is  noble 
in  itself,  and  seems  specious,  but  is  belied  by 
all  history  and  experience,  that  the  people  are 
the  origin  of  all  just  power."  And  where  else 
will  this  degenerate  son  of  science,  this  traitor 
to  his  fellow  men,  find  the  origin  of  just  powers, 
if  not  in  the  majority  of  the  society?  Will  it 
be  in  the  minority  ?  Or  in  an  individual  of  that 
minority?  Our  Revolution  commenced  on  more 
favorable  ground.  It  presented  us  an  album  on 
which  we  were  to  write  what  we  pleased.  We 
had  no  occasion  to  search  into  musty  records, 
to  hunt  up  royal  parchments,  or  to  investigate 
the  laws  and  institutions  of  a  semi-barbarous 
ancestry.  We  appealed  to  those  of  nature,  and 
found  them  engraved  on  our  hearts.  Yet,  we 
did  not  avail  ourselves  of  all  the  advantages 
of  our  position.  We  had  never  been  permitted 
to  exercise  self-government.  When  forced  to 
assume  it,  we  were  novices  in  its  science.  Its 
principles  and  forms  had  entered  little  into  our 
former  education.  We  established  some,  al 
though  not  all  its  important  principles. — To 
JOHN  CARTWRIGHT.  vii,  355.  (M.,  1824.) 

1720.  CONSTITUTION  (Spanish),  Pro 
posed. — The   Constitution  proposed  has  one 
feature  which  I  like  much  ;  that  which  provides 
that  when  the  three  coordinate  branches  differ 
in   their   construction   of   the   Constitution,   the 
opinion  of  two  branches  shall  overrule  the  third. 
Our  Constitution  has  not  sufficiently  solved  this 
difficulty. — To  VALENTINE  DE  FORONDA.     v,  473. 
(M.,  1809.) 

1721.  CONSTITUTION  (Spanish),  State 

Church.— There  are  parts  of  the  new  Consti 
tution  of  Spain  in  which  you  would  expect,  of 
course,  that  we  should  not  concur.  One  of 
these  is  the  intolerance  of  all  but  the  Catholic 
religion ;  and  no  security  provided  against  the 
reestablishment  of  an  Inquisition,  the  exclusive 
judge  of  Catholic  opinions,  and  authorized  to 
proscribe  and  punish  those  it  shall  deem  anti- 
Catholic. — To  CHEVALIER  DE  ONIS.  vi,  342. 
(M.,  1814.) 

1722.  CONSTITUTION  (Spanish),  Suf 
frage. — There  is  one  provision   [in  the  new 
Constitution   of   Spain]   which  will  immortalize 
its  inventors.     It  is  that  which,  after  a  certain 
epoch,   disfranchises   every   citizen   who   cannot 
read  and  write.     This  is  new,  and  is  the  fruit 
ful    germ    of    the    improvement    of    everything 
good,   and  the  correction   of  everything  imper 
fect  in  the  present  Constitution.     This  will  give 
you    an    enlightened    people,    and    an    energetic 
public  opinion  which  will   control  and  enchain 
the  aristocratic   spirit  of  the  government. — To 
CHEVALIER  DE  ONIS.     vi,  342.     (M.,  1814.) 


Constitution 
Constitution* 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


198 


1723. 


-.     In    the    Constitution    of 


Spain,  as  proposed  by  the  late  Cortes,  there  was 
a  principle  entirely  new  to  me,  *  *  that 

no  person,  born  after  that  day,  should  ever  ac 
quire  the  rights  of  citizenship  until  he  could 
read  and  write.  It  is  impossible  sufficiently 
to  estimate  the  wisdom  of  this  provision.  Of 
all  those  which  have  been  thought  of  for  secur 
ing  fidelity  in  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment,  constant  ralliance  to  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution,  and  progressive  amendments 
with  the  progressive  advances  of  the  human 
mind,  or  changes  in  human  affairs,  it  is  the  most 
effectual.  Enlighten  the  people  generally,  and 
tyranny  and  oppressions  of  body  and  mind  will 
vanish  like  evil  spirits  at  the  dawn  of  day. 
Although  I  do  not,  with  some  enthusiasts,  be 
lieve  that  the  human  condition  will  ever  ad 
vance  to  such  a  state  of  perfection  as  that  there 
shall  no  longer  be  pain  or  vice  in  the  world., 
yet  I  believe  it  susceptible  of  much  improve 
ment,  and  most  of  all,  in  matters  of  government 
and  religion  ;  and  that  the  diffusion  of  knowl 
edge  among  the  people  is  to  be  the  instrument 
by  which  it  is  to  be  effected.  The  Constitution 
of  the  Cortes  had  defects  enough ;  but  when 
I  saw  in  it  this  amendatory  provision,  I  was  sat 
isfied  all  would  come  right  in  time,  under  its 
salutary  operation. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS. 
vi,  592.  FORD  ED.,  x,  24.  (M.,  1816.) 

—  CONSTITUTION       (Spanish-Ameri 
can). — See  SPANISH  AMERICA. 

—  CONSTITUTION   OF   VIRGINIA.— 

See  VIRGINIA. 

1724.  CONSTITUTIONS  (American), 
Amending. — Happily  for  us,  that  when  we 
find  our  constitutions  defective  and  insuf 
ficient  to  secure  the  happiness  of  our  people, 
we  can  assemble  with  all  the  coolness  of  phi 
losophers,  and  set  them  to  rights,  while  every 
other  nation  on  earth  must  have  recourse  to 
arms  to  amend  or  to  restore  their  constitu 
tions.— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS.  ii,  264.  (P., 
Sep.  1787.) 

1725. .  Had  our  former  Consti 
tution  been  unalterable  (pardon  the  absurd 
ity  of  the  hypothesis),  we  must  have  gone 
to  ruin  with  our  eyes  open. — To  BENJAMIN 
VAUGHAN.  v,  334.  (P.,  1791.) 


1726. 


Whatever  be  the  Consti 


tution,  great  care  must  be  taken  to  provide 
a  mode  of  amendment,  when  experience,  or 
change  of  circumstances  shall  have  man 
ifested  that  any  part  of  it  is  unadapted  to  the 
good  of  the  nation.  In  some  of  our  States 
it  requires  a  new  authority  from  the  whole 
people,  acting  by  their  representatives,  chosen 
for  this  express  purpose,  and  assembled  in 
convention.  This  is  found  too  difficult  for 
remedying  the  imperfections  which  experi 
ence  develops  from  time  to  time  in  an  or 
ganization  of  the  first  impression.  A  greater 
facility  of  amendment  is  certainly  requisite 
to  maintain  it  in  a  course  of  action  accom 
modated  to  the  times  and  changes  through 
which  we  are  ever  passing. — To  A.  CORAY. 
vii,  323.  (M.,  1823.) 

1727.  CONSTITUTIONS  (American), 
Best  of  all  Constitutions. — The  worst  of  the 
American  constitutions  is  better  than  the  best 
which  ever  existed  before  in  any  other 


country,  and  they  are  wonderfully  perfect 
for  a  first  essay.  Yet,  every  human  essay 
must  have  defects. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  ii, 
175.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  403.  (P.,  1787.) 

1728.  CONSTITUTIONS       (American), 

Characteristics  of. — Our  Revolution  *  *  * 
presented  us  an  album  on  which  we  were  free 
to  write  what  we  pleased.  *  *  *  Yet  we 
did  not  avail  ourselves  of  all  the  advantages 
of  our  position.  We  had  never  been  per 
mitted  to  exercise  self-government.  When 
forced  to  assume  it,  we  were  novices  in  its 
science.  Its  principles  and  forms  had  entered 
little  into  our  former  education.  We  es 
tablished,  however,  some  although  not  all 
its  important  principles.  The  constitutions  of 
most  of  our  States  assert  that  all  power  is 
inherent  in  the  people ;  that  they  may  exercise 
it  by  themselves,  in  all  cases  to  which  they 
think  themselves  competent  (as  in  electing 
their  functionaries  executive  and  legislative, 
and  deciding  by  a  jury  of  themselves,  ,in  all 
judiciary  cases  in  which  any  fact  is  involved), 
or  they  may  act  by  representatives,  freely  and 
equally  chosen;  that  it  is  their  right  and 
duty  to  be  at  all  times  armed ;  that  they  are 
entitled  to  freedom  of  person,  freedom  of  re 
ligion,  freedom  of  property,  and  freedom  of 
the  press.  In  the  structure  of  our  legisla 
tures,  we  think  experience  has  proved  the 
benefit  of  subjecting  questions  to  two  sep 
arate  bodies  of  deliberants ;  but  in  consti 
tuting  these,  natural  right  has  been  mistaken, 
some  making  one  of  these  bodies,  and  some 
both,  the  representatives  of  property  instead 
of  persons ;  whereas  the  double  deliberation 
might  be  as  well  obtained  without  any  viola 
tion  of  true  principle,  either  by  requiring  a 
greater  age  in  one  of  the  bodies,  or  by  electing 
a  proper  number  of  representatives  of  persons, 
dividing  them  by  lots  into  two  chambers,  and 
renewing  the  division  at  frequent  intervals, 
in  order  to  break  up  all  cabals. — To  JOHN 
CARTWRIGHT.  vii,  356.  (M.,  1824.) 

1729.  CONSTITUTIONS       (American), 

English  Constitution  and. — The  first  princi 
ple  of  a  good  government  is,  certainly,  a  dis 
tribution  of  its  powers  into  executive,  judici 
ary  and  legislative,  and  a  subdivision  of 
the  latter  into  two  or  three  branches.  It  is 
a  good  step  gained,  when  it  is  proved  that  the 
English  Constitution,  acknowledged  to  be 
better  than  all  which  have  preceded  it,  is  only 
better  in  proportion  as  it  has  approached 
nearer  to  this  distribution  of  powers.  From 
this,  the  last  step  is  easy,  to  show  by  a  com 
parison  of  our  constitutions  with  that  of 
England,  how  much  more  perfect  they  are. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  ii,  282.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  454. 
(P.,  1787.) 

1730.  CONSTITUTIONS       (American), 
Happiness  under. — It  is  a  misfortune  that 
our  countrymen  do  not  sufficiently  know  the 
value  of  their  constitutions,   and  how  much 
happier  they  are  rendered  by  them  than  any 
other  people    on    earth    by    the    governments 
under    which    they   live.— To   JOHN    ADAMS. 
ii.  282.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  455.     (P.,  1787.) 


199 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Constitutions 


1731.  CONSTITUTIONS       (American), 
Permanent. — A  permanent  constitution  must 
be  the  work  of  quiet,  leisure,  much  inquiry, 
and  great   deliberation. — To  A.    CORAY.     vii, 
320.     (M.,  1823.) 

1732.  CONSTITUTIONS       (American), 
Principles  of. — There  are  certain  principles 
in    which    our    constitutions    all    agree,  and 
which  all  cherish  as  vitally  essential  to  the 
protection  of  the  life,   liberty,   property,   and 
safety   of   the   citizen,    i.    Freedom   of   relig 
ion,  restricted  only  from  acts  of  trespass  on 
that  of  others.     2.  Freedom  of  person,  secur 
ing  every  one  from  imprisonment,   or  other 
bodily  restraint,  but  by  the  laws  of  the  land. 
This  is  effected  by  the  law  of  habeas  corpus. 
3.  Trial  by  jury,  the  best  of  all  safe-guards 
for  the  person,  the  property,  and  the  fame  of 
every   individual.     4.  The  exclusive   right  of 
legislation  and  taxation  in  the  representatives 
of  the  people.     5.  Freedom  of  the  press,  sub 
ject  only  to  liability  for  personal  injuries. — 
To  A.  CORAY.    vii,  323.     (M.,  1823.) 

1733.  CONSTITUTIONS  (American), 
Revision  of. — Some  men  look  at  constitu 
tions  with  sanctimonious  reverence,  and  deem 
them  like  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  too  sacred 
to  be  touched.  They  ascribe  to  the  men  of 
the  preceding  age  a  wisdom  more  than  human, 
and  suppose  what  they  did  to  be  beyond 
amendment.  I  knew  that  age  well:  I  be 
longed  to  it,  and  labored  with  it.  It  deserved 
well  of  its  country.  It  was  very  like  the 
present,  but  without  the  experience  of  the 
present ;  and  forty  years  of  experience  in 
government  is  worth  a  century  of  book- 
reading;  and  this  they  would  say  themselves, 
were  they  to  rise  from  the  dead.  I  am  cer 
tainly  not  an  advocate  for  frequent  and  un 
tried  changes  in  laws  and  constitutions.  I 
think  moderate  imperfections  had  better  be 
borne  with;  because,  when  once  known,  we 
accommodate  ourselves  to  them  and  find 
practical  means  of  correcting  their  ill  effects. 
But  I  know,  also,  that  laws  and  institutions 
must  go  hand  in  hand  with  the  progress  of 
the  human  mind.  As  that  becomes  more  de 
veloped,  more  enlightened,  as  new  discoveries 
are  made,  new  truths  disclosed,  and  manners 
and  opinions  change  with  the  change  of 
circumstances,  institutions  must  advance  also, 
and  keep  pace  with  the  times.  We  might  as 
well  require  a  man  to  wear  still  the  coat  which 
fitted  him  when  a  boy,  as  civilized  society  to 
remain  ever  under  the  regimen  of  their  bar 
barous  ancestors.  It  is  this  preposterous  idea 
which  has  lately  deluged  Europe  in  blood. 
Their  monarchs,  instead  of  wisely  yielding  to 
the  gradual  change  of  circumstances,  of 
favoring  progressive  accommodation  to  pro 
gressive  improvement,  have  clung  to  old 
abuses,  entrenched  themselves  behind  steady 
habits,  and  obliged  their  subjects  to  seek 
through  blood  and  violence  rash  and  ruinous 
innovations,  which,  had  they  been  referred 
to  the  peaceful  deliberations  and  collected  wis 
dom  of  the  nation,  would  have  been  put  into 
acceptable  and  salutary  forms.  Let  us  follow 
no  such  examples,  nor  weakly  believe  that  one 
generation  is  not  as  capable  as  another  of 


taking  care  of  itself,  and  of  ordering  its  own 
affairs.  Let  us  [Virginia],  as  our  sister 
States  have  done,  avail  ourselves  of  our  reason 
and  experience,  to  correct  the  crude  essays  of 
our  first  and  unexperienced,  although  wise, 
virtuous,  and  well  meaning  councils.  And 
lastly,  let  us  provide  in  our  Constitution  for 
its  revision  at  stated  periods.  What  these 
periods  should  be,  nature  herself  indicates.  By 
the  European  tables  of  mortality,  of  the  adults 
living  at  any  one  moment  of  time,  a  majority 
will  be  dead  in  about  nineteen  years.  At  the 
end  of  that  period  then,  a  new  majority  is 
come  into  place ;  or,  in  other  words,  a  new 
generation.  Each  generation  is  as  independ 
ent  of  the  one  preceding  as  that  was  of  all 
which  has  gone  before.  It  has,  then,  like 
them,  a  right  to  choose  for  itself  the  form  of 
government  it  believes  most  promotive  of 
its  own  happiness  ;  consequently,  to  accommo 
date  to  the  circumstances  in  which  it  finds 
itself,  that  received  from  its  predecessors ;  and 
it  is  for  the  peace  and  good  of  mankind,  that 
a  solemn  opportunity  of  doing  this  every 
nineteen  or  twenty  years,  should  be  provided 
by  the  Constitution  ;  so  that  it  may  be  handed 
on,  with  periodical  repairs,  from  generation  to 
generation,  to  the  end  of  time,  if  anything 
human  can  so  long  endure.  It  is  now  forty 
years  since  the  Constitution  of  Virginia  was 
formed.  The  same  tables  inform  us,  that, 
within  that  period,  two-thirds  of  the  adults 
then  living  are  now  dead.  Have,  then,  the  re 
maining  third,  even  if  they  had  the  wish, 
the  right  to  hold  in  obedience  to  their  will, 
and  to  laws  heretofore  made  by  them, 
the  other  two-thirds,  who,  with  themselves, 
compose  the  present  mass  of  adults?  If  they 
have  not,  who  has?  The  dead?  But  the 
dead  have  no  rights.  They  are  nothing;  and 
nothing  can  not  own  something.  Where 
there  is  no  substance,  there  can  be  no  acci 
dent.  This  corporeal  globe,  and  everything 
upon  it,  belong  to  its  present  corporeal  in 
habitants,  during  their  generation.  They 
alone  have  a  right  to  direct  what  is  the  con 
cern  of  themselves  alone,  and  to  declare  the 
law  of  that  direction ;  and  this  declaration  can 
only  be  made  by  their  majority.  That  ma 
jority,  then,  has  a  right  to  depute  representa 
tives  to  a  convention,  and  to  make  the  con 
stitution  what  they  think  will  be  the  best  for 
themselves.  ...  If  this  avenue  be  shut 
to  the  call  of  sufferance,  it  will  make  itself 
heard  through  that  of  force,  and  we  shall  go 
on,  as  other  nations  are  doing,  in  the  endless 
circle  of  oppression,  rebellion,  reformation; 
and  oppression,  rebellion,  reformation,  again; 
and  so  on  forever. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL, 
vii,  14.  FORD  ED.,  x,  42.  (M.,  1816.) 

1734.  CONSTITUTIONS  (American), 
Written. — Though  written  constitutions  may 
be  violated  in  moments  of  passion  or  delusion, 
yet  they  furnish  a  text  to  which  those  who  are 
watchful  may  again  rally  and  recall  the  people. 
They  fix,  too,  for  the  people  the  principles  of 
their  political  creed. — To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIEST 
LEY,  iv,  441.  FORDED.,  viii,  159.  (W.,  1802.) 

1735. .  Virginia  was  not  only 

the  first  of  the  American  States,  but  the  first 


Constitutions 
Consuls 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


2OO 


nation  in  the  world,  at  least  within  the 
records  of  history,  which,  peaceably  by  its 
wise  men,  formed  on  free  deliberation  a  con 
stitution  of  government  for  itself,  and  de 
posited  it  in  writing  among  their  archives, 
always  ready  and  open  to  the  appeal  of  every 
citizen. — To  JOHN  HAMBDEN  PLEASANTS.  vii, 
344.  FORD  ED.,  x,  302.  (M.,  1824.) 

1736. .     Virginia    was    not   only 

the  first  of  the  States,  but,  I  believe  I  may 
say,  the  first  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  which 
assembled  its  wise  men  peaceably  together  to 
form  a  fundamental  constitution,  to  commit  it 
to  writing,  and  place  it  among  their  archives, 
where  everyone  should  be  free  to  appeal  to  its 
text.  But  this  act  was  very  imperfect.  The 
other  States,  as  they  proceeded  successively  to 
the  same  work,  made  successive  improve 
ments:  and  several  of  them,  still  further  cor 
rected  by  experience,  have,  by  conventions, 
still  further  amended  their  first  forms.  Vir 
ginia  has  gone  on  so  far  with  its  premiere 
ebauche;  but  is  now  proposing  a  convention 
for  amendment. — To  JOHN  CARTWRIGHT.  vii, 
357.  (M.,  1824.) 

1737.  CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  CON 
STITUTION.— Our  peculiar  security  is  in  the 
possession  of  a  written  Constitution.     Let  us 
not  make  it  a  blank  paper  by  construction. — 
To    WILSON    C.    NICHOLAS,     iv,    506.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  247.     (M.,  1803.)    See  1666. 

1738.  CONSTRUCTION    OF    INSTRU 
MENTS. — When  an  instrument  admits  two 
constructions,   the  one   safe,   the    other  dan 
gerous,  the  one  precise,  the  other  indefinite,  I 
prefer   that   which   is    safe   and   precise. — To 

WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS.  i<v.  506.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  247.  (M.,  1803.) 

1739.  CONSULAR  CONVENTION,  His 
tory  of  French.— In  1784  a  convention  was 
entered  into  between  Dr.   Franklin  and  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  concerning  consuls.       It 
contained  many  things  absolutely  inadmissible 
by  the  laws  of  the  several  States,  and  incon 
sistent  with  their  genius  and  character.     Dr. 
Franklin  not  being  a  lawyer,  and  the  project 
offered  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  being  a 
copy   of   the   conventions   which   were   estab 
lished  between  France  and  the  despotic  States 
on  the  continent  (for  with  England  they  never 
had  one),   he   seems   to   have   supposed   it   a 
formula  established  by  universal  experience, 
and  not  to  have  suspected  that  it  might  con 
tain    matters,    inconsistent    with    the    princi 
ples  of  a  free  people.     He  returned  to  Amer 
ica  soon  after  the  signature  of  it.     Congress 
received  it  with  the  deepest  concern.     They 
honored  Dr.  Franklin,  they  were  attached  to 
the   French   nation;   but   they   could   not   re 
linquish    fundamental    principles.     They    de 
clined  ratifying  it,  and  sent  it  back  with  new 
powers    and    instructions    to    Mr.  Jefferson, 
who  succeeded  Dr.   Franklin  at  Paris.     The 
most  objectionable  matters  were  the  privileges 
and  exemptions  given  to  the  consuls,  and  their 
powers  over  persons  of  the  nation,  establish 
ing  a  jurisdiction  independent  of  that  of  the 
nation  in  which  it  was  exercised,  and  uncon 


trollable  by  it.  The  French  government 
valued  these  because  they  then  apprehended  a 
very  extensive  emigration  from  France  to  the 
United  States,  which  this  convention  enabled 
them  to  control.  It  was,  therefore,  with  the 
utmost  reluctance,  and  inch  by  inch,  that  they 
could  be  induced  to  relinquish  those  condi 
tions.  The  following  changes,  however,  were 
effected  by  the  convention  of  1788:  The 
clauses  of  the  convention  of  1784,  clothing 
consuls  with  the  privileges  of  the  laws  of 
nations,  were  struck  out,  and  they  were  ex 
pressly  subjected  in  their  persons  and  prop 
erty,  to  the  laws  of  the  land.  The  giving  the 
right  of  sanctuary  to  their  houses  was  re 
duced  to  a  protection  of  their  chancery  room 
and  its  papers.  Their  coercive  power  over 
passengers  were  taken  away ;  and  those  whom 
they  might  have  termed  deserters  of  their 
nation,  were  restrained  to  deserted  seamen 
only.  The  clause  allowing  them  to  arrest  and 
send  back  vessels  was  struck  out,  and  instead 
of  it  they  were  allowed  to  exercise  a  police 
over  the  ships  of  their  nation  generally.  So 
was  that  which  declared  the  indelibility  of  the 
character  of  subject,  and  the  explanation  and 
extension  of  the  eleventh  article  of  the  treaty 
of  amity.  The  innovations  in  the  laws  of 
evidence  were  done  away ;  and  the  convention, 
from  being  perpetual,  was  limited  to  twelve 
years.  Although  strong  endeavors  were  made 
to  do  away  some  other  disagreeable  articles, 
yet  it  was  found  that  more  could  not  be  done 
without  disturbing  the  good  humor,  which 
Congress  wished  so  much  to  preserve,  and  the 
limitation  obtained  for  the  continuance  of  the 
convention  insured  our  getting  finally  rid  of 
the  whole.  Congress,  therefore,  satisfied  with 
having  so  far  amended  their  situation,  ratified 
the  convention  of  1788  without  hesitation.* — 
To  MR.  WINGATE.  ix,  462.  (1803.) 

1740. .     A   consular   convention 

had  been  agreed  on  in  1784,  between  Dr. 
Franklin  and  the  French  government,  con 
taining  several  articles,  so  entirely  inconsistent 
with  the  laws  of  the  several  States,  and  the 
general  spirit  of  our  citizens,  that  Congress 
withheld  their  ratification,  and  sent  it  back  to 
me  with  instructions  to  get  those  articles 
expunged,  or  modified,  so  as  to  render  them 
compatible  with  our  laws.  The  Minister  un 
willingly  released  us  from  these  concessions, 
which,  indeed,  authorized  the  exercise  of 
powers  very  offensive  in  a  free  State.  After 
much  discussion,  the  convention  was  reformed 
in  a  considerable  degree,  and  was  signed  by 
the  Count  Montmorin  and  myself,  on  the  I4th 
of  November,  1788;  not,  indeed,  such  as  I 
would  have  wished,  but  such  as  could  be  ob 
tained  with  good  humor  and  friendship. — AU 
TOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  85.  FORD  ED.,  i,  117.  (1821.) 

1741.  CONSULS,      The      Confederation 

— As  the  States  have  renounced  the  sepa 
rate  power  of  making  treaties  with  foreign 
nations,  they  cannot  separately  receive  a  con 
sul ;  and  as  Congress  have,  by  the  confed 
eration,  no  immediate  jurisdiction  over  com- 

*  This  convention  is  the  basis  of  our  consular  sys 
tem,  which  is  practically  the  same  as  Jefferson  ar 
ranged  it.— EDITOR. 


201 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Consuls 


merce,  as  they  have  only  a  power  of  bringing 
that  jurisdiction  into  existence  by  entering 
into  a  treaty,  till  such  treaty  be  entered  into, 
Congress  themselves  cannot  receive  a  consul. 
Till  a  treaty,  then,  there  exists  no  power  in 
any  part  of  our  government,  federal  or  partic 
ular,  to  admit  a  consul  among  us.  *  *  * 
Nothing  less  than  a  new  article,  to  be  agreed 
to  by  all  the  States,  would  enable  Congress, 
or  the  particular  States,  to  receive  him. — To 
DAVID  HARTLEY,  i,  426.  FORD  EDV  iv,  96. 
(P.,  1785.) 

1742.  CONSULS,  Creation  of.— A  consul 
is  the  creature  of  a  treaty.  No  nation  with 
out  an  agreement,  can  place  an  officer  m 
another  country,  with  any  powers  or  juris 
diction  whatever.— To  DAVID  HARTLEY,  i, 
426.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  96.  (P.,  1785.) 

1743. .  A  consul  is  the  creature 

of  a  convention  altogether ;  without  this  he 
must  be  unknown,  and  his  jurisdiction  un 
acknowledged  by  the  laws  of  the  country  in 
which  he  is  placed.  The  will  of  the  sovereign 
in  most  countries  can  give  a  jurisdiction  by  a 
simple  order.  With  us,  the  Confederation  ad 
mitting  Congress  to  make  treaties  with  foreign 
powers,  they  can  by  treaty  or  convention, 
provide  for  the  admission  and  jurisdiction  of 
consuls  and  the  Confederation,  and  whatever 
is  done  under  it,  being  paramount  to  the  laws 
of  the  States,  this  establishes  the  power  of  the 
consuls.  But  without  a  convention,  the  laws 
of  the  States  cannot  take  any  notice  of  a 
consul,  nor  permit  him  to  exercise  any  juris 
diction. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  17. 
(P.,  1786.) 

1744.  CONSULS,    Excluded.— With    re 
spect  to  the  placing  consuls   in   the   British 
[West   India]    Islands,   we  are  so  far   from 
being  permitted   that   a   common   mercantile 
factor   is  not   permitted   by   their   laws. — To 
MR.  COXE.    iv,  69.     (1793.) 

1745.  CONSULS,    Inutility    of.— As    to 
ourselves,  we  do  not  find  the  institution  of 
consuls    very    necessary.      Its    history    com 
mences  in  times  of  barbarism,  and  might  well 
have  ended  with  them.     During  these,  they 
were  perhaps  useful,  and  may  still  be  so  in 
countries  not  yet  emerged  from  that  condition. 
But  all  civilized  nations  at  this  day,  under 
stand  so  well  the  advantages  of  commerce, 
that  they  provide  protection  and  encourage 
ment    for    merchant    strangers    and    vessels 
coming  among  them.     So  extensive,  too,  have 
commercial    connections    now    become,    that 
every  mercantile  house  has  correspondents  in 
almost  every  port.     They  address  their  vessels 
to   these  correspondents,  who   are   found   to 
take  better  care  of  their  interests,  and  to  ob 
tain  more  effectually  the  protection  of  the  laws 
of  the  country  for  them,  than  the  consul  of 
their  nation  can.     He  is  generally  a  foreigner, 
unpossessed  of  the  little  details  of  knowledge 
of  greatest  use  to  them.     He  makes  national 
questions  of  all  the  difficulties  which  arise; 
the  correspondent  prevents  them.     We  carry 
on  commerce  with  good  success  in  all  parts  of 
the  world ;   yet  we  have  not  a  consul   in   a 
single  port,  nor  a  complaint  for  the  want  of 


one,  except  from  the  persons  who  wish  to  be 
consuls  themselves.  Though  these  consid 
erations  may  not  be  strong  enough  to  establish 
the  absolute  inutility  of  consuls,  they  may 
make  us  less  anxious  to  extend  their  privileges 
and  jurisdictions,  so  as  to  render  them  ob 
jects  of  jealousy  and  irritation  in  the  places  of 
their  residence.  That  the  government  [of 
France]  thinks  them  useful,  is  sufficient  rea 
son  for  us  to  give  them  all  the  functions  and 
facilities  which  our  circumstances  will  admit. 
Instead,  therefore,  of  declining,  every  article 
[in  the  consular  convention]  which  will  be 
useless  to  us,  we  accede  to  everyone  which  will 
not  be  inconvenient.  Had  this  nation  alone 
been  concerned,  our  desire  to  gratify  them, 
might  have  tempted  us  to  press  still  harder 
on  the  laws  and  opinions  of  our  country.  But 
your  Excellency  knows,  that  we  stand  engaged 
in  treaties  with  some  nations,  which  wilt  give 
them  occasion  to  claim  whatever  privileges 
we  yield  to  any  other.  This  renders  circum 
spection  more  necessary. — To  COUNT  DE 
MONTMORIN.  ii,  420.  (P.,  1788.) 

1746.  CONSULS,  Law  of  Nations  and. 

— The  law  of  nations  does  not  of  itself  extend 
to  consuls  at  all.  They  are  not  of  the  diplo 
matic  class  of  characters,  to  which  alone  that 
law  extends  of  right.  Convention,  indeed, 
may  give  it  to  them,  and  sometimes  has  done 
so;  but  in  that  case,  the  convention  can  be 
produced.  In  ours  with  France,  it  is  ex 
pressly  declared  that  consuls  shall  not  have 
the  privileges  of  that  law,  and  we  have  no 
convention  with  any  other  nation.  *  *  * 
Independently  of  law,  consuls  are  to  be  con 
sidered  as  distinguished  foreigners,  dignified 
by  a  commission  from  their  sovereign,  and 
specially  recommended  by  him  to  the  respect 
of  the  nation  with  whom  they  reside.  They 
are  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  indeed, 
precisely  as  other  foreigners  are,  a  convention, 
where  there  is  one,  making  a  part  of  the  laws 
of  the  land ;  but  if  at  any  time,  their  conduct 
should  render  it  necessary  to  assert  the  au 
thority  of  the  laws  over  them,  the  rigor  of 
those  laws  should  be  tempered  by  our  respect 
for  their  sovereign,  as  far  as  the  case  will  ad 
mit.  This  moderate  and  respectful  treatment 
towards  foreign  consuls,  it  is  my  duty  to 
recommend  and  press  on  our  citizens,  be 
cause  I  ask  it  for  their  good  towards  our 
own  consuls,  from  the  people  with  whom  they 
reside.— To  T.  NEWTON,  iii,  295.  (1791.) 

1747.  CONSULS,  Market  Reports  and. 

— It  would  be  useful  if  the  consuls  could  for 
ward  directly  to  me,  from  time  to  time,  the 
prices  current  of  their  place,  and  any  other 
circumstance  which  it  might  be  interesting 
to  make  known  to  our  merchants  without 
delay. — CIRCULAR  TO  CONSULS,  iii,  430.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

1748.  CONSULS,  Native  Citizens  for.— 
With    respect   to   the   consular   appointments 
it  is  a  duty  on  me  to  add  some  observations, 
which  my  situation  here  has  enabled  me  to 
make.     I  think  it  was  in  the  spring  of  1784, 
that  Congress  (harassed  by  multiplied  appli 
cations  of  foreigners,  of  whom  nothing  was 


Consuls 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


2O2 


known  but  on  their  own  information,  or  on 
that  of  others  as  unknown  as  themselves) 
came  to  a  resolution,  that  the  interest  of 
America  would  not  permit  the  naming  any 
person,  not  a  citizen,  to  the  office  of  consul, 
vice-consul,  agent  or  commissary.  This  was 
intended  as  a  general  answer  to  that  swarm 
of  foreign  pretenders.  It  appears  to  me, 
that  it  will  be  best  still  to  preserve  a  part  of 
this  regulation.  Native  citizens,  on  several 
valuable  accounts,  are  preferable  to  aliens, 
and  to  citizens  alien-born.  They  possess  our 
language,  know  our  laws,  customs,  and  com 
merce;  have,  generally,  acquaintance  in  the 
United  States ;  give  better  satisfaction,  and 
are  more  to  be  relied  on  in  point  of  fidel 
ity.  Their  disadvantages  are  an  imperfect  ac 
quaintance  with  the  language  of  this  country, 
and  an  ignorance  of  the  organization  of  its  ju 
dicial  and  executive  powers,  and  consequent 
awkwardness,  whenever  application  to  either 
of  these  is  necessary,  as  it  frequently  is.  But 
it  happens  that  in  some  of  the  principal  ports 
of  France,  there  is  not  a  single  American 
(as  in  Marseilles,  L'Orient,  and  Havre),  in 
others  but  one  (as  in  Nantes  and  Rouen), 
and  in  Bordeaux  only,  are  there  two  or  three. 
Fortunately  for  the  present  moment,  most  of 
these  are  worthy  of  appointments.  But  we 
should  look  forward  to  future  times,  when 
there  may  happen  to  be  no  native  citizens  in  a 
port,  but  such  as,  being  bankrupt,  have  taken 
asylum  in  France  from  their  creditors,  or 
young  ephemeral  adventurers  in  commerce, 
without  substance  or  conduct,  or  other  de 
scriptions,  which  might  disgrace  the  consular 
office,  without  protecting  our  commerce.  To 
avail  ourselves  of  our  good  native  citizens, 
when  we  have  one  in  a  port,  and  when  there 
are  none,  to  have  yet  some  person  to  attend  to 
our  affairs,  it  appears  to  me  advisable,  to  de 
clare  by  a  standing  law  that  no  person  but  a 
native  citizen  shall  be  capable  of  the  office  of 
consul,,  and  that  the  consul's  presence  in  his 
port  shall  suspend,  for  the  time,  the  functions 
of  the  vice-consul.  This  is  the  rule  of  1784, 
restrained  to  the  office  of  consul,  and  to  native 
citizens.  The  establishing  this,  by  a  standing 
law,  will  guard  against  the  effect  of  particular 
applications,  and  will  shut  the  door  against 
such  appplications. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  494. 
(P.,  1788.) 

1749. .     The  office  of  vice-consul 

may  be  given  to  the  best  subject  in  the  port, 
whether  citizen  or  alien;  and  that  of  consul 
be  kept  open  for  any  native  citizen  of  superior 
qualifications,  who  might  come  afterwards  to 
establish  himself  in  the  port.  The  functions  of 
the  vice-consul  would  become  dormant  during 
the  presence  of  his  principal,  come  into  ac 
tivity  again  on  his  departure,  and  thus  spare 
us  and  them  the  painful  operation  of  revo 
king  and  reviving  their  commissions  perpet 
ually.  Add  to  this  that  during  the  presence 
of  the  consul,  the  vice-consul  would  not  be 
merely  useless,  but  would  be  a  valuable  coun 
sellor  to  his  principal,  new  in  the  office,  the 
language,  laws  and  customs  of  the  country. 
Every  consul  and  vice-consul  should  be  re 
strained  in  his  jurisdiction  to  the  port  for 


which  he  is  named,  and  the  territory  nearer  to 
that  than  to  any  other  consular  or  vice-con 
sular  port,  and  no  idea  be  permitted  to  arise 
that  the  grade  of  consul  gives  a  right  to  any 
authority  whatever  over  a  vice-consul,  or 
draws  on  any  dependence.— To  JOHN  JAY.  ii, 
496.  (P.,  1788.) 

1750.  — . .     The     determination     to 

appoint  natives  only  is  generally  proper,  but 
not  always.     These  places  are   for  the  most 
part  of  little  consequence  to  the  public;  and  if 
they  can  be  made  resources  of  profit  to  our 
ex-military  worthies,  they  are  so  far  advanta 
geous.     You  and  I,  however,  know  that  one 
of   these   novices,    knowing   nothing   of   the 
laws,  or  authorities  of  his  port,  nor  speaking 
a  word  of  its  language,  is  of  no  more  account 
than  the  fifth  wheel  of  a  coach.— To  JAMES 
MONROE,    vi,  552.     (M.,  1816.) 

1751.  CONSULS,      Punished.— One      of 
Genet's    consuls*    has    committed    a    pretty 
serious   deed   at    Boston,    by   going   with    an 
armed  force  taken  from  a  French  frigate  in 
the  harbor,  and  rescuing  a  vessel  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  marshal  who  had  arrested  her  by 
process  from  a  court  of  justice;   in  another 
instance,  he  kept  off  the  marshal  by  an  armed 
force    from    serving   a   process    on    a   vessel. 
He  is  ordered,   consequently,   to  be  arrested 
himself,  prosecuted  and  punished  for  the  res 
cue,  and  his  exequatur  will  be  revoked. — To 
JAMES    MADISON,    iv,  52.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  401. 
(Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1752 .  The  President  is  in 
formed  that  M.  Duplaine,  consul  of 
France  at  Boston,  has  *  *  *  rescued  a 
vessel  from  the  officer  of  the  court  of  justice, 
by  process  from  which  she  was  under  arrest 
in  his  custody;  and  that  he  has  in  like  manner, 
with  an  armed  force,  opposed  and  prevented 
the  officer,  charged  with  process  from  a  court 
against  another  vessel,  from  serving  that  proc 
ess.  This  daring  violation  of  the  laws  re 
quires  the  more  attention,  as  it  is  by  a  for 
eigner  clothed  with  a  public  character,  arro 
gating  an  unfounded  right  to  Admiralty  juris 
diction,  and  probably  meaning  to  assert  it  by 
this  act  of  force.  By  the  law  of  nations,  con 
suls  are  not  diplomatic  characters,  and  have 
no  immunities  whatever  against  the  laws  of 
the  land.  To  put  this  altogether  out  of  dis 
pute,  a  clause  was  inserted  in  our  consular 
convention  with  France,  making  them  ame 
nable  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  as  other  inhab 
itants.  Consequently,  M.  Duplaine  is  liable  to 
arrest,  imprisonment,  and  other  punishments, 
even  capital,  as  other  foreign  subjects  resident 
here.  *  You  will  immediately  in 
stitute  such  a  prosecution  against  him  as  the 
laws  will  warrant. — To  CHRISTOPHER  GORE. 
iv,  55-  FORD  ED.,  vi,  404.  (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1753. .  If  there  be  any  doubt  as 

to  the  character  of  his  offence,  whether  of  a 
higher  or  a  lower  grade,  it  will  be  best  to 
prosecute  for  that  which  will  admit  the  least 
doubt,  because  an  acquittal,  though  it  might 

*  The  consuls  appointed  by  Genet  when  he  camo 
here  as  Minister  of  the  French  Republic.— EDITOK, 


203 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Consuls 
Contention 


be  founded  on  the  opinion  that  the  grade  of 
offence  with  which  he  is  charged  is  higher 
than  his  act  would  support,  yet  it  might  be 
construed  by  the  uninformed  to  be  a  judiciary 
decision  against  his  amenability  to  the  law,  or 
perhaps  in  favor  of  the  jurisdictions  these 
consuls  [Genet's  appointments]  are  assuming. 
The  process,  therefore,  should  be  of  the 
surest  kind,  and  all  the  proceedings  well 
grounded. — To  CHRISTOPHER  GORE,  iv,  55. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  405.  (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1754.  -  — .     If  an  arrest    *    *    *    be 
the  first  step,  it  should  be  so  managed  as  to 
leave  room  neither  for  escape  nor  rescue.     It 
should  be  attended  with  every  mark  of  respect, 
consistent  with  safe  custody,  and  his  confine 
ment  as  mild  and  comfortable  also,  as  that 
would  permit.     These  are  the  distinctions  to 
which  a  consul  is  entitled,  that  is  to  say,  of  a 
particular    decorum    of    deportment    towards 
him,    indicative   of   respect   to   the    sovereign 
whose  officer  he  is. — To  CHRISTOPHER  GORE. 
iv,  55.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  405.     (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1755.  CONSULS,  Reception  of.— We  are 
very  far  from  admitting  your  principle,  that 
the  government  on  their  side  has  no  other 
right,  on  the  presentation  of  a  consular  com 
mission,  than  to  certify  that,  having  examined 
it,  they  find  it  according  to  rule.   The  govern 
ments  of  both  nations  have  a  right,  and  that 
of  yours  has  exercised  it  as  to  us,  of  consider 
ing  the  character  of  the  person  appointed ;  the 
place  for  which  he  is  appointed,  and  other  ma 
terial  circumstances ;    and  of  taking  precau 
tions  as  to  his  conduct,  if  necessary ;   and  this 
does  not  defeat  the  general  object  of  the  con 
vention,  which,  in  stipulating  that  consuls  shall 
be  promoted  on  both  sides,  could  not  mean  to 
supersede  reasonable  objections  to  particular 
persons,  who  might  at  the  moment  be  obnox 
ious  to  the  nation  to  which  they  were  sent, 
or  whose  conduct  might  render  them  so  at  any 
time  hereafter.     In  fact,  every  foreign  agent 
depends  on  the  double  will  of  the  two  govern 
ments,  of  that  which  sends  him,  and  of  that 
which  is  to  permit  the  exercise  of  his  func 
tions  within  their  territory ;  and  when  either 
of  these  wills  is  refused  or  withdrawn,  his  au 
thority  to  act  within  that  territory  becomes 
incomplete. — To  E.  C.  GENET,     iv,  90.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  463.     (Pa.,  Dec.  I793-) 

1756. .     By  what  member  of  the 

government  the  right  of  giving  or  withdraw 
ing  permission  is  to  be  exercised  here,  is  a 
question  on  which  no  foreign  agent  can  be 
permitted  to  make  himself  the  umpire.  It  is 
sufficient  for  him,  under  our  government,  that 
he  is  informed  of  it  by  the  Executive. — To 
E.  C.  GENET,  iv,  90.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  463.  (Pa., 
Dec.  1793.) 

1757.  CONSULS,      Uniform     for.— The 

consuls  and  vice-consuls  of  the  United  States 
are  free  to  wear  the  uniform  of  their  navy,  if 
they  choose  to  do  so.  This  is  a  deep  blue  coat 
with  red  facings,  lining  and  cuffs,  the  cuffs 
slashed  and  a  standing  collar ;  a  red  waistcoat 
(laced  or  not  at  the  election  of  the  wearer) 
and  blue  breeches ;  yellow  buttons  with  a  foul 


anchor,  and  black  cockades  and  small  swords. 
— To  THE  CONSULS  OF  THE  U.  S.  iii,  187. 
(1790.) 

1758.  CONSULS,  Usurpation  of  Juris 
diction  by. — I  have  it  in  charge,  from  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  give  notice 
to  all  the  consuls  and  vice-consuls  of  France, 
that  if  any  of  them  *  *  *  shall  assume 
any  jurisdiction  not  expressly  given  by  the 
convention  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  the  exequatur  of  the  consul  FO  trans 
gressing  will  be  immediately  revoked,  and  his 
person  submitted  to  such  prosecutions  and 
punishments  as  the  laws  may  prescribe  for  the 
case. — CIRCULAR  TO  FRENCH  CONSULS.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  417.  (Sep.  1793.) 

1759. .     We  learn     *     *     *     that 

the  [French]  consul  of  New  York,  in  the 
first  instance,  and  yourself  in  a  subsequent 
one,  forbade  an  officer  of  justice  to  serve  the 
process  with  which  he  was  charged  from  his 
court,  on  the  British  brig  William  Tell,  taken 
by  a  French  armed  vessel,  within  a  mile  of 
our  shores,  *  *  *  and  that  you  had  even 
given  orders  to  the  French  squadron  there  to 
protect  the  vessel  against  any  person  who 
should  attempt  to  take  her  from  their  custody. 
If  this  opposition  were  founded,  *  *  *  on 
the  indulgence  of  the  letters  before  cited 
[with  respect  to  the  William  Tell],  it  was  ex 
tending  that  to  a  case  not  within  their  pur 
view  ;  and  even  had  it  been  precisely  the  case 
to  which  they  were  to  be  applied,  is  it  pos 
sible  to  imagine  you  might  assert  it,  within  the 
body  of  the  country,  by  force  of  arms?  1 
forbear  to  make  the  observations  which  such 
a  measure  must  suggest,  and  cannot  but  be 
lieve  that  a  moment's  reflection  will  evince  to 
you  the  depth  of  the  error  committed  in  this 
opposition  to  an  officer  of  justice,  and  in  the 
means  proposed  to  be  resorted  to  in  support 
of  it.  I  am,  therefore,  charged  to  declare  to 
you  expressly,  that  the  President  expects  and 
requires,  that  the  officer  of  justice  be  not  ob 
structed,  in  freely  and  peaceably  serving  the 
process  of  his  court;  and  that,  in  the  mean 
time,  the  vessel  and  her  cargo  be  not  suffered 
to  depart,  till  the  judiciary,  if  it  will  undertake 
it,  or  himself,  if  not,  shall  decide  whether  the 
seizure  has  been  within  the  limits  of  our  pro 
tection. — To  E.  C.  GENET,  iv,  68.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  421.  (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1760. .     With     respect     to     the 

usurpation  of  admiralty  jurisdiction  by  the 
consuls  of  France,  within  these  States,  the 
honor  and  rights  of  the  States  themselves 
were  sufficient  motives  for  the  Executive  to 
take  measures  to  prevent  its  continuance,  as 
soon  as  they  were  apprised  of  it.  They  have 
been  led,  by  particular  considerations,  to  await 
the  effect  of  these  measures,  believing  they 
would  be  sufficient ;  but  finding  at  length  they 
were  not,  such  others  have  been  lately  taken, 
as  can  no  longer  fail  to  suppress  this  irregu 
larity  completely. — To  GEORGE  HAMMOND. 
iv,  66.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  424.  (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

1761.  CONTENTION,  Horror  of.— There- 
may  be  people  to  whose  tempers  and  dispo- 


Contentment 
Contracts 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


204 


sitions  contention  is  pleasing  and  who,  there 
fore,  wish  a  continuance  of  confusion,  but  to 
me  it  is  of  all  states  but  one  the  most  hor 
rid. — To  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  i,  200.  FORD  ED., 
i,  482.  (M.,  1775.) 

1762.  CONTENTMENT,  Wisdom  of.— It 
is  wise  and  well  to  be  contented  with  the  good 
things  which  the  Master  of  the  feast  places 
before  us,  and  to  be  thankful  for  what  we 
have,  rather  than  thoughtful  about  what  we 
have  not. — To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  53. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  71.     (M.,  1817.) 

—  CONTINENTAL       CONGRESS.— See 

CONGRESS. 

1763.  CONTRABAND  OF  WAR,  Abu 
sive    Seizures.— We  believe  the  practice  of 
seizing  what  is  called  contraband  of  war,  is  an 
abusive  practice,  not  founded  in  natural  right. 
War  between  two  nations  cannot  diminish  the 
rights  of  the  rest  of  the  world  remaining  at 
peace.     The  doctrine  that  the  rights  of  nations 
remaining  quietly  under  the  exercise  of  moral 
and  social  duties,  are  to  give  way  to  the  con 
venience  of  those  who  prefer  plundering  and 
murdering  one  another,  is  a  monstrous  doc 
trine  ;  and  ought  to  yield  to  the  more  rational 
law,  that  "  the  wrongs  which  two  nations  en 
deavor  to  inflict  on  each  other,  must  not  in 
fringe  on  the  rights  or  conveniences  of  those 
remaining  at  peace  ". — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVING 
STON,    iv,  410.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  90.  (M.,  1801.) 

1764.  CONTRABAND    OF    WAR,    Na 
tional    Law    and. — What  is  contraband  by 
the  law  of  nature?     Either  everything  which 
may  aid   or  comfort  an   enemy  or  nothing. 
Either  all  commerce  which  would  accommo 
date  him  is  unlawful,  or  none  is.     The  differ 
ence  between  articles  of  one  or  another  de 
scription,  is  a  difference  in  degree  only.      No 
line  between  them  can  be  drawn.     Either  all 
intercourse  must  cease  between  neutrals  and 
belligerents,  or  all  be  permitted.  Can  the  world 
hesitate  to  say  which  shall  be  the  rule?    Shall 
two  nations  turning  tigers,  break  up  in  one 
instant  the  peaceable  relations  of  the  whole 
world?    Reason  and  nature  clearly  pronounce 
that  the  neutral  is  to  go  on  in  the  enjoyment 
of  all  its  rights,  that  its  commerce  remains 
free,  not  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  another, 
nor  consequently  its  vessels  to  search,  or  to  in 
quiries  whether  their  contents  are  the  property 
of  an  enemy,  or  are  of  those  which  have  been 
called    contraband    of    war. — To    ROBERT    R. 
LIVINGSTON,     iv,  410.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  90.  (M., 
1801.) 

1765.  CONTRABAND  OF  WAR,  Naval 
Stores  and. — I  have  had  a  consultation  with 
Mr.  Madison  on  the  application  of  the  British 
vessel   of  war   for  stores.     We   are  both   of 
opinion   that   if  by  this  term   he   meant  sea 
stores  only,  or  even  munitions  de  bouche,  or 
provisions  generally,  there  can  be  no  objection 
to  their  taking  them,  or  indeed  anything  ex 
cept  contraband  of  war.     But  what  should  be 
deemed  contraband  of  war  in  this  case  we  are 
not  agreed.     He  thinks  that  as  the  English 
deem  naval  stores  to  be  contraband,  and  as 
such    take    them    from    our   vessels    at    sea, 


we  ought  to  retaliate  their  own  definition  on 
them.  I  think  we  ought  to  act  on  the  opinion 
that  they  are  not  contraband;  because  by 
treaties  between  all  the  nations  (I  think) 
having  treaties  with  another  they  are  agreed 
not  to  be  contraband;  even  England  herself, 
with  every  nation  but  ours,  makes  them  non- 
contraband,  and  the  only  treaty  making  them 
contraband  (Jay's)  is  now  expired.  We 
ought,  then,  at  once  to  rally  with  all  the  other 
nations  on  the  ground  that  they  are  non- 
contraband;  and  if  England  treats  them  as 
contraband  in  our  ships,  instead  of  admitting 
it  by  retaliation,  let  us  contest  it  on  its  true 
ground.  Mr.  Madison  thinks  France  might 
complain  of  this ;  but  I  think  not,  as  we  shall 
permit  both  nations  equally  to  take  naval 
stores;  or  at  least  such  articles  of  them  as 
may  be  used  for  peaceable  as  well  as  warlike 
purposes ;  this  being  the  true  line. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  455.  (June  1806.) 

1766.  CONTRABAND    OF   WAR,    Pro 
visions    and. — Certainly  provisions  are  not 
allowed  by  the  consent  of  nations,  to  be  con 
traband   but    where   everything   is    so,    as    in 
the  case  of  a  blockaded  town,  with  which  all 
intercourse  is  forbidden. — To  EDWARD  EVER 
ETT,     vii,  270.     (M.,  1823.) 

1767.  CONTRACTS,    Abiding    by.— To 
preserve  the  faith  of  the  nation  by  an  exact 
discharge  of  its  debts  and  contracts     *     *     * 
[is  one  of]  the  landmarks  by  which  we  are 
to  guide  ourselves  in  all  our  proceedings. — 
SECOND   ANNUAL   MESSAGE,    viii,   21.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  187.     (Dec.  1802.) 

1768.  CONTRACTS,  Congressmen  and. 

— I  am  averse  to  giving  contracts  of  any  kind 
to  members  of  the  Legislature. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  v,  50.  (W.,  1807.) 

1769.  CONTRACTS,    Impairment    of.— 

Between  citizens  and  citizens  of  the  same 
State,  and  under  their  own  laws,  I  know  but 
a  single  case  in  which  a  jurisdiction  is  given  to 
the  General  Government.  That  is,  where  any 
thing  but  gold  or  silver  is  made  a  lawful  ten 
der,  or  the  obligation  of  contracts  is  any  other 
wise  impaired.  The  separate  legislatures  had 
so  often  abused  that  power,  that  the  citizens 
themselves  chose  to  trust  it  to  the  general 
rather  than  to  their  own  special  authorities. — 
To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  296.  FORD  ED., 
x,  231.  (M.,  1823.) 

1770.  CONTRACTS,  Liberation  from.— 
There  are  circumstances  which  sometimes  ex 
cuse   the   non-performance   of    contracts   be 
tween  man  and  man ;  so  are  there  also  between 
nation   and  nation.     When  performance,   for 
instance,    becomes   impossible,    non-perform 
ance  is  not  immoral;    so  if  performance  be 
comes  self-destructive  to  the  party,   the  law 
of  self-preservation  overrules  the  laws  of  ob 
ligation  in  others.— FRENCH  TREATIES  OPIN 
ION,     vii,  613.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  220.     (1793.) 

1771. .     Reason,  which  gives  the 

right  of  self-liberation  from  a  contract  in 
certain  cases,  has  subjected  it  to  certain  just 
limitations.  The  danger  which  absolves  us 


205 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Contracts 
Convention 


must  be  great,  inevitable  and  imminent. — 
FRENCH  TREATIES  OPINION,  vii,  614.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  221.  (I793-) 

1772. .  Obligation  is  not  sus 
pended  till  the  danger  is  become  real,  and  the 
moment  of  it  so  imminent,  that  we  can  no 
longer  avoid  decision  without  forever  losing 
the  opportunity  to  do  it.— FRENCH  TREATIES 
OPINION,  vii,  615.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  222.  (1793.) 

1773.  CONTRACTS,  Possibilities  and.— 
If  possibilities    would   void   contracts,    there 
never  could  be  a  valid  contract,  for  possibil 
ities  hang  over  everything. — FRENCH  TREATIES 
OPINION,    vii,  614.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  222.    (1793.) 

1774.  CONTROVERSY,   Aversion  to.— 

Having  an  insuperable  aversion  to  be  drawn 
into  controversy  in  the  public  papers,  I  must 
request  not  to  be  quoted.— To  JOSEPH  DELA-- 
PLAINE.  vii,  21.  FORD  ED.,  x,  56.  (M., 
1816.) 

1775.  CONTROVERSY,    Avoiding.— So 
many  persons  have  of  late  found  an  interest 
or  a  passion  gratified  by  imputing  to  me  say 
ings  and  writings  which  I  never  said  or  wrote, 
or  by  endeavoring  to  draw  me  into  newspapers 
to  harass  me  personally,   that   I  have   found 
it  necessary  for  my  quiet  and  my  other  pur 
suits  to  leave  them  in  full  possession  of  the 
field,  and  not  to  take  the  trouble  of  contradict 
ing  them  even   in  private  conversation. — To 
ALEXANDER  WHITE,      iv,   201.      FORD  ED.,  vii, 
174.     (M.,  1797.) 

1776.  CONTROVERSY,    Declining.— As 

to  myself,  I  shall  take  no  part  in  any  dis 
cussions.  I  leave  others  to  judge  of  what  I 
have  done,  and  to  give  me  exactly  the  place 
which  they  shall  think  I  have  occupied.  Mar 
shall  has  written  libels  on  one  side ;  others,  I 
suppose,  will  be  written  on  the  other  side ;  and 
the  world  will  sift  both  and  separate  the  truth 
as  well  as  they  can. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
127.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  388.  (M.,  1813.) 

1777.  CONVENT,      Entering      a.— And 
Madame  Cosway  in  a  convent!     I  knew  that  to 
much  goodness  of  heart  she  joined  enthusiasm 
and  religion  ;   but  I  thought  that  very  enthusi 
asm   would   have   prevented   her   from   shutting 
up  her  adoration   of  the   God  of  the  universe 
within  the  walls  of  a  cloister;  that  she  would 
rather  have  sought  the  mountain  top. — To  MRS. 
CHURCH.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  455.     (G.,  1793.) 

1778.  CONVENTION     (Federal),     Call 
for. — The    want    of    some    authority    which 
should  procure  justice  to  the  public  creditors, 
and  an  observance  of  treaties   with   foreign 
nations,  produced  the  call  of  a  convention  of 
the  States  at  Annapolis.* — THE  ANAS,     ix, 
89.    FORD  ED.,  i,  158.     (1818.) 

1779. .     All  the  States  have  come 

into  the  Virginia  proposition  for  a  commer 
cial  convention,  the  deputies  of  which  are 
to  agree  on  the  form  of  an  article  giving  to 
Congress  the  regulation  of  their  commerce. 
Maryland  alone  has  not  named  deputies,  con- 

*  For  quotation  purposes  the  Annapolis  Commer 
cial  Convention,  and  the  Philadelphia  Federal  Con 
vention  are  treated  as  one  body. — EDITOR. 


ceiving  that  Congress  might  as  well  propose 
the  article.  They  are,  however,  for  giving 
the  power,  and  will,  therefore,  either  nomi 
nate  deputies  to  the  convention,  or  accede  to 
their  measures. — To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE,  ii,  21. 
(P.,  1786.) 

1780.  CONVENTION  (Federal),  Charac 
ter  of. — It  is  really  an  assembly  of  demi-gods.* 
—To  JOHN  ADAMS,  ii,  260.  (P.,  1787.) 

1781. .  The  convention  holding 

at  Philadelphia  consists  of  the  ablest  men  in 
America. — To  C.  W.  F .  DUMAS,  ii,  140. 
(P.,  1787.) 

1782. .  A  more  able  assembly 

never  sat  in  America. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS 
ii,  264.  (P.,  1787.) 

1783.  CONVENTION    (Federal),    Pub 
licity  and.— I  am  sorry  the  Federal  Conven 
tion  began  their  deliberations  by  so  abomina 
ble  a  precedent  as  that  of  tying  up  the  tongues 
of  their  members.    Nothing  can  justify  this 
example  but  the  innocence  of  their  intentions ; 
and  ignorance  of  the  value  of  public  discus 
sions.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,    ii,  260.    (P.,  1787.) 

1784.  CONVENTION      (Federal),      Re 
form  and. — I  remain  in  hopes  of  great  and 
good  effects  from  the  decision  of  the  Assembly 
over  which  you  are  presiding.— To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,     ii,  250.   (P.,  Aug.  1787.) 

1785. .     I    look   to    the    Federal 

Convention  for  an  amendment  of  our  Federal 
affairs.— To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,  ii,  220. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  426.  (P.,  1787.) 

1786.  CONVENTION  (Federal),  Repre 
sentation  in.— I  find  by  the  public  papers  that 
your  commercial  convention    [at  Annapolis] 
failed  in  point  of  representation.    If  it  should 
produce  a  full  meeting  in  May,  and  a  broader 
reformation,  it  will  still  be  well.— To  JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,    65.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    332.     (P. 
Dec.  1786.) 

1787.  CONVENTION,  National  Repub 
lican.— If    *     *    *    the     [Federal]     govern 
ment  should  expire  on  the  3d  of  March  bv  the 
loss  of  its  head,  there  is  no  regular  provision 
for  reorganizing  it,  nor  any  authority  but  in 
the  people  themselves.    They  may  authorize  a 
convention  to  reorganize,  and  even  amend  the 
machine. — To  BENJAMIN  SMITH  BARTON,  iv, 
353-    FORD  ED.,  vii,  490.    (W.,  Feb.  14,  1801.) 

1788. .  The  Federalists  in  Con 
gress  were  completely  alarmed  at  the  resource 
for  which  we  declared,  to  wit,  a  convention  to 
reorganize  the  government,  and  to  amend  it. 
The  very  word  convention  gives  them  the  hor 
rors,  as  in  the  present  democratical  spirit  of 
America,  they  fear  they  should  lose  some  of 
the  favorite  morsels  of  the  Constitution. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  354.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  491. 
(W.,  Feb.  15,  1801.) 

1789. .     I  have  been,   above  all 

things,  solaced  by  the  prospect  which  opened 
on  us  [in  the  Presidential  contest  in  1801]  in 
the  event  of  a  non- election  of  a  President; 
*  Philadelphia  Convention.— EDITOR. 


Convention 
Cooper 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


206 


in  which  case,  the  Federal  Government  would 
have  been  in  the  situation  of  a  clock  or  watch 
run  down.  There  was  no  idea  of  force,  nor 
of  any  occasion  for  it.  A  convention,  invited 
by  the  Republican  members  of  Congress,  with 
the  virtual  President  and  Vice-President, 
would  have  been  on  the  ground  in  eight 
weeks,  would  have  repaired  the  Constitution 
where  it  was  defective,  and  wound  it  up 
again.  This  peaceable  and  legitimate  re 
source,  to  which  we  are  in  the  habit  of  im 
plicit  obedience,  superseding  all  appeal  to 
force,  and  being  always  within  our  reach, 
shows  a  precious  principle  of  self-preserva 
tion  in  our  composition,  till  a  change  of  cir 
cumstances  shall  take  place,  which  is  not 
within  prospect  at  any  definite  period. — To 
JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  vii,  374.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  22. 
(W.,  March  21,  1801.) 

1790.  CONVENTION  (Virginia),  First. 
— On   the   discontinuance  of  Assemblies    [in 
Virginia],  it  became  necessary  to  substitute  in 
their  place  some  other  body,  competent  to  the 
ordinary  business  of  government,  and  to  the 
calling  forth  the  powers  of  the  state  for  the 
maintenance  of  our  opposition  to  Great  Brit 
ain.      Conventions     were,     therefore,     intro 
duced,  consisting  of  two  delegates  from  each 
county,    meeting   together   and   forming   one 
House,  on  the  plan  of  the  former  House  of 
Burgesses,  to  whose  places  they   succeeded. 
These  were  at  first  chosen   anew   for  every 
particular  session.    But  in  March,  1775,  they 
recommended  to  the  people  to  choose  a  con 
vention,    which   should   continue   in   office   a 
year. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  363.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  225.     (1782.) 

1791.  CONVENTION  (Virginia),  Pow 
ers  of. — The  convention  of  Virginia,  which 
organized   their  new  government,   had  been 
chosen  before  a  separation  from  Great  Brit 
ain  had  been  thought  of  in  their  State.    They 
had,  therefore,  none  but  the  ordinary  powers 
of  legislation.     This  leaves  their  act  for  or 
ganizing  the  government  subject  to  be  altered 
by  every  legislative  assembly,  and  though  no 
general  change  in  it  has  been  made,  yet  its 
effect  has  been  controlled  in  several   special 
cases. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.    viii,  283.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  139.    (P.,  1786.) 

1792. .  To  our  convention  no 

special  authority  had  been  delegated  by  the 
people  to  form  a  permanent  Constitution,  over 
which  their  successors  in  legislation  should 
have  no  powers  of  alteration.  They  had  been 
elected  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  legisla 
tion  only,  and  at  a  time  when  the  establish 
ment  of  a  new  government  had  not  been  pro 
posed  or  contemplated.  Although,  therefore, 
they  gave  to  this  act  the  title  of  a  constitu 
tion,  yet  it  could  be  no  more  than  an  act  of 
legislation,  subject,  as  their  other  acts  were, 
to  alteration  by  their  successors. — To  JOHN 
HAMBDEN  PLEASANTS.  vii,  344.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
302.  (M.,  1824.) 

1793.  CONVENTIONS,  Constitutional. 
—The  *  *  *  States  in  the  Union  have 
been  of  opinion  that  to  render  a  form  of  gov 
ernment  unalterable  by  ordinary  acts  of  As 


sembly,  the  people  must  delegate  persons  with 
special  powers.  They  have  accordingly  chosen 
special  conventions  to  form  and  fix  their  gov 
ernments. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  367. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  229.  (1782.) 

1794. .  Happy  for  us  that  we  are 

yet  able  to  send  our  wise  and  good  men  to 
gether  to  talk  over  our  form  of  government, 
discuss  its  weaknesses,  and  establish  its  reme 
dies  with  the  same  sang  froid  as  they  would 
a  subject  of  agriculture. — To  RALPH  IZARD. 
ii,  429.  (P.,  1788.) 

1795. .  The  example  of  chang 
ing  a  constitution  by  assembling  the  wise 
men  of  the  State,  instead  of  assembling 
armies,  will  be  worth  as  much  to  the  world 
as  the  former  examples  we  had  given  them. — 
To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  iii,  12.  FORD  ED., 
v,  89.  (P.,  1789.) 

1796. .     This     corporeal     globe, 

and  everything  upon  it,   belong  to  its  pres 
ent  corporeal    inhabitants,  during  their  genera 
tion.    They  alone  have  a  right  to  direct  what 
is  the  concern  of  themselves  alone,  and  to  de 
clare  the  law  of  that  direction ;  and  this  dec 
laration  can  only  be  made  by  their  majority. 
That  majority,   then,  has  a  right  to  depute 
representatives  to  a  convention,  and  to  make 
the  constitution  what  they  think  will  be  the 
best  for  themselves.     *     *     *     If  this  avenue 
be  shut  to  the  call  of  sufferance  it  will  make 
itself  through  that  of  force,  and  we  shall  go 
on,  as  other  nations  are  doing,  in  the  endless 
circle   of   oppression,    rebellion,    reformation ; 
and  oppression,  rebellion,  reformation,  again; 
and  so  on  forever. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL. 
vii,  16.    FORD  ED.,  x,  44.    (M.,  1816.) 

1797.  CONVICTS,       Transported.— The 

malefactors  sent  to  America  were  not  sufficient 
in  number  to  merit  enumeration,  as  one  class 
out  of  three  which  peopled  America.  It  was 
at  a  late  period  of  their  history  that  this  prac 
tice  began.  *  *  *  I  do  not  think  the  whole 
number  sent  would  amount  to  two  thousand, 
and  being  principally  men,  eaten  up  with  dis 
ease,  they  married  seldom  and  propagated  little. 
I  do  not  suppose  that  themselves  and  their  de 
scendants  are  at  present  four  thousand,  which 
is  little  more  than  one-thousandth  part  of  the 
whole  inhabitants. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix^ 
254.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  158.  (P.,  1786.) 

—  COOKERY.— See  GASTRONOMY. 

1798.  COOPER    (Thomas),    University 
of  Va.  and. — I  do  sincerely  lament  that  unto 
ward  circumstances  have  brought  on  us  the  ir 
reparable  loss  of  this  professor,  whom   I  have 
looked    to    as    the    corner    stone   of   our    edifice 
[University  of  Virginia].     I  know  no  one  who 
could  have  aided  us  so  much  in  forming  the  fu 
ture  regulations  of  our  infant  institution  ;   and 
although  we  may  perhaps  obtain  from   Europe 
equivalents   in   science,   they  can  never  replace 
the  advantages  of  his  experience,  his  knowledge 
of   the   character,    habits    and    manners    of   our 
country,    his   identification   with    its   sentiments 
and  principles,  and  high  reputation  he  has  ob 
tained   in   it  generally.* — To   GENERAL  TAYLOR. 
vii,  164.     (M.,  1820.) 

*  Dr.  Cooper  was  an  Englishman,  and  the  son-in- 
law  of  Dr.  Priestley,  with  whom  he  came  to  America 
in  1792.  Cooper  edited  Priestley's  writings  and  was 


207 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Cooper 

Cornwallis 


1799. .     You  may  have  heard  of 

the  hue  and  cry  raised  from  the  different  pul 
pits  on  our  appointment  [to  be  professor  in 
the  University  of  Virginia]  of  Dr.  Cooper, 
whom  they  charge  with  Unitarianism  as  boldly 
as  if  they  knew  the  fact,  and  as  presumptuously 
as  if  it  were  a  crime,  and  one  for  which,  like 
Servetus,  he  should  be  burned  *  *  *  .  For 
myself,  I  was  not  disposed  to  regard  the  denun 
ciations  of  these  satellites  of  religious  inquisi 
tion  ;  but  our  colleagues,  better  judges  of  popu 
lar  feeling,  thought  that  they  were  not  to  be 
altogether  neglected ;  and  that  it  might  be  bet 
ter  to  relieve  Dr.  Cooper,  ourselves  and  the  in 
stitution  from  this  crusade. — To  GENERAL 
TAYLOR,  vii,  162.  (M.,  1820.) 

1800.  COPYING  PRESS,  Appreciated.— 

Have  you  a  copying  press?  If  you  have  not, 
you  should  get  one.  Mine  (exclusive  of  paper, 
which  costs  a  guinea  a  ream)  has  cost  me  about 
fourteen  guineas.  I  would  give  ten  times  that 
sum  to  have  had  it  from  the  date  of  the  Stamp 
Act. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  i,  415.  (P., 
1785.) 

1801. .     I  shall  be  able  to  have  a 

small  copying  press  completed  for  you  here 
[Paris]  in  about  three  weeks. — To  M.  DE  LA 
FAYETTE,  ii,  22.  (P.;  1786.) 

1802.  COPYING     PRESS,     Jefferson's 
portable. — Having  a  great  desire  to  have  a 
portable   copying   machine,    and   being   satisfied 
from    some    experiments   that   the   principle    of 
the  large  machines  might  be  applied  in  a  small 
one,  I  planned  one  when  in  England,  and  had 
it  made.     It  answers  perfectly.     I  have  since  set 
a  workman  to  making  them  here,  and  they  are 
in    such    demand    that   he   has    his    hands    full. 

*  *     *     I  send  you  one.     The  machine  costs 
06   livres,    the    appendages    24   livres.     *     *     * 
You  must  expect  to  make  many  essays  before 
you    succeed    perfectly.     A    soft    brush,    like    a 
shaving    brush,    is    more    convenient    than    the 
sponge. — To    JAMES    MADISON,     ii,    no.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  369.     (P.,  1787-) 

—  COPYRIGHT.— See    BOOKS,    GENERA 
TIONS  and  MONOPOLY. 

1803.  CORAY  (A.),  Works  of.— I  recol 
lect  with  pleasure  the  short  opportunity  of  ac 
quaintance    with    you    afforded    me    in    Paris 

*  *     *     and  the  fine  editions  of  the  classical 
writers  of  Greece,  which  have  been  announced 
by  you  from  time  to  time,  have  never  permitted 
me    to    lose    the    recollection.     Until    those    of 
Aristotle's  Ethics  and  the  Strategicos  of  One- 
sander,  with  which  you  have  now  favored  me 

I  had  seen  only  your  Lives  of  Plu 
tarch.  *  *  *  I  profited  much  by  your  valu 
able  scholia.  *  *  *  You  have  certainly  be 
gun  at  the  right  end  towards  preparing  [your 
countrymen]  for  the  great  object  they  are  now 
contending  for,  by  improving  their  minds  and 
qualifying  them  for  self-government.  For  this 
they  will  owe  you  lasting  honors.  Nothing  is 
more  likely  to  forward  this  object  than  a  study 
of  the  fine  models  of  science  left  by  their  an 
cestors,  to  whom  we  also  are  all  indebted  for  the 

regarded  as  a  Unitarian.  He  was  well-versed  in 
chemistry,  physics  and  physiology;  was  one  of  the 
earliest  writers  in  this  country  on  political  economy, 
and  the  first  to  introduce  the  study  of  Roman  law  by 
his  edition  of  Justinian.  He  was  a  professor  in 
Dickinson  College,  a  lecturer  in  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania  and  became  a  Judge.  His  liberal 
views  on  religion  aroused  the  antagonism  of  the 
orthodox  clergy  of  Virginia  and  their  attacks  led  to 
his  retirement  from  the  University  of  Virginia.  In 
1820,  he  became  President  of  the 'College  of  South 
Carolina.  He  died  in  1830-— EDITOR. 


lights  which  originally  led  ourselves  out  of 
Gothic  darkness. — To  A.  CORAY.  vii,  318.  (M., 
1823.) 

_  CORK  TREK— See  TREES. 

1804.  CORNWALLIS  (Lord),  Ravages 
of  in  Virginia. — Lord  Cornwallis  remained 
in  this  position  [from  Point  of  Fork  along  the 
main  James  River]  ten  days,  his  own  head 
quarters  being  in  my  house  [Elk-hill]  at  that 
place.  I  had  time  to  remove  most  of  the  ef 
fects  out  of  the  house.  He  destroyed  all  my 
growing  crops  of  corn  and  tobacco;  he  burned 
all  my  barns,  containing  the  same  articles  of 
the  last  year,  having  first  taken  what  corn  he 
wanted ;  he  used,  as  was  to  be  expected,  all  my 
stock  of  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs,  for  the  sus 
tenance  of  his  army,  and  carried  off  all  the 
horses  capable  of  service ;  of  those  too  young 
for  service,  he  cut  the  throats ;  and  he  burned 
all  the  fences  on  the  plantation,  so  as  to  leave 
it  an  absolute  waste.  He  carried  off  also 
about  thirty  slaves.  Had  this  been  to  give  them 
freedom,  he  would  have  done  right ;  but  it  was 
to  consign  them  to  inevitable  death  from  the 
small-pox  and  putrid  fever,  then  raging  in  his 
camp.  This  I  knew  afterwards  to  IDC  the  fate 
of  twenty-seven  of  them.  I  never  had  news 
of  the  remaining  three,  but  presume  they  shared 
the  ^  same  fate.  When  I  say  that  Lord  Corn- 
waliis  did  all  this,  I  do  not  mean  that  he  car 
ried  about  the  torch  in  his  own  hands,  but  that 
it  was  all  done  under  his  eye ;  the  situation  of 
the  house  in  which  he  was,  commanding  a 
view  of  every  part  of  the  plantation,  so  that 
he  must  have  seen  every  fire.  I  relate  these 
things  on  my  own  knowledge  in  a  great  degree, 
as  I  was  on  the  ground  soon  after  he  left  it. 
He  treated  the  rest  of  the  neighborhood  some 
what  in  the  same  style,  but  not  with  that  spirit 
of  total  extermination  with  which  he  seemed  to 
rage  over  my  possessions.  Wherever  he  went, 
the  dwelling  houses  were  plundered  of  every 
thing  that  could  be  carried  off.  Lord  Corn- 
wallis's  character  in  England  would  forbid  the 
belief  that  he  shared  in  the  plunder ;  but  that 
his  table  was  served  with  the  plate  thus  pil 
laged  from  private  houses,  can  be  proved  by 
many  hundred  eyewitnesses.  From  an  estimate 
I  made  at  that  time,  on  the  best  information  I 
could  collect,  I  supposed  the  State  of  Virginia 
lost  under  Lord  Cornwallis's  hands,  that  year, 
about  thirty  thousand  slaves ;  and  that  of  these, 
about  twenty-seven  thousand  died  of  the  small 
pox  and  camp  fever,  and  the  rest  were  partly 
sent  to  the  West  Indies,  and  exchanged  for 
rum,  sugar,  coffee  and  fruit,  and  partly  sent 
to  New  York,  whence  they  went,  at  the  peace, 
either  to  Nova  Scotia  or  England.  From  this 
last  place,  I  believe  they  have  been  lately  sent 
to  Africa.  History  will  never  relate  the  hor 
rors  committed  by  the  British  army  in  the 
Southern  States  of  America.  They  raged  in 
Virginia  six  months  only,  from  the  middle  of 
April  to  the  middle  of  October,  1781,  when  they 
were  all  taken  prisoners ;  and  I  give  you  a 
faithful  specimen  of  their  transactions  for  ten 
days  of  that  time,  and  on  one  spot  only.  Ex 
pede  Herculem.  I  suppose  their  whole  dev 
astations  during  those  six  months  amounted  to 
about  three  millions  sterling. — To  DR.  WILLIAM 
GORDON,  ii,  426.  FORD  ED.,  v,  39.  (P.,  1788.) 

1805. .  Lord  Cornwallis  en 
camped  ten  days  on  an  estate  of  mine  at  Elk 
Island,  having  his  headquarters  in  my  house. 
He  burned  all  the  tobacco  houses  and  barns  on 
the  farm  with  the  produce  of  the  former  year 
in  them.  He  burned  all  the  enclosures,  and 
wasted  the  fields  in  which  the  crop  of  that  year 


Cornwallis 
Correspondence 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


208 


(it  was  in  the  month  of  June)  was  growing. 
He  killed  or  carried  off  every  living  animal, 
cutting  the  throats  of  those  which  were  too 
young  for  service.  Of  the  slaves  he  carried 
away  thirty. — To  WILLIAM  JONES.  FORD  EDV 
iv,  354-  (P-,  1787-) 

1806.  CORNWAiLIS     (Lord),     Trum- 
bulFs  picture  of. — The  painting  lately  exe 
cuted  by  Colonel  Trumbull,  I  have  never  seen, 
but  as  far  back  as  the  days  of  Horace  at  least, 
we    are    told    that    "  pictoribiis    atque    poetis ; 
Quidlibet  audendi  semper  fuit  aqua  potestas." 
He  has  exercised  this   licentia  pictoris  in  like 
manner   in  the  surrender   of   Yorktown,   where 
he  has  placed  Lord  Cornwallis  at  the  head  of 
the  surrender  although  it  is  well  known  that  he 
was  excused  by  General  Washington  from  ap 
pearing. — To    SAMUEL    A.    WELLS.      FORD    ED., 
x,  133-     (M.,  1819.) 

1807.  CORONERS,    Election    of.— Coro 
ners  of  Counties  shall  be  annually  elected  by 
those  qualified  to  vote  for  Representatives.— 
PROPOSED   VA.    CONSTITUTION.     FORD   ED.,    ii, 
20.    (June  1776.) 

—  CORPORATION".— See  INCORPORATION. 

1808.  CORREA  DE  SERRA  (J.),  Learn 
ed. — I  found  him  one  of  the  most  learned  and 
amiable  of  men. — To  BARON  VON  HUMBOLDT.  vi, 
267.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  430.     (1813.) 

1809.  CORREA  DE  SERRA  (J.),  Minis 
ter   at  Washington. — We   have  to  join   in 
mutual   congratulations  on  the  appointment  of 
our  friend  Correa,  to  be  minister  or  envoy  of 
Portugal,    here    (Washington).     This,    I    hope, 
will  give  him  to  us  for  life. — To  F.  W.  GILMER. 
vii,  5.     FORD  ED.,  x,  33.     (M.,  1816.) 

1810.  CORREA  DE  SERRA    (J.),    Re 
grets  for. — No  foreigner,  I  believe,  has  ever 
carried    with    him    more    friendly    regrets. — To 
JAMES   MADISON,     vii,    190.     FORD   ED.,  x,    169. 
(P.F.,   1820.) 

1811.  CORREA  DE  SERRA  (J.),  Uni 
versity    of    Va.    and. — M.    Correa    is    here 
(Monticello)    on   his   farewell   visit  to  us.     He 
has  been  much  pleased  with  the  plan  and  prog 
ress   of    our   University,    and    has    given    some 
valuable    hints    to    its    botanical    branch.      He 
goes    to    do,    I    hope,    much    good    in    his    new 
country   (Brazil)  ;   the  public  instruction  there, 
as  I  understand,   being  within  the  department 
destined   for   him. — To    WILLIAM    SHORT,      vii, 
168.     (M.,  1820.) 

1812.  CORRESPONDENCE,       Between 
Citizens. — A    right    of    free    correspondence 
between  citizen  and  citizen,  on  their  joint  in 
terests,  whether  public  or  private,  and  under 
whatsoever    laws    these    interests    arise    (to 
wit,   of  the   State,   of   Congress,   of   France, 
Spain,  or  Turkey),  is  a  natural  right;    it  is 
not  the  gift  of  any  municipal  law,  either  of 
England,  or  of  Virginia,  or  of  Congress;  but 
in  common  with  all  our  other  natural  rights, 
is  one  of  the   objects   for  the  protection   of 
which  society  is  formed,  and  municipal  laws 
established. — To     JAMES    MONROE,     iv,    199. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  172.    (M.,  1797.) 

1813. .  The  right  of  free  corre 
spondence  between  citizen  and  citizen  on  their 
joint  interests,  public  or  private,  and  under 
whatsoever  laws  these  interests  arise,  is  a 
natural  right  of  every  individual  citizen,  not 


the  gift  of  municipal  law,  but  among  the  ob 
jects  for  the  protection  of  which  municipal 
laws  are  instituted. — JURY  PETITION,  ix,  451. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  161.  (1797.) 

-  CORRESPONDENCE,  Revolutionary 
Committees  of. — See  APPENDIX. 

1814.  CORRESPONDENCE,      Constitu 
ents  and  representatives. — By  the  Constitu 
tion  of  Virginia,  established  from  its  earliest 
settlement,  the  people  thereof  have  professed 
the  right  of  being  governed  by  laws  to  which 
they  have  consented  by  representatives  chosen 
by  themselves  immediately.    In  order  to  give 
to  the  will  of  the  people  the  influence  it  ought 
to  have,  and  the  information  which  may  en 
able  them  to  exercise  it  usefully,  it  was  a  part 
of  the  common  law,  adopted  as  the  law  of 
this   land,    that   their   representatives,    in   the 
discharge  of  their  functions,  should  be  free 
from  the  cognizance  or  coercion  of  the  co 
ordinate  branches,  Judiciary  and  Executive; 
and    that    their    communications    with    their 
constituents  should  of  right,  as  of  duty  also, 
be  free,  full,  and  unawed  by  any.    So  neces 
sary  has  this  intercourse  been  deemed  in  the 
country   from   which  they  derive  principally 
their  descent  and  laws,  that  the  correspond 
ence  between  the  representative  and  constitu 
ent  is  privileged  there  to  pass  free  of  expense 
through  the  channel  of  the  public  post,  and 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature  have 
been  known  to  be  arrested  and  suspended  at 
times  until  the  Representatives  could  go  home 
to  their  several  counties  and  confer  with  their 
constituents. — JURY  PETITION,   ix,  448.    FORD 
ED.,  vii,  158.    (1797.) 

1815.  CORRESPONDENCE,     Judiciary 
and. — For  the  Judiciary  to  interpose  in  the 
Legislative  department  between  the  constitu 
ent  and  his  representative,  to  control  them  in 
the    exercise    of    their    functions    or    duties 
towards  each  other,  to  overawe  the  free  cor 
respondence  which  exists  and  ought  to  exist 
between  them,  to  dictate  what  may  pass  be 
tween  them,  and  to  punish  all  others,  to  put 
the   representative  into  jeopardy  of  criminal 
prosecution,   of  vexation,  expense,  and  pun 
ishment  before  the  Judiciary,  if  his  communi 
cations,    public    or    private,    do    not    exactly 
square  with  their  ideas  of  fact  or  right,  or 
with  their   designs  of  wrong,   is  to  put  the 
Legislative  department  under  the  feet  of  the 
Judiciary,  is  to  leave  us,  indeed,  the  shadow, 
but  to  take  away  the  substance  of  representa 
tion,  which  requires  essentially  that  the  rep 
resentative    be    as    free    as    his    constituents 
would  be,  that  the  same  interchange  of  senti 
ment  be   lawful   between  him   and   them   as 
would  be  lawful  among  themselves  were  they 
in  the  personal  transaction  of  their  own  busi 
ness;  is  to  do  away  the  influence  of  the  peo 
ple  over  the  proceedings  of  their  representa 
tives  by  excluding  from  their  knowledge,  by 
the  terror  of  punishment,  all  but  such  infor 
mation  or  misinformation  as  may  suit  their 
own  views.* — JURY  PETITION,     ix,  450.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  160.     0797-) 

*  In  1707,  a  Federal  Grand  Jury  in  Virginia  made 
a  presentment  of  the  act  of  Samuel  J.  Cabell,  a  mem- 


209 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Correspondence 
Corruption 


1816.  CORRESPONDENCE,  Literary.— 

I  set  the  more  value  on  literary  correspond 
ence,  inasmuch  as  I  can  make  private  friend 
ships  instrumental  to  the  public  good,  by 
inspiring  a  confidence  which  is  denied  to  pub 
lic  and  official  communications. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  287.  (W.,  1804.) 

1817.  CORRESPONDENCE,       Longing 
for. — But   why   has   nobody  else   written   to 
me?    Is  it  that  one  is  forgotten  as  soon  as 
their  back  is  turned?    I  have  a  better  opinion 
of  men. — To  JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
45.    (P.,  1785.) 

1818.  CORRESPONDENCE,      Men      of 
Worth  and. — I  cannot  relinquish  the  right 
of  correspondence  with  those  whom  I  have 
learned  to  esteem.    If  the  extension  of  com 
mon  acquaintance  in  public  life  be  an  incon 
venience,  that  with  select  worth  is  more  than 
a  counterpoise. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  vi,  7.   (M., 
1811.) 

1819.  CORRESPONDENCE,        Natural 
Right  and. — The  right  of  free  correspond 
ence  is  not  claimed  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  nor  the  laws  or  treaties  de 
rived  from  it,  but  as  a  natural  right,  placed 
originally  under  the  protection  of  our  munici 
pal  laws,  and  retained  under  the  cognizance 
of  our  own  courts. — JURY  PETITION,  ix,  452. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  162.    (1797.) 

1820.  CORRESPONDENCE,    Punctual 
ity  and. — I  never  was  a  punctual  correspond 
ent  to   any  person,   as   I   must   own   to   my 
shame.— To  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.    FORD  ED., 
",  193-    (Wg.,  I779-) 

1821.  CORRESPONDENCE,  Rank  and. 
— If  it  be  possible  to  be  certainly  conscious  of 
anything,  I  am  conscious  of  feeling  no  dif 
ference   between    writing   to   the   highest   or 
lowest  being  on  earth. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  401.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  59.    (W.,  1801.)     See 
LETTERS. 

1822.  CORRESPONDENCE,  State  courts 
and. — The     Federal     Constitution     alienates 
from  [the  State  courts]  all  cases  arising,  ist, 
under  the  Constitution;    2d,  under  the  laws 
of    Congress;    3d,    under   treaties,    &c.     But 
the    right    of    free    correspondence,    whether 
with  a  public  representative  in  General  As 
sembly,  in  Congress,  in  France,  in  Spain,  or 
with  a  private  one  charged  with  a  pecuniary 
trus,t,  or  with  a  private  friend,  the  object  of 
our  esteem,  or  any  other,  has  not  been  given 
to  us  under,    ist,   the   Federal   Constitution; 
2dly,    any    law    of    Congress ;    or    3dly,    any 
treaty;  but     *     *     *    by  nature.    It  is,  there 
fore,   not   alienated,   but   remains   under   the 
protection  of  our  courts. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  200.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  172.    (M.,  1797.)     See 
LETTERS. 

1823.  CORRUPTION,        Agriculturists 
and. — Corruption  of  morals  in  the  mass  of  cul 
tivators  is  a  phenomenon  of  which  no  age  nor 
nation  has  furnished  an  example.    It  is  the 
mark  set  on  those,  who,  not  looking  up  to 

ber  of  Congress  from  Virginia,  in  writing  political 
circular-letters  to  his  constituents.— EDITOR. 


heaven,  to  their  own  soil  and  industry,  as 
does  the  husbandman,  for  their  subsistence, 
depend  for  it  on  casualties  and  caprice  of  cus 
tomers. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  405.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  268.  (1782.) 

1824.  CORRUPTION,    British.— I    have 
been  among  those  who  have  feared  the  de 
sign  to  introduce  the  corruptions  of  the  Eng 
lish  government  here,  and  it  has  been  a  strong 
reason   with   me   for   wishing   there   was  an 
ocean  of  fire  between  that  island  and  us. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  57.    (M.,  1796.) 

1825.  CORRUPTION,   Centralization.— 
Our  country  is  too  large  to  have  all  its  affairs 
directed  by  a  single  government.   Public  serv 
ants  at  such  a  distance,  and  from  under  the 
eye  of  their  constituents,  must,  from  the  cir 
cumstance  of  distance,  be  unable  to  administer 
and  overlook  all  the  details  necessary  for  the 
good  government  of  the  citizens,  and  the  same 
circumstance,  by  rendering  detection  impossi 
ble  to  their  constituents,  will  invite  the  public 
agents  to  corruption,  plunder,  and  waste.  And 
I  do  verily  believe,  that  if  the  principle  were 
to  prevail,  of  a  common  law  being  in  force  in 
the  United  States  (which  principle  possesses 
the   general   government  at  once   of  all   the 
powers   of   the    State   governments,    and    re 
duces    us   to   a   single    consolidated    govern 
ment),    it   would   become   the   most   corrupt 
government  on  the  earth. — To  GIDEON  GRAN 
GER,  iv,  331.   FORD  ED.,  vii,  451.    (M.,  1800.) 

1826. .  Consolidation  first,  and 

then  corruption,  its  necessary  consequence. — 
To  NATHANIEL  MACON.  vii,  223.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
193.  (M.,  1821.) 

1827. .  If  ever  this  vast  country 

is  brought  under  a  single  government,  it  will 
be  one  of  the  most  extensive  corruption,  in 
different  and  incapable  of  a  wholesome  care 
over  so  wide  a  spread  of  surface. — To  WILL 
IAM  T.  BARRY,  vii,  256.  (M.,  1822.) 

1828.  CORRUPTION,  Cities  and.— When 
they  [the  people]  get  piled  upon  one  another 
in  large  cities,  as  in  Europe,  they  will  become 
corrupt  as  in  Europe.* — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  479.    (P.,  Dec.  1787.) 

1829.  CORRUPTION,  Congress.— I  said 
that  he  [President  Washington]  mus,t  know, 
and  everybody  knew,  there  was  a  considerable 
squadron  in  both  [Houses]  whose  votes  were 
devoted  to  the  paper  and  stock- jobbing  inter 
est,  that  the  names  of  a  weighty  number  were 
known,  and  several  others  suspected  on  good 
grounds.     That   on  examining  the   votes   of 
these  men,   they  would  be  found  uniformly 
for  every  Treasury  measure,  and  that  as  most 
of  these  measures  had  been  carried  by  small 
majorities,   they  were  carried  by  these  very 
votes:  that,  therefore,  it  was  a  cause  of  just 
uneasiness,  when  we  saw  a  legislature  legis 
lating  for  their  own  interests,  in  opposition  to 
those  of  the  people. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  117.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  200.     (July  1792.) 


*  In  the  Congress  edition  (ii,  332),  the  reading  is : 

When  we  get  piled  upon  one  another  in  large  cities, 

as  in  Europe,  we  shall  become  corrupt  as  in  Europe, 


and  go  to  eating  one  another   as    they  do  there." 
The  FORD  version  is  the  correct  one. — EDITOR. 


Corruption 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


210 


1830. .     With  grief  and  shame  it 

must  be  acknowledged  that  his  [Alexander 
Hamilton's]  [financial]  machine  was  not 
without  effect;  that  even  in  this,  the  birth  of 
our  government,  some  members  were  found 
sordid  enough  to  bend  their  duty  to  their  in 
terests  and  to  look  after  personal  rather  than 
public  good. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  91.  FORD  ED., 
i,  1 60.  (1818.) 

1831. .     I  indulge  myself  on  one 

political  topic  only,  that  is,  the  shameless  cor 
ruption  of  a  portion  of  the  Representatives  in 
the  first  and  second  Congresses,  and  their  im 
plicit  devotion  to  the  treasury.  I  think  I  do 
good  in  this,  because  it  may  produce  exertions 
to  reform  the  evil,  on  the  success  of  which  the 
form  of  the  government  is  to  depend. — To  E. 
RANDOLPH,  iv,  101.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  498.  (M., 
Feb.  1794.) 

1832.  CORRUPTION,      Extirpating.— I 
would  prefer  a  native  Frenchman    [for  the 
office  of  surveyor  and  inspector  for  the  port 
of  Bayou  St.  John],  if  you  can  find  one  proper 
and  disposed  to  cooperate  with  us  in  extir 
pating  that  corruption  which  has  prevailed  in 
those  offices   under  the   former  government, 
and  had  so  familiarized   itself  as  that  men, 
otherwise  honest,   could  look  on  it  without 
horror.    I  pray  you  to  be  alive  to  the  sup 
pression  of  this  'odious  practice,  and  that  you 
bring  to  punishment  and  brand  with  eternal 
disgrace  every  man  guilty  of  it,  whatever  be 
his  station. — To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  iv,  551. 
(W.,  1804.) 

1833.  CORRUPTION,  Government  and. 
— In  every  government  on  earth  is  some  trace 
of  human  weakness,  some  germ  of  corruption 
and  degeneracy,  which  cunning  will  Discover, 
and  wickedness  insensibly  open,  cultivate  and 
improve.      Every     government     degenerates 
when  trusted  to  the  rulers  of  the  people  alone. 
The  people  themselves,  therefore,  are  its  only 
safe  depositories.    And  to  render  even  them 
safe,  their  minds  must  be  improved  to  a  cer 
tain  degree.    This,  indeed,  is  not  all  that  is 
necessary,  though  it  be  essentially  necessary. 
An    amendment    to    our    Constitution    [Vir 
ginia]   must  here  come  in  aid  of  the  public 
education.     The    influence   over   government 
must   be    shared   among   all    the   people.     If 
every  individual  which  composes  their  mass, 
participates  of  the  ultimate  authority,  the  gov 
ernment  will  be  safe;  because  the  corrupting 
the  whole  mass  will  exceed  any  private  re 
sources  of  wealth ;  and  public  ones  cannot  be 
provided  but  by  levies  on  the  people.    In  this 
case,  every  man  would  have  to  pay  his  own 
price.    The  government  of  Great  Britain  has 
been  corrupted,  because  but  one  man  in  ten 
has  a  right  to  vote  for  members  of  Parlia 
ment.    The  sellers  of  the  government,  there 
fore,  get  nine-tenths  of  their  price  clear.    It 
has  been  thought  that  corruption  is  restrained 
by  confining  the  risfht  of  suffrage  to  a  few  of 
the  wealthier  of  the  people;  but  it  would  be 
more  effectually  restrained,  by  an  extension 
of  that  right,  to  such  members  as  would  bid 
defiance  to  the  means  of  corruption. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA.  viii,39o.  FORDED.,  111,254.  (1782.) 


1834.  _.  [We]  should  look  for 
ward  to  a  time,'  and  that  not  a  distant  one, 
when  a  corruption  in  this,  as  in  the  country 
from  which  we  derive  our  origin,  will  have 
seized  the  heads  of  government,  and  be 
spread  by  them  through  the  body  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  when  they  will  purchase  the  voices  of  the 
people,  and  make  them  pay  the  price.  Human 
nature  is  the  same  on  every  side  of  the  At 
lantic,  and  will  be  alike  influenced  by  the  same 
causes. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  362.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  225.  (1782.) 

1835. .     Mankind  soon  learn  to 

make  interested  uses  of  every  right  and  power 
which  they  possess,  or  may  assume.,  The 
public  money  and  public  liberty,  intended  [in 
the  Virginia  constitution]  to  have  been  de 
posited  with  three  branches  of  magistracy, 
but  found  inadvertently  to  be  in  the  hands  of 
one  only,  will  soon  be  discovered  to  be  sources 
of  wealth  and  dominion  to  those  who  hold 
them ;  distinguished,  too,  by  this  tempting  cir 
cumstance,  that  they  are  the  instrument,  as 
well  as  the  object,  of  acquisition.  With 
money  we  will  get  men,  said  Caesar,  and  with 
men  we  will  get  money. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  362.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  224.  (1782.) 

1836.  CORRUPTION,  Guarding  against. 

The  time  to  guard  against  corruption  and 
tyranny  is  before  they  shall  have  gotten  hold 
of  us.  It  is  better  to  keep  the  wolf  out  of  the 
fold,  than  to  trust  to  drawing  his  teeth  and 
talons  after  he  shall  have  entered. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  363.  FORDED.,  iii,  225.  (1782.) 

1837.  CORRUPTION,       Influence 

through. — I  wonder  to  see  such  an  arrearage 
from  the  Department  of  State  to  our  bankers 
in  Holland.  Our  predecessors  seem  to  have 
levied  immense  sums  from  their  constituents 
merely  to  feed  favorites  by  laree  advances, 
and  thus  to  purchase  by  corruption  an  ex 
tension  of  their  influence  and  power. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  93.  (M., 
Sep.  1801.) 

1838.  CORRUPTION,     Innocent     of.— 

Recurring  to  the  tenor  of  a  long  life  of  public 
service,  against  the  charge  of  malice  and  cor 
ruption  (in  the  New  Orleans  Batture  case) 
I  stand  conscious  and  erect. — THE  BATTURE 
CASE,  viii,  604.  (1812.) 

1839.  CORRUPTION,       Monarchical.— 

A  germ  of  corruption  indeed  has  been  trans 
ferred  from  our  dear  mother  country,  and  has 
already  borne  fruit,  but  its  blight  is  begun 
from  the  breath  of  the  people. — To  J.  P.  BRIS- 
SOT  DE  WARVILLE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  249.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

1840.  CORRUPTION,  Principles  and.— 
Time  indeed  changes  manners   and  notions, 
and  so  far  we  must  expect  institutions  to  bend 
to  them.     But  time  produces  also  corruption 
of  principles,  and  against  this  it  is  the  duty  of 
good  citizens  to  be  ever  on  the  watch,  and  if 
the  gangrene  is  to  prevail  at  last,  let  the  day 
be  kept  off  as  long  as  possible. — To  SPENCER 
ROANE.     vii,   211.     FORD  ED.,   x,    188.      (M., 
1821.) 


211 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Corruption 


uorropt 

Council 


1841.  CORRUPTION,  Refuge  from.— It 

seems  to  me  that  in  proportion  as  commercial 
avarice  and  corruption  advance  on  us  from 
the  North  and  East,  the  principles  of  free 
government  are  to  retire  to  the  agricultural 
States  of  the  South  and  West  as  their  last 
asylum  and  bulwark.— To  HENRY  MIDDLETON. 
vi,  91.  (M.,  1813.) 

1842.  COTTON,  Early  Conditions.— The 
four  southernmost  States  make  a  great  deal  of 
cotton.     Their  poor  are  almost  entirely  clothed 
in  it  in  winter  and  summer.  In  winter  they  wear 
shirts  of  it,   and  outer  clothing  of  cotton  and 
wool  mixed.     In  summer  their  shirts  are  linen, 
but   the   outer   clothing    cotton.     The    dress    of 
the     women     is     almost     entirely     of     cotton 
manufactured  by  themselves,  except  the  richer 
class,  and  even  many  of  these  wear  a  good  deal 
of  home-spun   cotton.     It  is   as  well  manufac 
tured   as   the   calicoes   of   Europe.     These   four 
States  furnish  a  great  deal  of  cotton  to  the  States 
north  of  them,  who  cannot  make  it,  as  being  too 
cold. — TO  J.  P.  BRISSOT  DE  WARVILLE.     ii,    12. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  281.     (P.,   1786.) 

1843.  COTTON,   Plans  to  raise.— Much 
enquiry  is  made  of  me  here   [Paris]   about  the 
cultivation  of  cotton,  and  I  would  thank  you  to 
give  me  your  opinion  how  much  a  hand  would 
make  cultivating  that  as  his  principal  crop  in 
stead  of  tobacco. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.     FORD 
ED.,  v,   36.     (P.,    1788.) 

1844.  COTTON  GIN,   Invention.— Your 
favor  of  Oct.  15   [1793]  inclosing  a  drawing 
of  your  cotton  gin,  was  received  on  the  6th 
inst.     The  only  requisite  of  the  law  now  un- 
complied    with    is   the   forwarding   a   model, 
which    being    received    your    patent    may   be 
made  out  and  delivered  to  your  order  imme 
diately. — To  ELI  WHITNEY.      FORD  ED.,  vi,  448. 
(G.,  Nov.  16,  1793.) 

1845.  COTTON  GIN,  Practicability  of. 

— As  the  State  of  Virginia  *  *  *  carries 
on  household  manufactures  of  cotton  to  a 
great  extent,  as  I  also  do  myself,  and  one  of 
our  great  embarrassments  is  the  clearing  the 
cotton  of  the  seed,  I  feel  a  considerable  in 
terest  in  the  success  of  your  invention,  for 
family  use.  Permit  me,  therefore,  to  ask 
information  from  you  on  these  points.  Has 
the  machine  been  thoroughly  tried  in  the  gin 
ning  of  cotton,  or  is  it  yet  but  a  machine  of 
theory?  What  quantity  of  cotton  has  it 
cleared  on  an  average  of  several  days,  and 
worked  by  hand,  and  by  how  many  hands? 
What  will  be  the  cost  of  one  of  them,  made 
to  be  worked  by  hand?  Favorable  answers 
to  these  questions  would  induce  me  to  engage 
one  of  them. — To  ELI  WHITNEY.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  448.  (G.,  Nov.  1793.) 

1846.  COUNCIL,    Appointment    of.— A 
Privy  Council  shall  be  annually  appointed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  whose  duties  it 
shall  be  to  give  advice  to  the  Administrator, 
when  called  on  by  him.     With  them  the  Dep 
uty  Administrator  shall  have  session  and  suf 
frage. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  20.     (June  1776.) 

1847.  COUNCIL,  Duties.— A  Council  of 
State  shall  be  chosen  by  joint  ballot  of  both 
houses  of  Assembly,  who  shall  hold  their  of 


fices  seven  years  and  be  ineligible  a  second 
time,  and  who,  *  *  *  shall  hold  no  other 
office  or  emolument  under  this  State,  or  any 
other  State  or  power  whatsoever.  Their  duty 
shall  be  to  *  *  *  advise  the  Governor 
when  called  on  by  him,  and  their  advice  in 
any  case  shall  be  a  sanction  to  him.  They 
shall  also  have  power,  and  it  shall  be  their 
duty,  to  meet  at  their  own  will,  and  to  give 
their  advice,  though  not  required  by  the  gov 
ernor,  in  cases  where  they  shall  think  the  pub 
lic  good  calls  for  it.  *  *  *  They  shall  an 
nually  choose  a  President,  who  shall  preside 
in  council  in  the  absence  of  the  Governor,  and 
who,  in  case  of  his  office  becoming  vacant  by 
death  or  otherwise,  shall  have  authority  to 
exercise  all  his  functions,  till  a  new  appoint 
ment  be  made,  as  he  shall  also  in  any  interval 
during  which  the  Governor  shall  declare  him 
self  unable  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  his  of 
fice.— PROPOSED  CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  447.  FORD  ED.,  Hi,  327.  (1783.) 

1848.  COUNCIL,  Expensive.— What  will 
you  do  with  the  Council  ?     They  are  expen 
sive,  and  not  constantly  nor  often  necessary; 
yet  to  drop  them  would  be  wrong.     I  think 
you  had  better  require  their  attendance  twice 
a  year  to  examine  the  executive  department, 
and  see  that  it  be  going  on  rightly,  advise  on 
that  subject  the  Governor,  or  inform  the  Leg 
islature,  as  they  shall  see  occasion.   Give  them 
fifty  guineas  for  each  trip,  fill  up  only  five 
of  the  places,  and  let  them  be  always  subject 
to  summons  on  great  emergencies  by  the  Gov 
ernor,  on  which  occasions  their  expenses  only 
should  be  paid.     At  an  expense  of  five  hun 
dred  guineas  you  will  then  preserve  this  mem 
ber  of  the   Constitution   always  fit   for  use. 
Young  and  ambitious  men  will  leave  it  to  go 
into  the  Assembly;  but  the  elderly  and  able, 
who  have   retired   from   the   legislative   field 
as  too  turbulent,  will  accept  of  the  offices. — To 
JAMES    MADISON.     FORD    ED.,    iii,    404.     (A., 
Feb.  1784.) 

—  COUNCIL,  Orders  in.— See  ORDERS  IN 

COUNCIL. 

1849.  COUNCIL,  Shelter  of  a.— Responsi 
bility  is  a  tremendous  engine  in  a  free  gov 
ernment.     Let   the    Executive    [of   Virginia] 
feel  the  whole  weight  of  it  then,  by  taking 
away  the   shelter  of  his   Executive   Council. 
Experience  both  ways  has  already  established 
the  superiority  of  this  measure. — To  ARCHI 
BALD    STUART,     iii,    315.     FORD    ED.,    v,    315. 
(Pa.,  1791-) 

1850. .     Leave    no    screen    of    a 

council  behind  which  to  skulk  from  responsi 
bility. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  12.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 

1851.  COUNCIL,     Useless.— [The    Gov 
ernor's]    Council     *    *     *     is  at  best  but  a 
fifth  wheel  to  a  wagon. — To   SAMUEL  KER 
CHIVAL.     vii,  10.    FORD  EDV  x,  38.    (M.,  1816.) 

1852.  COUNCIL,  Votes    in.— In    answer 
to  your  inquiry  whether,  in  the  early  times  of 
our   [Virginia]   government,  where  the  Council 
was  divided,  the  practice  was  for  the  Governor 
to  give  the  deciding  vote?     I  must  observe  that, 


Council 
Counties 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


212 


correctly   speaking,   the   Governor   not   being   a 
counsellor,  his  vote  could  make  no  part  of  an 
advice  of  Council.     That  would  be  to  place  an 
advice   on   their   journals   which   they   did   not 
give,  and  could  not  give  because  of  their  equal 
division.     But   he   did  what  was   equivalent   in 
effect.     While    I    was    in    the    administration, 
no   doubt   was   ever   suggested   that   where   the 
Council,  divided  in  opinion,  could  give  no  ad 
vice,  the  Governor  was  free  and  bound  to  act 
on  his  own  opinion  and  his  own  responsibility. 
Had  this  been  a  change  of  the  practice  of  my 
predecessor,   Mr.   Henry,  the  first  Governor,   it 
would   have   produced   some   discussion,   which 
it   never   did.     Hence,    I    conclude    it   was   the 
opinion  and  practice  from  the  first  institution  of 
the  government.    During  Arnold's  and  Cornwal- 
lis's    invasion,    the    Council    dispersed    to    their 
several  homes,   to  take  care  of  their   families. 
Before  their  separation,  I  obtained  from  them  a 
capitulary  of  standing  advices  for  my  govern 
ment  in  such  cases  as  ordinarily  occur :  ^such  ^as 
the  appointment  of  militia  officers,  justices,  in 
spectors,   &c.,   on   the   recommendations   of  the 
courts  ;  but  in  the  numerous  and  extraordinary 
occurrences  of  an  invasion,  which  could  not  be 
foreseen,    I   had   to   act   on   my   own  judgment 
and  my  own  responsibility.     The  vote  of  gen 
eral  approbation,  at  the  session  of  the  succeed 
ing  winter,  manifested  the  opinion  of  the  Legis 
lature,  that  my  proceedings  had  been   correct. 
General  Nelson,  my  successor,   staid  mostly,   I 
think,  with  the  army ;  and  I  do  not  believe  his 
Council  followed  Jus  camp,  although  my  mem 
ory  does  not  enable  me  to  affirm  the  fact.     Some 
petitions  against  him  for  impressment  of  prop 
erty  without  authority  of  law,  brought  his  pro 
ceedings  before  the  next  Legislature ;  the  ques 
tions  necessarily  involved  were  whether  neces 
sity,  without  express  law,  could  justify  the  im 
pressment,  if  it  could,  whether  he  could  order 
it  without  the  advice  of  Council.     The  appro 
bation  of  the  Legislature  amounted  to  a  decision 
of  both   questions.     I   remember  this   case  the 
more  especially,  because  I  was  then  a  member  of 
the  Legislature,  and  was  one  of  those  who  sup 
ported  the  Governor's  proceedings,  and  I  think 
there  was  no  division  of  the  House  on  the  ques 
tion.     I   believe  the  doubt  was  first  suggested 
in  Governor  Harrison's  time,  by  some  member 
of  the  Council,  on  an  equal  division.     Harrison, 
in  his  dry  way,  observed  that  instead  of  one  gov 
ernor  and  eight  counsellors,  there  would  then 
be  eight  governors  and  one  counsellor,  and  con 
tinued,  as  I  understood,  the  practice  of  his  pred 
ecessors.      Indeed,    it   is   difficult   to   suppose   it 
could  be  the  intention  of  those  who  framed  the 
Constitution,  that  when  the  Council  should  be 
divided,  the  government  should  stand  still ;  and 
the  more  difficult  as  to   a  constitution   formed 
during  a  war,  and  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
on  that  war,  that  so  high  an  officer  as  their  Gov 
ernor  should  be  created  and  salaried,  merely  to 
act  as  the  clerk  and  authenticator  of  the  votes 
of  the  Council.     No  doubt  it  was  intended  that 
the   advice   of  the   Council   should   control   the 
Governor.     But    the    action    of   the    controlling 
power  being  withdrawn,  his  would  be  left  free 
to   proceed   on   its   own   responsibility.     Where 
from  division,  absence,  sickness,  or  other  obsta 
cle,   no   advice  could  be  given,  they  could  not 
mean  that  their  Governor,  the  person  of  their 
peculiar  choice  and  confidence,  should  stand  by, 
an  inactive  spectator,  and  let  their  government 
tumble  to  pieces  for  want  of  a  will  to  direct  it. 
In  executive  cases,  where  promptitude  and  de 
cision  are   all   important,   an   adherence  to  the 
letter  of  a  law  against  its  probable  intentions 
(for  every  law  must  intend  that  itself  shall  be 
executed),  would  be  fraught  with   incalculable 


danger.  Judges  may  await  further  legislative 
explanations,  but  a  delay  of  executive  action 
might  produce  irretrievable  ruin.  The  State 
is  invaded,  militia  to  be  called  out,  an  army 
marched,  arms  and  provisions  to  be  issued  from 
the  public  magazines,  the  Legislature  to  be  con 
vened,  and  the  Council  is  divided.  Can  it  be  be 
lieved  to  have  been  the  intention  of  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution,  that  the  Constitution  itself 
and  their  constituents  with  it  should  be  des 
troyed  for  want  of  a  will  to  direct  the  resources 
they  had  provided  for  its  preservation  ?  Before 
such  possible  consequences  all  verbal  excuses 
must  vanish ;  construction  must  be  made 
secunditm  arbitrium  boni  viri,  and  the  con 
stitution  be  rendered  a  practicable  thing.  That 
exposition  of  it  must  be  vicious,  which  would 
leave  the  nation  under  the  most  dangerous 
emergencies  without  a  directing  will.  The  cau 
tious  maxims  of  the  bench,  to  seek  the  will  of 
the  legislator  and  his  words  only,  are  proper 
and  safe  for  judicial  government.  They  act  ever 
on  an  individual  case  only,  the  evil  of  which  is 
partial,  and  gives  time  for  correction.  But  an 
instant  of  delay  in  executive  proceedings  may 
be  fatal  to  the  whole  nation.  They  must  not, 
therefore,  be  laced  up  in  the  rules  of  the  ju 
diciary  department.  They  must  seek  the  inten 
tion  of  the  legislator  in  all  the  circumstances 
which  may  indicate  it  in  the  history  of  the  day, 
in  the  public  discussions,  in  the  general  opinion 
and  understanding,  in  reason  and  in  practice. 
The  three  great  departments  having  distinct 
functions  to  perform,  must  have  distinct  rules 
adapted  to  them.  Each  must  act  under  its  own 
rules,  those  of  no  one  having  any  obligation 
on  either  of  the  others.  Where  the  opinion 
first  began  that  a  governor  could  not  act  when 
his  council  could  not  or  would  not  advise,  I 
am  uninformed.  Probably  not  till  after  the 
war;  for,  had  it  prevailed  then,  no  militia  could 
have  been  opposed  to  Cornwallis,  nor  neces 
saries  furnished  to  the  opposing  army  of  La 
fayette. — To  JAMES  BARBOUR.  vi,  38.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  335.  (M.,  1812.) 

1853.  COUNTIES,  Administration  of  .— 
I  have  two  great  measures  at  heart,  without 
which  no  republic  can  maintain  itself  in 
strength.  I.  That  of  general  education,  to 
enable  every  man  to  judge  for  himself  what 
will  secure  or  endanger  his  freedom.  2.  To 
divide  every  county  into  hundreds,  of  such 
size  that  all  the  children  of  each  will  be 
within  reach  of  a  central  school  in  it.  But 
this  division  looks  to  many  other  fundamental 
provisions.  Every  hundred,  besides  a  school, 
should  have  a  justice  of  the  peace,  a  constable, 
and  a  captain  of  militia.  These  officers,  or 
some  others  within  the  hundred,  should  be  a 
corporation  to  manage  all  its  concerns,  to  take 
care  of  its  roads,  its  poor,  and  its  police  by 
patrols,  &c.  (as  the  selectmen  of  the  Eastern 
townships).  Every  hundred  should  elect  one 
or  two  jurors  to  serve  where  requisite,  and 
all  other  elections  should  be  made  in  the 
hundreds  separately,  and  the  votes  of  all  the 
hundreds  be  brought  together.  Our  present 
captaincies  might  be  declared  hundreds  for 
the  present,  with  a  power  to  the  courts  to 
alter  them  occasionally.  These  little  repub 
lics  would  be  the  main  strength  of  the  great 
one.  We  owe  to  them  the  vigor  given  to  our 
Revolution  in  its  commencement  in  the  East 
ern  States,  and  by  them  the  Eastern  States 
were  enabled  to  repeal  the  Embargo  in  oppo- 


213 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Counties 
Courtiers 


sition  to  the  Middle,  Southern,  and  Western 
States,  and  their  large  and  lubberly  division 
into  counties  which  can  never  be  assembled. 
General  orders  are  given  out  from  a  centre 
to  the  foreman  of  every  hundred,  as  to  the 
sergeants  of  an  army,  and  the  whole  nation 
is  thrown  into  energetic  action,  in  the  same  di 
rection  in  one  instant  and  as  one  man,  and 
becomes  absolutely  irresistible.  Could  I  once 
see  this  I  should  consider  it  as  the  dawn  of 
the  salvation  of  the  republic,  and  say  with  old 
Simeon,  "  nunc  dimittas,  Domine."  But  our 
children  will  be  as  wise  as  we  are,  and  will 
establish  in  the  fulness  of  time  those  things 
not  yet  ripe  for  establishment. — To  JOHN  TY 
LER,  v,  525.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  277.  (M.,  1810.) 

1854. .     The  organization  of  our 

[Virginia]  county  administration  may  be 
thought  *  *  *  difficult;  but  follow  prin 
ciple  and  the  knot  unties  itself.  Divide  the 
counties  into  wards  of  such  size  as  that  every 
citizen  can  attend,  when  called  on,  and  act  in 
person.  Ascribe  to  them  the  government  of 
their  wards  in  all  things  relating  to  themselves 
exclusively.  A  justice,  chosen  by  themselves, 
in  each,  a  constable,  a  military  company,  a 
patrol,  a  school,  the  care  of  their  own  poor, 
their  own  portion  of  the  public  roads,  the 
choice  of  one  or  more  jurors  to  serve  in  some 
court,  and  the  delivery,  within  their  own 
wards,  of  their  own  votes  for  all  elective 
officers  of  higher  sphere,  will  relieve  the 
county  administration  of  nearly  all  its  busi 
ness,  will  have  it  better  done,  and  by  making 
every  citizen  an  acting  member  of  the  govern 
ment,  and  in  the  offices  nearest  and  most  in 
teresting  to  him,  will  attach  him  by  his 
strongest  feelings  to  the  independence  of  his 
country,  and  its  republican  constitution. — To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  x,  40. 
(M.,  1816.) 

1855.  COUNTIES,  Division  of.— [n  what 
terms  reconcilable  to  Majesty,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  truth,  shall  we  speak  of  a  late 
instruction  to  the  Governor  of  the  Colony  of 
Virginia,  by  which  he  is  forbidden  to  assent 
to  any  law  for  the  division  of  a  county,  unless 
the  new  county  will  consent  to  have  no  rep 
resentative  in  Assembly?  That  Colony  has  as 
yet  fixed  no  boundary  to  the  westward.  Their 
westward  counties,  therefore,  are  of  indefinite 
extent.  Some  of  them  are  actually  seated 
many  hundreds  of  miles  from  their  eastern 
limits.  Is  it  possible,  then,  that  his  Majesty 
can  have  bestowed  a  single  thought  on  the 
situation  of  those  people,  who,  in  order  to  ob 
tain  justice  for  injuries,  however  great  or 
small,  must,  by  the  laws  of  that  Colony,  attend 
their  County  Court,  at  such  a  distance,  with 
all  their  witnesses,  monthly,  till  their  litiga 
tion  be  determined. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,  i,  136.  FORD  ED.,  i,  441.  (1774.) 

1856. .     The  article,  nearest  my 

heart,  is  the  division  of  counties  into  wards. 
These  will  be  pure  and  elementary  repub 
lics,  the  sum  of  all  which,  taken  together, 
composes  the  State,  and  will  make  of  the 
whole  a  true  democracy  as  to  the  business 
of  the  wards,  which  is  that  of  nearest  and 


daily  concern.  The  affairs  of  the  larger  sec 
tions,  of  counties,  of  States,  and  of  the  Union, 
not  admitting  personal  transactions  by  the 
people,  will  be  delegated  to  agents  elected  by 
themselves;  and  representation  will  thus  be 
substituted,  where  personal  action  becomes 
impracticable.  Yet,  even  over  these  repre 
sentative  organs,  should  they  become  corrupt 
and  perverted,  the  division  into  wards  con 
stituting  the  people,  in  their  wards,  a  regu 
larly  organized  power,  enables  them  by  that 
organization  to  crush,  regularly  and  peace 
ably,  the  usurpations  of  their  unfaithful 
agents,  and  rescues  them  from  the  dreadful 
necessity  of  doing  it  insurrectionaily.  In  this 
way  we  shall  be  as  republican  as  a  large  so 
ciety  can  be;  and  secure  the  continuance  of 
purity  in  our  government,  by  the  salutary, 
peaceable,  and  regular  control  of  the  people. — 
To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  35.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
45-  (M.,  1816.) 

1857.  -  — .    As  Cato  concluded  every 

speech  with  the  words  "  Carthago  delenda 
est,"  so  do  I  every  opinion,  with  the  injunc 
tion,  "  divide  the  counties  into  wards." — To 
JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vi,  544.  (M.,  1816.) 

1858. .  These  wards,  called  town 
ships  in  New  England,  are  the  vital  principle 
of  their  governments,  and  have  proved  them 
selves  the  wisest  invention  ever  devised  by  the 
wit  of  man  for  the  perfect  exercise  of  self- 
government,  and  for  its  preservation. — To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  13.  FORD  ED.,  x,  41. 
(M.,  1816.) 

1859.  COUNTIES,  The  State  and.— A 
county  of  a  State  *  *  *  cannot  be  gov 
erned  by  its  own  laws,  but  must  be  subject  to 
those  of  the  State  of  which  it  is  a  part.— To 
WILLIAM  LEE.  vii,  57.  (M.,  1817.) 

I860. .     Every   State   is   divided 

into  counties,  each  to  take  care  of  what  lies 
within  its  local  bounds;  each  county  again 
into  townships  or  wards,  to  manage  minuter 
details. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
113.  (1821.) 

1861.  COURTESY,  Diplomatic.— When 
ever  Mr.   Hammond    [the   British   Minister] 
applies  to  our  government  on  any  matter  what 
ever,  be  it  ever  so  new  or  difficult,  if  he  does 
not  receive  his  answer  in  two  or  three  days 
or  a  week,  we  are  goaded  with  new  letters 
on  the  subject.     Sometimes  it  is  the  sailing 
of  the  packet,  which  is  made  the  pretext  for 
forcing  us  into  premature  and  undigested  de 
terminations.     You  know  best  how  far  your 
applications  meet  such  early  attentions,  and 
whether  you  may  with  propriety  claim  a  re 
turn  of  the'"-  :  you  can  best  judge,  too,  of  the 
expediency  of  an  imitation,   that  where  dis 
patch  is  not  reciprocal  it  may  be  expedient 
and  justifiable  that  delay  should  be  so. — To 
THOMAS   PINCKNEY.    iii,   583.     FORD  ED.,   vi, 
302.    (Pa.,  June  1793.) 

1862.  COURTIERS,     Unprincipled.— 
Courtiers    had    rather    give    up    power    than 
pleasures;    they    will    barter,    therefore,    the 
usurped   prerogatives   of   the    King,    for   the 


Courts 

Courts  of  Chancery 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


214 


money  of  the  people. — To  COUNT  DE  Mous- 
TIER.  ii,  389.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

_  COURTS,  Admiralty.— See  ADMIRALTY. 

1863.  COURTS,    Erection   of.— The   Ad 
ministrator*  shall  not  possess  the  prerogative 
*    *    *    of   erecting   courts. — PROPOSED   VA. 
CONSTITUTION.   FORD  ED.,  ii,  19.    (June  1776.) 

1864.  COURTS,    Organization    of    Vir 
ginia. — The  Judiciary  powers  shall  be  exer 
cised :     First,  by  County   Courts,   and  other 
inferior  jurisdictions.     Secondly,   by   a   Gen 
eral   Court  and  a  High  Court  of  Chancery. 
Thirdly,  by  a  Court  of  Appeals.— PROPOSED 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  22.     (June 
1776.) 

1865.  COURTS,     Jurisdiction    of.— The 
courts    of    this     commonwealth      [Virginia] 
(and  among  them  the  General   Court,  as  a 
court  of  impeachment),  are  originally  com 
petent  to  the  cognizance  of  all  infractions  of 
the  rights  of  one  citizen  by  another  citizen; 
and  they  still  retain  all  their  judiciary  cog 
nizances  not  expressly  alienated  by  the  Fed 
eral    Constitution.— To    JAMES    MONROE,     iv, 
199.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  172.     (M.,  1797.) 

1866.  COURTS  (Appeals),  Judges  of.— 

The  Court  of  Appeals  shall  consist  of  not  less 
than  seven  nor  more  than  eleven  members,  to 
be  appointed  by  the  House  of  Representa 
tives. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  23.  (June  1776.) 

1867. .     The     members     of    the 

Court  of  Appeals  *  *  *  shall  hold  their 
offices  during  good  behavior.,  for  breach  of 
which  they  shall  be  removable  by  an  act  of 
the  Legislature  only. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  23.  (June  1776.) 

1868. .     The  jurisdiction  [of  the 

Court  of  Appeals]  shall  be  to  determine 
finally  all  causes  removed  before  them  from 
the  General  Court,  or  High  Court  of  Chan 
cery,  or  of  the  County  Court,  or  other  in 
ferior  jurisdictions,  for  misbehavior;  to  try 
impeachments. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  23.  (June  1776.) 

1869.  -          — .      In  the  Court  of  Appeals, 
the  judges  of  the  General   Court  and  High 
Court  of  Chancery  shall  have  session  and  de 
liberative  voice,   but  no  suffrage. — PROPOSED 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  23.     (June 
1776.) 

1870.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Begin 
ning  of. — In  ancient  times,   when  contracts 
and  transfers  of  property  were  more  rare,  and 
their  objects  more  simple. the  imperfections  of 
the  administration  of  justice  according  to  the 
letter  of  the  law   were  less  felt.     But  when 
commerce  began  to  make  progress,  when  the 
transfer  of  property  came  into  daily  use,  when 
the  modifications  of  these  transfers  were  in 
finitely   diversified,   when   with   the   improve 
ment    of   other   faculties   that    of   the    moral 
sense  became  also  improved,  and  learnt  to  re- 

*  The  Governor.— EDITOR. 


spect  justice  in  a  variety  of  cases  which  it  had 
not  formerly  discriminated,  the  instances  of 
injustice  left  without  remedy  by  courts  ad 
hering  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  would  be 
so  numerous  as  to  produce  a  general  desire 
that  a  power  should  be  found  somewhere 
which  would  redress  them.  History  renders 
it  probable  that  appeals  were  made  to  the 
king  himself  in  these  cases,  and  that  he  ex 
ercised  this  power  sometimes  in  person,  but 
more  generally  by  his  chancellor  to  whom  he 
referred  the  case.  This  was  most  commonly 
an  Ecclesiastic,  learning  being  rare  in  any 
other  class  at  that  time.  Romai.  learning, 
and  a  prejudice  in  favor  of  Roman  institu 
tions  are  known  to  have  been  a  leading  fea 
ture  in  the  ecclesiastical  character.  Hence  it 
happened  that  the  forms  of  proceeding  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  and  the  rules  of  its  de 
cisions  were  assimilated  to  those  of  the  Ro 
man  law.  The  distinction  in  that  svstem 
between  the  jus  pratorium,  or  discretion  of 
the  Praetor,  and  the  general  law  is  well  known. 
Among  the  Romans,  and  in  most  modern 
nations,  these  were  and  are  exercised  by  the 
same  person.  But  the  Chancellors  of  Eng 
land,  finding  the  ordinary  courts  in  possession 
of  the  administration  of  general  law,  and  con 
fined  to  that,  assumed  to  themselves  by  de 
grees  that  of  the  jus  prcetorium,  and  made 
theirs  be  considered  as  a  court  of  conscience, 
or  of  equity.  The  history  of  the  struggles 
between  the  ordinary,  or  common  law  courts, 
and  the  Court  of  Equity  or  Chancery,  would 
be  beyond  our  purpose.  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
that  the  interpositions  of  the  Chancellor  were 
at  first  very  rare,  that  they  increased  insen 
sibly,  and  were  rather  tolerated  from  their 
necessity,  than  authorized  by  the  laws  in  the 
earlier  periods  of  history.  Lord  Bacon  first 
introduced  regularity  into  their  proceedings, 
and  Finch,  Earl  of  Nottingham,  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  II.  opened  to  view  that  system 
which  has  been  improving  from  that  time  to 
this. — To  PHILLIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  no. 
(P.,  1785.) 

1871.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Com 
mon  Law  and. — One  practice  only  is  want 
ing  to  render  the  Court  of  Chancery  com 
pletely  valuable.  That  is  that  when  a  class 
of  cases  has  been  formed,  and  has  been  the 
subject  of  so  many  decisions  in  the  Court  of 
Chancery  as  to  have  been  seen  there  under 
all  circumstances,  and  in  all  its  combinations, 
and  the  rules  for  its  decision  are  modified  ac 
cordingly  and  thoroughly  digested,  the  Legis 
lature  should  reduce  these  rules  to  a  text  and 
transplant  them  into  the  department  of  the 
Common  Law,  which  is  competent  then  to 
the  application  of  them,  and  is  a  safer  deposi 
tory  for  the  general  administration  of  jus 
tice.  This  would  be  to  make  the  Chancery 
a  nursery  only  for  the  forming  new  plants 
for  the  department  of  the  Common  Law. 
Muc.h  of  the  business  of  Chancery  is  now  ac 
tually  in  a  state  of  perfect  preparation  for 
removal  into  the  Common  Law. — To  PHILLIP 
MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  113.  (P.,  1785.) 

1872. .  It  has  often  been  pre 
dicted  in  England  that  the  Chancery  would 


215 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Courts  of  Chancery 


swallow  up  the  Common  Law.  During  many 
centuries,  however,  that  these  two  courts 
have  gone  on  together,  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Common  Law  has  not  been  narrowed  in 
a  single  article;  on  the  contrary,  it  has  been 
enlarged  from  time  to  time  by  act  of  the 
Legislature;  but  jealousy,  uncorrected  by 
reason  or  experience,  sees  certainty  wherever 
there  is  a  possibility,  and  sensible  men  still 
think  that  the  danger  from  this  court  over- 
weighs  its  utility.— To  PHILLIP  MAZZEI.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  113-  (P-,  1785.) 

1873.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Judges 
of. — The  Judges  of  the  General  Court  and  of 
the  High  Court  of  Chancery,  *  *  *  if 
kept  united,  shall  be  five  in  number;  if  sep 
arate,  there  shall  be  five  for  the  General 
Court,  and  three  for  the  High  Court  of  Chan 
cery.— PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  22.  (June  1776.) 

1874. .  The  Judges  of  the  Gen 
eral  Court  and  of  the  High  Court  of  Chan 
cery  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Administrator 
and  Privy  Council.— PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  22.  (June  1776.) 

1875. .  The  appointment  of  the 

Judges  of  the  General  Court  and  of  the  High 
Court  of  Chancery  shall  be  made  from  the 
faculty  of  the  law,  and  of  such  persons  of 
that  faculty  as  shall  have  actually  exercised 
the  same  at  the  bar  of  some  court,  or  courts  of 
record  within  this  Colony,  for  seven  years. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  22. 
(June  1776.) 

1876. .  The  Judges  of  the  Gen 
eral  Court  and  of  the  High  Court  of  Chan 
cery  *  *  *  shall  hold  their  commissions 
during  good  behavior,  for  breach  of  which 
they  shall  be  removable  by  the  Court  of  Ap 
peals. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  23.  (June  1776.) 

1877. .  The  judges  of  the  high 

court  of  chancery,  general  court,  and  court  of 
admiralty  shall  *  *  be  appointed  by 
joint  ballot  of  both  houses  of  Assembly,  and 
hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior. — PRO 
POSED  CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA,  viii,  448. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  328.  (1783.) 

1878.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Ju 
ries  in. — All  facts  in  causes  whether  of  Chan 
cery,  Common,  Ecclesiastical,  or  Marine  law, 
shall  be  tried  by  a  jury  upon  evidence  given 
viva  voce,  in  open  court ;  but  where  witnesses 
are  out  of  the  Colony,  or  unable  to  attend 
through  sickness,  or  other  invincible  necessity, 
their  deposition  may  be  submitted  to  the 
credit  of  the  jury. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  24.  (June  1776.) 

1879. .  To  guard  still  more  ef 
fectually  against  the  dangers  apprehended 
from  a  Court  of  Chancery,  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia  have  very  wisely  introduced  into  it 
the  trial  by  jury  for  all  matters  of  fact. — To 
PHILIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  116.  (P., 
1785.) 

1880.  .  In  your  new  station 

[Legislature  of  Va.]  let  me  recommend  to 


you  the  jury  system;  as  also  the  restoration  of 
juries  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  which  a 
law  not  long  since  repealed,  because  "  the  trial 
by  jury  is  troublesome  and  expensive."  If 
the  reason  be  good,  they  should  abolish  it 
at  common  law  also. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  307.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  400.  (M.,  Nov.  1799.) 

1881. .  I  Was  once  a  great  advo 
cate  for  introducing  into  chancery  viva  voce 
testimony,  and  trial  by  jury.  I  am  still  so 
as  to  the  latter,  but  have  retired  from  the 
former  opinion  on  the  information  received 
from  both  your  State  [Kentucky]  and  ours, 
that  it  worked  inconveniently.  I  introduced 
it  into  the  Virginia  law,  but  did  not  return 
to  the  bar,  so  as  to  see  how  it  answered. — To 
JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  318.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
416.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

1882. .     In  that  one  of  the  bills 

for  organizing  our  [Va.]  judiciary  system, 
which  proposed  a  court  of  Chancery,  I  had 
provided  for  a  trial  by  jury  of  all  matters  of 
fact,  in  that  as  well  as  in  the  courts  of  law. 
Edmund  Pendleton  defeated  it  by  the  intro 
duction  of  four  words  only,  "  if  either  party 
choose."  The  consequence  has  been,  that  as 
no  suitor  will  say  to  his  judge,  "  Sir,  I  dis 
trust  you,  give  me  a  jury,"  juries  are  rarely,  I 
might  say,  perhaps,  never  seen  in  that  court, 
but  when  called  for  by  the  Chancellor  of  his 
own  accord. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  37.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  50.  (1821.) 

1883.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Ju 
risdiction  of.— The  Court  of  Chancery,  whilst 
developing  and  systematizing  its  powers,  has 
found,  in  the  jealousy  of  the  nation  and  its 
attachment  to  certain  and  impartial  law,  an 
obstacle  insuperable  beyond  that  line.  It  has 
been  obliged  therefore  to  establish  for  itself 
certain  barriers  as  the  limitation  of  its  power, 
which,  whenever  it  transcends  the  general  jur 
isdiction  which  superintends  all  the  Courts, 
and  receives  appeals  from  them,  corrects  its 
encroachments,  and  reverses  its  decisions. 
This  is  the  House  of  Lords  in  England,  and 
the  Court  of  Appeals  in  Virginia.  These  lim 
itations  are:  i.  That  it  cannot  take  cognizance 
of  any  case  wherein  the  Common  Law  can 
give  complete  remedy.  2.  That  it  cannot  in 
terpose  in  any  case  against  the  express  letter 
and  intention  of  the  Legislature.  If  the  Legis 
lature  means  to  enact  an  injustice,  however 
palpable,  the  Court  of  Chancery  is  not  the 
body  with  whom  a  correcting  power  is  lodged. 
3.  That  it  shall  not  interpose  in  any  case 
which  does  not  come  within  a  general  de 
scription,  and  admit  of  redress  by  a  general 
and  practicable  rule.  This  is  to  prevent  par 
tiality.  When  a  Chancellor  pretends  that  acase 
fs  distinguished  from  all  others,  it  is  thought 
better  that  that  singular  case  should  go 
without  remedy,  than  that  he  should  be  at 
liberty  to  cover  partial  decisions  under  ore- 
tence  of  singular  circumstances,  which  in 
genious  men  can  always  invent.  Hence  all 
the  cases  remediable  in  Chancery  are  reduced 
to  certain  classes.  When  a  new  case  presents 
itself,  not  found  in  any  of  these  classes,  it  is 
dismissed  as  irremediable.  If  in  the  progress 


Courts  of  Chancery 
Courts  (County) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


2l6 


of  commerce,  and  of  the  developments  of 
moral  duties,  the  same  case  is  presented  so 
often  that  the  Chancellor  can  seize  certain 
leading  features  which  submit  to  a  general 
description,  and  show  that  it  is  a  proper 
object  for  the  application  of  some  moral 
rule> — here  is  a  new  class  of  cases  formed 
and  brought  within  the  regular  relief  of  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  which  thus  continues  the 
administration  of  justice  progressive  almost 
in  equal  pace  with  the  progress  of  commerce 
and  refinement  of  morality. — To  PHILLIP 
MAZZEI.  FORDED.,  iv,  112.  (P.,  1785.) 

1884.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,   Lord 
Mansfield  and.— Unhappily  for  England  a 
very    unexpected    revolution    is    working    in 
their  laws  of  late  years.     Lord  Mansfield,  a 
man  of  the  clearest  head  and  most  seducing 
eloquence,  coming  from  a  country  where  the 
powers  of  the  common  law  and  chancery  are 
united  in  the  same  court,  has  been  able  since 
his  admission  to  the  bench  of  judges  in  Eng 
land,  to  persuade  the  courts  of  common  law 
to  revise  the  practice  of  construing  their  text 
equitably.     The  object  of  former  judges  has 
been  to  render  the  law  more  and  more  certain ; 
that  of  this  person  to  render  it  more  uncer 
tain    under    pretence    of    rendering    it    more 
reasonable.     No  period  of  the  English  law,  of 
whatever  length. it  be  taken,  can  be  produced 
wherein  so  many  of  its  settled  rules  have  been 
reversed  as  during  the  time  of  this  judge. 
His  decisions  will  be  precious  in  those  States 
where  no  chancery  is  established;  but  his  ac 
cession  to  the  bench  should  form  the  epoch, 
after  which  all  recurrence  to  English  decisions 
should  be  proscribed  in  those  States  which 
have  separated  the  two  courts.     His  plan  of 
rendering  the  Chancery  useless  by  adminis 
tering  justice  in  the  same  way  in  the  courts 
of  common  law  has  been  admirably  seconded 
by  the  celebrated  Doctor  Blackstone,  a  judge 
in  the  same  department,  who  has  endeavored 
seriously  to  prove  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Chancery  is  a  chaos,   irreducible  to   system, 
insusceptible  of  fixed  rules,  and  incapable  of 
definition    or   explanation.      Were   this   true, 
it  would  be  a  monster  whose  existence  should 
not  be  suffered  one  moment  in  a  free  country 
wherein  every  power  is  dangerous  which  is 
not  bound  up  by  general  rules. — To  PHILLIP 
MAZZEI.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  115.     (P.,  1785.) 

1885.  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY,  Util 
ity   of. — Even    some   of   the    States   in   our 
Union  have  chosen  to  do  without  this  court; 
and  it  has  been  proposed  to  others  to  follow 
their  example  in  this  case.     One  of  two  con 
sequences  must  follow.     Either,  i — the  cases 
now  remediable  in  Chancery  must  be  left  with 
out  remedy,  in  which  event  the  clamorers  for 
justice    which    originally    begat    this    court, 
would   produce   its   re-institution;    or  2 — the 
courts  of  common  law  must  be  permitted  to 
perform    the    discretionary    functions    of   the 
Chancery.     This  will  be  either  by  adopting  at 
once  all  the  rules  of  the  Chancery,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Legislature,  or  if  that  is  with 
held,  these  courts  will  be  led,  by  the  desire  of 
doing  justice,  to  extend  the  text  of  the  law 


according  to  its  equity  as  was  done  in  Eng 
land  before  the  Chancery  took  a  regular  form. 
This  will  be  worse  than  running  on  Scylla  to 
avoid  Charybdis,  for  at  present  nine-tenths 
of  our  legal  contestations  are  perfectly  rem 
edied  by  the  common  law,  and  can  be  carried 
before  that  judicature  only.  This  propor 
tion  then  of  our  rights  is  placed  on  sure 
ground.  Relieve  the  judges  from  the  rigor 
of  text  law,  and  permit  them,  with  praetorian 
discretion,  to  wander  into  its  equity,  and  the 
whole  legal  system  becomes  uncertain.  This 
has  been  its  fate  in  every  country  where  the 
fixed  and  the  discretionary  law  have  been 
committed  into  the  same  hands.  It  is  prob 
able  that  the  singular  certainty,  with  which 
justice  has  been  administered  in  England, 
has  been  the  consequence  of  their  distribu 
tion  into  two  distinct  departments. — To  PHIL 
LIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  114.  (P.,  1785.) 

1886.  COURTS      (County),      Appoint 
ment  of  Judges.— The  judges  of  the  County 
Courts,  and  other  inferior  jurisdictions,  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  Administrator,  subject  to 
the    negative   of   the    Privy    Council.      They 
shall   not  be   fewer   than   five   in   number. — 
PROPOSED   VA.    CONSTITUTION   FOR   VIRGINIA. 
FORD  EDV  ii,  22.     (June  1776.) 

1887.  COURTS    (County),    Election    of 
Judges. — I    acknowledge   the   value   of   this 
institution    [County    Courts] ;    that    it   is    in 
truth   our  principal   executive  and  judiciary, 
and  that  it  does  much  for  little  pecuniary  re 
ward.    It  is  their  self-appointment  I  wish  to 
correct ;  to  find  some  means  of  breaking  up 
a  cabal,  when  such  a  one  gets  possession  of 
the   bench.     When   this   takes    place,    it   be 
comes   the   most   afflicting  of  tyrannies,   be 
cause  its  powers  are  so  various,  and  exercised 
on  everything  most  immediately  around  us. — 
To  JOHN  TAYLOR,    vii,  18.    FORD  ED.,  x,  52. 
(M.,  1816.) 

1888. .     It  has  been  thought  that 

the  people  are  not  competent  electors  of 
judges  learned  in  the  law.  But  I  do  not 
know  that  this  is  true,  and,  if  doubtful,  we 
should  follow  principle.  In  this,  as  in  many 
other  elections,  they  would  be  guided  by  repu 
tation,  which  would  not  err  oftener,  perhaps, 
than  the  present  mode  of  appointment.  In 
one  State  of  the  Union,  at  least,  it  has  long 
been  tried,  and  with  the  most  satisfactory 
success.  The  judges  of  Connecticut  have 
been  chosen  by  the  people  every  six  months, 
for  nearly  two  centuries,  and  I  believe  there 
has  hardly  ever  been  an  instance  of  change ; 
so  powerful  is  the  curb  of  incessant  respon 
sibility.  If  prejudice,  however,  derived  from 
a  monarchical  institution,  is  still  to  prevail 
against  the  vital  elective  principle  of  our  own, 
and  if  the  existing  example  among  ourselves 
of  periodical  election  of  judges  by  the  people 
be  still  mistrusted,  let  us  at  least  not  adopt  the 
evil,  and  reject  the  good,  of  the  English  pre 
cedent;  let  us  [Virginia]  retain  amovability  on 
the  concurrence  of  the  executive  and  legisla 
tive  branches,  and  nomination  by  the  execu 
tive  alone. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  12. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 


217 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Courts  (County) 
Credit 


1889.  COURTS     (County),     Jurisdic 
tion. — The  jurisdictions  of  the  judges  of  the 
County     Courts    *    *    *    shall    be    defined 
from  time  to  time  by  the  Legislature. — PRO 
POSED  VA.   CONSTITUTION.      FORD  ED.,  ii,  22. 
(June  1776.) 

1890.  COURTS      (County),      Removal 
of  Judges. — The  judges  of  the  County  Courts 

*  *  *  shall  be  removable  for  misbehav 
ior  by  the  Court  of  Appeals. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  22.  (June  1776.) 

_  COURTS  (Federal).— See  JUDICIARY. 

1891.  COURTS  (Inferior),  Judges.— The 

justices  or  judges  of  the  inferior  court  *  *  * 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  governor,  on  advice 
of  the  Council  of  State.— PROPOSED  CONSTITU 
TION  FOR  VIRGINIA,  viii,  450.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
329.  (1783.) 

1892. .  The  justices  or  judges  of 

the  inferior  courts  may  be  members  of  the 
Legislature. — PROPOSED  CONSTITUTION  FOR 
VIRGINIA.  viii,  450.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  330. 
(1783.) 

1893.  COURTS  (French  Plenary),  Com 
position  of. — The  composition  of  the  Plenary 
Court  is,  indeed,  vicious  in  the  extreme;  but 
the  basis  of  that  court  may  be  retained,  and 
its  composition  changed.  Make  of  it  a  rep 
resentative  of  the  people,  by  composing  it  of 
members  sent  from  the  Provincial  Assem 
blies,  and  it  becomes  a  valuable  member  of  the 
constitution.— To  COUNT  DE  MOUSTIER.  ii, 
388.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

1894. .     Two    innovations    must 

be  fundamentally  condemned  :  the  abolishing, 
in  so  great  a  degree,  of  the  parliaments,  and 
the  substitution  of  so  ill-composed  a  body  as 
the  Cour  Pleniere.  If  the  King  has  power  to 
do  this,  the  government  of  this  country  is  a 
pure  despotism.— To  MR.  CUTTING,  ii,  438. 
(P.,  July  1788.) 

1895. .  The  right  of  registering 

the  laws  is  taken  from  the  parliaments  and 
transferred  to  a  Plenary  court,  created  by  the 
King.  This  last  is  the  measure  most  obnox 
ious  to  all  persons.  Though  the  members 
are  to  be  for  life,  yet  a  great  proportion  of 
them  are  from  descriptions  of  men  always 
candidates  for  the  royal  favor  in  other 
lines. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  391.  (P.,  May 
1788.) 

1896.  COURTS  (Monarchical),  Character 
of. — Courts  are  to  be  seen  as  you  would  see 
the  tower  of  London,  or  menagerie  of  Ver 
sailles  with  their  lions,  tigers,  hyenas  and 
other  beasts  of  prey,  standing  in  the  same  re 
lation  to  their  fellows.  A  slight  acquaintance 
with  them  will  suffice  to  show  you  that,  under 
the  most  imposing  exterior,  they  are  the 
weakest  and  worst  part  of  mankind.  Their 
manners,  could  you  ape  them,  would  not 
make  you  beloved  in  your  own  country,  nor 
would  they  improve  it  could  you  introduce 
them  there  to  the  exclusion  of  that  honest 
simplicity  now  prevailing  in  America,  and 
worthy  of  being  cherished. — TRAVELLING 
HINTS.  ix,  405.  (1788.) 


1897.  COURTS  (Monarchical),  Inscruta 
ble. — The  designs  of  these  [European]  courts 
are    unsearchable.— To    JAMES    MONROE,      i, 
346.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  51.     (P.,  1785.) 

1898.  COURTS  (Monarchical),  The  Peo 
ple  and. — Courts  love  the  people  always,  as 
wolves  do  the  sheep. — To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  561. 
(P.,  1789-) 

1899.  COURTS  (Monarchical),  Unaffec- 
tionate. — A  court  has  no  affections ;  but  those 
of   the   people   whom   they   govern   influence 
their   decisions,    even   in   the   most   arbitrary 
governments. — To    JAMES    MONROE,      i,    346. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  51.     (P.,  1785.) 

-  COURTS  (State).— See  JUDICIARY. 

1900.  CRAWFORD  (William  H.),  Presi 
dency   and. — A   baseless   and   malicious   at 
tack  on  Mr.  Crawford  has  produced  from  him 
so  clear,  so  incontrovertible,  and  so  temperate 
a  justification  of  himself  as  to  have  added  much 
to  the  strength   of  his   interest.     The  question 
will  ultimately  be,  as  I  suggested  in  a  former 
letter   to   you,    between    Crawford   and   Adams, 
with  this  in  favor  of  Crawford  that,  although 
many  States  have  a  different  first  favorite,  he 
is  the  second  with  nearly  all,  and  that  if  it  goes 
into  the  Legislature  he  will  surely  be  elected. — 
To    RICHARD    RUSH.     FORD   ED.,   x,    305.     (M., 
June  1824.) 

—  CREATION,  Jefferson's  Views  on.— 
See  EARTH. 

1901.  CREDIT,      American.— The     real 
credit  of  the  United  States  depends  on  the 
ability,  and  the  immutability  of  their  will,  to 
pay  their  debts.— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS.    FORD 
ED.,  vi,  70.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

1902. .    We  beg    *    *    *    to  as 
sure  the  French  nation,  that  among  the  im 
portant  reasons  which  lead  us  to  economize 
and  foster  our  public  credit,  a  strong  one  is 
the   desire   of  preserving   to    ourselves    the 
means  of  discharging  our  debts  to  them  with 
punctuality  and  good  faith  in  the  terms  and 
sums  which  have  been  stipulated  between  us. 
—To  EDMOND  CHARLES  GENET.    FORD  ED.,  vi, 
295.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

1903.  CREDIT,     Destroyed.— They    [at 
tacks  in  English  newspapers]  have  destroyed 
our  credit,  and  thus  checked  our  disposition 
to  luxury ;  and,  forcing  our  merchants  to  buy 
no  more  than  they  have  ready  money  to  pay 
for,  they  force  them  to  go  to  those  markets 
where  that  ready  money  will  buy  most.   Thus 
*  *  *  they  check  our  luxury,  they  force  us  to 
connect  ourselves  with  all  the  world,  and  they 
prevent  foreign  emigrations  to  our  country, 
all  of  which  I  consider  as  advantageous  to 
us.— To    COUNT    VAN    HOGENDORP.      i,    464. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  104.     (P.,  1785.) 

1904. .     I  heartily  wish  the  States 

may,  by  their  contributions,  enable  you  to  re 
establish  a  credit,  which  cannot  be  lower  than 
at  present,  to  exist  at  all.  This  is  partly  ow 
ing  to  their  real  deficiencies,  and  partly  to 
the  lies  propagated  by  the  London  papers, 
which  are  probably  paid  for  by  the  minister, 
to  reconcile  the  people  to  the  loss  of  us.  *  *  * 
Should  this  produce  the  amendment  of  our 


Credit 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


218 


federal  constitution  *  *  *  we  shall  receive 
a  permanent  indemnification  for  a  temporary 
loss.— To  SAMUEL  OSGOOD.  i,  450.  (P.,  1785.) 

1905. .  Desperate  of  finding  re 
lief  from  a  free  course  of  justice,  I  look  for 
ward  to  the  abolition  of  all  credit  as  the  only 
other  remedy  which  can  take  place.  I  have 
seen,  therefore,  with  pleasure,  the  exaggera 
tions  of  our  want  of  faith  with  which  the 
London  papers  teem.  It  is,  indeed,  a  strong 
medicine  for  sensible  minds,  but  it  is  a  medi 
cine.  It  will  prevent  their  crediting  us 
abroad,  in  which  case  we  cannot  be  credited 
at  home. — To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  194.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  414.  (P.,  1787.) 

1906.  CREDIT,     Establishing.— I     told 
the  President  [Washington]  all  that  was  ever 
necessary  to  establish  our  credit,  was  an  effi 
cient   government,    and   an   honest   one,    de 
claring  it  would  sacredly  pay  our  debts,  lay 
ing  taxes  for  this  purpose  and  applying  them 
to   it. — THE   ANAS,     ix,    123.     FORD   ED.,    i, 
205.     (Oct.  1792.) 

1907.  CREDIT,  Faith  in  American.— I 

had  rather  trust  money  in  the  hands  of  the 
United  States  than  in  those  of  any  govern 
ment  on  earth. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  ii,  121. 
(P.,  1787.) 

1908.  CREDIT,  Funding  and.— The  fund 
ing  the  public  debt  will  secure  to  us  the  credit 
we  now  hold  at  Amsterdam,  where  our  Euro 
pean  paper  is  above  par,  which  is  the  case 
of  no  other  nation.     Our  business  is  to  have 
great  credit  and  to.  use  it  little. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.    FORDED.,  v,  198.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1909. .     The    consolidation    and 

funding  their  debts  will  give  the  French  gov 
ernment  a  credit  which  then  will  enable  them 
to  do  what  they  please. — To  DAVID  HUM 
PHREYS,  iii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  v,  88.  (P.,  1789.) 

1910.  CREDIT,  High.— pur  loan  in  Am 
sterdam  for  two  and  a  half  millions  of  florins 
was  filled  in  two  hours  and  a  half  after  it  was 
opened. — To    PRESIDENT    WASHINGTON,      iii, 
255.    FORD  ED.,  v,  327.     (Pa.,  May  1791.) 

1911.  CREDIT,  Interest  and.— The  bank 
ers  of  Holland  consider  us  as  the  surest  na 
tion  on  earth  for  the  repayment  of  the  capital, 
but  as  the  punctual  payment  of  interest  is  of 
absolute  necessity  in  their  arrangements,  we 
cannot  borrow  but  with  difficulty  and   dis 
advantage. — To    GENERAL   WASHINGTON,     ii, 
374.  (P.,  1788.) 

1912. .  If  the  first  money  opera 
tions  of  the  government  under  the  new  Con 
stitution  are  injudiciously  begun,  correction, 
whenever  they  shall  be  corrected,  will  come 
too  late.  Our  borrowings  will  always  be 
difficult  and  disadvantageous.  If  they  begin 
well,  our  credit  will  immediately  take  the 
first  station.  Equal  provision  for  the  in 
terest,  adding  to  it  a  certain  prospect  for  the 
principal,  will  give  us  [in  Holland]  a  pref 
erence  to  all  nations,  the  English  not  ex- 
cepted. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  376.  (P., 


1913.  CREDIT,  Low.— American  reputa 
tion  in  Europe  is  not  such  as  to  be  flattering 
to  its  citizens.     Two  circumstances  are  par 
ticularly  objected  to  us;  the  non-payment  of 
our  debts,  and  the  want  of  energy  in  our  gov 
ernment.  These  discourage  a  connection  with 
us.    I  own  it  to  be  my  opinion,  that  good  will 
arise  from  the  destruction  of  our  credit.     I 
see  nothing  else  which  can  restrain  our  dis 
position  to  luxury,  and  to  the  loss*  of  those 
manners  which  alone  can  preserve  republican 
government.     As  it  is  impossible  to  prevent 
credit,  the  best  way  would  be  to  cure  its  ill  ef 
fects,    by   giving   an   instantaneous   recovery 
to  the  creditor.    This  would  be  reducing  pur 
chases    on    credit   to     purchases     for    ready 
money.      A   man    would   then   see   a   prison 
painted  on  everything  he  wished,  but  had  not 
ready   money   to    pay    for. — To    ARCHIBALD 
STUART,     i,  518.     FORD  ED.,  iv,    188.       (P., 
1786.) 

1914.  CREDIT,   Manufactures  and.— If 

credit  alone  can  be  obtained  for  the  manufac 
tures  of  the  country,  it  will  still  help  to 
clothe  our  armies,  or  to  increase  at  market 
the  necessaries  our  people  want. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  206.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  134.  (Alb., 
I777-) 

1915.  CREDIT,  National  Existence  and. 
— The  existence  of  a  nation  having  no  credit 
is  always  precarious. — To  JAMES    MADISON. 
ii,  376.   (P.,  1788.) 

1916.  CREDIT,  Necessity  of.— The  sense 
of  the  necessity  of  public  credit  is  so  univer 
sal  and  so  deeply  rooted,  that  no  other  neces 
sity  will  ever  prevail  against  it. — To  WILL 
IAM  SHORT,     vi,  401.     (M.,  Nov.  1814.) 

1917.  CREDIT,    Paper,    Prices    and.— 

Though  the  price  of  public  paper  is  con 
sidered  as  the  barometer  of  the  public  credit, 
it  is  truly  so  only  as  to  the  general  average 
of  prices.— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  vi,  70.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

1918.  CREDIT,      Sustaining.— I      think 
nothing  can  bring  the  security  of  our  con 
tinent  and  its  cause  into  danger,  if  we  can 
support  the  credit  of  our  paper.     To  do  that, 
I  apprehend,  one  of  two  steps  must  be  taken. 
Either  to  procure  free  trade  by  alliance  with 
some  naval  power  able  to  protect  it ;  or,  if 
we  find  there  is  no  prospect  of  that,  to  shut 
our  ports  totally,  to  all  the  world,  and  turn 
our  colonies   into   manufactories.     The   for 
mer   would   be    most   eligible,    because   most 
conformable  to  the  habits  and  wishes  of  our 
people. — To  BENJ.  FRANKLIN,    i,  205.    FORD 
ED.,  ii,  132.     (Aug.  1777.) 

1919'.  CREDIT,  Taxation  and.— It  is  a 
wise  rule,  and  should  be  a  fundamental  in  a 
government  disposed  to  cherish  its  credit, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  restrain  the  use  of  it 
within  the  limits  of  its  faculties,  "  never  to 
borrow  a  dollar  without  laying  a  tax  in  the 
same  instant  for  paying  the  interest  annually, 
and  the  principal  within  a  given  term ;  and  to 

*  "  Change  "  of  those  manners  in  the  Congress  edi 
tion.— EDITOR. 


219 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Credit 
Crime 


consider  that  tax  as  pledged  to  the  creditors 
on  the  public  faith."  On  such  a  pledge  as 
this,  sacredly  observed,  a  government  may 
always  command,  on  a  reasonable  interest, 
all  the  lendable  money  of  their  citizens,  while 
the  necessity  of  an  equivalent  tax  is  a  salu 
tary  warning  to  them  and  their  constituents 
against  oppressions,  bankruptcy,  and  its  in 
evitable  consequence,  revolution.  But  the 
term  of  redemption  must  be  moderate,  and  at 
any  rate  within  the  limit  of  their  rightful 
powers.  But  what  limits,  it  will  be  asked, 
does  this  prescribe  to  their  powers?  What 
is  to  hinder  them  from  creating  a  perpetual 
debt?  The  laws  of  nature,  I  answer.  The 
earth  belongs  to  the  living,  not  to  the  dead. 
The  will  and  the  power  of  man  expire  with 
his  life,  by  nature's  law. — To  JOHN  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  136.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  389.  (M., 
June  1813.) 

1920.  CREDIT,  Using.— I  am  anxious 
about  everything  which  may  affect  our  credit. 
My  wish  would  be  to  possess  it  in  the  highest 
degree,  but  to  use  it  little.  Were  we  without 
credit,  we  might  be  crushed  by  a  nation  of 
much  inferior  resources,  but  possessing 
higher  credit. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 
ii,  374-  (P-,  1788.) 

1921. .  Though  I  am  an  enemy 

to  the  using  our  credit  but  under  absolute 
necessity,  yet  the  possessing  a  good  credit  I 
consider  as  indispensable,  in  the  present  sys 
tem  of  carrying  on  war. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  ii,  376.  (P.,  1788.) 

1922. .  We  consider  it  as  of  the 

first  importance  to  possess  the  first  credit  at 
Amsterdam,  and  to  use  it  little.— To  C.  W.  F. 
DUMAS,  iii,  155.  FORD  ED.,  v,  190..  (N.  Y., 
1790.) 

1923.  CREDIT,  War  and. — War  requires 
every  resource  of  taxation  and  credit. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD  ED., 
v,  57-  (P.,  1788.) 

1924. .  The  present  system  of 

war  renders  it  necessary  to  make  exertions 
far  beyond  the  annual  resources  of  the  State, 
and  to  consume  in  one  year  the  efforts  of 
many.  And  this  system  we  cannot  change. 
It  remains,  then,  that  we  cultivate  our  credit 
with  the  utmost  attention. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  ii,  374.  (P.,  1788.)  See  DEBT. 

1925.  CREDIT  (Private),  Evils  of.— As 
it  is  impossible  to  prevent  credit,  the  best  way 
would  be  to  cure  its  ill  effects  by  giving  an 
instantaneous  recovery  to  the  creditor.  This 
would    be    reducing   purchases    on    credit    to 
purchases  for  ready  money.      A  man  would 
then  see  a  prison  painted  on  everything  he 
wished  but  had  not  the  ready  money  to  pay 
for. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART,     i,  518.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  1 88.     (P.,  1786.) 

1926.  CREDULITY,     Mankind     and.— 

What  is  it  men  cannot  be  made  to  believe ! — 
To  RICHARD  H.  LEE.  i,  541.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
207.  (L.,  1786.) 

1927.  CREEK  INDIANS,  Carthaginians 
and. — I  shall  be  very  glad  to  receive  the  con 


jectures  of  your  philosopher  on  the  descent  of 
the  Creek  Indians  from  the  Carthaginians,  sup 
posed  to  have  been  separated  from  Hanno's 
fleet,  during  his  periplus.  I  see  nothing  impos 
sible  in  his  conjecture.  I  am  glad  he  means  to 
appeal  to  similarity  of  language,  which  I  con 
sider  as  the  strongest  kind  of  proof  it  is  possi 
ble  to  adduce.  I  have  somewhere  read  that  the 
language  of  the  ancient  Carthaginians  is  still 
spoken  by  their  descendants,  inhabiting  the 
mountainous  interior  parts  of  Barbary,  to  which 
they  were  obliged  to  retire  by  the  conquering 
Arabs.  If  so,  a  vocabulary  of  their  tongue  can 
still  be  got,  and  if  your  friend  will  get  one  of 
the  Creek  languages,  the  comparison  will  de 
cide.  *  *  My  wish,  like  his,  is  to  ascertain 
the  history  of  the  American  aborigines. — To  E. 
RUTLEDGE.  ii,  434.  FORD  ED.,  v,  41.  (P 
1788.) 

1928.  CREEK    INDIANS,    Civilization 

°f- — The  Cherokee  nation,  consisting  now  of 
about  2,000  warriors,  and  the  Creeks  of  about 
3,000  are  far  advanced  in  civilization.  They 
have  good  cabins,  enclosed  fields,  large  herds  of 
cattle  and  hogs,  spin  and  weave  their  own 
clothes  of  cotton,  have  smiths  and  other  of 
the  most  necessary  tradesmen,  write  and  read, 
are  on  the  increase  in  numbers,  and  a  branch 
of  Cherpkees  is  now  instituting  a  regular  rep 
resentative  government.  Some  other  tribes  are 
advancing  in  the  same  line. — To  JOHN  ADAMS 
vi,  62.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  358.  (M.,  1812.)  See 
INDIANS. 

-  CREEK  INDIANS,  Commerce  with. 

— See  MONOPOLY. 

—  CRESAP  (Captain),  Logan  and.— See 

LOGAN. 

1929.  CRIME,  Adequate  punishment.— 

Whereas,  it  frequently  happens  that  wicked 
and  dissolute  men,  resigning  themselves  to 
the  dominion  of  inordinate  passions,  commit 
violations  on  the  lives,  liberties  and  property 
of  others,  and  the  secure  enjoyment  of  these 
having  principally  induced  men  to  enter  into 
society,  government  would  be  defective  in  its 
principal  purpose,  were  it  not  to  restrain  such 
criminal  acts,  by  inflicting  due  punishments 
on  those  who  perpetrate  them.— CRIMES  BILL 
i,  147.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  203.  (1779.) 

1930. .     The   punishment  of   all 

real  crimes  is  certainly  desirable,  as  a  security 
to  society;  the  security  is  greater  in  propor 
tion  as  the  chances  of  avoiding  punishment 
are  less.— REPORT  ON  SPANISH  CONVENTION. 
iii,  353-  FORD  ED.,  v,  482.  (1792.) 

1931.  CRIME,   Breach  of  Prison.— The 

law  of  nature  impels  every  one  to  escape  from 
confinement;  it  should  not,  therefore,  be  sub 
jected  to  punishment.  Let  the  legislator  re 
strain  his  criminal  by  walls,  not  parchment. 
As  to  strangers  breaking  prison  to  enlarge  an 
offender,  they  should,  and  may  be  fairly  con 
sidered  as  accessories  after  the  fact. — NOTE 
TO  CRIMES  BILL,  i,  159.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  218. 
(1779  ) 

-  CRIME,  Death  Penalty.— See  DEATH 
PENALTY. 

1932.  CRIME,    Disproportionate     pun 
ishment. — The  punishment  of  crimes  against 
property  is,  in  most  countries,  immensely  dis- 


Crime 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


2  2O 


proportionate  to  the  crime.  In  England,  and 
probably  in  Canada,  to  steal  a  hare,  is  death 
the  first  offence.  To  steal  above  the  value  of 
twelve  pence  is  death  the  second  offence. — 
REPORT  ON  SPANISH  CONVENTION,  iii,  353. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  483.  (1792.) 

1933.  CHIME,  Flight  from  debts.— The 

carrying  away  of  the  property  of  another  may 
be  reasonably  made  to  found  a  civil  action. 
A  convention,  then,  may  include  forgery  and 
the  carrying  away  the  property  of  others 
under  the  head  of  "  Flight  from  Debts."  To 
remit  the  fugitive  in  this  case,  would  be  to 
remit  him  in  every  case ;  for  in  the  present  state 
of  things,  it  is  next  to  impossible  not  to  owe 
something.  But  I  see  neither  injustice  nor 
inconvenience  in  permitting  the  fugitive  to  be 
sued  in  our  courts.  The  laws  of  some  coun 
tries  punishing  the  unfortunate  debtor  by 
perpetual  imprisonment,  he  is  right  to  liberate 
himself  by  flight,  and  it  would  be  wrong  to 
reimprison  him  in  the  country  to  which  he 
flies.  Let  all  process,  therefore,  be  confined 
to  his  property. — REPORT  ON  SPANISH  CON 
VENTION,  iii,  354.  FORD  ED.,  v,  484.  (1792.) 

1934.  CHIME,    Forgery.— There    is    one 

crime  against  property,  pressed  by  its  conse 
quences  into  more  particular  notice,  to  wit, 
forgery,  whether  of  coin,  or  paper;  and 
whether  paper,  of  public,  or  private  obliga 
tion.  But  the  fugitive  for  forgery,  is  pun 
ished  by  exile  and  confiscation  of  the  prop 
erty  he  leaves.  To  which,  add  by  Conven 
tion  a  civil  action  against  the  property  he 
carries  or  acquires,  to  the  amount  of  the  spe 
cial  damage  done  by  his  forgery. — REPORT 
ON  SPANISH  CONVENTION,  iii,  354.  FORD  ED., 
v,  484.  (1792.) 

1935.  CHIME,  Horse-stealing.— The  of 
fence  of  horse-stealing  seems  properly  dis 
tinguishable  from  other  larcenies,  here,  where 
these  animals  generally  run  at  large,  the  temp 
tation  being  so  great  and  frequent,  and  the 
facility  of  commission  so  remarkable.* — NOTE 
ON  CRIMES  BILL,     i,  157.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  215. 
(I779-) 

1936.  CRIME,    Jurisdiction   over.— The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  *  *  *  hav 
ing  delegated  to  Congress  a  power  to  pun 
ish  treason,  counterfeiting  the  securities  and 
current  coin  of  the  United    States,   piracies 
and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and 
offences  against  the  law  of  nations,  and  no 
other  crimes  whatsoever ;  and  it  being  true,  as 
a  general  principle,  and  one  of  the  amend 
ments   to   the    Constitution   having   also    de 
clared,    that   "  the   powers   not   delegated   to 
the   United    States  by  the   Constitution,   nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved 
to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people/' 
therefore  the  act  of  Congress,  passed  on  the 
I4th  day  of  July,    1798,   and  intituled,   "  An 
Act  in  addition  to  the  act  intituled  An  Act 
for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimes  against 
the  United  States,"  as  also  the  act  passed  by 
them  on  the day  of  June,  1798,  intituled, 

*  For  horse-stealing,  the  bill  provided  a  punish 
ment  of  three  years  hard  labor  in  the  public  works 
and  reparation  to  the  person  injured.— EDITOR. 


"  An  Act  to  punish  frauds  committed  on 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States"  (and  all 
other  acts  which  assume  to  create,  define,  or 
punish  crimes,  other  than  those  so  enumer 
ated  in  the  Constitution),  are  altogether  void, 
and  of  no  force ;  and  that  the  power  to  create, 
define,  and  punish  such  other  crimes  is  re 
served,  and,  of  right,  appertains  solely  and 
exclusively  to  the  respective  States,  each 
within  its  own  territory. — KENTUCKY  RESO 
LUTIONS,  ix,  465.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  292.  (1798.) 

1937.  CHIME,  Lex  Talionis  and.— They 
[the  members  of  the  Revision  Committee  of 
the  Virginia  Code]  were  agreed  *  *  *  that  for 
other   felonies    [than   treason    and    murder] 
hard   labor   in   the   public   works   should   be 
substituted,  and  in  some  cases,  the  lex  tal- 
ionis.    How  this  last  revolting  principle  came 
to  obtain  our*  approbation,  I  do  not  remem 
ber.     There  remained,  indeed,  in  our  laws,  a 
vestige  of  it  in  a  single  case  of  a  slave ;  it  was 
the  English  law,  in  the  time  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,    copied   probably   from   the   Hebrew 
Law  of  "  an  eye  for  an  eye,  a  tooth  for  a 
tooth,"  and  it  was  the  law  of  several  ancient 
people;    but  the  modern  mind  had  left  it  far 
in  the  rear  of  its  advances. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  43.    FORD  ED.,  i,  60.     (1821.) 

1938.  CRIME,     National.— No     national 
crime  passes  unpunished  in  the  lonj?  run. — 
To  M.  DE  MARBOIS.    vii,  76.     (M.,   1817.) 

1939.  CRIME,  Natural  Laws  and.— It  is 
not  only  vain,  but  wicked,  in  a  legislator  to 
frame  laws  in  opposition  to  the  laws  of  na 
ture,  and  to  arm  them  with  the  terrors  of 
death.    This  is  truly  creating  crimes  in  order 
to  punish  them. — NOTE  ON  CRIMES  BILL,     i, 
159.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  218.     (1779.) 

1940.  CHIME,  Principles  of  Punishing. 

— In  forming  a  scale  of  crimes  and  punish 
ments,  two  considerations  have  principal 
weight,  i.  The  atrocity  of  the  crime.  2. 
The  peculiar  circumstances  of  a  country 
which  furnish  greater  temptations  to  commit 
it,  or  greater  facilities  for  escaping  detection. 
The  punishment  must  be  heavier  to  counter 
balance  this!  Were  the  first  the  only  consid 
eration,  all  nations  would  form  the  same 
scale.  But,  as  the  circumstances  of  a  coun 
try  have  influence  on  the  punishment,  and 
no  two  countries  exist  precisely  under  the 
same  circumstances,  no  two  countries  will 
form  the  same  scale  of  crimes  and  punish 
ments.  For  example  in  America,  the  inhabit 
ants  let  their  horses  go  at  large  in  the  un- 
inclosed  lands,  which  are  so  extensive  as  to 
maintain  them  altogether.  It  is  easy,  there 
fore,  to  steal  them,  and  easy  to  escape.  There 
fore,  the  laws  are  obliged  to  oppose  these 
temptations  with  a  heavier  degree  of  pun 
ishment.  For  this  reason,  the  stealing  of  a 
horse  in  America  is  punished  more  severely 
than  stealing  t^e  same  value  in  any  other 
form.  In  Europe,  where  horses  are  confined 
so  securely  that  it  is  impossible  to  steal  them, 
that  species  of  theft  need  not  be  punished 

*  Jefferson  was  a  member  of   the  Committee.— 
EDITOR. 


221 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Criminals 
Cruelty 


more  severely  than  any  other.  In  some  coun 
tries  of  Europe,  stealing  fruit  from  trees  is 
punished  capitally.  The  reason  is,  that  it  be 
ing  impossible  to  lock  fruit  trees  up  in  cof 
fers,  as  we  do  our  money,  it  is  impossible  to 
oppose  physical  bars  to  this  species  of  theft. 
Moral  ones  are,  therefore,  opposed  by  the 
laws.  This,  to  an  unreflecting  American,  ap 
pears  the  most  enormous  of  all  the  abuses 
of  power;  because  he  has  been  used  to  see 
fruits  hanging  in  such  quantities  that  if  not 
taken  by  men,  they  would  rot.  He  has  been 
used  to  consider  them  therefore,  as  of  no 
value,  and  as  not  furnishing  materials  for  the 
commission  of  a  crime. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER. 
ix,  264.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  169.  (P.,  1786.) 

1941.  CRIMINALS,   Reformation  of.— 

A  member  of  society,  committing  an  inferior 
injury,  does  not  wholly  forfeit  the  protection 
of  his  fellow  citizens,  but  after  suffering  a 
punishment  in  proportion  to  his  offence,  is 
entitled  to  their  protection  from  all  greater 
pain,  so  that  it  becomes  a  duty  in  the  Legis 
lature  to  arrange,  in  a  proper  scale,  the  crimes 
which  it  may  be  necessary  for  them  to  re 
press,  and  to  adjust  thereto  a  corresponding 
gradation  of  punishments. — CRIMES  BILL,  i, 
147.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  204.  (1779.) 

1942.  CRITICISM,    Canons   of.— [   have 
alwavs  very  much  despised  the  artificial  can 
ons  of  criticism.     When  I  have  read  a  work 
in   prose   or   poetry,    or    seen    a   painting,    a 
statue,  &c.,  I  have  only  asked  myself  whether 
it  gives  me  pleasure,  whether  it  is  animating, 
interesting,   attaching?     If  it   is,    it   is   good 
for  these  reasons. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  61.     (P.F.,  1816.) 

1943.  CRITICISM,  Freedom  of  .—In  men 
tioning  me   in  your   Essays,   and  canvassing 
my  opinions,  you  have  done  what  every  man 
has  a  right  to  do,  and  it  is  for  the  good  of 
society  that  that  right  should  be  freely  exer 
cised.     No  republic  is  more  real  than  that  of 
letters,  and  I  am  the  last  in  principles,  as  I 
am  the  least  in  pretensions,  to  any  dictator 
ship   in   it.     Had   I    other    dispositions,    the 
philosophical    and    dispassionate    spirit    with 
which  you  have  expressed  your  own  opinions 
in  opposition  to  mine,  would  still  have  com 
manded  my  approbation. — To  NOAH  WEBSTER. 
iii,  201.     FORD  ED.,  v,  254.     (P.,  1790.) 

—  CROAKINGS      OF     WEALTH.— See 

WEALTH. 

1944.  CRUELTY,   British  in   America. 
— If  M.  de  Meunier  proposes  to  mention  the 
facts     of     cruelty     of     which     he     *     *     * 
spoke  yesterday,  these  facts  are:      i.  The  death 
of  upwards  of  eleven  thousand  American  pris 
oners  in  one  prison  ship    (the  Jersey),   and  in 
the   space    of   three   years.     2.  General    Howe's 
permitting  our  prisoners,  taken  at  the  battle  of 
Germantown,  and  placed  under  a  guard  in  the 
yard  of  the   State-house  of  Philadelphia,  to  be 
so  long  without  any  food  furnished  them  that 
many  perished  with  hunger.     Where  the  bodies 
lay,    it    was    seen    that    they    had     eaten    all 
the    grass    around    them    within    their    reach, 
after    they    had    lost    the    power    of    rising,    or 
moving   from   their  place.     3.  The   second   fact 
was  the  act  of  a  commanding  officer  ;  the  first. 


of  several  commanding  officers,  and  for  so 
long  a  time  as  must  suppose  the  approbation 
of  government,  itself.  But  the  following  was 
the  act  of  the  government  itself.  During  the 
periods  that  our  affairs  seemed  unfavorable, 
and  theirs  successful,  that  is  to  say,  after  the 
evacuation  of  New  York,  and  again,  after  the 
taking  of  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina,  they 
regularly  sent  our  prisoners,  taken  on  the  seas 
and  carried  to  England,  to  the  East  Indies. 
This  is  so  certain,  that  in  the  month  of  Novem 
ber  or  December,  1785,  Mr.  Adams  having  of 
ficially  demanded  a  delivery  of  the  American 
prisoners  sent  to  the  East  Indies.  Lord  Car 
marthen  answered,  officially,  "  that  orders  were 
immediately  issued  for  their  discharge."  M.  de 
Meunier  i  at  liberty  to  quote  this  fact.  4.  A 
fact  to  be  ascribed  not  only  to  the  government, 
but  to  the  parliament,  who  passed  an  act  for 
that  purpose  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  was 
the  obliging  our  prisoners  taken  at  sea  to  join 
them,  and  fight  against  their  countrymen.  This 
they  effected  by  starving  and  whipping  them. 
The  fact  is  referred  to  in  that  para 
graph  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
which  says,  "  He  has  constrained  our  fellow- 
citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high  seas,  to  bear 
arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  exe 
cutioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to 
fall  themselves  by  their  hands."  This  was  the 
most  afflicting  to  our  prisoners  of  all  the  cruel 
ties  exercised  on  them.  The  others  affected 
the  body  only,  but  this  the  mind;  they  were 
haunted  by  the  horror  of  having,  perhaps,  them 
selves  shot  the  ball  by  which  a  father  or  a 
brother  fell.  Some  of  them  had  constancy 
enough  to  hold  out  against  half  allowance  of 
food  and  repeated  whippings.  These  were  gen 
erally  sent  to  England,  and  from  thence  to 
the  East  Indies.  One  of  them  escaped  from 
the  East  Indies,  and  got  back  to  Paris,  where 
he  gave  an  account  of  his  sufferings  to  Mr. 
Adams. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  277.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  183.  (P.,  1786.) 

1945.  -  — .     I  doubt  whether  human 
ity  is  the  character  of  the  British  nation  in  gen 
eral.     But  [your]  history,  and  every  one  which 
is  impartial,  must  in  its  relation  of  the  [Ameri 
can]  war  show,  in  such  repeated  instances,  that 
they  conducted  it,  both  in  theory  and  practice, 
on  the  most  barbarous  principles,  that  the  ex 
pression  here  cited*  will  stand  in  contradiction 
to  the  rest  of  the  work.     As  examples  of  their 
theory,  recollect  the  act  of  Parliament  for  con 
straining   our   prisoners,   taken    on   the    sea,    to 
bear   arms   against   their   fathers,    brothers,   &c. 
For   their   practice,    recollect   the    exciting    the 
savages  against  us,  insurrections  of  our  slaves, 
sending  our  prisoners  to  the  East  Indies,  kill 
ing  them  in  prison  ships,  keeping  them  on  half 
rations,  and  of  the  most  unwholesome  quality, 
cruel  murders  of  unarmed  individuals  of  every 
sex,  massacres  of  those  in  arms  after  they  had 
asked  quarter,  &c.,  &c. — NOTES  ON   M.   SOULES 
WORK,     ix,  300.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  308.     (P.,  1786.) 

1946. .     I   confess   that   when    I 

heard     of    the     atrocities     committed     by     the 
English   troops  at   Hampton,   I   did  not  believe 
them,  but  subsequent  evidence  has  placed  them 
beyond  doubt.     To  this  has  been  added  informa 
tion  from  another  quarter  which  proves  the  vio 
lation  of  women  to  be  their  habitual  practice  in 
war.     Mr.  Hamilton,  a  son  of  Alexander  Ham 
ilton,    of    course,    a    federalist    and    Angloman, 
and  who  was  with  the  British   army  in   Spain, 
declares   it  is  their  constant  practice,  and  that 
at  the  taking  of  Badajoz,  he  was  himself  eye- 

*  "L'humanite  des  Britons."— EDITOR. 


Cuba 
Currency 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


222 


witness  to  it  in  the  streets,  and  that  the  officers 
did  not  attempt  to  restrain  it.  The  information 
contained  in  your  letter  proves  it  is  not  merely 
a  recent  practice.  This  is  a  trait  of  barbarism, 
in  addition  to  their  encouragement  of  the  sav 
age  cruelties,  and  their  brutal  treatment  of 
prisoners  of  war,  which  I  had  not  attached  to 
their  character. — To  JOSIAH  MEIGS.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  419.  (M.,  1813.)  See  CORNWALLIS  and  RE 
TALIATION. 

1947.  CUBA,  Acquisition  by  United 
States.— I  candidly  confess,  that  I  have  ever 
looked  on  Cuba  as  the  most  interesting  ad 
dition  which  could  ever  be  made  to  our  system 
of  States.  The  control  which,  with  Florida 
Point,  this  island  would  give  us  over  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the  countries  an  isth 
mus  bordering  on  it,  as  well  as  all  those  whose 
waters  flow  into  it,  would  fill  up  the  measure 
of  our  political  well-being.— To  PRESIDENT 
MONROE,  vii,  316.  FORD  ED.,  x,  278.  (M.,  1823.) 

1948. .     Certainly,    her    addition 

to  our  confederacy  is  exactly  what  is  wanting 
to  round  our  power  as  a  nation  to  the  point  of 
its  utmost  interest. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 
vii,  300.  FORD  ED.,  x,  261.  (M.,  June  23,  1823.) 

1949. .     It  is  better  to  lie  still  in 

readiness  to  receive  that  interesting  incor 
poration  when  solicited  by  herself. — To 
PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  300.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
261.  (M.,  June  1823.) 

1950. .     It   will   be   objected   to 

our  receiving  Cuba,  that  no  limit  can  then  be 
drawn  to  our  future  acquisitions.  Cuba  can 
be  defended  by  us  without  a  navy,  and  this 
develops  the  principle  which  ought  to  limit 
our  views.  Nothing  should  ever  be  accepted 
which  would  require  a  navy  to  defend  it. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  445.  (M.,  1809.) 

1951. .  Bonaparte,  although  with 

difficulty,  will  consent  to  our  receiving  Cuba 
into  our  Union,  to  prevent  our  aid  to  Mexico 
and  the  other  [Spanish]  provinces.  That 
would  be  a  price,  and  I  would  immediately 
erect  a  column  on  the  southernmost  limit 
of  Cuba,  and  inscribe  on  it  a  ne  plus  ultra 
as  to  us  in  that  direction. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON,  v,  444.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  25.  (M., 
April  1809.) 

1952.  CUBA,    England,    France   and. — 

Patriots  of  Spain  have  no  warmer  friends 
than  the  administration  of  the  United  States, 
but  it  is  our  duty  to  say  nothing  and  to  do 
nothing  for  or  against  either.  If  they  succeed, 
we  shall  be  well  satisfied  to  see  Cuba  and  Mex 
ico  remain  in  their  present  dependence ;  but 
very  unwilling  to  see  them  in  that  of  either 
France  or  England,  politically  or  commer 
cially.  We  consider  their  interests  and  ours 
as  the  same,  and  that  the  object  of  both  must 
be  to  exclude  all  European  influence  from 
this  hemisphere.  *  *  *  These  are  senti 
ments  which  I  would  wish  you  to  express  to 
any  proper  characters  of  either  of  these  two 
countries,  and  particularly  that  we  have  noth 
ing  more  at  heart  than  their  friendship. — To 
GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  v,  381.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
212.  (W.,  Oct.  1808.) 


1953.  CUBA,  Possession  by  England.— 
Cuba  alone   seems   at  present  to   hold   up   a 
speck  of  war  to  us.    Its  possession  by  Great 
Britain  would  indeed  be  a  great  calamity  to 
us.    Could  we  induce  her  to  join  us  in  guaran 
teeing  its  independence  against  all  the  world, 
except  Spain,  it  would  be  nearly  as  valuable 
to  us  as  if  it  were  our  own.*   But  should  she 
take  it,  I  would  not  immediately  go  to  war 
for  it;   because  the  first  war   on   other  ac 
counts  will  give  it  to  us;  or  the  island  will 
give  itself  to  us,  when  able  to  do  so. — To 
PRESIDENT    MONROE,    vii,  288.    FORD  ED.,  x, 
257.    (M.,  1823.) 

1954.  CUBA,  Spain,  Bonaparte  and.— I 

suppose  the  conquest  of  Spain  will  soon  force 
a  delicate  question  on  you  as  to  the  Floridas 
and  Cuba,  which  will  offer  themselves  to  you. 
Napoleon  will  certainly  give  his  consent  with 
out  difficulty  to  our  receiving  the  Floridas, 
and  with  some  difficulty  possibly  Cuba.  And 
though  he  will  disregard  the  obligation  when 
ever  he  thinks  he  can  break  it  with  success, 
yet  it  has  a  great  effect  on  the  opinion  of 
our  people  and  the  world  to  have  the  moral 
right  on  our  side,  of  his  agreement  as  well  as 
that  of  the  people  of  those  countries.— To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  442.  FORD  EDV  ix, 
251.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

1955.  CUBA,  Spanish  Retention  of.— I 

shall  sincerely  lament  Cuba's  falling  into  any 
hands  but  those  of  its  present  owners.  Span 
ish-America  is  at  present  in  the  best  hands 
for  us,  and  "  Chi  sta  bene,  non  si  muove  " 
should  be  our  motto. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  290.  (M.,  1808.) 

1956. .  [The  Cabinet  was]  unani 
mously  agreed  in  the  sentiments  which  should 
be  unauthoritatively  expressed  by  our  agents 
to  influential  persons  in  Cuba  and  Mexico,  to 
wit :  "  If  you  remain  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Kingdom  and  family  of  Spain,  we  are  con 
tented  ;  but  we  should  be  extremely  unwilling 
to  see  you  pass  under  the  dominion  or  as 
cendency  of  France  or  England.  In  the  lat 
ter  cases  should  you  choose  to  declare  inde 
pendence,  we  cannot  now  commit  ourselves 
by  saying  we  would  make  common  cause  with 
you,  but  must  reserve  ourselves  to  act  ac 
cording  to  the  then  existing  circumstances; 
but  in  our  proceedings  we  shall  be  influenced 
by  friendship  to  you,  by  a  firm  belief  that  our 
interests  are  intimately  connected,  and  by  the 
strongest  repugnance  to  see  you  under  subor 
dination  to  either  France  or  England,  either 
politically  or  commercially." — ANAS.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  334.  (Oct.  1808.) 

—  CURRENCY.— See  BANKS,  DOLLAR, 
NATIONAL  CURRENCY,  and  MONEY. 

*  Jefferson  wrote,  two  weeks  later,  to  President 
Monroe,  withdrawing  this  opinion,  it  having  been 
"founded  on  an  error  of  fact,"  with  regard  to  the 
existence  of  an  English  interest  in  Cuba,  and  the 
possibility  of  its  falling  into  the  possession  of  Great 
Britain.  ''We  are  surely,"  said  Jefferson,  "  under  no 
obligation  to  give  her,  gratis,  an  interest  which  she 
has  not ;  and  the  whole  inhabitants  being  averse  to 
her,  and  the  climate  mortal  to  strangers,  its  contin 
ued  military  occupation  by  her  would  be  impracti 
cable.  It  is  better,  then,  to  lie  still  in  readiness  to 
receive  that  interesting  incorporation  when  solicited 
by  herself."— EDITOR. 


223 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Curtius 
Deaae  (Silas) 


you 


1957.  "  CURTIUS,"  Letters  of.— I  send 
*     *     *     one    of    the    pieces,    "  Curtius " 

*  .  It  is  evidently  written  by  [Alex 
ander]  Hamilton,  giving  a  first  and  general  view 
of  the  subject,  that  the  public  mind  might  be 
kept  a  little  in  check,  till  he  could  resume  the 
subject  more  at  large  from  the  beginning,  under 
his  second  signature  of  "  Camillus."  The  piece 
called  "  The  Features  of  the  Treaty,"  I  do  not 
send,  because  you  have  seen  it  in  the  news 
papers.  It  is  said  to  be  written  by  Coxe,  but 
I  should  rather  suspect,  by  Beckley.  The  anti 
dote  is  certainly  not  strong  enough  for  the 
poison  of  "  Curtius."  If  I  had  not  been  in 
formed  the  present  came  from  Beckley,  I  should 
have  suspected  it  from  Jay  or  Hamilton.  I 
gave  a  copy  or  two,  by  way  of  experiment,  to 
honest,  sound-hearted  men  of  common  under 
standing,  and  they  v/ere  not  able  to  parry  the 
sophistry  of  "  Curtius."  *  *  *  For  God's 
sake  take  up  your  pen,  and  give  a  fundamental 
reply  to  "  Curtius  "  and  "  Camillus."  * — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  121.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  31. 
(M.,  Sep.  I795-) 

_  GUSHING  (William),  Death  of.— See 
SUPREME  COURT. 

1958.  DALRYMPLE   (— ),   Republican 
ism    of. — Mr.    Dalrymple,    secretary    to    the 
legation  of  Mr.  Crawford     *     *     *     is  a  young 
man    of   learning   and    candor,    and    exhibits    a 
phenomenon  I   never  before  met  with,  that  is, 
a    republican    born    on    the    north    side    of   the 
Tweed. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     i,  501.     (P.,  1785.) 

1959.  DANCING,     Women    and.— Dan 
cing   is    a   necessary   accomplishment,    although 
of  short  use ;  for  the  French  rule  is  wise,  that 
no  lady  dances  after  marriage.    This  is  founded 
in  solid  physical  reasons. — To  N.  BURWELL.    vii, 
102.     FORD  ED.,  x,  105.     (M.,  1818.) 

1960.  DASHKOFF  (M.),  Welcome  to.— 

I  hail  you  with  particular  pleasure,  as  the  first 
harbinger  of  those  friendly  relations  with  your 
country  [Russia],  so  desirable  to  ours. — To  M. 
DASHKOFF.  v,  463.  (M.,  Aug.  1809.) 

1961.  DAVID   (Jacques  Louis),   Paint 
ings  of. — We  have  nothing  new  and  excellent 
in  your  charming  art  of  painting.     In  fact,  I  do 
not  feel  an  interest  in  any  pencil  but  that  of 
David. — To  MADAME  DE  BREHAN.     ii,  SQL  FORD 
ED.,  v,  80.     (P.,   1789-) 

1962.  DAYTON  (Jonathan),  Becomes  a 
Federalist. — You    will    have    perceived    that 
Dayton  has  gone  over  completely.     He  expects 
to  be  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  in  the  room 
of  M'Henry,  who,  it  is  said,  will  retire.     He  has 
been  told,  as  report  goes,  that  they  would  not 
have  confidence  enough  in  him  to  appoint  him. 
The  desire  of  inspiring  them  with  more,  seems 
the  only  way  to    account  for  the  eclat  which  he 
chooses  to  give  to  his  conversion. t — To  JAMES 
MADISON,      iv,   211.      FORD  ED.,  vii,  202.      (P., 
Feb.  1798.) 

1963.  DEAD,  Binding  power  of  the.— 
Rights  and  powers  can  only  belong  to  per- 

*  The  letters  of  "  Curtius  "  were  written  by  Noah 
Webster,  except  numbers  6-7,  which  were  from  the 
pen  of  James  Kent.  -NOTE  IN  FORD  EDITION. 

t  Dayton  became  implicated  with  Aaron  Burr  in  his 
treasonable  enterprise,  and  in  August,  1807.  applied 
to  Jefferson  to  be  admitted  to  bail.  Jefferson  de 
clined  on  the  ground  that,  "  when  a  person,  charged 
with  an  offence,  is  placed  in  the  possession  of  the  Ju 
diciary  authority,  the  laws  commit  to  that  solely  the 
whole  direction  of  the  case ;  and  any  interference 
with  it  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  would  be  an  en 
croachment  on  their  independence,  and  open  to  just 
censure."— FORD  ED.,  ix,  126. 


sons,  not  to  things,  not  to  mere  matter,  un 
endowed  with  will.  The  dead  are  not  even 
things.  The  particles  of  matter  which  com 
posed  their  bodies  make  part  now  of  the 
bodies  of  other  animals,  vegetables,  or  min 
erals,  of  a  thousand  forms.  To  what,  then,  are 
attached  the  rights  and  powers  they  held 
while  in  the  form  of  men?  A  generation  may 
bind  itself  as  long  as  its  majority  continues 
in  life;  when  that  has  disappeared,  another 
majority  is  in  place,  holds  all  the  rights  and 
powers  their  predecessors  once  held,  and  may 
change  their  laws  and  institutions  to  suit 
themselves. — To  JOHN  CARTWRIGHT.  vii,  350. 
(M.,  1824.)  See  EARTH. 

1964.  DEAD,  No  Rights  attached  to.— 
The  dead  have  no  rights.    They  are  nothing; 
and  nothing  cannot  own  something.     Where 
there  is  no  substance,  there  can  be  no  acci 
dent. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.    vii,  16.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  44.     (M.,  1816.)     See  GENERATIONS. 

1965.  DEANE  (Silas),  Official  books  of. 
— About  three  weeks  ago,  a  person  called  on 
me  and  informed  me  that  Silas  Deane  had  taken 
him  in  for  a  sum  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
guineas,   and   that   being   unable   to   obtain   any 
other   satisfaction,    he    had    laid    hands    on    his 
account  book  and  letter  book,  and  had  brought 
them   off   to    Paris,   to   offer   them   first   to   the 
United    States,    if    they    would    repay    him    his 
money,    and    if   not,    that   he    should    return   to 
London,  and  offer  them  to  the  British  minister. 
I  desired  him  to  leave  them  with  me  four  and 
twenty  hours,  that  I  might  judge  whether  they 
were  worth  our  notice.     He  did  so.     They  were 
two  volumes.     One  contained  all  his  accounts 
with  the  United   States,   from  his  first  coming 
to  Europe,  to  January  the  loth,  1781.     *     *     * 
The  other  volume  contained  all  his  correspond 
ence  from  March  the  3oth  to  August  the  23d, 
1777-  *     *     On  perusal  of  many  of  them, 
I  thought  it  desirable  that  they  should  not  come 
to  the  hands  of  the  British  minister,  and  from 
an  expression  dropped  by  the  possessor  of  them, 
I  believe  he  would  have  fallen  to  fifty  or  sixty 
guineas.      I     did     not     think     them     important 
enough,  however,  to  justify  my  purchasing  them 
without    authority ;    though,    with    authority,    I 
should    have    done    it.     Indeed,    I    would    have 
given   that   sum   to   cut   out   a   single   sentence, 
which  contained  evidence  of  a  fact,  not  proper 
to   be   committed   to  the   hands   of  enemies.     I 
told  him   I  would  state  his  proposition  to  you, 
and  await  orders. — To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  454.     (P., 
Aug.  1788.) 

1966. .      A     Monsieur     Foulloy, 

who  has  been  connected  with  Deane,  lately  of 
fered  me  for  sale  two  volumes  of  Deane's  letter 
books  and  account  books,  that  he  had  taken 
instead  of  money  which  Deane  owed  him.  I 
have  purchased  them  on  public  account.  He 
tells  me  Deane  has  still  six  or  eight  volumes 
more,  and  being  to  return  soon  to  London,  he 
will  try  to  get  them  also,  in  order  to  make  us 
pay  high  for  them.  You  are  sensible  of  the  im 
propriety  of  letting  such  books  get  into  hands 
which  might  make  an  unfriendly  use  of  them. 
You  are  sensible  of  the  immorality  of  an  ex- 
minister's  selling  his  secrets  for  money ;  ancl 
consequently  that  there  can  be  no  immorality 
in  tempting  him  with  money  to  part  with  them  ; 
so  that  they  may  be  restored  to  that  govern 
ment  to  whom  they  properly  belong.  Your 
former  acquaintance  with  Deane  may,  perhaps, 
put  it  in  your  power  to  render  our  country  the 
service  of  recovering  those  books.  It  would 


Deane  (Silas) 
Death 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


224 


not  do  to  propose  it  to  him  as  for  Congress. 
*  *  *  I  suppose  his  distresses  and  his  crapu 
lous  habits  will  not  render  him  difficult  on  this 
head.  On  the  supposition  that  there  are  six 
or  eight  volumes,  I  think  you  might  venture  as 
far  as  fifty  guineas,  and  proportionally  for 
fewer. — To  DR.  EDWARD  BANCROFT,  ii,  578. 
(P.,  1789.) 

1967.  DEANE  (Silas),  Poverty  of.— Silas 
Deane    is    coming   over   to   finish    his    days    in 
America,    not    having    one    sou    to    subsist    on 
elsewhere.     He    is    a    wretched    monument    of 
the  consequences  of  a  departure  from  right. — To 
JAMES    MADISON,     iii,    101.     FORD   ED.,   v,    114. 
(P.,  1789.) 

1968.  DEARBORN    (Henry),    Appoint 
ment  to  Cabinet. — On  a  review  of  the  char 
acters  in  the  different  States  proper  for  the  dif 
ferent  departments,  I  have  had  no  hesitation  in 
considering  you  as  the  person  to  whom  it  would 
be  most  advantageous  to  the  public  to  confide 
the  Department  of  War.     May  I  hope  that  you 
will  give  your  country  the  aid  of  your  talents  ? — 
To  HENRY  DEARBORN,     iv,  356.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
496.     (W.,  1801.) 

1969.  DEARBORN  (Henry),  Esteem  for. 
—In  public  or  in  private,  and  in  all  situations, 
I  shall  retain  for  you  the  most  cordial  esteern, 
and   satisfactory   recollections   of  the   harmony 
and   friendship   with    which   we   have   run   our 
race  together. — To   HENRY   DEARBORN,     v,   230. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  172..    (W.,  Jan.  1808.) 

1970.  DEARBORN    (Henry),     Political 
Attacks  on. — That  you  as  well  as  myself,   and 
all  our  brethren,  have  maligners,  who  from  ill- 
temper,    or    disappointment,    seek    opportunities 
of  venting  their  angry  passions  against  us,   is 
well   known,   and   too   well   understood  by   our 
constituents  to  be  regarded.     No  man  who  can 
succeed  you  will  have  fewer,  nor  will  any  one 
enjoy  a  more  extensive  confidence  through  the 
nation. — To   HENRY   DEARBORN,     v,   229.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  171.     (W.,  Jan.  1808.) 

1971.  DEARBORN    (Henry),     Services 
of. — The  integrity,  attention,  skill,  and  econ 
omy  with  which  you  have  conducted  your  de 
partment  (War)  have  given  me  the  most  com 
plete  and  unqualified  satisfaction,  and  this  testi 
mony  I  bear  to  it  with  all  the  sincerity  of  truth 
and  friendship  ;  and  should  a  war  come  on,  there 
is  no  person  in  the  United  States  to  whose  man 
agement  and  care  I  could  commit  it  with  equal 
confidence. — To     HENRY     DEARBORN,     v,     229. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  171.     (W.,  1808.) 

1972. .    Nor  among  the  incidents 

of  the  war,  will  we  forget  your  services.  *  *  * 
Your  capture  of  York  and  Fort  George  first 
turned  the  tide  of  success  in  our  favor ;  and 
the  subsequent  campaigns  sufficiently  wiped 
away  the  disgrace  of  the  first. — To  GENERAL 
DEARBORN,  vi,  450.  (M.,  1815.) 

1973.  DEARBORN      (Henry),     Retire 
ment  of. — If  it  were  justifiable  to  look  to  your 
own   happiness  only,   your  resolution  to   retire 
from  all  public  business  could  not  but  be  ap 
proved.    But  you  are  too  young  to  ask  a  dis 
charge  as  yet,  and  the  public  councils  too  much 
reeding  the  wisdom  of  our  ablest  citizens,  to  re 
linquish  their  claim  on  you.     And  surely  none 
needs  your  aid  more  than  your  own  State. — To 
GENERAL  DEARBORN,  vi,  451.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

1974.  DEATH,  Blighted  by.— The  part 
you  take   in   my  loss  makes   an   affectionate 
concern  for  the  greatness  of  it.    It  is  great  in 


deed.  Others  may  lose  of  their  abundance, 
but  I,  of  my  want,  have  lost  even  the  half  of 
all  I  had.  My  evening  prospects  now  hang 
on  the  slender  thread  of  a  single  life.  Per 
haps  I  may  be  destined  to  see  even  this  last 
cord  of  parental  affection  broken.  The  hope 
with  which  I  had  looked  forward  to  the  mo 
ment,  when,  resigning  public  cares  to  younger 
hands,  I  was  to  retire  to  that  domestic  com 
fort  from  which  the  last  step  is  to  be  taken,  is 
fearfully  blighted. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  iv,  547. 
(W.,  1804.) 

1975.  DEATH,  A  Conqueror. — When  you 
and  I  look  back  on  the  country  over  which 
we  have  passed,  what  a  field  of  slaughter  does 
it  exhibit!     Where  are  all  the  friends  who 
entered  it  with  us,  under  all  the  inspiring  en 
ergies  of  health  and  hope?    As  if  pursued  by 
the  havoc  of  war,  they  are  strewed  by  the  way, 
some  earlier,   some  later,   and  scarce  a  few 
stragglers  remain  to  count  the  numbers  fallen, 
and  to  mark  yet,  by  their  own  fall,  the  last 
footsteps  of  their  party.    Is  it  a  desirable  thing 
to  bear  up  through  the  heat  of  the  action,  to 
witness    the    death    of    all    our    companions, 
and  merely  to  be  the  last  victim?  I  doubt  it. 
We  have,  however,  the  traveller's  consolation. 
Every  step  shortens  the  distance  we  have  to 
go;  the  end  of  our  journey  is  in  sight,  the 
bed  wherein  we  are  to  rest,  and  to  rise  in  the 
midst  of  the  friends  we  have  lost. — To  JOHN 
PAGE,    iv,  547.     (W.,  1804.) 

1976.  DEATH,  Decay  and.— To  me  every 
mail,  in  the  departure  of  some  contemporary, 
brings  warning  to  be  in  readiness  myself  also, 
and  to  cease  from  new  engagements.     It  is  a 
warning  of  no  alarm.     When   faculty  after 
faculty  is  retiring  from  us,  and  all  the  avenues 
to   cheerful    sensation    closing,    sight    failing 
now,  hearing  next,  then  memory,  debility  of 
body,   torpitude  of  mind,   nothing  remaining 
but  a  sickly  vegetation,  with  scarcely  the  re 
lief  of  a  little  locomotion,  the  last  cannot  be 
but  a  coup  de  grace. — To  MR.  JOHN  MELISH. 
vi,  403.     (M.,  1814.) 

1977.  DEATH,  Generations  and.— When 
we  have  lived  our  generation  out,  we  should 
not  wish   to  encroach  on  another.    I  enjoy 
good  health :  I  am  happy  in  what  is  around 
me,  yet  I  assure  you  I  am  ripe  for  leaving  all, 
this  year,  this  day,  this  hour. — To  JOHN  AD 
AMS,     vii,  26.     (M.,  1816.) 

1978. .     There   is   a   ripeness  of 

time  for  death,  regarding  others  as  well  as 
ourselves,  when  it  is  reasonable  we  should 
drop  off,  and  make  room  for  another  growth. 
When  we  have  lived  our  generation  out,  we 
should  not  wish  to  encroach  on  another. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  26.  (M.,  1816.) 

1979.  DEATH,  Life  and.— When  all  our 
faculties  have  left,  or  are  leaving  us,  one  by 
one,  sight,  hearing,  memory,  every  avenue  of 
pleasing  sensation  is  closed,  and  athymy,  de 
bility,  and  malaise  left  in  their  places;  when 
friends  of  our  youth  are  all  gone,  and  a  new 
generation  is  risen  around  us  whom  we  know 
not,  is  death  an  evil?  *  *  *  I  think  not.  I 
have  ever  dreaded  a  doting  old  age ;  and  my 


225 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Death 
Debate 


health  has  been  generally  so  good,  and  is 
now  so  good,  that  I  dread  it  still— To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  243.  FORD  ED.,  x,  216.  (M., 
1822.) 

1980.  DEATH,      Meeting      after.— Our 
next  meeting  must  be  in  the  country  to  which 
[those  years]   have  flown, — a  country  for  us 
not  now  very  distant.     For  this  journey  we 
shall  need  neither  gold  nor  silver  in  our  purse, 
nor  scrip,  nor  coats,  nor  staves.    Nor  is  the 
provision  for  it  more  easy  than  the  prepara 
tion  has  been  kind.      Nothing  proves   more 
than  this,  that  the  Being  who  presides  over 
the  world  is  essentially  benevolent.     Stealing 
from  us,  one  by  one,  the  faculties  of  enjoy 
ment,  searing  our  sensibilities,  leading  us,  like 
the  horse  in  his  mill,  round  and  round  the 
same  beaten  circle, 

To  see  what  we  have  seen, 

To  taste  the  tasted,  and  at  each  return 
Less  tasteful;  o'er  our  palates  to  decant 
Another  vintage — 

Until  satiated  and  fatigued  with  this  leaden 
iteration,  we  ask  our  own  conge.  I  heard 
once  a  very  old  friend,  who  had  troubled  him 
self  with  neither  poets  nor  philosophers,  say 
the  same  thing  in  plain  prose,  that  he  was 
tired  of  pulling  off  his  shoes  and  stockings  at 
night  and  putting  them  on  again  in  the  morn 
ing. — To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  53.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  70.  (M.,  1817.) 

1981.  DEATH,   Prepared    for. — Mine  is 
the  next  turn,  and  I  shall  meet  it  with  good 
will;  for  after  one's  friends  are  all  gone  be 
fore  him,  and  our  faculties  leaving  us,  too, 
one  by  one,  why  wish  to  linger  in  mere  vege 
tation,  as  a  solitary  trunk  in  a  desolate  field, 
from  which  all  its  former  companions  have 
disappeared. — To   MRS.    COSWAY.     D.   L.   J., 
374.    (M.,  1820.) 

1982.  DEATH,  Problem  of.— The  great 
problem,  untried  by  the  living,  unreporttd  by 
the   dead.— To   M.    CORREA.    vii,   95.     (P.F., 
1817.) 

1983.  DEATH,  A  Time  for.— There  is  a 
fulness  of  time  when  men  should  go,  and  not 
occupy  too  long  the  ground  to  which  others 
have  a  right  to  advance. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  vi,  4.   FORD  ED.,  ix,  329.  (P.F.,  1811.) 

1984.  DEATH  PENALTY,  Crimes  Pun 
ishable  by.— The  General  Assembly  [of  Vir 
ginia]  shall  have  no  power  to  pass  any  law 
inflicting  death  for  any  crime,  excepting  mur 
der  ;  and  those  offences  in  the  military  ser 
vice  for  which  they  shall  think  punishment 
by  death  absolutely  necessary :  and  all  capital 
punishments  in  other  cases  are  hereby  abol 
ished. — PROPOSED    VA.    CONSTITUTION.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  17.    (June  1776.) 

1985. .  No  crime  shall  be  hence 
forth  punished  by  the  deprivation  of  life  or 
limb,  except  those  hereinafter  ordained  to  be 
so  punished.* — CRIMES  BILL,  i,  148.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  205.  (I779-) 

*  Those  crimes,   so  ordained,   were    treason    and 
murder.    When  Jefferson  made  this  humane  propo- 


1986.  DEATH  PENALTY,  Criminal  Re 
form  and.— The  reformation  of  offenders, 
though  an  object  worthy  the  attention  of  the 
laws,  is  not  effected  at  all  by  capital  punish- 
nents,  which  exterminate  instead  of  reform 
ing,  and  should  be  the  last  melancholy  re 
source  against  those  whose  existence  is  be 
come  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  their  fel 
low  citizens ;  which  also  weaken  the  State,  by 
cutting  off  so  many  who,  if  reformed,  might 
be  restored  sound  members  to  society,  who, 
even  under  a  course  of  correction,  might  be 
rendered  useful  in  various  labors  for  the  pub 
ic,  and  would  be  living  and  long  continued 
spectacles  to  deter  others  from  committing 
:he  like  offences. — CRIMES  BILL,  i,  147. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  204.  (1779.) 

1987. .  Beccaria,  and  other  wri 
ters  on  crimes  and  punishments,  had  satisfied 
the  reasonable  world  of  the  unrightfulness 
and  inerficacy  of  the  punishment  of  crimes  by 
death;  and  hard  labor  on  roads,  canals  and 
other  public  works,  had  been  suggested  as  a 
proper  substitute.  The  Revisors  [of  the  Vir 
ginia  laws]  had  adopted  these  opinions;  but 
the  general  idea  of  our  country  had  not  yet 
advanced  to  that  point.  The  bill,  therefore, 
for  proportioning  crimes  and  punishments, 
was  lost  in  the  House  of  Delegates  by  a  ma 
jority  of  a  single  vote.  I  learned  afterwards, 
that  the  substitute  of  hard  labor  in  public, 
was  tried  (I  believe  it  was  in  Pennsylvania) 
without  success.  Exhibited  as  a  public  spec 
tacle,  with  shaved  heads  and  mean  clothing, 
working  on  the  high  roads,  produced  in  the 
criminals  such  a  prostration  of  character, 
such  an  abandonment  of  self-respect,  as  in 
stead  of  reforming,  plunged  them  into  the 
most  desperate  and  hardened  depravity  of 
morals  and  character. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  45. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  62.  (1821.) 

1988.  DEATH  PENALTY,  Indians  and. 

— It  will  be  worthy  the  consideration  of  the 
Legislature,  whether  the  provisions  of  the 
law  inflicting  on  Indians,  in  certain  cases,  the 
punishment  of  death  by  hanging,  might  not 
permit  its  commutation  into  death  by  military 
execution,  the  form  of  the  punishment  in  the 
former  way  being  peculiarly  repugnant  to 
their  ideas,  and  increasing  the  obstacles  to  the 
surrender  of  the  criminal. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  22.  (Jan.  1802.) 

1989.  DEATH      PENALTY,      Pardons 
and. — If  all  these  people  are  convictedt  there 
will  be  too  many  to  be  punished  with  death. 
My  hope  is  that  they  will  send  me  full  state 
ments    of   every    man's   case,    that   the    most 
guilty  may  be  marked  as  examples,  and  the 
less   so   suffer  long   imprisonment   under  re 
prieves  from  time  to  time. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN,  vii,  363.    (M.,  1808.) 

1990.  DEBATE,     In     Congress.— Was 
there  ever  a  proposition  so  plain  as  to  pass 
Congress     without     a     debate? — To     JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,    152.     FORD   ED.,    iv,    391.     (P., 
1787.)     See  1473,  i57i. 

sition,  the  penal  code  of  England  comprehended 
more  than  two  hundred  offences,  besides  treason  and 
murder,  punishable  by  hanging.— EDITOR. 


Debate 
L»ebt 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


226 


1991.  DEBATE,    Lawyers    and.— If   the 
present  Congress  errs  in  too  much  talking, 
how  can  it  be  otherwise  in  a  body  to  which 
the  people  send  one  hundred  and  fifty  law 
yers,  whose  trade  it  is  to  question  everything, 
yield  nothing,   and  talk  by  the  hour?    That 
one  hundred  and  fifty  lawyers  should  do  busi 
ness  together  ought  not  to  be  expected. — AU 
TOBIOGRAPHY,   i,  58.    FORD  ED.,  i,  82.  (i8ci.) 

1992.  DEBATE,  Secrecy  and.— I  am  sorry 
the  Federal  convention  began  their  delibera 
tions  by  so  abominable  a  precedent  as  that  of 
tying  up  the  tongues  of  their  members.  Noth 
ing  could  justify  this  example  but  the  inno 
cence   of   their   intentions    and   ignorance   of 
the    value   of   public    discussions. — To   JOHN 
ADAMS,    ii,  260.    (P.,  1787.) 

1993.  DEBATE,       Washington      and 
Franklin  in. — I  served  with  General  Wash 
ington  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  before 
the    Revolution      and,    during    it,    with    Dr. 
Franklin  in  Congress.    I  never  heard  either 
of  them  speak  ten  minutes  at  a  time,  nor  to 
any  but  the  main  point  which  was  to  decide 
the   question.     They   laid   their   shoulders   to 
the  great  points,  knowing  that  the  little  ones 
would      follow     of     themselves. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,     i,  58.     FORD  ED.,  i,  82.     (1821.) 

1994.  DEBT,  Avoiding.— The  maxim  of 
buying  nothing  but  what  we  have  money  in 
our  pockets  to  pay  for  lays,  of  all  others,  the 
broadest  foundation  for  happiness. — To  MR. 
SKIPWITH.  ii,  191.    (P.,  1787.) 

1995. .     The    maxim    of   buying 

nothing  without  the  money  in  our  pockets  to 
pay  for  it,  would  make  of  our  country  one  of 
the  happiest  on  earth.  Experience  during  the 
war  proved  this ;  and  I  think  every  man  will 
remember,  that  under  all  the  privations  it 
obliged  him  to  submit  to  during  that  period, 
he  slept  sounder,  and  awoke  happier  than  he 
can  do  now. — To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  193.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  414.  (P.,  1787.) 

1996.  -  _.  [We  should]  put  off  buy 
ing  anything  until  we  have  the  money  to  pay 
for  it.— To  DR.  CURRIE.  ii,  219.    (P.,  1787.) 

1997.  DEBT,  Blessing  of  a  public.— As 

the  doctrine  is  that  a  public  debt  is  a  public 
blessing,  so  they  [the  supporters  of  State 
debt  assumption]  think  a  perpetual  one  is  a 
perpetual  blessing  and,  therefore,  wish  to 
make  it  so  large  that  we  can  never  pay  it  off. 
— To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS,  iii,  348.  FORD  EDV 
v,  505-  (Pa.,  1792.) 

1998.  DEBT,    Contracts    and. — If    there 
was  ever  any  agreement  between  Mr.   Ross 
and  me  to  pay  him  any  part  of  the  account 
in  tobacco,  it  must  be  paid  in  tobacco.     But 
neither  justice  nor  generosity  can  call  for  re 
ferring  anything  to  any  other  scale  than  that 
of  hard  money.     Paper  money  was  a  cheat. 
Tobacco  was  the  counter-cheat.     Every  one 
is  justifiable  in  rejecting  both  except  so  far  as 
his  contracts  bind  him. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  211.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

1999.  DEBT,     Fashion,     Folly     and.— 
Everything  I  hear  from  my  own  country  fills 


me  with  despair  as  to  their  recovery  from 
their  vassalage  to  Great  Britain.  Fashion 
and  folly  are  plunging  them  deeper  and 
deeper  into  distress ;  and  the  legislators  of  the 
country  becoming  debtors  also,  there  seems  no 
hope  of  applying  the  only  possible  remedy, 
that  of  an  immediate  judgment  and  execution. 
We  should  try  whether  the  prodigal  might 
not  be  restrained  from  taking  on  credit  the 
gewgaw  held  out  to  him  in  one  hand,  by  see 
ing  the  keys  of  a  prison  in  the  other. — To  T. 
PLEASANTS.  i,  564.  (P.,  1786.) 

2000.  DEBT,  Generations  and.— That  we 
are  bound  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war 
within  our  own  time,  and  unauthorized  to 
burthen  posterity  with  them,  I  suppose  to 
have  been  proved  in  my  former  letter.  I  will 
place  the  question  nevertheless  in  one  addi 
tional  point  of  view.  The  former  regarded 
their  independent  right  over  the  earth;  this 
over  their  own  persons.  There  have  existed 
nations,  and  civilized  and  learned  nations, 
who  have  thought  that  a  father  had  a  rie^ht  to 
sell  his  child  as  a  slave,  in  perpetuity;  that 
he  could  alienate  his  body  and  industry  con 
jointly,  and  dfortiari  his  industry  separately ; 
and  consume  its  fruits  himself.  A  nation  as 
serting  this  fratricide  right  might  well  sup 
pose  they  could  burthen  with  nublic  as  well 
as  private  debt  their  nati  natorum,  et  qui 
nasccntur  ab  illis.  But  we,  this  age,  and  in 
this  country  especially,  are  advanced  beyond 
those  notions  of  natural  law.  We  acknowl 
edge  that  our  children  are  born  free;  that 
that  freedom  is  the  gift  of  nature,  and  not  of 
him  who  begot  them ;  that  though  under  our 
care  during  infancy,  and  therefore  of  neces 
sity,  under  a  duly  tempered  authority,  that 
care  is  confided  to  us  to  be  exercised  for  the 
good  of  the  child  only ;  and  his  labors  during 
youth  are  given  as  a  retribution  for  the 
charges  of  infancy.  As  he  was  never  the 
property  of  his  father,  so  when  adult  he  is 
sui  juris,  entitled  himself  to  the  use  of  his 
own  limbs  and  the  fruits  of  his  own  exer 
tions  :  so  far  we  are  advanced,  without  mind 
enough,  it  seems,  to  take  the  whole  step.  We 
believe,  or  we  act  as  if  we  believed,  that  al 
though  an  individual  father  cannot  alienate 
the  labor  of  his  son,  the  aggregate  body  of 
fathers  may  alienate  the  labor  of  all  their 
sons,  or  of  their  posterity  in  the  aggregate, 
and  oblige  them  to  pay  for  all  the  enterprises, 
just  or  unjust,  profitable  or  ruinous,  into 
which  our  vices,  our  passions,  or  our  personal 
interests  may  lead  us.  But  I  trust  that  this 
proposition  needs  only  to  be  looked  at  by 
an  American  to  be  seen  in  its  true  point  of 
view,  and  that  we  shall  all  consider  ourselves 
unauthorized  to  saddle  posterity  with  our 
debts,  and  morally  bound  to  pay  them  our 
selves ;  and  consequently  within  what  may 
be  deemed  the  period  of  a  generation,  or  the 
life  of  the  majority.  *  *  *  We  must  raise, 
then,  ourselves  the  money  for  this  war,  either 
by  taxes  within  the  year,  or  by  loans ;  and 
if  by  loans,  we  must  repay  them  ourselves, 
proscribing  forever  the  English  practice  of 
perpetual  funding ;  the  ruinous  consequences 
of  which,  putting  right  out  of  the  question, 


227 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debt 


should  be  a  sufficient  warning  to  a  consider 
ate  nation  to  avoid  the  example. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  196.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  396.  (P.F., 
Sep.  1813.)  See  GENERATIONS. 

2001. .     The  public  expenses  of 

England  during  the  present  reign  have 
amounted  to  the  fee  simple  value  of  the 
whole  island.  If  its  whole  soil  could  be  sold, 
farm  by  farm,  for  its  present  market  price, 
it  would  not  defray  the  cost  of  governing  it 
during  the  reign  of  the  present  King,  as  man 
aged  by  him.  Ought  not  then  the  right  of 
each  successive  generation  to  be  guaranteed 
against  the  dissipations  and  corruptions  of 
those  preceding,  by  a  fundamental  provision 
in  our  Constitution  ?  And,  if  that  has  not 
been  made,  does  it  exist  the  less ;  there  being 
between  generation  and  generation,  as  be 
tween  nation  and  nation,  no  other  law  than 
that  of  nature?  And  is  it  the  less  dishonest 
to  do  what  is  wrong,  because  not  expressly 
prohibited  by  written  law  ?  Let  us  hope  our 
moral  principles  are  not  yet  in  that  stage  of 
degeneracy,  and  that  in  instituting  the  sys 
tem  of  finance  to  be  hereafter  pursued,  we 
shall  adopt  the  only  safe,  the  only  lawful  and 
honest  one,  of  borrowing  on  such  short  terms 
of  reimbursement  of  interest  and  principal 
as  will  fall  within  the  accomplishment  of  our 
own  lives. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  199.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  398.  (P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

2002. .     It  is  incumbent  on  every 

generation  to  pay  its  own  debts  as  it  goes. 
A  principle  which,  if  acted  on,  would  save 
one-half  the  wars  of  the  world.— To  DESTUTT 
TRACY.  FORD  ED.,  x,  175.  (M.,  1820.)  See 
GENERATIONS. 

2003.  DEBT,  Imprisonment  for.— It  may 
be  safely  affirmed  that  neither  natural  right 
nor  reason  subjects  the  body  of  a  man  to 
restraint  for  debt.  It  is  one  of  the  abuses 
introduced  by  commerce  and  credit,  and 
which  even  the  most  commercial  nations  have 
been  obliged  to  relax,  in  certain  cases.  The 
Roman  law,  the  principles  of  which  are  the 
nearest  to  natural  reason  of  those  of  any 
municipal  code  hitherto  known,  allowed  im 
prisonment  of  the  body  in  criminal  cases  only, 
or  those  wherein  the  party  had  expressly  sub 
mitted  himself  to  it.  The  French  laws  allow 
it  only  in  criminal  or  commercial  cases.  The 
laws  of  England,  in  certain  descriptions  of 
cases  (as  bankruptcy)  release  the  body.  Many 
of  the  United  States  do  the  same  in  all  cases, 
on  a  cession  of  property  by  the  debtor. — To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  306.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  38. 
(Pa.,  May  1792.) 

2004. .  The  laws  of  some  coun 
tries  punishing  the  unfortunate  debtor  by 
perpetual  imprisonment,  he  is  right  to  liberate 
himself  by  flight,  and  it  would  be  wrong  to 
re-imprison  him  in  the  country  to  which  he 
flies.  Let  all  process,  therefore,  be  confined 
to  his  property. — REPORT  ON  SPANISH  CON 
VENTION,  iii,  354.  FORD  ED.,  v,  484.  (1792.) 

—  DEBT,  Interest  on.— See  INTEREST  and 
DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH. 


2005.  DEBT,  Jeff erson's  personal.— You 

will  have  seen  in  the  newspapers  some  pro 
ceedings  in  the  Legislature,  which  have  cost 
me  much  mortification.*  My  own  debts  had 
become  considerable,  but  not  beyond  the  ef 
fect  of  some  lopping  of  property,  which  would 

have  been  but  little  felt,  when  our  friend f 

gave  me  the  coup  de  grace.  Ever  since  that  I 
have  been  paying  twelve  hundred  dollars  a 
year  interest  on  his  debt,  which,  with  my  own, 
was  absorbing  so  much  of  my  annual  income 
as  that  the  maintenance  of  my  family 
was  making  deep  and  rapid  inroads  on  my 
capital,  and  had  already  done  it.  Still,  sales 
at  a  fair  price  would  leave  me  competentlv 
provided.  Had  crops  and  orices  for  several 
years  been  such  as  to  maintain  a  steady  com 
petition  of  substantial  bidders  at  market,  all 
would  have  been  safe.  But  tl>  long  succes 
sion  of  years  of  stunted  crops,  of  reduced 
prices,  the  general  prostration  of  the  farming 
business,  under  levies  for  the  support  of 
manufacturers,  &c.,  with  the  calamitous  fluc 
tuations  of  value  in  our  paper  medium,  have 
kept  agriculture  in  a  state  of  abject  depres 
sion,  which  has  peopled  the  western  States 
by  silently  breaking  up  those  on  the  Atlantic, 
and  glutted  the  land  market,  while  it  drew  off 
its  bidders.  In  such  a  state  of  things,  prop 
erty  has  lost  its  character  of  being  a  resource 
for  debts.  Highland  in  Bedford,  which,  in 
the  days  of  our  plethory,  sold  readily  for  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  dollars  the  acre  (and 
such  sales  were  many  then),  would  not  now 
sell  for  more  than  from  ten  to  twenty  dollars, 
or  one-quarter  or  one-fifth  of  its  former  price. 
Reflecting  on  these  things,  the  practice  oc 
curred  to  me,  of  selling,  on  fair  valuation, 
and  by  way  of  lottery,  often  resorted  to  be 
fore  the  Revolution  to  effect  large  sales,  and 
still  in  constant  usage  in  every  State  for  in 
dividual  as  well  as  corporation  purposes.  If 
it  is  permitted  in  my  case,  my  lands  here 
alone,  with  the  mills,  &c.,  will  pay  everything 
and  leave  me  Monticello  and  a  farm  free.  If 
refused,  I  must  sell  everything  here,  perhaps 
considerably  in  Bedford,  move  thither  with 
my  family,  where  I  have  not  even  a  log  hut 
to  put  my  head  into,  and  whether  ground  for 
burial,  will  depend  on  the  depredations  which, 
under  the  form  of  sales,  shall  have  been  com 
mitted  on  my  property.  The  question  then 
with  me  was  ultrutn  horum? — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  vii,  433.  FORD  ED.,  x,  376.  (M., 
February  1826.) 

2006. .  Had  our  land  market  re 
mained  in  a  healthy  state  everything  might 
have  been  paid,  and  have  left  me  competently 
provided.  But  the  agricultural  branch  of  in 
dustry  with  us  had  been  so  many  years  in  a 
state  of  abject  prostration,  that,  combined 
with  the  calamitous  fluctuations  in  the  value 
of  pur  circulating  medium,  those  concerned 
in  it,  instead  of  being  in  a  condition  to  pur 
chase,  were  abandoning  farms  no  longer 
yielding  profit,  and  moving  off  to  the  western 

*  Application  for  authority  to  dispose  of  his  prop 
erty  by  lottery.— EDITOR. 
t  W.  C.  Nicholas.— EDITOR. 


Debt 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


228 


country. — To  GEORGE  LOYALL.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
380.     (M.,  1826.) 

2007. .  A  long  succession  of  un 
fruitful  years,  long-continued  low  prices,  op 
pressive  tariffs  levied  on  other  branches  to 
maintain  that  of  manufactures,  for  the  most 
flourishing  of  all,  calamitous  fluctuations  in 
the  value  of  our  circulating  medium,  and,  in 
my  case,  a  want  of  skill  in  the  management 
of  our  land  and  labor,  these  circumstances 
had  been  long  undermining  the  state  of  agri 
culture,  had  been  breaking  up  the  landholders, 
and  glutting  the  land  market  here,  while 
drawing  off  its  bidders  to  people  the  western 
country.  Under  such  circumstances  agricul 
tural  property  had  become  no  resource  for 
the  payment  of  debts.— To  THOMAS  RITCHIE. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  381.  (M.,  1826.)  See  2091. 

2008.  DEBT,   Just  Payment  of.— What 
the  laws  of  Virginia  are,  or  may  be,  will  in 
no  wise  influence  my  conduct.     Substantial 
justice  is  my  object,  as  decided  by  reason, 
and   not  by   authority    or    compulsion. — To 
WILLIAM    JONES.      FORD   ED.,   iv,    352.      (P., 
1787.) 

2009.  DEBT,  Misery  of  .—I  am  miserable 
till  I  shall  owe  not  a  shilling.— To  NICHOLAS 
LEWIS.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  343.     (P.,  1786.) 

_  DEBT,  National.— See  DEBT,  U.  S. 

2010.  DEBT,      Oppressive      English.— 
George  III.   in  execution  of  the  trust  con 
fided  to  him,  has,  within  his  own  day,  loaded 
the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  with  debts 
equal  to  the  whole  fee-simple  value  of  their 
island,    and   under   pretext   of   governing   it, 
has  alienated  its  whole  soil  to  creditors  who 
could  lend  money  to  be  lavished  on  priests, 
pensions,   plunder  and  perpetual   war.     This 
would  not  have  been  so,  had  the  people  re 
tained  organized  means   of  acting  on  their 
agents.     In  this  example,  then,  let  us  read  a 
lesson  for  ourselves,  and  not  "  go  and  do  like 
wise." — To    SAMUEL      KERCHIVAL      vii,   36. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  45.     (M.,  1816.) 

2011. .     The     interest     of     the 

[English]  national  debt  is  now  equal  to 
such  a  portion  of  the  profits  of  all  the  land 
and  the  labor  of  the  island,  as  not  to  leave 
enough  for  the  subsistence  of  those  who  la 
bor.  Hence  the  owners  of  the  land  abandon 
it  and  retire  to  other  countries,  and  the  la 
borer  has  not  enough  of  his  earnings  left  to 
him  to  cover  his  back  and  to  fill  his  belly. 
The  local  insurrections,  now  almost  general, 
are  of  the  hungry  and  the  naked,  who  cannot 
be  quieted  but  by  food  and  raiment.  But 
where  are  the  means  of  feeding  and  clothing 
them?  The  landholder  has  nothing  of  his  own 
to  give ;  he  is  but  the  fiduciary  of  those  who 
have  lent  him  money ;  the  lender  is  so  taxed  in 
his  meat,  drink  and  clothing,  that  he  has  but  a 
bare  subsistence  left.  The  landholder,  then, 
must  give  up  his  land,  or  the  lender  his  debt, 
or  they  must  compromise  by  giving  up  each 
one-half.  But  will  either  consent  peaceably, 
to  such  an  abandonment  of  property?  Or 
must  it  not  be  settled  by  civil  conflict?  If 


peaceably  compromised,  will  they  agree  to 
risk  another  ruin  under  the  same  government 
unreformed?  I  think  not,  but  I  would  rather 
know  what  you  think ;  because  you  have  lived 
with  John  Bull,  and  know  better  than  I  do  the 
character  of  his  herd. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii, 
40.  (M.  1816.) 

2012.  DEBT,  Perpetual.— What  is  to  hin 
der  [the  government]  from  creating  a  per 
petual  debt?  The  laws  of  nature,  I  answer. 
The  earth  belongs  to  the  liviner  not  to  the  dead. 
The  will  and  the  power  of  man  expire  with  his 
life,  by  nature's  law.  Some  societies  give  it 
an  artificial  continuance,  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  industry;  some  refuse  it,  as  our  abo 
riginal  neighbors,  whom  we  call  barbarians. 
The  generations  of  men  may  be  considered 
as  bodies  or  corporations.  Each  generation 
has  the  usufruct  of  the  earth  during  the  period 
of  its  continuance.  When  it  ceases  to  exist 
the  usufruct  passes  on  to  the  succeeding  gen 
eration,  free  and  unincumbered,  and  so  on, 
successively,  from  one  generation  to  another 
forever.  We  may  consider  each  generation 
as  a  distinct  nation,  with  a  right,  by  the  will 
of  its  majority,  to  bind  themselves,  but  none 
to  bind  the  succeeding  generation,  more  than 
the  inhabitants  of  another  country.  Or  the 
case  may  be  likened  to  the  ordinary  one  of  a 
tenant  for  life,  who  may  hypothecate  the  land 
for  his  debts,  during  the  continuance  of  his 
usufruct;  but  at  his  death,  the  reversioner 
(who  is  also  for  life  only)  receives  it  ex 
onerated  from  all  burden.  The  period  of  a 
generation,  or  the  term  of  its  life,  is  deter 
mined  by  the  laws  of  mortality,  which,  vary 
ing  a  little  only  in  different  climates,  offer 
a  general  average  to  be  found  by  observation. 
I  turn,  for  instance,  to  Buffon's  tables,  of 
twenty-three  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
ninety-four  deaths,  and  the  ages  at  which 
they  happened,  and  I  find  that  of  the  numbers 
of  all  ages  living  at  one  moment,  half  will  be 
dead  in  twenty-four  years  and  eight  months. 
But  (leaving  out  minors,  who  have  not  the 
power  of  self-government)  of  the  adults  (of 
twenty-one  years  of  age)  living  at  one  mo 
ment,  a  majority  of  whom  act  for  the  so 
ciety,  one-half  will  be  dead  in  eighteen  years 
and  eight  months.  At  nineteen  years,  then, 
from  the  date  of  a  contract,  the  majority  of 
the  contractors  are  dead,  and  their  contract 
with  them.  Let  this  general  theory  be  ap 
plied  to  a  particular  case.  Suppose  the  an 
nual  births  of  the  Stat~  of  New  York  to  be 
twenty-three  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
ninety-four,  the  whole  number  of  its  inhabit 
ants,  according. to  Buffon,  will  be  six  hun 
dred  and  seventeen  thousand,  seven  hundred 
and  three,  of  all  ages.  Of  these  there  would 
constantly  be  two  hundred  and  sixty-nine 
thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty-six  minors, 
and  three  hundred  and  forty-eight  thousand 
four  hundred  and  seventeen  adults,  of  which 
last,  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  thousand 
two  hundred  and  nine  will  be  a  majority.  Sup 
pose  that  majority,  on  the  first  day  of  the  year 
1794,  had  borrowed  a  sum  of  money  equal 
to  the  fee-simple  value  of  the  State,  and  to 
have  consumed  it  in  eating,  drinking  and 


229 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debt 


making  merry  in  their  day ;  or,  if  you  please, 
in  quarrelling  and  fighting  with  their  unof 
fending  neighbors.  Within  eighteen  years 
and  eight  months,  one-half  of  the  adult  citi 
zens  were  dead.  Till  then,  being  the  major 
ity,  they  might  rightfully  levy  the  interest 
of  their  debt  annually  on  themselves  and 
their  fellow-revellers,  or  fellow-champions. 
But  at  that  period,  say  at  this  moment,  a 
new  majority  have  come  into  place,  in  their 
own  right,  and  not  under  the  rights,  the  con 
ditions,  or  laws  of  their  predecessors.  Are 
they  bound  to  acknowledge  the  debt,  to  con 
sider  the  preceding  generation  as 'having  had 
a  right  to  eat  up  the  whole  soil  of  their  coun 
try,  in  the  course  of  a  life,  to  alienate  it  from 
them  (for  it  would  be  an  alienation  to  the 
creditors),  and  would  they  think  themselves 
either  legally  or  morally  bound  to  give  up 
their  country  and  emigrate  to  another  for 
subsistence  ?  Every  one  will  say  no ;  that  the 
soil  is  the  gift  of  Cod  to  the  living,  as  much 
as  it  had  been  to  the  deceased  generation ; 
and  that  the  laws  of  nature  impose  no  obliga 
tion  on  them  to  pay  this  debt.  And  although, 
like  some  other  natural  rights,  this  has  not 
yet  entered  into  any  declaration  of  rights, 
it  is  no  less  a  law,  and  ought  to  be  acted  on 
by  honest  governments.  It  is,  at  the  same 
time,  a  salutary  curb  on  the  spirit  of  war 
and  indebtment,  which,  since  the  modern 
theory  of  the  perpetuation  of  debt,  has 
drenched  the  earth  with  blood,  and  crushed 
its  inhabitants  under  burthens  ever  accu 
mulating.  Had  this  principle  been  declared 
in  the  British  bill  of  rights,  England  would 
have  been  placed  under  the  happy  disability 
of  waging  eternal  war,  and  of  contracting  her 
thousand  millions  of  public  debt.  In  seeking 
then,  for  an  ultimate  term  for  the  redemption 
of  our  debts,  let  us  rally  to  this  principle,  and 
provide  for  their  payment  within  the  term  of 
nineteen  years  at  the  farthest. — To  JOHN 
WAYLES  EPPES.  vi,  136.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  389. 
(M.,  June  1813.)  See  GENERATIONS. 

2013.  DEBT,  Public.— At  the  time  we 
were  funding  our  national  debt,  we  heard 
much  about  "  a  public  debt  being  a  public 
blessing  "  ;  that  the  stock  representing  it  was 
a  creation  of  active  capital  for  the  aliment 
of  commerce,  manufactures  and  agriculture. 
This  paradox  was  well  adapted  to  the  minds 
of  believers  in  dreams,  and  the  gulls  of  that 
size  entered  bond  fide  into  it.  But  the  art 
and  mystery  of  banks  is  a  wonderful  improve 
ment  on  that.  It  is  established  on  the  prin 
ciple  that  "  private  debts  are  a  public  bless 
ing  " ;  that  the  evidences  of  those  private 
debts,  called  bank  notes,  become  active  capi 
tal,  and  aliment  the  whole  commerce,  manu 
factures,  and  agriculture  of  the  United  States. 
Here  are  a  set  of  people,  for  instance,  who 
have  bestowed  on  us  the  great  blessing  of 
running  in  our  debt  about  two  hundred  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  without  our  knowing  who 
they  are,  where  they  are,  or  want  property 
they  have  to  pay  this  debt  when  called  on; 
nay,  who  have  made  us  so  sensible  of  the 
blessings  of  letting  them  run  in  our  debt,  that 
we  have  exempted  them  by  law  from  the  re 


payment  of  these  debts  beyond  a  given  pro 
portion  (generally  estimated  at  one-third). 
And  to  fill  up  the  measure  of  blessing,  in 
stead  of  paying,  they  receive  an  interest  on 
what  they  owe  from  those  to  whom  they  owe ; 
for  all  the  notes,  or  evidences  of  what  they 
owe,  which  we  see  in  circulation,  have  been 
lent  to  somebody  on  an  interest  which  is 
levied  again  on  us  through  the  medium  of 
commerce.  And  they  are  so  ready  still  to 
deal  out  their  liberalities  to  us,  that  they  are 
now  willing  to  let  themselves  run  in  our  debt 
ninety  millions  more,  on  our  paying  them  the 
same  premium  of  six  or  eight  per  cent,  in 
terest,  and  on  the  same  legal  exemption  from 
the  repayment  of  more  than  thirty  millions 
of  the  debt  when  it  shall  be  called  for.  But 
let  us  look  at  this  principle  in  its  original 
form,  and  its  copy  will  then  be  equally  under 
stood.  "  A  public  debt  is  a  public  blessing." 
That  our  debt  was  juggled  from  forty-three 
to  eighty  millions,  and  funded  at  that  amount, 
according  to  this  opinion  a  great  public  bless 
ing,  because  the  evidences  of  it  could  be 
vested  in  commerce,  and  thus  converted  into 
active  capital,  and  then  the  more  the  debt 
was  made  to  be,  the  more  active  capital  was 
created.  That  is  to  say,  the  creditors  could 
now  employ  in  commerce  the  money  due 
them  from  the  public,  and  make  from  it  an 
annual  profit  of  five  per  cent,  or  four  millions 
of  dollars.  But  observe,  that  the  public  were  at 
the  same  time  paying  on  it  an  interest  of  ex 
actly  the  same  amount  of  four  millions  of  dol 
lars.  Where,  then,  is  the  gain  to  either  party, 
which  makes  it  a  public  blessing?  There  is  no 
change  in  the  state  of  things,  but  of  persons 
only.  A  has  a  debt  due  to  him  from  the  public, 
of  which  he  holds  their  certificate  as  evidence, 
and  on  which  he  is  receiving  an  annual  in 
terest.  He  wishes,  however,  to  have  the 
money  itself,  and  to  go  into  business  with 
it.  B  has  an  equal  sum  of  money  in  business, 
but  wishes  now  to  retire,  and  live  on  the  in 
terest.  He  therefore  gives  it  to  A  in  ex 
change  for  A's  certificates  of  public  stock. 
Now,  then,  A  has  the  money  to  employ  in 
business,  which  B  so  employed  before.  B 
has  the  money  on  interest  to  live  on,  which 
A  lived  on  before;  and  the  public  pays  the 
interest  to  B  which  they  paid  to  A  before. 
Here  is  no  new  creation  of  capital,  no  addi 
tional  money  employed,  nor  even  a  change 
in  the  employment  of  a  single  dollar.  The, 
only  change  is  of  place  between  A  and  B  in 
which  we  discover  no  creation  of  capital,  nor 
public  blessing.  Suppose,  again,  the  public 
to  owe  nothing.  Then  A  not  having  lent  his 
money  to  the  public,  would  be  in  possession 
of  it  himself,  and  would  go  into  business 
without  the  previous  operation  of  selling 
stock.  Here,  again,  the  same  quantity  of 
capital  is  employed  as  in  the  former  case, 
though  no  public  debt  exists.  In  neither  case 
is  there  any  creation  of  active  capital,  nor 
other  difference  than  that  there  is  a  public 
debt  in  the  first  case,  and  none  in  the  last; 
and  we  may  safely  ask  which  of  the  two 
situations  is  most  truly  a  public  blessing?  If, 
then,  a  public  debt  be  no  public  blessing,  we 


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THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


230 


may  pronounce,  a  fortiori,  that  a  private  one 
cannot  be  so.  If  the  debt  which  the  banking 
companies  owe  be  a  blessincr  to  anybody,  it  is 
to  themselves  alone,  who  are  realizing  a  solid 
interest  of  eight  or  ten  per  cent,  on  it.  As  to 
the  public,  these  companies  have  banished 
all  our  gold  and  silver  medium,  which,  be 
fore  their  institution,  we  had  without  in 
terest,  which  never  could  have  perished  in 
our  hands,  and  would  have  been  our  salvation 
now  in  the  hour  of  war ;  instead  of  which 
they  have  given  us  two  hundred  million  of 
froth  and  bubble,  on  which  we  are  to  pay 
them  heavy  interest,  until  it  shall  vanish  into 
air  as  the  Morris  notes  did.  We  are  war 
ranted,  then,  in  affirming  that  this  parody 
on  the  principle  of  "  a  public  debt  being  a 
public  blessing,"  and  its  mutation  into  the 
blessing  of  private  instead  of  public  debts,  is 
as  ridiculous  as  the  original  principle  itself. 
In  both  cases,  the  truth  is,  that  capital  may 
be  produced  by  industry,  and  accumulated 
by  economy;  but  jugglers  only  will  propose  to 
create  it  by  legerdemain  tricks  with  paper. — 
To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  239.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  411. 
(M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

2014.  DEBT,  Running  in.— -It  is  a  mis 
erable  arithmetic  which  makes  any  single  pri 
vation  whatever  ,so  painful  as  a  total  priva 
tion  of  everything  which  must  necessarily  fol 
low  the  living  so  far  beyond  our  income. 
What  is  to  extricate  us  I  know  not,  whether 
law,  or  loss^of  credit.  If  the  sources  of  the 
former  are  corrupted,  so  as  to  prevent  justice, 
the  latter  must  supply  its  place,  leave  us  pos 
sessed  of  our  infamous  gains,  but  prevent  all 
future  ones  of  the  same  character. — To  WILL 
IAM  HAY.  ii,  215.  (P.,  1787.) 

2015. .     How    happy     a    people 

were  we  during  the  war  from  the  single  cir 
cumstance  that  we  could  not  run  in  debt. — 
To  DR.  CURRIE.  ii,  219.  (P.,  1787.) 

—  DEBT,  Of  the  States.— See  ASSUMP 
TION. 

2016.  DEBT,    Thraldom   of.— Instead   of 
the  unalloyed  happiness  of  retiring  unembar 
rassed    and    independent,    to    the    enjoyment 
of  my  estate,  which  is  ample  for  my  limited 
views,  I  have  to  pass  such  a  length  of  time 
in  a  thraldom  of  mind  never  before  known  to 
me.      Except   for   this,    my   happiness   would 
have  been  perfect. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO. 
v,  509.      (M.,   1810.) 

2017.  DEBT,   Tormented  by. — The   tor 
ment  of  mind  I  endure  till  the  moment  shall 
arrive  when   I   shall   not  owe  a   shilling   on 
earth  is  such  really  as  to  render  life  of  little 
value.     I  cannot  decide  to  sell  my  lands.     I 
have   sold   too  much   of  them   already,   and 
they  are  the  only  sure  provision  for  my  chil 
dren  ;  nor  would  I  willingly  sell  the  slaves  as 
long  as  there  remains  any  prospect  of  paying 
my  debts  with  their  labor.    In  this  I  am  gov 
erned    solely   by   views   to     their    happiness, 
which  will  render  it  worth  their  while  to  use 
extraordinary  exertions  for  some  time  to  en 
able  me  to  put  them  ultimately  on  an  easier 
footing,   which   I   will  do  the  moment  they 


have  paid  the  debts  due  from  the  estate,  two- 
thirds  of  which  have  been  contracted  by  pur 
chasing  them. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  416.  (P.,  1787.) 

2018.  DEBT  (French),  Assignats  and.— 
I    have    communicated    to    the    President    what 
passed  between  us     *     *     *     on  the  subject  of 
the   payments   made  to   France  by   the   United 
States   in  the  assignats  of  that  country,   since 
they  have  lost  their  par  with  gold  and  silver  ; 
and  after  conferences,  by  his  instruction,  with 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  am  authorized 
to  assure  you,  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  have,  no  idea  of  paying  their  debt  in  a 
depreciated  medium,  and  that  in  the  final  liqui 
dation  of  the  payments,  which  shall  have  been 
made,  due  regard  will  be  had  to  an  equitable  al 
lowance  for  the  circumstance  of  depreciation.* 
— To  JEAN   BAPTISTE  TERNANT.  iii,   294.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  383.     (Pa.,  Sep.  1791.) 

2019.  DEBT    (French),     Complaints    of 

officers. — A  second  year's  interest  is  become 
due  [to  the  French  officers].  They  have  pre 
sented  their  demands.  There  is  not  money  here 
[Paris]  to  pay  them  ;  the  pittance  remaining  in 
Mr.  Grand's  hands  being  only  sufficient  to  pay 
current  expenses  three  months  longer.  The  dis 
satisfaction  of  these  officers  is  extreme,  and 
their  complaints  will  produce  the  worst  effect. 
The  Treasury  Board  has  not  ordered  their  pay 
ment,  probably  because  they  knew  there  would 
not  be  money.  The  amount  of  their  demand  is 
about  forty-two  thousand  livres,  and  Mr.  Grand 
has  in  his  hands  but  twelve  thousand.  I  have 
thought  it  my  duty,  under  this  emergency,  to 
ask  you  whether  you  could  order  that  sum  for 
their  relief  from  the  funds  in  Holland?  If  you 
can,  I  am  persuaded  it  will  have  the  best  of 
effects. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  510.  (P.,  1786.) 

2020. .     The     payment     of     the 

French  officers,  the  last  year,  had  the  happiest 
effect  imaginable.  It  procured  so  many  ad 
vocates  for  the  credit  and  honor  of  the  United 
States,  who  were  heard  in  all  companies.  It 
corrected  the  idea  that  we  were  unwilling  to 
pay  our  debts.  I  fear  that  our  present  failure 
towards  them  will  give  new  birth  to  new  im 
putations,  and  a  relapse  of  credit. — To  THE 
TREASURY  COMMISSIONERS,  i,  521.  (P.,  1786.) 

2021. .     The  debt  to  the  officers 

of  France  carries  an  interest  of  about  two  thou 
sand  guineas,  so  we  may  suppose  its  principal 
is  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand.  This 
makes  more  noise  against  us  than  all  our  other 
debts  put  together. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  ii,  164. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  399.  (P.,  1787.) 

2022. .     Mr.  Adams  informs  me 

he  has  borrowed  money  in  Holland,  which,  if 
confirmed  by  Congress,  will  enable  them  to  pay 
not  only  the  interest  due  here  to  the  foreign 
officers,  but  the  principal.  Let  me  beseech  you 
to  reflect  on  the  expediency  of  transferring 
this  debt  to  Holland.  All  our  other  debts  in 
Europe  do  not  injure  our  reputation  so  much 
as  this.  These  gentlemen  have  connections  both 
in  and  out  of  office,  and  these  again  their  con 
nections,  so  that  our  default  on  this  article  is 
further  known,  more  blamed,  and  excites  worst 

*  As  written  by  Jefferson,  the  letter,  after  the 
words  "depreciated  medium"  closed  as  follows  : 
"  and  that  they  will  take  measures  for  making  these 
payments  in  their  just  value,  avoiding  all  benefit 
from  depreciation,  and  desiring  on  their  part  to  be 
guarded  against  any  unjust  loss  from  the  circum 
stances  of  mere  exchange."  It  was  changed  to  meet 
the  views  of  Hamilton.— EDITOR. 


231 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debt 


dispositions  against  us,  than  you  can  conceive. 

To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  209.     FORD  ED.,   iv, 

422.      (P.,    1787-) 

2023.  DEBT  (French),  Desire  to  pay. — 
We   desire   strongly   to   pay    off    our    debt    to 
France,   and   for  this  purpose  we  will  use   our 
credit  as  far  as  it  will  hold  good.   *   *  *  Under 
these  dispositions  and  prospects,  it  would  grieve 
us  extremely  to  see  our  debt  pass  into  the  hands 
of  speculators,  and  be  subjected  ourselves  to  the 
chicaneries    and    vexations    of   private    avarice. 
We  desire  you,  therefore,  to  dissuade  the  gov 
ernment     *     *     *     from  listening  to  any  over 
tures   of  that  kind,   and   as  to   the   speculators 
themselves,   whether   native   or   foreign,   to    in 
form    them    without   reserve    that    our    govern 
ment  condemns  their  projects,  and  reserves  to 
itself    the    right    of    paying    nowhere    but    into 
the  Treasury  of  France. — To  WILLIAM   SHORT. 
iii,  253.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

2024.  DEBT  (French),  Payments  discon 
tinued. — We  are  informed  by  the  public  pa 
pers  that  the  late  constitution  of  France,  for 
mally  notified  to  us,  is  suspended,  and  a  new 
convention  called.     During  the  time  of  this  sus 
pension,    and   while    no   legitimate   government 
exists,   we   apprehend   we   cannot  continue   the 
payments  of  our  debt  to  France,  because  there  is 
no  person  authorized  to  receive  it,  and  to  give 
us  an  unobjectionable  acquittal.    You  are,  there 
fore,   desired  to   consider  the  payment  as   sus 
pended,   until   further  orders.      Should   circum 
stances   oblige   you   to   mention   this    (which    it 
is  better  to  avoid  if  you  can),  do  it  with  such 
solid  reasons  as  will  occur  to  yourself,  and  ac 
company  it  with  the  most  friendly  declarations 
that  the  suspension  does  not  proceed  from  any 
wish  in  us  to  delay  the  payment,  the  contrary 
being  our  wish,  nor  from  any  desire  to  embar 
rass  or  oppose  the  settlement  of  their  govern 
ment  in  that  way  in   which   their  nation   shall 
desire  it ;  but  from  our  anxiety  to  pay  this  debt 
justly  and  honorably,  and  to  the  persons  really 
authorized  by  the  nation  (to  whom  we  owe  it) 
to  receive  it  for  their  use.     Nor  shall  this  sus 
pension  be  continued  one  moment  after  we  can 
see  our  way  clear  out  of  the  difficulty  into  which 
their    situation    has    thrown    us. — To    GOUVER- 
NEUR  MORRIS,    iii,  476.     FORD  EDV  vi,  121.  (Pa., 
Oct.  1792.) 

2025.  DEBT    (French),    Payments    Re 
sumed. — On  the  dissolution  of  the  late  con 
stitution  in  France,  by  removing  so  integral  a 
part  of  it  as  the  King,  the  National  Assembly, 
to  whom  a  part  only  of  the  public  authority  had 
been  delegated,  appear  to  have  considered  them 
selves    as    incompetent   to    transact   the    affairs 
of  the  nation  legitimately.     They  invited  their 
fellow-citizens,  therefore,  to  appoint  a  National 
Convention.       In    conformity    with    this    their 
idea  of  the  defective  state  of  the  national  au 
thority,  you  were  desired  from  hence  to  suspend 
further  payments  of  our  debt  to  France  till  new 
orders,  with  an  assurance,  however,  to  the  act 
ing  power,   that  the   suspension   should   not  be 
continued  a  moment  longer  than  should  be  nec 
essary    for    us    to    see    the    reestablishment    of 
some  person  or  body  of  persons  authorized  to 
receive  payment  and  give  us  a  good  acquittal ; 
(if   you   should   find    it   necessary   to    give    any 
assurance  or  explanation  at  all).     In  the  mean 
time,   we  went  on   paying  up   the   four  million 
of  livres  which  had  been   destined  by  the  last 
constituted  authorities  to  the  relief  of  St.  Do 
mingo.     Before  this  was  completed,  we  received 
information  that  a  National  Assembly  had  met. 
with  full  powers  to  transact  the  affairs  of  the 
nation,    and    soon    afterwards,   the   minister   of 


France  here  presented  an  application  for  three 
millions  of  livres,  to  be  laid  out  in  provisions 
to  be  sent  to  France.  Urged  by  the  strongest 
attachment  to  that  country,  and  thinking  it 
even  providential  that  moneys  lent  to  us  in  dis 
tress  could  be  repaid  under  like  circumstances, 
we  had  no  hesitation  to  comply  with  the  ap 
plication,  and  arrangements  are  accordingly 
taken,  for  furnishing  this  sum  at  epochs  accom 
modated  to  the  demand  and  our  means  of  pay 
ing  it.  *  *  We  shall  certainly  use  our  utmost 
endeavors  to  make  punctual  payments  of  the 
instalments  and  interest  hereafter  becoming  ex 
igible,  and  to  omit  no  opportunity  of  convincing 
that  nation  how  cordially  we  wish  to  serve  them. 
— To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  521.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  199.  (Pa.,  March  1793.) 

2026.  DEBT    (French),    Proposition    of 

Genet.— I  cannot  but  think  that  to  decline  the 
propositions*  of  M.  Genet  on  the  subject  of 
our  debt,  without  assigning  any  reason  at  all, 
would  have  a  very  dry  and  unpleasant  aspect  in 
deed.  We  are  then  to  examine  what  are  our 
good  reasons  for  the  refusal,  which  of  them 
may  be  spoken  out,  and  which  may  not.  i. 
Want  of  confidence  in  the  continuance  of  the 
present  form  of  government,  and  consequently 
that  advances  to  them  might  commit  us  with 
their  successors.  This  cannot  be  spoken  out. 
2.  Since  they  propose  to  take  the  debt  in  prod 
uce,  it  would  be  better  for  us  that  it  should 
be  done  in  moderate  masses  yearly,  than  all 
in  one  year.  This  cannot  be  professed.  3. 
When  M.  de  Calonne  was  Minister  of  Finance, 
a  Dutch  company  proposed  to  buy  up  the  whole 
of  our  debt,  by  dividing  it  into  actions  or  shares. 
I  think  M.  Claviere,  now  Minister  of  Finance, 
was  their  agent.  It  was  observed  to  M.  de 
Calonne,  that  to  create  such  a  mass  of  American 
paper,  divide  it  into  shares,  and  let  them  deluge 
the  market,  would  depreciate  the  rest  of  our 
paper,  and  our  credit  in  general ;  that  the  credit 
of  a  nation  was  a  delicate  and  important  thing, 
and  should  not  be  risked  on  such  an  operation. 
M.  de  Calonne,  sensible ^of  the  injury  of  the  op 
eration  to  us,  declined  it.  In  May,  1791,  there 
came,  through  Mr.  Otto,  a  similar  proposition 
from  Schweizer,  Jeanneret  &  Co.  We  had  a 
communication  on  the  subject  from  Mr.  Short, 
urging  this  same  reason  strongly.  It  was  re 
ferred  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who, 
in  a  letter  to  yourself,  assigned  the  reasons 
against  it,  and  these  were  communicated  to 
Mr.  Otto,  who  acquiesced  in  them.  This  ob 
jection,  then,  having  been  sufficient  to  decline 
the  proposition  twice  before,  and  having  been 
urged  to  the  two  preceding  forms  of  govern 
ment  (the  ancient  and  that  of  1791),  will  not  be 
considered  by  them  as  founded  in  objections  to 
the  present  form.  4.  The  law  allows  the  whole 
debt  to  be  paid  only  on  condition  it  can  be  done 
on  terms  advantageous  to  the  United  States. 
The  minister  foresees  this  objection,  and  thinks 
he  answers  it  by  observing  the  advantage  which 
the  payment  in  produce  will  occasion.  It  would 
be  easy  to  show  that  this  was  not  the  sort  of  ad 
vantage  the  Legislature  meant,  but  a  lower  rate 
of  interest.  5.  I  cannot  but  suppose  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  *  *  *  would,  on 
examination,  be  able  to  derive  practical  objec 
tions  from  them.  We  pay  to  France  but  five 
per  cent.  The  people  of  this  country  would 
never  subscribe  their  money  for  less  than  six. 
If,  to  remedy  this,  obligations  at  less  than  five 
per  cent,  were  offered,  and  accepted  by  M. 
Genet,  he  must  part  with  them  immediately, 
at  a  considerable  discount,  to  indemnify  the  loss 
*  That  the  remainder  of  t^e  debt  be  paid  at  once, 
provided  the  sum  be  invested  in  produce.— EDITOR. 


Debt 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


232 


of  the  one  per  cent.,  and  at  still  greater  dis 
count  to  bring  them  down  to  par  with  our  pres 
ent  six  per  cent.,  so  that  the  operation  would 
be  equally  disgraceful  to  us  and  losing  to  them, 
&c.,  &c.  I  think  it  very  material  myself  to  keep 
alive  the  friendly  sentiments  of  that  country, 
so  far  as  can  be  done  without  risking  war  or 
double  payment.  If  the  instalments  falling  due 
this  year  can  be  advanced,  without  incurring 
those  dangers,  I  should  be  for  doing  it.  We 
now  see  by  the  declaration  of  the  Prince  of 
Saxe  Coburg,  on  the  part  of  Austria  and  Prus 
sia,  that  the  ultimate  point  they  desire  is  to  re 
store  the  constitution  of  1791-  Were  this  even 
to  be  done  before  the  pay  days  of  this  year, 
there  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  but  that  that  gov 
ernment  (as  republican  as  the  present,  except 
in  the  form  of  its  Executive)  would  confirm  an 
advance  so  moderate  in  sum  and  time.  I 
am  sure  the  nation  of  France  would  never  suf 
fer  their  government  to  go  to  war  with  us  for 
such  a  bagatelle,  and  the  more  surely  if  that 
bagatelle  shall  have  been  granted  by  us  so  as 
to  please  and  not  displease  the  nation;  so  as 
to  keep  their  affections  engaged  on  our  side. 
So  that  I  should  have  no  fear  in  advancing  the 
instalments  of  this  year  at  epochs  convenient 
to  the  Treasury.  But  at  any  rate  I  should  be 
for  assigning  reasons  for  not  changing  the  form 
of  the  debt— To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  in, 
575.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  287.  (June  I793-) 

2027.  DEBT  (French),  Reply  to  Genet.— 

The  instalments  as  they  are  settled  by  conven 
tion  between  the  two  nations  far  exceed  the  or 
dinary  resources  of  the  United  States.  To  ac 
complish  them  completely  and  punctually,  we 
are  obliged  to  anticipate  the  revenues  of  future 
terms  by  loans  to  as  great  an  extent  as  we  can 
prudently  attempt.  As  they  are  arranged  how 
ever  by  the  convention,  they  give  us  time  for 
successive  and  gradual  efforts.  But  to  crowd 
these  anticipations  all  into  a  single  one,  and 
that  to  be  executed,  in  the  present  instant,  would 
more  than  hazard  that  state  of  credit,  the  pres 
ervation  of  which  can  alone  enable  us  to  meet 
the  different  payments  a't  the  time  agreed  on.  To 
do  even  this  hitherto,  has  required  in  the  opera 
tions  of  borrowing,  time,  prudence  and  pa 
tience  ;  and  these  operations  are  still  going  on  in 
all  the  extent  they  will  bear.  To  press  them 
beyond  this,  would  be  to  defeat  them  both  now 
and  hereafter. — To  EDMOND  CHARLES  GENET. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  294.  (Pa.,  June  I793-) 

2028.  DEBT  (French),  Speculators  and. 
— I  am  of  opinion,  as  I  always  have  been,  that 
the  purchase  of  our  debt  to  France  by  private 
speculators,  would  have  been  an  operation  ex 
tremely   injurious  to   our  credit;   and  that  the 
consequence   foreseen  by  our  banker,   that  the 
purchasers  would  have  been  obliged,   in   order 
to    make   good   their   payments,    to    deluge   the 
markets  of  Amsterdam  with  American  paper  of 
all   sorts,    and  to    sell   it   at   any   price,   was   a 
probable  one.     And  the  more  so,  as  we  know 
that   the   particular    individuals   who   were   en 
gaged  in  that  speculation,  possess  no  means  of 
their  own  adequate  to  the  payments  they  would 
have  had  to  make.     While  we  must  not  doubt 
that  these  motives,  together  with  a  proper  re 
gard  for  the  credit  of  the  United   States,   had 
real  and  full  weight  with  our  bankers  towards 
inducing    them    to    counterwork    these    private 
speculations;    yet,   to   ascribe  their   industry   in 
tli is  business  wholly  to  these  motives,  might  lead 
to    a    too    great    and    dangerous    confidence    in 
them.     It  was  obviously  their  interest  to  defeat 
all    such   speculations,    because   they   tended   to 
take  out  of  their  hands,  or  at  least  to  divide 


with  them,  the  profits  of  the  great  operation  of 
transferring  the  French  debt  to  Amsterdam, 
an  object  of  first  rate  magnitude  to  them,  and 
on  the  undivided  enjoyments  of  which  they 
might  count,  if  private  speculators  could  be 
Daffled.  It  has  been  a  contest  of  dexterity  and 
cunning,  in  which  our  champions  have  obtained 
the  victory.  The  manoeuvre  of  opening  a  loan 
of  three  millions  of  florins,  has,  on  the  whole, 
been  useful  to  the  United  States,  and  though 
unauthorized,  I  think  should  be  confirmed.  The 
measure  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  of  sending  a  superintendent  of  their  future 
operations,  will  effectually  prevent  their  doing 
the  like  again,  and  the  funding  laws  leave  no 
danger  that  such  an  expedient  might  at  any  fu 
ture  time  be  useful  to  us. — OPINION  ON  FOREIGN 
DEBT,  vii,  506.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  231.  (August 
1790.) 

2029.  DEBT  (French),  Transfer  to  Hol 
land. — It  being  known  that  M.  de  Calonne, 
the  Minister  of  Finance,  is  at  his  wit's  ends  to 
raise  supplies  for  the  ensuing  year,  a  proposition 
has  been  made  him  by  a  Dutch  company  to  pur 
chase  the  debt  of  the  United  States  to  this  coun 
try  [France]  for  seventy  millions  of  livres  in 
hand.  His  necessities  dispose  him  to  accede  to 
the  proposition ;  but  a  hesitation  is  produced  by 
the  apprehension  that  it  might  lessen  our  credit 
in  Europe,  and  perhaps  be  disagreeable  to  Con 
gress.  I  have  been  consulted  here  only  by  the 
agent  for  that  company.  I  informed  him  that 
I  could  not  judge  what  effect  it  might  have  on 
our  credit,  and  was  not  authorized  either  to  ap 
prove  or  disapprove  of  the  transaction.  I  have 
since  reflected  on  this  subject.  If  there  be 
a  danger  that  our  payments  may  not  be  punc 
tual,  it  might  be  better  that  the  discontents 
which  would  thence  arise  should  be  transferred 
from  a  court,  of  whose  goodwill  we  have  so 
much  need,  to  the  breasts  of  a  private  company. 
But  it  has  occurred  to  me,  that  we  might  find 
occasion  to  do  what  would  be  grateful  to  this 
court,  and  establish  with  them  a  confidence  in 
our  honor.  I  am  informed  that  our  credit  in 
Holland  is  sound.  Might  it  not  be  possible, 
then,  to  borrow  the  four  and  twenty  millions 
due  to  this  country  and  thus  pay  them  their 
whole  debt  at  once?  This  would  save  them 
from  any  loss  on  our  account.  Is  it  liable  to 
the  objection  of  impropriety  in  creating  new 
debts  before  we  have  more  certain  means  of 
paying  them?  It  is  only  transferring  from  one 
creditor  to  another,  and  removing  the  causes  of 
discontent  to  persons  with  whom  they  would 
do  us  less  injury. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  28.  (P., 
September  1786.) 

2030. .  I  think  it  would  be  ad 
visable  to  have  our  debt  transferred  to  individu 
als  of  your  country  [Holland].  There  could, 
and  would  be  no  objection  to  the  guarantee  re 
maining  as  you  propose ;  and  a  postponement 
of  the  first  payments  of  capital  would  surely 
be  a  convenience  to  us.  For  though  the  re 
sources  of  the  United  States  are  great  and  grow 
ing,  and  their  dispositions  good,  yet  their  ma 
chine  is  new,  and  they  have  not  got  it  to  go 
well.  It  is  the  object  of  their  general  wish  at 
present,  and  they  are  all  in  movement,  to  set 
it  in  a  good  train ;  but  their  movements  are 
necessarily  slow.  They  will  surely  effect  it  in 
the  end,  because  all  have  the  same  end  in  view ; 
the  difficulty  being  only  to  get  all  the  thirteen 
States  to  agree  on  the  same  means. — To  C.  W. 
F.  DUMAS,  ii,  120.  (P.,  1787.) 

2031. .  Would  to  heaven  Con 
gress  would  authorize  you  to  transfer  the  debt 
of  France  to  Holland  before  you  leave  Europe. 


233 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debt 


Most  especially  is  it  necessary  to  get  rid  of  the 
debt  to  the  officers.  Their  connections  at  Court 
are  such  as  to  excite  very  unfavorable  feelings 
there  against  us,  and  some  very  hard  things 
have  been  said  (particularly  in  the  Assemblee 
des  Notables)  on  the  prospect  relative  to  our 
debts.  The  payment  of  the  interest  to  the  of 
ficers  would  have  kept  them  quiet ;  but  there 
are  two  years  now  due  to  them.  I  dare  not 
draw  for  it  without  instructions. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  ii,  181.  (P.,  1787.) 

2032.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Divisions 
of. — The  first  and  great  division  of  our  fed 
eral  debt,  is,  into   i,  foreign;   and  2,  domestic. 
The  foreign  debt  comprehends,  i,  the  loan  from 
the  government  of  Spain  ;  2,  the  loans  from  the 
government  of  France,  and  from  the  Farmers 
General ;  3,  the  loans  negotiated  in  Holland  by 
order   of   Congress.      This   branch   of   our   debt 
stands  absolutely  singular ;  no  man  in  the  United 
States  having  ever  supposed  that  Congress,  or 
their  legislatures,  can,  in  any  wise,  modify  or 
alter   it.     They   justly  view   the  United   States 
as  the  one  party,  and  the  lenders  as  the  other, 
and  that  the  consent  of  both  would  be  requisite, 
were  any  modification  to  be  proposed.    But  with 
respect  to  the  domestic  debt,  they  consider  Con 
gress   as  representing  both   the  borrowers   and 
lenders,  and  that  the  modifications  which  have 
taken  place  in  this  have  been  necessary  to  do 
justice  between  the  two  parties,  and  that  they 
flowed  properly  from  Congress  as  their  mutual 
umpire.      The    domestic    debt    comprehends,    i, 
the  army  debt ;  2,  the  loan  office  debt ;  3,  the  liq 
uidated  debt ;  and  4,  the  unliquidated  debt.   The 
first  term  includes  debts  to  the  officers  and  sol 
diers   for   pay,    bounty    and   subsistence.       The 
second  term   means  moneys  put  into  the  loan 
office   of  the   United    States.      The   third   com 
prehends   all   debts  contracted  by  quarter-mas 
ters,  commissaries,  and  others  duly  authorized 
to   procure    supplies   for  the   army,   and   which 
have  been  liquidated   (that  is,  settled)  by  com 
missioners    appointed    under   the   resolution    of 
Congress,  of  June   12,   1780,  or  by  the  officers 
who   made   the   contract.      The   fourth   compre 
hends  the  whole  mass  of  debts,  described  in  the 
preceding  article,  which  have  not  yet  been  liqui 
dated.      These   are   in   a   course   of   liquidation 
and  are  passing  over  daily  into  the  third  class. 
*     *     *     No  time  is  fixed  for  the  payment  of 
the  debts  of  this  third  class,  that  is  the  liqui 
dated  debt ;  no  fund  is  yet  determined,  nor  any 
firm  provision  for  the  interest  in  the  meantime. 
The  consequence  is  that  the  certificates  of  these 
debts  sell  greatly  below  par.  When  I  left  Amer 
ica,  they   could  be  bought   for   from   two   shil 
lings   and   sixpence   to   fifteen    shillings   in   the 
pound ;  this  difference  proceeding  from  the  cir 
cumstance  of  some  States  having  provided  for 
paying  the  interest  on  those  due  in  their  own 
State,  which  others  had  not.     Hence,  an  opinion 
had    arisen    with    some,    and    propositions    had 
even  been  made  in  the  legislatures,  for  paying 
oft  the  principal  of  these  debts  with  what  they 
had  cost  the  holder,  and  interest  on  that.     This 
opinion  is  far  from  being  general,  and  I  think 
will     not    prevail.       But   it   is    among   possible 
events. — To   MESSRS.  VAN   STAPHORST.     i,  471. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,   106.     (P.,   1785.) 

2033.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Foreign. 
— As  to  the  foreign  debt,  Congress  is  consid 
ered  as  the  representative  of  one  party  only,  and 
I  think  I  can  say  with  truth,  that  there  is  not 
one    single    individual    in    the    United    States, 
either   in  or  out   of   office,   who   supposes   they 
can  ever  do  anything  which  might  impair  their 
foreign   contracts. — To   C.   W.   F.    DUMAS,      iii, 
155.     FORD  ED.,  v,   190.     (N.Y.,   1790.) 


—  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Funding  of. 

— See  ASSUMPTION. 

2034.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Payment 
of. — I   am    in   hopes  you   will   persuade   the 
States  to  commit  their  commercial  arrangements 
to   Congress   and  to   enable  them   to  pay  their 
debts,   interest  and   capital. — To   EDWARD  RAN 
DOLPH,     ii,  211.     (P.,   1787.) 

2035.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Payments 

on.— The  public  effects  of  the  United  States, 
such  as  their  paper  bills  of  credit,  loan  office 
bills,  &c.,  were  a  commodity  which  varied  its 
value  from  time  to  time.  A  scale  of  their  value 
for  every  month  has  been  settled  according  to 
what  they  sold  for  at  market,  in  silver  or  gold. 
This  value  in  gold  or  silver,  with  an  interest 
of  six  per  cent,  annually  til  payment,  is  what 
the  United  States  pay.  This  they  are  able  to 
pay ;  but  were  they  to  propose  to  pay  off  all 
their  paper,  not  according  to  what  it  cost  the 
holder,  in  gold  or  silver,  but  according  to  the 
sum  named  in  it,  their  whole  country,  if  sold, 
and  all  their  persons  into  the  bargain,  might  not 
suffice.  They  would,  in  this  case,  make  a  bank 
ruptcy  where  none  exists,  as  an  individual 
would,  who  being  very  able  to  pay  the  real  debts 
he  has  contracted,  would  undertake  to  give  to 
every  man  fifty  times  as  much  as  he  had  re 
ceived  from  him. — To  M.  TROUCHIN.  ii,  360. 
(P.,  1788.) 

2036.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Principle 

of  Payment. — The  principle  on  which  it  [the 
paper  money  debt]  shall  be  paid  I  take  to  be 
settled,  though  not  directly,  yet  virtually,  by 
the  resolution  of  Congress  of  June  3d,  1784; 
that  is,  that  they  will  pay  the  holder,  or  his 
representative,  what  the  money  was  worth  at 
the  time  he  received  it,  with  an  interest  from 
that  time  of  six  per  cent,  per  annum. — To  H. 
S.  CREVECOEUR.  i,  595.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  253.  (P.. 
July  1786.) 

2037.  -  _.     It  is  not  our  desire  to 
pay  off  those  bills   [of  exchange]   according  to 
the    present    depreciation,     but    according     to 
their  actual  value  in  hard  money,  at  the  time 
they  were  drawn  with  interest.     The  State  hav 
ing  received  value,  so  far  as  it  is  just  it  should 
be   substantially   paid. — To    VA.    DEL.    IN    CON 
GRESS.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  500.     (R.,  1781.) 

2038. .  The  loan  office  certifi 
cates  will  be  settled  by  the  table  of  depreciation 
at  their  true  worth  in  gold  or  silver  at  the  time 
the  paper  dollars  were  lent.  On  that  true  value 
the  interest  has  been  paid,  and  continues  to  be 
paid  to  the  creditors  annually  in  America.  That 
the  principal  will  also  be  paid  is  as  sure  as 
any  future  fact  can  be. — To  MESSRS.  DELAP. 
ii,  102.  (P.,  1787.) 

2039.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Redemp 
tion  of  Domestic. — No  man  in  America  ever 
entertained  a  doubt  that  our  foreign  debt  is  to 
be  paid  fully ;  but  some  people  in  America  have 
seriously    contended,    that   the    certificates    and 
other    evidences    of    our    domestic    debt,    ought 
to  be  redeemed  only  at  what  they  have  cost  the 
holder.     *     *     *     But    this    is    very    far    from 
being  a  general  opinion  ;  a  very  great  majority 
being   firmly    decided    that   they    shall    be    paid 
fully.      Were   I    the   holder   of   any   of   them,    I 
should  not  have  the  least  fear  of  their  full  pay 
ment. — To    MESSRS.  '  VAN    STAPHORST.      i,    369. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  78.     (P.,  1785.) 

2040.  DEBT     (Revolutionary),     Settle 
ment  of  Foreign.— The  first  act  of  the  new 


Debt 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


234 


government  [under  the  Constitution]  should  be 
some  operation  whereby  they  may  assume  to 
themselves  the  [first]  station  [in  point  of 
credit].  Their  European  debts  form  a  proper 
subject  for  this.  Digest  the  whole,  public  and 
private,  Dutch,  French  and  Spanish,  into  a 
table,  showing  the  sum  of  interest  due  every 
year,  and  the  portions  of  principal  payable  the 
same  year.  Take  the  most  certain  branch  of 
revenue,  and  one  which  shall  suffice  to  pay  the 
interest,  and  leave  such  a  surplus  as  may  ac 
complish  all  the  payments  of  the  capital,  at 
terms  somewhat  short  of  those  at  which  they 
will  become  due.  Let  the  surpluses  of  those 
years,  in  which  no  reimbursement  of  principal 
falls,  be  applied  to  buy  up  our  paper  on  the  ex 
change  of  Amsterdam,  and  thus  anticipate  the 
demands  of  principal.  In  this  way,  our  paper 
will  be  kept  up  at  par ;  and  this  alone  will  en 
able  us  to  command  in  four  and  twenty  hours, 
at  any  time,  on  the  exchange  of  Amsterdam, 
as  many  millions  as  that  capital  can  produce. 
The  same  act,  which  makes  this  provision  for 
the  existing  debts,  should  go  on  to  open  a  loan 
to  their  whole  amount ;  the  produce  of  that  loan 
to  be  applied,  as  fast  as  received,  to  the  pay 
ment  of  such  parts  of  the  existing  debts  as  ad 
mit  of  payment.  The  rate  of  interest  to  be  as 
the  government  should  privately  instruct  their 
agent,  because  it  must  depend  on  the  effect 
these  measures  would  have  on  the  exchange. 
Probably  it  could  be  lowered  from  time  to  time. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  377.  (P.,  1788.) 

2041.  DEBT     (Revolutionary),     Sound 
ness  of. — As  a  private  individual  and  citizen 
of    America,    I    can    with    propriety    and    truth 
deliver   it   to   you   as   my   firm   belief,   that   the 
loan  office   certificate  you  showed  me,   and   all 
others  of  the  same  kind,  will  be  paid,  principal 
and  interest,   as   soon   as  the  circumstances   of 
the   United   States   will   permit ;   that   I   do   not 
consider  this   as   a  distant  epoch,   nor  suppose 
there  is  a  public  debt  on  earth  less  doubtful. — 
To  M.  DIRIEKS.     ii,  422.     (P.,  1788.) 

2042.  DEBT   (Revolutionary),  Specula 
tion  and. — In  consequence  of  [the  acceptance 
by  nine  States  of  the  new  Constitution]   specu 
lations  are  already  begun  here  [Paris],  to  pur 
chase  up  our  domestic  liquidated  debt.     Indeed, 
I  suspect  that  orders  may  have  been  previously 
lodged  in  America  to  do  this,  as  soon  as  the  new 
Constitution  was  accepted  effectually.     If  it  is 
thought   that   this   debt   should   be    retained   at 
home,   there   is   not   a   moment  to   lose ;    and   I 
know  of  no  means  of  retaining  it  but  those  I 
suggested  to  the  Treasury  Board.     The  transfer 
of  these  debts  to  Europe,  will  exclusively  em 
barrass,  and  perhaps  totally  prevent  the  borrow 
ing   any   money   in   Europe,   till   these   shall   be 
paid  off.     This  is  a  momentous  object,  and  in 
my  opinion  should  receive  instantaneous  atten 
tion. — To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  455.     (P.,  Aug.  1788.) 

2043.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Transfer 
of  Domestic.— If  the  transfer  of  the  [domes 
tic]  debts  to  Europe  meet  with  any  encourage 
ment  from  us,  we  can  no  more  borrow  money 
here,  let  our  necessities  be  what  they  will.     For 
who    will    give    ninety-six    per    cent,    for    the 
foreign   obligations   of  the  same  nation,   whose 
domestic    ones    can    be    bought    at    the    same 
market  for  fifty-five  per  cent. ;  the  former,  too, 
bearing  an  interest  of  only  five  per  cent.,  while 
the  latter  yields  six?     If  any  discouragements 
can    be    honestly    thrown    on    this    transfer,    it 
would    seem    advisable,    in    order    to    keep    the 
domestic    debt    at   home.     It   would   be    a   very 
effectual  one,  if,  instead  of  the  title  existing  in 


the  Treasury  books  alone,  it  was  made  to  exist 
in  loose  papers,  as  our  loan  office  debts  do.  The 
European  holder  would  then  be  obliged  to  risk 
the  title  paper  of  his  capital,  as  well  as  his  in 
terest,  in  the  hands  of  his  agents  in  America, 
whenever  the  interest  was  to  be  demanded; 
whereas,  at  present,  he  trusts  him  with  the  in 
terest  only.  This  single  circumstance  would 
put  a  total  stop  to  all  future  sales  of  domestic 
debt  at  this  market.  [Amsterdam.] — To  THE 
TREASURY  BOARD,  ii,  368.  (A.,  1788.) 

2044.  DEBT  (Revolutionary),  Western 

Lands  and.— It  is  made  a  fundamental  that 
the  proceeds  [of  the  sale  of  our  lands]  shall  be 
solely  and  sacredly  applied  as  a  sinking  fund 
to  discharge  the  capital  only  of  the  [national] 
debt.' — To  COUNT  VAN  HAGENDORP.  i,  466. 
(P.,  1785.) 

2045. .  It  will  be  yet  a  twelve 
month  before  we  shall  be  able  to  judge  of  the 
efficacy  of  our  Land  office  to  sink  our  national 
debt.  It  is  made  a  fundamental,  that  the  pro 
ceeds  shall  be  solely  and  sacredly  applied  as  a 
sinking  fund  to  discharge  the  capital  only  of 
the  debt. — To  COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP.  i,  466. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  106.  (P.,  1785.) 

2046. .     I   am   uneasy   at   seeing 

that  the  sale  of  our  western  lands  is  not  yet 
commenced.  That  precious  fund  for  the  im 
mediate  extinction  of  our  debt  will,  I  fear,  be 
suffered  to  slip  through  our  fingers.  Every 
delay  exposes  it  to  events  which  no  human 
foresight  can  guard  against. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  ii,  153.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  391.  (P.,  1787.) 

2047. .     I  am  very  much  pleased 

to  hear  that  our  western  lands  sell  so  success 
fully.  I  turn  to  this  precious  resource  as  that 
which  will  in  every  event  liberate  us  from  our 
domestic  debt,  and  perhaps  too  from  our  foreign 
one ;  and  this  much  sooner  than  I  had  expected. 
— To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  333.  FORD  EDV  iv, 
481.  (P.,  1787.) 

2048. .     I  am  much  pleased  that 

the  sale  of  western  lands  is  so  successful.  I 
hope  they  will  absorb  all  the  certificates  of  our 
domestic  debt  speedily,  in  the  first  place,  and 
that  then,  offered  for  cash,  they  will  do  the  same 
by  our  foreign  one. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii^ 
328.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  475.  (P.,  1787.) 

2049.  DEBT   (United   States),   Dangers 
of. — I    place    economy   among   the   first    and 
most    important    of    republican    virtues,    and 
public  debt  as  the  greatest  of  the  dangers  to 
be   feared. — To   GOVERNOR   PLUMER.     vii,    19. 
(M.,  1816.) 

2050.  DEBT  (United  States),  Economy 

and. — I  am  for  applying  all  the  possible  sa 
vings  of  the  public  revenue  to  the  discharge 
of  the  national  debt. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv, 
268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  327.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

2051.  DEBT  (United  States),  Evils  of.— 

If  we  run  into  such  debts,  as  that  we  must  be 
taxed  in  our  meat  and  in  our  drink,  in  our 
necessaries  and  our  comforts,  in  our  labors 
and  our  amusements,  for  our  callings  and 
our  creeds,  as  the  people  of  England  are,  our 
people,  like  them,  must  come  to  labor  sixteen 
hours  in  the  twenty-four,  give  the  earnings 
of  fifteen  of  these  to  the  government  for  their 
debts  and  daily  expenses ;  and  the  sixteenth 
being  insufficient  to  afford  us  bread,  we  must 


235 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


I>ebt 


live,  as  they  now  do,  on  oatmeal  and  pota 
toes';  have  no  time  to  think,  no  means  of  call 
ing  the  mismanagers  to  account ;  but  be  glad 
to  obtain  subsistence  by  hiring  ourselves  out 
to  rivet  their  chains  on  the  necks  of  our  fel 
low-sufferers.— To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii, 
14.  FORD  ED.,  x,  41.  (M.,  1816.) 

2052.  DEBT    (United   States),   Increas 
ing. — A  further  assumption  of  State  debt  has 
been  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  [in  order  to  raise  money].   It  has  been  re 
jected  by  a  small  majority;  but  the  chickens 
of  the  treasury  have   so  many  contrivances, 
and   are    so    indefatigable   within    doors   and 
without,  that  we  all  fear  they  will  get  it  in 
yet  some  way  or  other. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS. 
iii,  348.     FORD  ED.,  505.    (Pa.,  1792.) 

2053.  -  — .     I  am  not  for  increasing, 
by  every  device,  the  public  debt,  on  the  prin 
ciple  of  its  being  a  public  blessing. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE   GERRY,     iv,    268.     FORD   ED.,    vii,   327. 
(Pa.,  I799-) 

2054.  -  — .A   debt   of  an  hundred 
millions,  growing  by  usurious  interest,  and  an 
artificial  paper  phalanx,  overruling  the  agri 
cultural   mass  of  our  country,  *  *  *  have  a 
portentous  aspect. — To  SAMUEL  ADAMS.     Iv, 
321.     FORD  ED,,  vii,  425.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1800.) 

2055.  -  — .     The  growth  and  entail- 
ment  of  a  public  debt  is  an  indication  solicit 
ing  the  employment  of  the  pruning  knife. — 
To  SPENCER  ROANE.     vii,  212.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
188.     (M.,  1821.) 

2056.  DEBT  (United  States),  Independ 
ence  and. — To  preserve  our  independence,  we 
must  not  let  our  rulers  load  us  with  perpetual 
debt.    We  must  make  our  election  between 
economy  and  liberty,  or  profusion  and  serv 
itude. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.    vii,  14.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  41.     (M.,  1816.) 

2057.  DEBT  (United  States),  Interest.— 
1  once  thought  that  in  the  event  of  a  war 
we  should  be  obliged  to  suspend  paying  the 
interest  of  the  public  debt.    But  a  dozen  years 
more  of  experience  and  observation  on  our 
people    and    government,    have    satisfied    me 
it  will  never  be  done.     The  sense  of  the  ne 
cessity  of  public  credit  is  so  universal  and  so 
deeply  rooted,  that  no  other  necessity  will  pre 
vail  against  it. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,    vi,  401. 
(M.,  Nov.  1814.) 

2058.  DEBT  (United   States),  Louisiana 
and. — Should  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  be 
constitutionally  confirmed  and  carried  into  ef 
fect,  a  sum  of  nearly  thirteen  millions  of  dol 
lars  will  then  be  added  to  our  public  debt, 
most  of  which  is  payable  after  fifteen  years; 
before  which  term  the  present  existing  debts 
will  all  be  discharged  by  the  established  op 
eration  of  the  sinking  fund. — THIRD  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,     viii,  27.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  271.    (Oct. 
1803.) 

2059.  DEBT  (United  States),  Manufac 
tures  and.— The  British  war  has  left  us  in 
debt;  but  that  is  a  cheap  price  for  the  good  it 
has  done  us.    The  establishment  of  the  neces 


sary  manufactures  among  ourselves,  the  proof 
that  our  government  is  solid,  can  stand  the 
shock  of  war,  and  is  superior  even  to  civil 
schism,  are  precious  facts  for  us ;  and  of  these 
the  strongest  proofs  were  furnished,  when, 
with  four  eastern  States  tied  to  us,  as  dead  to 
living  bodies,  all  doubt  was  removed  as  to  the 
achievements  of  the  war,  had  it  continued. 
But  its  best  effect  has  been  the  complete  sup 
pression  of  party.  The  federalists  who  were 
truly  American  (and  their  great  mass  was 
so),  have  separated  from  their  brethren  who 
were  mere  Anglomen,  and  are  received  with 
cordiality  into  the  republican  ranks.— To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  66.  FORD  ED 
x,  83.  (M.,  1817.) 

2060.  DEBT  (United  States),  Payment 
°f- — It  is  proposed  to  provide  additional 
funds,  to  meet  the  additional  debt  [assump 
tion],  by  a  tax  on  spirituous  liquors,  foreign 
and  home-made,  so  that  the  whole  interest 
will  be  paid  by  taxes  on  consumption.  If 
a  sufficiency  can  now  be  raised  in  this  way 
to  pay  the  interest  at  present,  its  increase  by 
the  increase  of  population  (suppose  five  per 
cent,  per  annum),  will  alone  sink  the  principal 
within  a  few  years,  operating  as  it  will  in  the 
way  of  compound  interest.  Add  to  this  what 
may  be  done  by  throwing  in  the  aid  of  western 
lands  and  other  articles  as  a  sinking  fund, 
and  our  prospect  is  really  a  bright  one. — To 
GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  198.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
250.  (Pa.,  1790.) 

2061. .  No  man  is  more  ar 
dently  intent  to  see  the  public  debt  soon  and 
sacredly  paid  off  than  I  am.  This  exactly 
marks  the  difference  between  Colonel  Hamil 
ton's  views  and  mine,  that  I  would  wish  the 
debt  paid  to-morrow;  he  wishes  it  never  to 
be  paid,  but  always  to  be  a  thing  wherewith 
to  corrupt  and  manage  the  Legislature. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  464.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  105.  (M.,  1792.) 

2062. .  The  simple  question  ap 
pears  to  me  to  be  what  did  the  public  owe, 
principal  and  interest,  when  the  Secretary's 
(Hamilton's]  taxes  began  to  run?  If  less, 
it  must  have  been  paid ;  but  if  he  was  paying 
old  debts  with  one  hand  and  creating  new 
ones  with  the  other,  it  is  such  a  game  as  Mr. 
Pitt  is  playing. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  vi,  113. 
(M.,  Sep.  1792.) 

2063.  -        .     The  honest  payment  of 

our  debts,  I  deem  [one  of  the]  essential  prin 
ciples  of  pur  government  and,  consequently, 
[one]   which  ought  to  shape  its  administra 
tion. — FIRST    INAUGURAL   ADDRESS,     viii,     4. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.     (1801.) 

2064.  -  — .     The  economies   [of  the 
first  republican  Congress]  have  enabled  us  to 
suppress  all  the  internal  taxes,  and   still   to 
make  such  provision  for  the  payment  of  the 
public  debt  as  to  discharge  that  in  eighteen 
years. — To    GENERAL    KOSCIUSKO.      iv,    430. 
(W.,  April  1802.) 

2065. .     I  consider  the  fortunes 

of  our  republic  as  depending,  in  an  eminent 


Debt 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


236 


degree,  on  the  extinguishment  of  the  public 
debt  before  we  engage  in  any  war ;  because 
that  done,  we  shall  have  revenue  enough  to 
improve  our  country  in  peace  and  defend  it 
in  war,  without  recurring  either  to  new  taxes 
or  loans.  But  if  the  debt  should  once  more 
be  swelled  to  a  formidable  size,  its  entire  dis 
charge  will  be  despaired  of,  and  we  shall  be 
committed  to  the  English  career  of  debt,  cor 
ruption  and  rottenness,  closing  with  revolu 
tion.  The  discharge  of  the  public  debt,  there 
fore,  is  vital  to  the  destinies  of  our  govern 
ment,  and  it  hangs  on  Mr.  Madison  and  your 
self  alone.  We  shall  never  see  another  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  making 
all  their  objects  subordinate  to  this.  Were 
either  of  you  to  be  lost  to  the  public,  that 
great  hope  is  lost.— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v, 
477.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  264.  (M.,  1809.) 

2066. .     There  are  two  measures 

which  if  not  taken  we  are  undone.  *  *  * 
[The  second*  is]  to  cease  borrowing  money, 
and  to  pay  off  the  national  debt.  If  this  can 
not  be  done  without  dismissing  the  army, 
and  putting  the  ships  out  of  commission,  haul 
them  up  high  and  dry,  and  reduce  the  army  to 
the  lowest  point  at  which  it  was  ever  estab 
lished.  There  does  not  exist  an  engine  so 
corruptive  of  the  government  and  so  demor 
alizing  of  the  nation  as  a  public  debt.  It  will 
bring  on  us  more  ruin  at  home  than  all  the 
enemies  from  abroad  against  whom  this  army 
and  navy  are  to  protect  us.  What  interest 
have  we  in  keeping  ships  in  service  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean?  To  protect  a  few  speculative 
adventurers  in  a  commerce  dealing  in  nothing 
in  which  we  have  an  interest.  As  if  the  At 
lantic  and  Mediterranean  were  not  large 
enough  for  American  capital !  As  if  com 
merce  and  not  agriculture  was  the  principle 
of  our  association. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  193.  (M.,  Aug.  1821.) 

2067.  DEBT  (United  States),  Perpetua 
tion  of. — As  the  doctrine  is  that  a  public  debt 
is  a  public  blessing,  so  they  think  a  perpetual 
one  is  a  perpetual  blessing,    and    therefore 
wish  to  make  it  so  large  that  we  can  never 
pay  it  off. — To   NICHOLAS   LEWIS,     iii,   348. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  505.     (Pa.,  April  1792.) 

2068.  DEBT  (United  States),  Prosperity 
and. — We  are  ruined  if  we  do  not  overrule 
the  principles  that  "  the  more  we  owe,   the 
more  prosperous  we  shall  be  "  ;  "  that  a  public 
debt   furnishes   the   means    of    enterprise " ; 
"  that  if  ours  should  be  once  paid  off,  we 
should  incur  another  by  any  means  however 
extravagant."— To  JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED., 
v,  320.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

2069.  DEBT    (United    States),    Public 
Faith    and. — The    payments    made    in    dis 
charge   of  the  principal   and   interest  of  the 
national  debt,  will  show  that  the  public  faith 
has  been  exactly  maintained. — FIRST  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,    viii,  n.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  121.     (Dec. 
1801.) 

*  The  first  was  to  arrest  the  progress  of  centraliza 
tion  tinder  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court. — 
EDITOR. 


2070. .     To  preserve  the  faith  of 

the  nation  by  an  exact  discharge  of  its  debts 
and  contracts  *  *  *  [is  one  of] the  land 
marks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves  in 
all  our  proceedings. — SECOND  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  21.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  187.  (Dec. 
1802.) 

2071.  DEBT    (United   States),   Purcha 
sing.— The  saving  of  interest  on  the  sum  so 
to  be  bought   [of  the  national  debt]   may  be 
applied    in    buying   up    more    principal,    and 
thereby  keep  this  salutary  operation  going. — 
OPINION  ON  FOREIGN  DEBT,     vii,  507.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  233.     (1790.) 

2072.  DEBT  (United  States),  Reduction 
of.— The  receipts  of  external  duties  for  the 
last  twelve  months  have  exceeded  those  of 
any  former  year,  and  the  ratio  of  increase  has 
been  also  greater  than  usual.     This  has  en 
abled  us  to  answer  all  the  regular  exigencies 
of  government,  to  pay  from  the  treasury  in 
one  year  upwards  of  eight  millions  of  dollars, 
principal  and  interest,  of  the  public  debt,  ex 
clusive  of  upwards  of  one  million  paid  by  the 
sale  of  bank  stock,  and  making  in  the  whole 
a   reduction   of   nearly   five   millions   and   a 
half  of  principal;   and  to  have  now  in  the 
treasury  four  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars, 
which  are  in  a  course  of  application  to  a  fur 
ther  discharge  of  debt  and  current  demands. 
—SECOND  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  18.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  184.     (Dec.  1802.) 

2073. .    The  amount  of  debt  paid 

for  the  year  ending  September  30,  1803,  is 
about  three  millions  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  exclusive  of  interest,  and  making, 
with  the  payment  of  the  preceding  year,  a  dis 
charge  of  more  than  eight  millions  and  a  half 
of  dollars  of  the  principal  of  that  debt,  be 
sides  the  accruing  interest;  and  there  re 
main  in  the  treasury  nearly  six  millions  of 
dollars.*— THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  26. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  271.  (Oct.  1803.) 

2074. .     Eleven    millions    and    a 

half  of  dollars,  received  in  the  course  of  the 
year  ending  on  the  30th  of  September  last, 
have  enabled  us,  after  meeting  all  the  ordi 
nary  expenses  of  the  year,  to  pay  upwards  of 
$3,600,000  of  the  public  debt,  exclusive  of 
interest.  This  payment,  with  those  of  the  two 
preceding  years,  has  extinguished  upwards  of 
twelve  millions  of  the  principal,  and  a  greater 
sum  of  interest,  within  that  period. — FOURTH 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  38.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
331.  (Nov.  1804.) 

2075. .  The  receipts  *  *  *  dur 
ing  the  year  *  *  *  have  exceeded  the 
sum  of  thirteen  millions  of  dollars,  which, 
with  not  quite  five  millions  in  the  treasury 
at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  have  enabled 
us,  after  meeting  other  demands,  to  pay  nearly 
two  millions  of  the  debt  contracted  under  the 
British  treaty  and  convention,  upwards  of 
four  millions  of  principal  of  the  public  debt, 

*  In  the  six  millions  are  to  be  included  two  millions 
of  dollars  which  had  been  appropriated  with  a  view 
of  purchasing  New  Orleans  and  other  territory.  This 
fact  is  set  forth  in  the  message.— EDITOR. 


237 


TJHE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debt 

Debts  due  British 


and  four  millions  of  interest.  These  pay 
ments,  with  those  which  had  been  made  in 
three  years  and  a  half  preceding,  have  ex 
tinguished  of  the  funded  debt  nearly  eighteen 
millions  of  principal.— FIFTH  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  52.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  395.  (Dec. 
1805.) 

2076. .  The  receipts  *  *  *  dur 
ing  the  year  *  *  *  have  amounted  to 
near  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  which  have 
enabled  us,  after  meeting  the  current  de 
mands,  to  pay  two  millions  seven  hundred 
thousand  dollars  of  the  American  claims,  in 
part  of  the  price  of  Louisiana ;  to  pay  of  the 
funded  debt  upward  of  three  millions  of  prin 
cipal,  and  nearly  four  of  interest ;  and  in  ad 
dition,  to  reimburse,  *  *  *  nearly  two 
millions  of  five  and  a  half  per  cent,  stock. 
These  payments  and  reimbursements  of  the 
funded  debt,  with  those  which  have  been 
made  in  four  years  and  a  half  preceding,  will, 
at  the  close  of  the  present  year,  have  extin 
guished  upward  of  twenty-three  millions  of 
principal. —  SIXTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  67. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  493.  (Dec.  1806.) 

2077.  .     The      receipts      have 

amounted  to  near  sixteen  millions  of  dollars, 
which,  with  the  five  millions  and  a  half  in  the 
treasury  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  have 
enabled  us    *    *    *    to  pay  more  than  four 
millions  of  the  principal  of  our  funded  debt. 
These  payments,  with  those  of  the  preceding 
five  and  a  half  years,  have  extinguished  of 
the  funded  debt  twenty-five  millions  and  a 
half  of  dollars,  being  the  whole  which  could 
be  paid  or  purchased  within  the  limits  of  law, 
and  of  our  contracts,  and  have  left  us  in  the 
treasury  eight  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars. 
— SEVENTH    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.       viii,     88. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  164.     (Oct.  1807.) 

2078.  .     The      receipts      have 

amounted  to  near  eighteen  millions  of  dollars, 
which  with  the  eight  millions  and  a  half  in 
the  treasury  at  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
have  enabled  us    *    *     *     to  pay  two  mil 
lions  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  the 
principal  of  our  funded  debt,  and  left  us  in 
the  treasury,  on  that  day,  near  fourteen  mil 
lions   of   dollars.     *    *    *    These   payments, 
with  those  made  in  the  six  years  and  a  half 
preceding,  will  have  extinguished  thirty-three 
millions   five   hundred   and   eighty   thousand 
dollars  of  the  principal  of  the  funded  debt, 
being  the  whole  which  could  be  paid  or  pur 
chased  within  the  limits  of  the  law  and  our 
contracts ;  and  the  amount  of  principal  thus 
discharged   will    have   liberated    the    revenue 
from  about  two  millions  of  dollars  of  interest, 
and  added  that  sum  annually  to  the  disposable 
surplus. — EIGHTH    ANNUAL    MESSAGE,     viii, 
109.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  224.    (Nov.  1808.) 

2079.  DEBT    (United    States),    Repub 
licans  and. — An    alarm    has    been    endeav 
ored  to  be  sounded  as  if  the  republican  in 
terest  was  indisposed  to  the  payment  of  the 
public  debt.    Besides  the  general  object  of  the 
calumny,  it  was  meant  to  answer  the  special 
one  of  electioneering.     Its  falsehood  was  so 


notorious  that  it  produced  little  effect. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  493.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
143.  (Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

2080.  DEBT  (United  States),  Sacredness 
of. — The  evidences  of  the  public  debt  are  solid 
and  sacred.  I  presume  there  is  not  a  man  in 
the  United  States  who  would  not  part  with 
his  last  shilling  to  pay  them.— To  FRANCIS 
EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  v,  507.  (Pa.,  April  1792.) 

2081. .    There  can  never  be  a  fear 

but  that  the  paper  which  represents  the  pub 
lic  debt  will  be  ever  sacredly  good.  The  pub 
lic  faith  is  bound  for  this,  and  no  change  of 
system  will  ever  be  permitted  to  touch  this; 
but  no  other  paper  stands  on  ground  equally 
sure. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  343.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  460.  (Pa.,  March  1792.) 

2082.  DEBT     (United    States),    State 
ments    of. — An    accurate    statement    of    the 
original   amount   and   subsequent  augmenta 
tions  or  diminutions  of  the  public  debt,  to  be 
continued  annually  [in  the  message  to  Con 
gress],  is  an  article  on  which  we  have  con 
ferred   before.     A   similar   statement  of  the 
annual    expenses   of   the   government    for   a 
certain  period  back,  and  to  be  repeated  an 
nually,    is   another   wholesome   necessity   we 
should  impose  on  ourselves  and  our  succes 
sors. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
181.     (W.,  Dec.   1802.) 

2083.  DEBT  (United  States),  Time  and. 
— No  nation  can  make  a  declaration  against 
the  validity  of  long-contracted  debts,  so  dis 
interestedly  as  we,   since  we  do  not  owe  a 
shilling   which   will   not  be  paid   with   ease, 
principal  and  interest,  by  the  measures  you 
[the    new    government]    have   taken,    within 
the  time  of  our  own  lives. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,    iii,  108.     FORD  ED.,  v,  123.     (P.,  1789.) 
See  GENERATIONS. 

2084.  DEBT  (United  States),  Wars  and. 
— Our  distance  from  the  wars  of  Europe,  and 
our  disposition  to  take  no  part  in  them,  will, 
we  hope,  enable  us  to  keep  clear  of  the  debts 
which  they  may  occasion  to  other  powers. — 
To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  iii,  155.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
190.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

2085.  DEBT  (United  States),  Wars  for 
Commerce    and. — No    earthly    consideration 
could  induce  my  consent  to  contract  such  a 
debt  as  England  has  by  her  wars  for  com 
merce,  to  reduce  our  citizens  by  taxes  to  such 
wretchedness,  as  that  laboring  sixteen  of  the 
twenty-four  hours,  they  are  still  unable  to  af 
ford  themselves  bread,  or  barely  to  earn  as 
much  oatmeal  or  potatoes  as  will  keep  soul 
and  body  together.  And  all  this  to  feed  the 
avidity  of  a   few   millionary  merchants,   and 
to  keep  up  one  thousand  ships  of  war  for  the 
protection  of  their  commercial  speculations. 
— To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD,     vii,  7.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  35.     (M.,  1816.) 

-  DEBTORS,  Fugitives.— See  FUGITIVES. 

2086.  DEBTS   DUE   BRITISH,    British 

government  and. — It  is  uncertain  how  far  we 
should  have  been  able  to  accommodate  our  opin- 


Debts  due  British 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


238 


ions  [in  the  settlement  of  the  debts].  But  the 
absolute  aversion  of  the  [British]  government 
to  enter  into  any  arrangement  [with  Mr. 
Adams  and  myself]  prevented  the  object  from 
being  pursued.  Each  country  is  left  to  do  jus 
tice  to  itself  and  to  the  other,  according  to  its 
own  ideas,  as  to  what  is  past ;  and  to  scramble 
tor  the  future  as  well  as  they  can  ;  to  regulate 
their  commerce  by  duties  and  prohibitions  and, 
perhaps,  by  cannons  and  mortars ;  in  which 
event,  we  must  abandon  the  ocean,  where  we 
are  weak,  leaving  to  neutral  nations  the  car 
riage  of  our  commodities ;  and  measure  with 
them  on  land,  where  they  alone  can  lose.* — To 
JAMES  Ross,  i,  562.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  218.  (Pv 
1786.) 

2087. .     I    wish    it   were    in   my 

power  to  inform  you  that  arrangements  were 
at  length  taken  between  the  two  nations  for 
carrying  into  complete  execution  the  late  treaty 
of  peace,  and  for  settling  those  conditions  which 
are  essential  to  the  continuance  of  a  commerce 
between  them.  I  suppose  all  arrangement  is 
thought  unnecessary  here  [London],  as  the  sub 
ject  has  not  been  deemed  worthy  of  a  confer 
ence  [with  Mr.  Adams  and  myself].  Both  na 
tions  are  left  to  pursue  their  own  measures,  and 
it  is  not  easy  to  foresee  what  these  will  be. — To 
ALEXANDER  McCAUL.  FORD  EDV  iv,  202.  (L., 
April  1786.) 

2088.  DEBTS   DUE   BRITISH,   Execu 
tions  for. — The  immensity  of  the  [Virginia] 
debt  [to  British1  creditors]  was  another  reason 
for  forbidding  such  a  mass  of  property  to  be 
offered    for   sale   under  execution   at   once,   as, 
from  the  small  quantity  of  circulating  money, 
it   must   have  been   sold   for   little   or   nothing, 
whereby  the  creditor  would  have  failed  to  re 
ceive   his   money,   and   the   debtor   would   have 
lost  his  whole  estate  without  being  discharged 
of  his  debt.t — REPORT  TO   CONGRESS,     ix,   241. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  127.     (1785.) 

2089.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Interest 
011. — It  is  a  general  sentiment  in  America  that 
the  principal  of  these  debts  should  be  paid,  and 
that  that  alone  is  stipulated  by  the  treaty.     But 
they     [the     British]     think     the     interest     also 
which    arose    before    and    since    the    war,    is 
justly  due.     They  think  it  would  be  as  unjust 
to  demand  interest  during  the  war.     They  urge 
that  during  that  time  they   could   not  pay  the 
debt,    for    that    of    the    remittances    attempted, 
two-thirds   on    an    average   were   taken   by   the 
nation  to  whom  they  were  due ;  that  during  that 
period  they  had  no  use  of  the  money,  as  from 
the  same  circumstances  of  capturing  their  prod 
uce  on  the  sea,  tobacco  sold  at  55.  the  hundred, 
which  was  not  sufficient  to  bear  the  expenses 
of  the  estate ;   that  they  paid  taxes  and  other 
charges  on  the  property  during  that  period,  and 
stood  its  insurers  in  the  ultimate  event  of  the 
war.     They  admit,  indeed,  that  such  individual 
creditors,  as  were  not  engaged  in  privateering 
against  them,  have  lost  this  interest ;   but  that 
it  was  the  fault  of  their  own  nation,  and  that 
this  is  the  case  where  both  parties  having  lost, 
each  may  justifiably  endeavor  to  save  himself. 
Setting  aside  this  portion  of  the  interest,  I  am 
persuaded  the   debts   in   America  are   generally 
good,  and  that  there  is  an  honest  intention  to 
pay     them. — To     ALEXANDER     McCAUL.      FORD 
ED.,  iv,  203.     (L.,  1786.) 

*  These  were  debts  due  by  Americans  to  British 
merchants  and  others  previous  to  the  war  of  the 
Revolution.— EDITOR. 

t  Report  to  Congress  of  a  conference  with  Count 
de  Vergennes,  respecting  commercial  arrangements. 
—EDITOR. 


2090. .     While  the  principal,  and 

interest  preceding  and  subsequent  to  the  war, 
seem  justly  due  from  us  [to  the  British],  that 
which  accrued  during  the  war  does  not.  Inter 
est  is  a  compensation  for  the  use  of  money. 
Their  money,  in  our  hands,  was  in  the  form  of 
lands  and  negroes.  Tobacco,  the  produce  of 
these  lands  and  negroes  (or  as  I  may  call  it, 
the  interest  of  them),  being  almost  impossible 
of  conveyance  to  the  markets  of  consumption, 
because  taken  by  themselves  in  its  way  there, 
sold  during  the  war,  at  five  or  six  shillings  the 
hundred.  This  did  not  pay  taxes,  and  for  tools 
and  other  plantation  charges.  A  man  who 
should  have  attempted  to  remit  to  his  creditor 
tobacco,  for  either  principal  or  interest,  must 
have  remitted  it  three  times  before  one  cargo 
would  have  arrived  safe ;  and  this  from  the 
depredations  of  their  own  nation,  and  often  of 
the  creditor  himself ;  for  some  of  the  merchants 
entered  deeply  into  the  privateering  business. 
The  individuals,  who  did  not,  say  they  have 
lost  this  interest ;  the  debtor  replies  that  he 
has  not  gained  it,  and  that  it  is  a  case,  where  a 
loss  having  been  incurred,  every  one  tries  to 
(shift  it  from  himself.  The  known  bias  of  the 
human  mind  from  motives  of  interest  should 
lessen  the  confidence  of  each  party  in  the  jus 
tice  of  their  reasoning ;  but  it  is  difficult  to 
say  which  of  them  should  make  the  sacrifice, 
both  of  reason  and  interest. — To  JAMES  Ross. 
i,  562.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  218.  (P.,  1786.)  See 
INTEREST  ON  MONEY. 

2091.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Jeffer 
son's  Personal.— With  respect  to  myself,  I 
acknowledge  to  you  that  I  do  not  think  an  in 
terest  justly  demandable  during  the  war. 
Whatever  I  owed,  with  interest  previous  and 
subsequent  to  the  war,  I  have  taken  measures 
for  paying  as  speedily  as  possible.  My  chief 
debts  are  to  yourself,  and  to  Mr.  Jones,  of 
Bristol.  In  the  year  1776,  before  there  was  a 
shilling  of  paper  money  issued,  I  sold  land  for 
£4200  to  pay  these  two  debts.  I  did  not  re 
ceive  the  money  till  it  was  not  worth  oak  leaves. 
I  have  lost  the  principal  and  interest  of  these 
debts  once  then  in  attempting  to  pay  them. 
Besides  this,  Lord  Cornwallis's  army  took  off 
thirty  of  my  slaves,  burned  one  year's  crop  of 
tobacco  in  my  houses,  and  destroyed  another 
in  the  fields,  with  other  damages  to  the  amount 
of  three  or  four  thousand  pounds.  Still,  I  am 
renewing  my  efforts  to  pay  what  I  justly  ought; 
and  I  hope  these  will  be  more  successful.  My 
whole  estate  is  left  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lewis,, 
of  Albemarle,  and  Mr.  Eppes,  of  Chesterfield, 
to  apply  its  whole  profits  to  the  payment  of 
my  debts.  *  *  *  Till  payment  is  effected, 
I  shall  not  draw  one  shilling  from  the  estate, 
nor  resume  its  possession,  *  *  *  I  think  it 
very  possible  that  you  will  not  concur  with  me 
in  opinion  as  to  the  intermediate  interest ;  and 
that  so  far  I  shall  meet  your  censure.  Both 
parties  are  liable  to  feel  too  strongly  the  argu 
ments  which  tend  to  justify  their  endeavors  to 
avoid  this  loss.  Yet  after  making  allowances 
for  this  prejudice,  it  seems  to  me  impossible 
but  that  the  hardships  are  infinitely  greater  on 
our  side  than  on  yours.  You  have  lost  the  in 
terest  but  it  is  not  we  who  have  gained  it.  We 
deem  your  nation  the  aggressors.  They  took 
those  profits  which  arose  from  your  property  in 
our  hands,  and  inflicted  on  us  immeasurable 
losses  besides.  I  urge  these  considerations  be 
cause,  while  they  decide  my  own  opinion,  I  wish 
them  to  weigh  so  much  as  to  preserve  me  yours, 
which  I  highly  esteem,  and  should  be  afflicted 
were  I  to  lose  it. — To  ALEXANDER  McCAUL. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  204.  (L.,  1786.) 


239 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Debts  due  British 


2092. .  I  am  desirous  of  ar 
ranging  with  you  s.uch  just  and  practicable  con 
ditions  as  will  ascertain  to  you  the  terms  at 
which  you  will  receive  my  part  of  your  debt, 
and  give  me  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that 
you  are  contented.  *  *  *  The  first  question 
which  arises  is  as  to  the  article  of  interest.  For 
all  the  time  preceding  the  war,  and  all  subse 
quent  to  it,  I  think  it  reasonable  that  interest 
should  be  paid  ;  but  equally  rnreasonable  dur 
ing  the  war.  Interest  is  a  compensation  for  the 
use  of  money.  Your  money  in  my  hands  is  in 
the  form  of  lands  and  negroes.  From  these, 
during  the  war,  no  use,  no  profits  could  be  de 
rived.  Tobacco  is  the  article  they  produce. 
That  can  only  be  turned  into  money  at  a  foreign 
market.  But  the  moment  it  went  out  of  our 
ports  for  that  purpose,  it  was  captured  either 
by  the  King's  ships,  or  by  those  of  individuals. 
The  consequence  was  that  tobacco,  worth  from 
twenty  to  thirty  shillings  the  hundred,  sold  gen 
erally  in  Virginia  during  the  war  for  five  shil 
lings.  This  price,  it  is  known,  will  not  maintain 
the  laborer  and  pay  taxes.  There  was  no  sur 
plus  of  profit  then  to  pay  an  interest.  In  the 
meanwhile  we  stood  insurers  of  the  lives  of  the 
laborers,  and  of  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  war. 
He  who  attempted  during  the  war  to  remit 
either  his  principal  or  interest,  must  have  ex 
pected  to  remit  three  times  to  make  one  pay 
ment  ;  because  it  is  supposed  that  two  out  of 
three  parts  of  the  shipments  were  taken.  It 
was  not  possible,  then,  for  the  debtor  to  derive 
any  profit  from  the  money  which  might  enable 
him  to  pay  an  interest,  nor  yet  to  get  rid  of  the 
principal  by  remitting  it  to  his  creditor. — To 
WILLIAM  JONES.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  352.  (P.,  1787.) 

2093. .     Besides  these  reasons  in 

favor  of  the  general  mass  of  debtors,  I  have 
some  peculiar  to  my  own  case.  In  the  year 
1776,  before  a  shilling  of  paper  money  was  is 
sued,  I  sold  lands  to  the  amount  of  four  thou 
sand  two  hundred  pounds  sterling.  In  order  to 
pay  these  two  debts  I  offered  the  bonds  of  the 
purchasers  to  your  agent,  Mr.  Evans,  if  he 
would  acquit  me,  and  accept  of  the  purchasers 
as  debtors  in  my  place.  They  were  as  sure  as 
myself  had  he  done  it.  These  debts,  being 
turned  over  to  you,  would  have  been  saved  to 
you  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  but  he  declined  it. 
Great  sums  of  paper  money  were  afterwards 
issued.  This  depreciated,  and  payment  was 
made  me  in  this  money  when  it  was  but  a 
shadow.  Our  laws  do  not  entitle  their  own 
citizens  to  require  repayment  in  these  cases, 
though  the  treaty  authorizes  the  British  creditor 
to  do  it.  Here,  then,  I  lost  the  principal  and 
interest  once.  Again  Lord  Cornwallis  encamped 
ten  days  on  an  estate  of  mine  at  Elk  island, 
having  his  headquarters  in  my  house.  He 
burned  all  the  tobacco  houses  and  barns  on 
the  farm,  with  the  produce  of  the  former  year 
in  them.  He  burned  all  the  enclosures,  and 
wasted  the  fields  in  which  the  crop  of  that  year 
(it  was  the  month  of  June),  was  growing.  He 
killed  or  carried  off  every  living  animal,  cutting 
the  throats  of  those  which  were  too  young  for 
service.  Of  the  slaves,  he  carried  away  thirty. 
The  useless  and  barbarous  injury  he  did  me, 
in  that  instance,  was  more  than  would  have 
repaid  your  debt,  principal  and  interest.  Thus 
I  lost  it  a  second  time.  Still  I  lay  my  shoulder 
assiduously  to  the  payment  of  it  a  third  time. 
In  doing  this,  however,  I  think  yourself  will  be 
of  opinion  that  I  am  authorized  in  justice  to 
clear  it  of  every  article  not  demandable  in  strict 
right.  Of  this  nature  I  consider  interest  dur 
ing  the  war. — To  WILLIAM  JONES.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  353-  (1787.) 


2094. .     Another  question  is   as 

to  the  paper  money  I  deposited  in  the  treasury 
of  Virginia  towards  the  discharge  of  this  debt. 
I  before  observed  that  I  had  sold  lands  to  the 
amount  of  four  thousand  two  hundred  pounds 
sterling  before  a  shilling  of  paper  money  was 
emitted,  with  a  view  to  pay  this  debt.  I  re 
ceived  this  money  in  depreciated  paper.  The 
State  was  then  calling  on  those  who  owed 
money  to  British  subjects  to  bring  it  into  the 
treasury,  engaging  to  pay  a  like  sum  to  the 
creditor  at  the  end  of  the  war.  I  carried  the 
identical  money  therefore  to  the  Treasury, 
where  it  was  applied,  as  all  the  money  of  the 
same  description  was,  to  the  support  of  the  war. 
Subsequent  events  have  been  such  that  the  State 
cannot,  and  ought  not  to  pay  the  same  nominal 
sum  in  gold  or  silver  which  they  received  in 
paper,  nor  is  it  certain  what  they  will  do.  * 
Whatever  the  State  decides  you  shall  re 
ceive  '  the  debt  fully.  I  am  ready  to 
remove  all  difficulty  arising  from  this  deposit, 
to  take  back  to  myself  the  demand  against  the 
State,  and  to  consider  the  deposit  as  originally 
made  for  myself  and  not  for  you. — To  WILLIAM 
JONES.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  355.  (P.,  1787.)  See 
2005  to  2010. 

2095.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Liquida 
tion    of. — There    are    two    circumstances    of 
difficulty   in   the   payment   of  these   debts.      To 
speak  of   [Virginia],  the  particular   State  with 
which  you  and  I  are  best  acquainted,  we  know 
that  its  debt  is  ten  times  the  amount  of  its  circu 
lating  cash.     To  pay  that  debt  at  once  then  is  a 
physical  impossibility.    Time  is  requisite.    Were 
all  the  creditors  to  rush  to  judgment  together, 
a  mass  of  two  millions   of  property  would  be 
brought  to  market,  where  there  is  but  the  tenth 
of  that  sum  of  money  in  circulation  to  purchase 
it.     Both  debtor  and  creditor  would  be  ruined, 
as    debts    would    be    thus    rendered    desperate 
which   are   in  themselves  good.     Of  this   truth 
I  find  the  merchants  here  [London]  sufficiently 
sensible,  and  I  have  no  doubt  we  should  have 
arranged  the  article  of  time  to  mutual  satisfac 
tion,    allowing   judgment   to    pass    immediately, 
and  dividing  the  execution  into  instalments. — 
To    ALEXANDER    McCAUL.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    202. 
(1786.) 

2096.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Plan  to 
pay. — They  [British  merchants  whom  I  met  in 
London]   were  certainly  disposed  to  consent  to 
accommodation  as  to  the  article  of  debts.    I  was 
not    certain,    when    I    left    England,    that    they 
would   relinquish   the   interest   dur'ng  the   war. 
A  letter  received  since,  from  the  first  character 
among    the    American    merchants    in    Scotland, 
satisfies    me    they    would    have    relinquished    it 
to   insure   the   capital    and   residue   of   interest. 
Would  to  heaven  all  the  States,  therefore,  would 
settle  a  uniform  plan.     To  open  the  courts  to 
them,    so    that    they    might    obtain    judgments; 
to  divide  the  executions  into  so  many  equal  an 
nual  instalments,  as  that  the  last  might  be  paid 
in  the  year  1790  ;  to  have  the  payments  in  actual 
money ;    and,    to    include    the    capital,    and    in 
terest    preceding    and    subsequent    to    the    war, 
would  give  satisfaction  to  the  world,  and  to  the 
merchants  in  general.     Since  it  is  left  for  each 
nation  to  pursue  their  own  measures  in  the  exe 
cution  of  the  late  treaty,  may  not  Congress  with 
propriety  recommend  a  mode  of  executing  that 
article  respecting  the  debts,  and  send  it  to  each 
State  to  be  passed  into  law.     Whether  England 
gives  up  the  [Western]  posts  or  not,  these  debts 
must  be  paid,  or  our  character  stained  with  in 
famy  among  all  nations  and  through  all  time. 


Debts  due  British 
Decimal  System 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


240 


As  to  the  satisfaction  for  slaves  carried  off,  it  is 
a  bagatelle,  which,  if  not  made  good  before  the 
last  instalment  becomes  due,  may  be  secured 
out  of  that. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  i,  565. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  221.  (P.,  1786.) 

2097.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Priva 
teering  and.— With  respect  to  the  creditors 
in  Great  Britain,  they  mostly  turned  their  atten 
tion  to  privateering;  and  arming  the  vessels 
they  had  before  employed  in  trading  with  us, 
they  captured  on  the  seas,  not  only  the  produce 
of  the  farms  of  their  debtors,  but  of  those  of  the 
whole  State.  They  thus  paid  themselves  by 
capture  more  than  their  annual  interest,  and  we 
lost  more.  Some  merchants,  indeed,  did  not 
engage  in  privateering.  These  lost  their  inter 
est.  But  we  did  not  gain  it.  It  fell  into  the 
hands  of  their  countrvmen.  It  cannot,  there 
fore,  be  demanded  of  us.  As  between  these 
merchants  and  their  debtors,  it  is  the  case 
where,  a  loss  being  incurred,  each  party  may 
justifiably  endeavor  to  shift  it  from  himself. 
Each  has  an  equal  right  to  avoid  it.  One  party 
can  never  expect  the  other  to  yield  a  thing  to 
which  he  has  as  good  a  right  as  the  demander; 
we  even  think  he  has  a  better  right  than  the 
demander  in  the  present  instance.  This  loss 
has  been  occasioned  by  the  fault  of  the  nation 
which  was  creditor.  Our  right  to  avoid  it,  then, 
stands  on  less  exceptionable  ground  than  theirs. 
But  it  will  be  said,  that  each  party  thought  the 
other  the  aggressor.  In  these  disputes  there  is 
but  one  umpire,  and  that  has  decided  the  ques 
tion  where  the  .world  in  general  thought  the 
right  lay. — To  WILLIAM  JONES.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
353-  (1787.) 

2098.  DEBTS    DUE    BRITISH,    Slaves 
and. — The  British  army,  after  ravaging  the 
State  of  Virginia,  had  sent  off  a  very  great  num 
ber  of  slaves  to   New   York.     By  the   seventh 
article  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  they  stipulated  not 
to  carry  away  any  of  these.     Notwithstanding 
this,  it  was  known,  when  they  were  evacuating 
New  York,  that  they  were  carrying  away  the 
slaves.      General   Washington   made   an   official 
demand   of   Sir   Guy   Carleton,   that   he   should 
cease  to  send  them  away.     He  answered,  that 
these  people  had  come  to  them  under  promise 
of  the  King's  protection,  and  that  that  promise 
should  be  fulfilled  in  preference  to  the  stipu 
lation    in   the   treaty.     The    State    of   Virginia, 
to  which  nearly  the  whole  of  these  slaves  be 
longed,  passed  a  law  to  forbid  the  recovery  of 
debts  due  to  British  subjects.     They  declared, 
at  the  same  time,  they  would  repeal  the  law,  if 
Congress  were  of  opinion  they  ought  to  do  it. 
But,  desirous  that  their  citizens  should  be  dis 
charging  their  debts,  they  afterwards  permitted 
British   creditors  to   prosecute  their  suits,   and 
to  receive  their  debts  in  seven  equal  and  annual 
payments ;    relying    that    the    demand    for    the 
slaves  would  be  either  admitted  or  denied   in 
time  to  lay  their  hands  on  some  of  the  latter 
payments  for  reimbursement. — REPORT  TO  CON 
GRESS,     ix,  240.     FORD  ED.,  iv,   127.     (1785.) 

2099.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Virginia 
Loan  and. — A  citizen  of  the  Commonwealth 
[of  Virginia],  who  is  debtor  to  a  British  sub 
ject,   may   lodge   the   money   due,    or   any   part 
thereof,,   in    the  *  *  *  loan    office,    accounting 
sixteen  pence  of  the  lawful  money  of  the  Com 
monwealth,  or  two-thirds  of  a  dollar  in  bills  of 
credit  there  current,   equal  to  twelve  pence  of 
any   such    debt   payable   in   the   debtor's   name, 
signed  by  the  commissioner  of  the  loan  office, 
and  delivering  the  same  to  the  Governor  whose 


receipt    shall     discharge    the    debt.* — BRITISH 
PROPERTY   BILL.     FORD   ED.,    ii,   200.     (1779.) 

2100.  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH,  Sum  of 

Virginia's. — Virginia  certainly  owed  two  mil 
lions  sterling  to  Great  Britain  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  war.  Some  have  conjectured  the  debt  as 
high  as  three  millions.  I  think  that  State  owed 
near  as  much  as  all  the  rest  put  together.  This 
is  to  be  ascribed  to  peculiarities  in  the  tobacco 
trade.  The  advantages  made  by  the  British 
merchants,  on  the  tobaccos  consigned  to  them, 
were  so  enormous,  that  they  spared  no  means 
of  increasing  those  consignments.  A  powerful 
engine  for  this  purpose  was  the  giving  good 
prices  and  credit  to  the  planter,  till  they  got 
him  more  immersed  in  debt  than  he  could  pay, 
without  selling  his  lands  or  slaves.  They  then 
reduced  the  prices  given  for  his  tobaccos,  so 
that,  let  his  shipments  be  ever  so  great,  and  his 
demand  of  necessaries  ever  so  economical,  they 
never  permitted  him  to  clear  off  his  debt. 
These  debts  had  become  hereditary  from  father 
to  son,  for  many  generations,  so  that  the  plant 
ers  were  a  species  of  property,  annexed  to  cer 
tain  mercantile  houses  in  London. — ANSWER 
TO  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  250.  FORD  ED.  iv 
155.  (P.,  1786.) 

2101.  DECIMAL  SYSTEM,  Advantages 

of- — The  most  easy  ratio  of  multiplication  and 
division,  is  that  by  ten.  Everyone  knows  the 
facility  of  Decimal  Arithmetic.  Every  one 
remembers,  that  when  learning  Money-Arith 
metic,  he  used  to  be  puzzled  with  adding  the 
farthings,  taking  out  the  fours  and  carrying 
them  on;  adding  the  pence,  taking  put  the 
twelves  and  carrying  them  on;  adding  the 
shillings,  taking  out  the  twenties  and  carry 
ing  them  on;  but  when  he  came  to  the 
pounds,  where  he  had  only  tens  to  carry  for 
ward,  it  was  easy  and  free  from  error.  The 
bulk  of  mankind  are  schoolboys  through  life. 
These  little  perplexities  are  always  great  to 
them.  And  even  mathematical  heads  feel  the 
relief  of  an  easier,  substituted  for  a  more  dif 
ficult  process.  Foreigners,  too,  who  trade  and 
travel  among  us,  will  find  a  great  facility  in 
understanding  our  coins  and  accounts  from 
this  ratio  of  subdivision.  Those  who  have 
had  occasion  to  convert  the  livres,  sols  and 
deniers  of  the  French ;  the  gilders,  stivers 
and  pfennigs  of  the  Dutch ;  the  pounds,  shil 
lings,  pence,  and  farthings  of  these  several 
States,  into  each  other,  can  judge  how  much 
they  would  have  been  aided,  had  their  several 
subdivisions  been  in  a  decimal  ratio.  Cer 
tainly,  in  all  cases,  where  we  are  free  to 
choose  between  easy  and  difficult  modes  of 
operation,  it  is  most  rational  to  choose  the 
easy.  The  Financier  [Robert  Morris],  there 
fore,  in  his  report,  well  proposes  that  our 
coins  should  be  in  decimal  proportion  to  one 
another. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  163. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  447.  (1784.) 

2102.  DECIMAL    SYSTEM,     Approba 
tion  of. — The  experiment  made  by  Congress 
in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-six,  by  declaring  that  there  should  be 

*  The  courts  held  that  payments  under  [this  law! 
did  not  liquidate  the  debts.  *  *  *  Among  those 
to  suffer  the  most  was  Jefferson,  who  had  paid  into 
the  loan-office  moneys  due  by  him  to  John  Randolph, 
Kippent  &  Co.,  and  William  Jones.— NOTE  FORD 
EDITION. 


241 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Decimal  System 
Declaration 


one  money  of  account  and  payment  through 
the  United  States,  and  that  its  parts  and  mul 
tiples  should  be  in  a  decimal  ratio,  has  ob 
tained  such  general  approbation,  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  that  nothing  seems  wanting  but 
the  actual  coinage,  to  banish  the  discordant 
pounds,  shillings,  pence  and  farthings  of  the 
different  States,  and  to  establish  in  their 
stead  the  new  denominations. — COINAGE, 
WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES  REPORT,  vii,  477. 
(July  1790.) 

2103.  DECIMAL  SYSTEM,  France  and. 
— The  convenience  of  [the  decimal  system]  in 
our  moneyed  system  has  been  approved  by  all, 
and  France  has  followed  the  example. — To 
JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,    vii,  89.     (M.,  1817.) 

2104.  DECIMAL     SYSTEM,     Weights, 
Measures   and. — The   divisions   into   dimes, 
cents  and  mills  is  now  so  well  understood 
that  it  would  be  easy  of  introduction  into  the 
kindred  branches  of  weights  and  measures. 
I  use,  when  I  travel,  an  odometer  of  Clarke's 
invention,  which  divides  the  mile  into  cents, 
and  I  find  every  one  comprehends  a  distance 
readily,  when  stated  to  him  in      miles  and 
cents;  so  he  would  in  feet  and  cents,  pounds 
antt  cents,  &c. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  53.    FORD 
ED.,  i,  75.     (1821.) 

—  DECIUS,  Charges  of. — See  RANDOLPH, 
JOHN. 

—  DECLARATION     OF     INDEPEND 
ENCE.— See  APPENDIX.* 

2105.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Action  in  Congress.— On  the 
I5th  of  May,  1776,  the  Convention  of  Virginia 
instructed  their  delegates  in  Congress,  to  pro 
pose  to  that  body  to  declare  the  Colonies  in 
dependent  of  Great  Britain,  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  prepare  a  declaration  of  rights, 
and  plan  of  government. 

"In  Congress,  Friday,  June  7,  1776.  The 
delegatest  from  Virginia  moved,  in  obedience 
to  instructions  from  their  constituents  that  the 
Congress  should  declare,  that  these  United  Colo 
nies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  States,  that  they  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the  State 
of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dis 
solved  ;  that  measures  should  be  immediately 
taken  for  procuring  the  assistance  of  foreign 
powers,  and  a  Confederation  be  formed  to 
bind  the  Colonies  more  closely  together.  The 
House  being  obliged  to  attend  at  that  time  to 
some  other  business,  the  proposition  was  re 
ferred  to  the  next  day,  when  the  members  were 
ordered  to  attend  punctually  at  ten  o'clock. 

Saturday,  June  8.  They  proceeded  to  take 
it  into  consideration,  and  referred  it  to  a  com 
mittee  of  the  whole,  into  which  they  immedi 
ately  resolved  themselves,  and  passed  that  day 
and  Monday,  the  loth,  in  debating  on  the  sub 
ject."* — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  12.  FORD  ED.,  i,  18. 
(1821.) 

*  The  principles  asserted  in  the  Declaration  are 
classified  in  this  work.  The  text  of  the  Declaration, 
as  drawn  by  Jefferson,  with  the  alterations  made  by 
Congress,  is  given  in  the  APPENDIX.— EDITOR. 

t  Richard  H.  Lee,  being  the  oldest  member  of  the 
Virginia  delegation,  was  selected  to  make  the  mo 
tion.— EDITOR. 

$  The  quoted  paragraphs  are  from  notes  made  by 
Jefferson  in  the  Congress.— EDITOR. 


2106. 


.   It  appearing  in  the  course 


of  these  debates  [on  Independence!,  that  the 
Colonies  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl 
vania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Caro 
lina  were  not  yet  matured  for  falling  from 
the  parent  stem,  but  that  they  were  fast  ad 
vancing  to  that  state,  it  was  thought  most 
prudent  to  wait  a  while  for  them,  and  to  post 
pone  the  final  decision  to  July  ist;  but,  that 
this  might  occasion  as  little  delay  as  pos 
sible,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare 
a  Declaration  of  Independence. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,  i,  17.  FORD  ED.,  i,  24.  (1821.) 

2107. .     On  Monday,  the  1st  of 

July,  the  House  resolved  itself  into  a  com 
mittee  of  the  whole,  and  resumed  the  consid 
eration  of  the  original  motion  [to  declare  the 
Colonies  independent  States]  made  by  the 
delegates  of  Virginia,  which,  being  again  de 
bated  through  the  day,  was  carried  in  the  af 
firmative  by  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire, 
Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
New  Jersey,  Maryland.  Virginia,  North  Caro 
lina,  and  Georgia.  South  Carolina  and  Penn 
sylvania  voted  against  it.  Delaware  had  but 
two  members  present  and  they  were  divided. 
The  delegates  from  New  York  declared  they 
were  for  it  themselves,  and  were  assured  their 
constituents  were  for  it;  but  that  their  in 
structions  having  been  drawn  near  a  twelve 
month  before,  when  reconciliation  was  still 
the  general  object,  they  were  enjoined  by 
them  to  do  nothing  which  should  impede  that 
object.  They,  therefore,  thought  themselves 
not  justifiable  in  voting  on  either  side,  and 
asked  leave  to  withdraw  from  the  question, 
which  was  given  them.  The  committee  rose 
and  reported  their  resolution  to  the  House. 
Mr.  Edward  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina, 
then  requested  the  determination  might  be  put 
off  to  the  next  day.  as  he  believed  his  col 
leagues,  though  they  disapproved  of  the  res 
olution,  would  then  join  in  it  for  the  sake  of 
unanimity.  The  ultimate  question,  whether 
the  House  would  agree  to  the  resolution  of 
the  committee,  was  accordingly  postponed  to 
the  next  day,  when  it  was  again  moved,  and 
South  Carolina  concurred  in  voting  for  it. 
In  the  meantime,  a  third  member  had  come 
post  from  the  Delaware  counties,  and  turned 
the  vote  of  that  Colony  in  favor  of  the  res 
olution.  Members  of  a  different  sentiment 
attending  that  morning  from  Pennsylvania 
also,  her  vote  was  changed,  so  that  the  whole 
twelve  Colonies,  who  were  authorized  to  vote 
at  all,  gave  their  voices  for  it;  and  within  a 
few  days  (July  9)  the  convention  of  New 
York  approved  of  it,  and  thus  supplied  the 
void  occasioned  by  the  withdrawing  of  her 
delegates  from  the  vote. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 
18.  FORDED.,  1,24.  (1821.) 

2108.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  Committee  on.— The  com 
mittee  were  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin, 
Roger  Sherman,  Robert  R.  Livingston  and 
myself.  *  *  *.  The  committee  *  * 
desired  me  to  do  it.*  It  was  accordingly 
done,  and  being  approved  by  them,  I  reported 

*  To  write  the  Declaration.— EDITOR. 


Declaration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


242 


it  to  the  House  on  Friday,  the  28th  of  June, 
when  it  was  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the 
table. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  17.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
24.  (1821.)  See  2119. 

2109.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Consideration  of. — Congress 
proceeded     *     *     *    on  July  ist  to  consider 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  had 
been  reported  and  laid  on  the  table  the  Fri 
day  preceding,  and  on  Monday  referred  to  a 
committee  of  the  whole.     *    *    *    The  de 
bates,  having  taken  up  the  greater  parts  of 
the  2d,  3d  and  4th  days  of  July,  were,  on  the 
evening  of  the  last,  closed;    the  Declaration 
was   reported   by   the   committee,    agreed   to 
by  the  House,  and  signed  by  every  member 
present,    except    Mr.     [John]    Dickinson.* — 

AUTIOBIOGRAPHY.        i,     IQ.        FORD     ED.,     i,     28. 

(1821.)      See  2122. 

2110.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Copies  of.— I  enclose  [you]  a 
copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as 
agreed  to  by  the  House,  and  also  as  originally 
framed.     You  will  judge  whether  it  is  the 
better  or  worse  for  the  critics. — To  RICHARD 
HENRY  LEE.    i,  204.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  59.     (Pa., 
July  8,  1776.) 

2111. .     I  am  not  able  to  give 

you  any  particular  account  of  the  paper 
handed  you  by  Mr.  Lee,  as  being  either  the 
original  or  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  sent  by  myself  to  his  grand 
father.  The  draft,  when  completed  by  myself, 
with  a  few  verbal  amendments  by  Dr.  Frank 
lin  and  Mr.  Adams,  two  members  of  the 
Committee,  in  their  own  handwriting,  is  now 
in  my  possession,  and  a  fair  copy  of  this  was 
reported  to  the  Committee,  passed  by  them 
without  amendment,  and  then  reported  to 
Congress.  This  latter  should  be  among  the 
records  of  the  old  Congress;  and  whether 
this  or  the  one  from  which  it  was  copied 
and  now  in  my  hands,  is  to  be  called  the  orig 
inal,  is  a  question  of  definition.  To  that  in  my 
hands,  if  worth  preserving,  my  relations  with 
our  University  [of  Virginia]  give  irresistible 
claims.  Whenever,  in  the  course  of  the  com 
position,  a  copy  became  overcharged,  and  dif 
ficult  to  be  read  with  amendments,  I  copied 
it  fair,  and  when  that  also  was  crowded  with 
other  amendments,  another  fair  copy  was 
made,  &c.  These  rough  drafts  I  sent  to  dis 
tant  friends  who  were  anxious  to  know  what 
was  passing.  But  how  many  and  to  whom  I 
do  not  recollect.  One  sent  to  Mazzei  was 
given  by  him  to  the  Countess  de  Tesse  (aunt 
of  Madame  de  Lafayette)  as  the  original,  and 
is  probably  now  in  the  hands  of  her  family. 
Whether  the  paper  sent  to  R.  H.  Lee  was 
one  of  these,  or  whether,  after  the  passage 
of  the  instrument.  I  made  a  copy  for  him, 
with  the  amendments  of  Congress,  may,  I 
think,  be  known  from  the  face  of  the  paper. — 
To  JOHN  VAUGHAN.  vii,  409.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
345-  (M.,  1825.) 

*  "Thus,"  says  Knight,  in  his  History  of  England, 
11  on  the  4th  of  July,  was  completed  what  has  been 
not  unjustly  termed  the  most  memorable  public 
document  which  history  records." — EDITOR. 


—  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE,  Franklin  and.— See  2115. 

2112.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  History  of.— On  the  7th  of 
June,  1776,  the  delegates  from  Virginia, 
moved,  in  obedience  to  instructions  from  their 
constituents,  that  Congress  should  declare  the 
Thirteen  United  Colonies  to  be  independent 
of  Great  Britain,  that  a  Confederation  should 
be  formed  to  bind  them  together,  and  meas 
ures  be  taken  for  procuring  the  assistance  of 
foreign  powers.  The  House  ordered  a  punc 
tual  attendance  of  all  their  members  the  next 
day  at  ten  o'clock,  and  then  resolved  them 
selves  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  and 
entered  on  the  discussion.  It  appeared  in 
the  course  of  the  debates  that  seven  States, 
viz.,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Virginia,  North  Caro 
lina,  and  Georgia,  were  decided  for  a  separa 
tion;  but  that  six  others  still  hesitated,  to 
wit.  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina. 
Congress,  desirous  of  unanimity,  and  seeing 
that  the  public  mind  was  advancing  rapidly 
to  it,  referred  the  further  discussion  to  the 
ist  of  July,  appointing  in  the  meantime  a 
Committee  to  prepare  a  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  a  second  to  form  Articles  for  the 
Confederation  of  the  States,  and  a  third  to 
propose  measures  for  obtaining  foreign  aid. 
On  the  28th  of  June,  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence  was  reported  to  the  House,  and 
was  laid  on  the  table  for  the  consideration  of 
the  members.  On  the  ist  day  of  July,  they 
resolved  themselves  into  a  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
motion  of  June  7  [declaring  independence]. 
It  was  debated  through  the  day,  and  at  length 
was  decided  in  the  affirmative  by  the  vote  of 
nine  States,  viz.,  New  Hampshire,  Massa 
chusetts,  Rhode  Island,  New  Jersey,  Mary 
land.  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia. 
Pennsylvania  and  South  Carolina  voted 
against  it.  Delaware,  having  but  two  members 
present,  was  divided.  The  delegates  from 
New  York  declared  they  were  for  it,  and 
their  constituents  also;  but  that  the  instruc 
tions  against  it  which  had  been  given  them  a 
twelvemonth  before,  were  still  unrepealed; 
that  their  convention  was  to  meet  in  a  few 
days,  and  they  asked  leave  to  suspend  their 
vote  till  they  could  obtain  a  repeal  of  their 
instructions.  Observe  that  all  this  was  in  a 
committee  of  the  whole  Congress,  and  that 
according  to  the  mode  of  their  proceedings, 
the  resolution  of  that  committee  to  declare 
themselves  independent  was  to  be  put  to 
the  same  persons  reassuming  their  forms  as  a 
Congress.  It  was  now  evening,  the  members 
exhausted  by  a  debate  of  nine  hours,  during 
which  all  the  powers  of  the  soul  had  been  dis 
tended  with  the  magnitude  of  the  object,  and 
the  delegates  of  South  Carolina  desired  that 
the  final  decision  might  be  put  off  to  the  next 
morning  that  they  might  still  weigh  in  their 
own  minds  their  ultimate  vote.  It  was  put 
off,  and  in  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July, 
they  joined  the  other  nine  States  in  voting  for 
it.  The  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  delega- 


243 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Declaration 


tion,  too,  who  had  been  absent  the  day  before 
came  in  and  turned  the  vote  of  their  State  in 
favor  of  independence,  and  a  third  member 
of  the  State  of  Delaware,  who,  hearing  of  the 
division  in  the  sentiment  of  his  two  col 
leagues,  had  travelled  post  to  arrive  in  time, 
now  came  in  and  decided  the  vote  of  that 
State  also  for  the  resolution.  Thus  twelve 
States  voted  for  it  at  the  time  of  its  passage, 
and  the  delegates  of  New  York,  the  thirteenth 
State,  received  instructions  within  a  few  days 
to  add  theirs  to  the  general  vote;  so  that 
*  *  *  there  was  not  a  dissenting  voice. 
Congress  proceeded  immediately  to  consider 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  had 
been  reported  by  their  Committee  on  the  28th 
of  June.  The  several  paragraphs  of  that 
were  debated  for  three  days,  viz.,  the  2d,  3d, 
and  4th  of  July.  In  the  evening  of  the  4th, 
they  were  finally  closed,  and  the  instrument 
approved  by  an  unanimous  vote,  and  signed 
by  every  member,  except  Mr.  Dickinson. — 
To  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  JOURNAL  DE  PARIS,  ix, 
309.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  440.  (P.,  Aug.  1787."! 

2113.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  Objects  of.— With  respect  to 
our  rights,  and  the  acts  of  the  British  govern 
ment  contravening  those  rights,  there  was  but 
one  opinion  on  this  side  of  the  water.  All 
American  whigs  thought  alike  on  these  sub 
jects.  When  forced,  therefore,  to  resort  to 
arms  for  redress,  an  appeal  to  the  tribunal 
of  the  world  was  deemed  proper  for  our  jus 
tification.  This  was  the  object  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence.  Not  to  find  out 
new  principles,  or  new  arguments,  never  be 
fore  thought  of,  not  merely  to  say  things 
which  had  never  been  said  before ;  but  to 
place  before  mankind  the  common  sense  of 
the  subject,  in  terms  so  plain  and  firm  as  to 
command  their  assent,  and  to  justify  our 
selves  in  the  independent  stand  we  were  com 
pelled  to  take.  Neither  aiming  at  originality 
of  principle  or  sentiment,  nor  yet  copied  from 
any  particular  and  previous  writing,  it  was 
intended  to  be  an  expression  of  the  American 
mind,  and  to  give  to  that  expression  the 
proper  tone  and  spirit  called  for  by  the  oc 
casion.  All  its  authority  rests,  then,  on  the 
harmonizing  sentiments  of  the  day,  whether 
expressed  in  conversation,  in  letters,  printed 
essays,  or  in  the  elementary  books  of  public 
right,  as  Aristotle,  Cicero,  Locke,  Sidney, 
&c. — To  HENRY  LEE.  vii,  407.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
343-  (M.,  1825.) 

2114.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  Opposition  to. — Many  excel 
lent  persons  opposed  it  on  doubts  whether  we 
were  provided  sufficiently  with  the  means  of 
supporting  it,  whether  the  minds  of  our  con 
stituents  were  yet  prepared  to  receive,  &c., 
who,  after  it  was  decided,  united  zealously  in 
the  measures  it  called  for.— To  WILLIAM  P. 
GARDNER.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  377.  (M.,  1813.) 

2115. .     When    the    Declaration 

of  Independence  was  under  the  consideration  of 
Congress,  there  were  two  or  three  unlucky  ex 
pressions  in  it  which  gave  offence  to  some  mem 
bers.  The  words  "  Scotch  and  other  foreign 
auxiliaries,"  excited  the  ire  of  a  gentleman  or 


two  of  that  country.  Severe  strictures  on  the 
conduct  of  the  British  King,  in  negativing  our 
repeated  repeals  of  the  law  which  permitted  the 
importation  of  slaves,  were  disapproved  by  some 
Southern  gentlemen  whose  reflections  were  not 
yet  matured  to  the  full  abhorrence  of  that  traffic. 
Although  the  offensive  expressions  were  imme 
diately  yielded,  these  gentlemen  continued  their 
depredations  on  other  parts  of  the  instrument. 
I  was  sitting  by  Dr.  Franklin  who  perceived 
that  I  was  not  insensible  to  these  mutilations. 
"  I  have  made  it  a  rule,"  said  he,  "  whenever 
in  my  power,  to  avoid  becoming  the  draftsman 
of  papers  to  be  reviewed  by  a  public  body.  I 
took  my  lesson  from  an  incident  which  I  will 
relate  to  you.  When  I  was  a  journeyman 
printer,  one  of  my  companions,  an  apprentice 
hatter,  having  served  out  his  time,  was  about  to 
open  shop  for  himself.  His  first  concern  was 
to  have  a  handsome  signboard,  with  a  proper  in 
scription.  He  composed  it  in  these  words : 
John  Thompson,  Hatter,  makes  and  sells  hats 
for  ready  money,"  with  a  figure  of  a  hat  sub 
joined.  But  he  thought  he  would  submit  to 
his  friends  for  their  amendments.  The  first 
he  showed  it  to  thought  the  word  "  hatter " 
tautologous,  because  followed  by  the  words, 
"  makes  hats,"  which  show  he  was  a  hatter.  It 
was  struck  out.  The  next  observed  that  the 
word  "  makes  "  might  as  well  be  omitted,  be 
cause  his  customers  would  not  care  who  made 
the  hats.  If  good  and  to  their  mind,  they  would 
buy  by  whomsoever  made.  He  struck  it  out. 
A  third  said  he  thought  the  words  "  for  ready 
money,"  were  useless  as  it  was  not  the  custom 
of  the  place  to  sell  on  credit.  Everyone  who 
purchased  expected  to  pay.  They  were  parted 
with,  and  the  inscription  now  stood,  "  John 
Thompson  sells  hats."  "  Sells  hats,"  says  his 
next  friend?  Why  nobody  will  expect  you  to 
give  them  away.  What,  then,  is  the  use  of 
that  word  ?  It  was  stricken  out,  and  "  hats  " 
followed  it, — the  rather  as  there  was  one  painted 
on  the  board.  So  his  inscription  was  reduced 
ultimately  to  "  John  Thompson  "  with  the  figure 
of  a  hat  subjoined. — ANECDOTES  OF  DR.  FRANK 
LIN,  viii,  500.  FORD  ED.,  x,  119.  (M.,  1818.) 

—  DECLARATION     OF     INDEPEND 
ENCE,  Original  ideas  in. — See  2119. 

2116.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,    People   of   England   and. — 
The   pusillanimous    idea   that    we    had    any 
friends  in  England  worth  keeping  terms  with, 
still  haunted  the  minds  of  many.     For  this 
reason,  those  passages  which  conveyed  cen 
sure  on  the  people  of  England  were  struck 
out,    lest   they    should   give   them    offence. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.      i,    19.      FORD    ED.,    i,    28. 
(1821.) 

2117.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,   Pictures  of.— Mr.    Barralet's 
sketch  of  the  ornaments  pronosed  to  accompany 
the  publication  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  contemplated  by  Mr.  Murray  and  yourself, 
has  been   received.     I   am   too   little  versed   in 
the  art  of  design  to  be  able  to  offer  any  sugges 
tions  to  the  artist.     As   far  as   I   am   a  judge, 
the    composition    appears    to    be    judicious    and 
well-imagined.     Were  I  to  hazard  a  suggestion, 
it   should   be   that    Mr.    Hancock,    as    President 
of    Congress,    should    occupy    the    middle    and 
principal    place.      No    man   better   merited   than 
did  Mr.  John  Adams  to  hold  a  most  conspicuous 
place  ;n  the  design. — To  WILLIAM  P.  GARDNER. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  377.     (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 


Declaration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


244 


2118. .  The  painting  lately  exe 
cuted  by  Col.  Trumbull,  I  have  never  seen, 
but  as  far  back  as  the  days  of  Horace,  at  least, 
we  are  told  that  "  pictoribiis  atque  poetis ; 
Quidlibet  audendi  semper  fuit  aqua  potestas." 
He  has  exercised  this  licentia  pictoris  in  like 
manner  in  the  surrender  at  Yorktown,  where 
he  has  placed  Lord  Cornwallis  at  the  head  of 
the  surrender,  although  it  is  well  known  that  he 
was  excused  by  General  Washington  from  ap 
pearing. — To  S.  A.  WELLS.  FORD  ED.,  x,  133. 
(M.,  1819.) 

2119.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  Recollections  of  by  Adams. 
— You  have  doubtless  seen  Timothy  Picker 
ing's  Fourth  of  July  observations  on  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence.  If  his  principles 
and  prejudices,  personal  and  political,  gave 
us  no  reason  to  doubt  whether  he  had  truly 
quoted  the  information  he  alleges  to  have 
received  from  Mr.  Adams,  I  should  then  say, 
that  in  some  of  the  particulars,  Mr.  Adams's 
memory  has  led  him  into  unquestionable  er 
ror.  At  the  age  of  eighty-eight,  and  forty- 
seven  years  after  the  transactions  of  Inde 
pendence,  this  is  not  wonderful.  Nor  should 
I,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  on  the  small  advantage 
of  that  difference  only,  venture  to  oppose  my 
memory  to  his,  were  it  not  supported  by  writ 
ten  notes,  taken  by  myself  at  the  moment, 
and  on  the  spot.  He  says.  "  the  Committee 
of  five,  to  wit,  Dr.  Franklin,  Sherman,  Liv 
ingston,  and  ourselves,  met,  discussed  the 
subject,  and  then  appointed  him  and  myself 
to  make  the  draft;  that  we,  as  a  sub-com 
mittee,  met,  and  after  the  urgencies  of  each 
on  the  other,  I  consented  to  undertake  the 
task;  that  the  draft  being  made,  we,  the  sub 
committee,  met,  and  conned  the  paper  over, 
and  he  does  not  remember  that  he  made,  or 
suggested  a  single  alteration."  Now  these 
details  are  quite  incorrect.  The  Committee 
of  five  met ;  no  such  thing  as  a  sub-committee 
was  proposed,  but  they  unanimously  pressed 
on  myself  alone  to  undertake  the  draft.  I 
consented;  I  drew  it;  but  before  I  reported 
it  to  the  Committee,  I  communicated  it  sep 
arately  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams,  re 
questing  their  correction,  because  they  were 
the  two  members  of  whose  judgments  and 
amendments  I  wished  most  to  have  the  bene 
fit,  before  presenting  it  to  the  Committee; 
and  you  have  seen  the  original  paper  now 
in  my  hands,  with  the  corrections  of  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams  interlined  in  their 
own  handwritings.  Their  alterations  were 
two  or  three  only,  and  merely  verbal.  I 
then  wrote  a  fair  copy,  reported  it  to  the 
Committee,  and  from  them,  unaltered,  to 
Congress.  This  personal  communication  and 
consultation  with  Mr.  Adams,  he  has  misre- 
membered  into  the  actings  of  a  sub-commit 
tee,  Pickering's  observations,  and  Mr.  Ad 
ams's  in  addition,  "  that  it  contained  no  new 
ideas,  that  it  is  a  common-place  compilation, 
its  sentiments  hackneyed  in  Congress  for  two 
years  before,  and  its  essence  contained  in 
Otis's  pamphlet,"  may  all  be  true.  Of  that 
I  am  not  to  be  the  judge.  Richard  Henry  Lee 
charged  it  as  copied  from  Locke's  Treatise  on 
Civil  Government.  Otis's  pamphlet  I  never 
saw,  and  whether  I  had  gathered  my  ideas 


from  reading  or  reflection,  I  do  not  know.  I 
know  only  that  I  turned  to  neither  book  nor 
pamphlet  while  writing  it.  I  did  not  consider 
it  as  any  part  of  my  charge  to  invent  new 
ideas  altogether,  and  to  offer  no  sentiment 
which  had  ever  been  expressed  before.  Had 
Mr.  Adams  been  so  restrained,  Congress 
would  have  lost  the  benefit  of  his  bold  and 
impressive  advocacy  of  the  rights  of  the  Rev 
olution.  For  no  man's  confident  and  fervid 
addresses,  more  than  Mr.  Adams's,  encour 
aged  and  supported  us  through  the  difficulties 
surrounding  us,  which,  like  the  ceaseless  ac 
tion  of  gravity,  weighed  on  us  bv  night  and 
by  day.  Yet,  on  the  same  ground,  we  may 
ask  what  of  these  elevated  thoughts  was  new, 
or  can  be  affirmed  never  before  to  have  en 
tered  the  conceptions  of  man?  Whether, 
also,  the  sentiments  of  Independence  and  the 
reasons  for  ^  declaring  it,  which  make  so 
great  a  portion  of  the  instrument,  had  been 
hackneyed  in  Congress  for  two  years  before 
the  4th  of  July,  '76,  or  this  dictum  also  of 
Mr.  Adams  be  another  slip  of  memory,  let 
history  say.  This,  however,  I  will  say  for 
Mr.  Adams,  that  he  supported  the  Declara 
tion  with  zeal  and  ability,  fighting  fearlessly 
for  every  word  of  it.  As  for  myself,  I  thought 
it  a  duty  to  be,  on  that  occasion,  a  passive 
auditor  of  the  opinions  of  others,  more  im 
partial  judges  than  I  could  be,  of  its  merits 
or  demerits.  During  the  debate  I  was  sitting 
by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  he  observed  that  I  was 
writhing  a  little  under  the  acrimonious  crit 
icisms  on  some  of  its  parts ;  and  it  was  on 
that  occasion,  that  by  way  of  comfort,  he 
told  me  the  story  of  John  Thompson,  the 
hatter,  and  his  new  sign.  Timothy  thinks  the 
instrument  the  better  for  having  a  fourth  of  it 
expunged.  He  would  have  thought  it  still 
better,  had  the  other  three-fourths  gone  out 
also,  all  but  the  sinele  sentiment  (the  only 
one  he  approves),  which  recommends  friend 
ship  to  his  dear  England,  whenever  she  is 
willing  to  be  at  peace  with  us.  His  insinua 
tions  are,  that  although  "  the  high  tone  of  the 
instrument  was  in  unison  with  the  warm 
feelings  of  the  times,  this  sentiment  of  habit 
ual  friendship  to  England  should  never  be 
forgotten,  and  that  the  duties  it  enjoins 
should  especially  be  borne  in  mind  on  every 
celebration  of  this  anniversary."  In  other 
words,  that  the  Declaration,  as  being  a  libel 
on  the  government  of  England,  composed  in 
times  of  passion,  should  now  be  buried  in 
utter  oblivion,  to  spare  the  feelings  of  our 
English  friends  and  Angloman  fellow-citi 
zens.  But  it  is  not  to  wound  them  that  we 
wish  to  keep  it  in  mind;  but  to  cherish  the 
principles  of  the  instrument  in  the  bosoms 
of  our  fellow-citizens;  and  it  is  a  heavenly 
comfort  to  coe  that  these  principles  are  yet 
so  strongly  felt,  as  to  render  a  circumstance 
so  trifling  as  this  lapse  of  memory  of  Mr. 
Adams,  worthy  of  being  solemnly  announced 
and  supported  at  an  anniversary  assemblage 
of  the  nation  on  its  birthday.  In  opposition, 
however,  to  Mr.  Pickering.  I  pray  God  that 
these  principles  may  be  eternal. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  vii,  304.  FORD  ED.,  x,  267.  (M., 
Aug.  1823.)  See  64. 


245 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Declaration 


_  DECLARATION     OF     INDEPEND 
ENCE,  Rights  of  Man  and.— See  2120. 

2120.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,      Semi-centennial     of. — The 
kind  invitation  I  received  from  you,  on  the 
part  of  the  citizens  of  the  city  of  Washington, 
to  be  present  with  them  at  their  celebration 
on  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  American  In 
dependence,  as  one  of  the  surviving  signers 
of  an  instrument  pregnant  with  our  own  and 
the  fate  of  the  world,  is  most  flattering  to 
myself,  and  heightened  by  the  honorable  ac 
companiment    proposed    for   the    comfort    of 
such  a  journey.     It  adds  sensibly  to  the  suf 
ferings  of  sickness,  to  be  deprived  by  it  of  a 
personal    participation    in    the    rejoicings    of 
that  day.     But  acquiescence  is  a  duty,  under 
circumstances  not  placed  among  those  we  are 
permitted  to  control.     I  should,  indeed,  with 
peculiar    delight,    have    met    and    exchanged 
there    congratulations    personally    with    the 
small  band,  the  remnant  of  that  host  of  wor 
thies,  who  joined  with  us  on  that  day,  in  the 
bold  and  doubtful  election  we  were  to  make 
for  our  country,  between  submission  or  the 
sword;  and  to  have  enjoyed  with  them  the 
consolatory    fact,     that    our  ^  fellow-citizens, 
after  half  a  century  of  experience  and  pros 
perity,    continue   to    approve    the   choice   we 
made.     May  it  be  to  the  world,  what  I  be 
lieve   it   will   be    (to   some  parts   sooner,   to 
others  later,  but  finally  to  all),  the  signal  of 
arousing  men  to  burst  the  chains  under  which 
monkish  ignorance  and  superstition  had  per 
suaded  them  to  bind  themselves,  and  to  as 
sume  the  blessings  and  security  of  self-gov 
ernment.     That  form  which  we  have  substi 
tuted,  restores  the  free  right  to  the  unbounded 
exercise  of  reason  and  freedom  of  opinion. 
All  eyes  are  opened,  or  opening,  to  the  rights 
of  man.     The  general  spread  of  the  light  of 
science  has  already  laid  open  to  every  view 
the  palpable  truth,  that  the  mass  of  mankind 
has  not  been  born  with  saddles  on  their  backs, 
nor  a  favored  few,  booted  and  spurred,  ready 
to  ride  them  legitimately,  by  the    grace    of 
God.    These  are  grounds  of  hope  for  others. 
For  ourselves,  let  the  annual  return  of  this 
day  forever  refresh  our  recollections  of  these 
rights,  and  an  undiminished  devotion  to  them. 
I   will   ask   permission   here   to   express   the 
pleasure  with  which   I   should  have  met  my 
ancient  neighbors  of  the  city  of  Washington 
and  its  vicinity,  with  whom  I  passed  so  many 
years  of  a  pleasing  social  intercourse;  an  in 
tercourse  which   so  much  relieved  the  anx 
ieties  of  the  public  cares,  and  left  impressions 
so  deeply  engraved  in  my  affections,  as  never 
to   be    forgotten.     With    my    regret   that   ill 
health  forbids  me  the  gratification  of  an  ac- 
ceotance,  be  pleased  to  receive  for  yourself, 
and   those    for    whom    you     write,    the    as 
surance  of  my  highest   respect  and   friendly 
attachments.*— To    ROGER    C.     WEIGHTMAN. 
vii,  450.    FORD  ED.,  x,  390.    (M.,  June  24,  1826.) 

2121.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,    Signers    of. — Governor    Mc- 
Kean,  in  his  letter  to  McCorkle  of  July  i6th, 

*  This  was  the  last  letter  written  by  Jefferson.   He 
died  on  the  following  Fourth  of  July. — EDITOR. 


1817,  has  thrown  some  lights  on  the  transac 
tions  of  that  day ;  but,  trusting  to  his  memory 
chiefly,  at  an  age  when  our  memories  are  not 
to  be  trusted,  he  has  confounded  two  ques 
tions,  and  ascribed  proceedings  to  one  which 
belonged  to  the  other.  These  two  questions 
were,  ist,  the  Virginia  motion  of  June  the 
7th,  to  declare  Independence ;  and  2d,  the  act 
ual  Declaration,  its  matter  and  form.  Thus 
he  states  the  question  on  the  Declaration  it 
self  as  decided  on  the  ist  of  July;  but  it  was 
the  Virginia  motion  which  was  voted  on 
that  day  in  Committee  of  the  Whole;  South 
Carolina,  as  well  as  Pennsylvania,  then  vo 
ting  against  it.  But  the  ultimate  decision 
in  the  House,  on  the  report  of  the  Committee, 
being,  by  request,  postponed  to  the  next  morn 
ing;  all  the  States  voted  for  it  except  New 
York,  whose  vote  was  delayed  for  the  reason 
before  stated.  It  was  not  till  the  2d  of 
July,  that  the  Declaration  itself  was  taken 
up;  nor  till  the  4th,  that  it  was  decided,  and 
it  was  signed  by  every  member  present,  except 
Mr.  Dickinson. — To  SAMUEL  A.  WELLS,  i, 
120.  FORDED.,  x,  130.  (M.,  1819.) 

2122. .  The  subsequent  signa 
tures  of  members  who  were  not  then  present, 
and  some  of  them  not  yet  in  office,  is  easily 
explained,  if  we  observe  who  they  were;  to 
wit,  that  they  were  of  New  York  and  Penn 
sylvania.  New  York  did  not  sign  till  the 
I5th,  because  it  was  not  till  the  gth  (five 
days  after  the  general  signature),  that  their 
convention  authorized  them  to  do  so.  The 
Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  learning  that  it 
had  been  signed  by  a  minority  only  of  their 
delegates,  named  a  new  delegation  on  the 
2Oth,  leaving  out  Mr.  Dickinson,  who  had 
refused  to  sign,  Willing  and  Humphreys  who 
had  withdrawn,  reappointing  the  three  mem 
bers  who  had  signed,  Morris,  who  had  not 
been  present,  and  five  new  ones,  to  wit,  Rush, 
Clymer,  Smith,  Taylor  and  Ross  ;  and  Morris, 
and  the  five  new  members  were  permitted  to 
sign,  because  it  manifested  the  assent  of  their 
full  delegation  and  the  express  will  of  their 
Convention,  which  might  have  been  doubted 
on  the  former  signature  of  a  minority  only. 
Why  the  signature  of  Thornton,  of  New 
Hampshire,  was  permitted  so  late  as  the  4th 
of  November,  I  cannot  now  say ;  but  un 
doubtedly  for  some  particular  reason  which 
we  should  find  to  have  been  good,  had  it  been 
expressed.  These  were  the  only  post-signers, 
and  you  see  that  there  were  solid  reasons  for 
receiving  those  of  New  York  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  that  this  circumstance  in  no  wise 
affects  the  faith  of  this  Declaratory  Charter 
of  our  rights,  and  of  the  rights  of  man. — To 
SAMUEL  A.  WELLS,  i,  120.  FORD  ED.,  x,  130. 
(M.,  1819.) 

2123. .     I  have  received  the  new 

publication  of  the  Secret  Journals  of  Con 
gress,  wherein  is  stated  a  resolution  of  Julv 
I9th,  1776,  that  the  Declaration  passed  on  the 
4th,  be  fairly  engrossed  on  parchment,  and 
when  engrossed,  be  signed  by  every  member; 
and  another  of  August  2d,  that  being  en 
grossed  and  compared  at  the  table,  it  was 


Declaration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


246 


signed  by  the  members ;  that  is  to  say,  the 
copy  engrossed  on  parchment  (for  durabil 
ity)  was  signed  by  the  members,  after  being 
compared  at  the  table,  with  the  original  one 
signed  on  paper  as  before  stated. — MEMO 
RANDUM  BY  JEFFERSON,  i,  122.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
132.  (Aug.  1822.) 

2124. .     I  observe  your  toast  of 

Mr.  [John]  Jay  on  the  4th  of  July  [1823] 
wherein  you  say  that  the  omission  of  his 
signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  by  accident.  Our  impressions  as  to  this 
fact  being  different,  I  shall  be  glad  to  have 
mine  corrected,  if  wrong1.  Jay,  you  know, 
had  been  in  constant  opposition  to  our  labor 
ing  majority.  Our  estimate  at  the  time  was, 
that  he,  Dickinson  and  Johnson  of  Mary 
land,  by  their  ingenuity,  perseverance  and 
partiality  to  our  English  connection,  had  con 
stantly  kept  us  a  year  behind  where  we  ought 
to  have  been  in  our  preparations  and  pro 
ceedings.  From  about  the  date  of  the  Vir 
ginia  instructions  of  May  I5th,  1776,  to  de 
clare  Independence,  Mr.  Jay  absented  himself 
from  Congress,  and  never  came  there  again 
until  December,  1778.  Of  course,  he  had  no 
part  in  the  discussions  or  decision  of  that 
question.  The  instructions  to  their  Delegates 
by  the  Convention  of  New  York,  then  sitting, 
to  sign  the  Declaration,  were  presented  to 
Congress  on  the  I5th  of  July  only,  and  on 
that  day  the  journals  show  the  absence  of 
Mr.  Jay,  by  a  letter  received  from  him,  as 
they  had  done  as  early  as  the  2Qth  of  May  by 
another  letter.  And  I  think  he  had  been 
omitted  by  the  convention  on  a  new  election  of 
Delegates,  when  they  changed  their  instruc 
tions.  Of  this  last  fact,  however,  having  no 
evidence  but  an  ancient  impression,  I  shall 
not  affirm  it.  But  whether  so  or  not,  no 
agency  of  accident  appears  in  the  case.  This 
error  of  fact,  however,  whether  yours  or 
mine,  is  of  little  consequence  to  the  public. 
But  truth  being  as  cheap  as  error,  it  is  as  well 
to  rectify  it  for  our  own  satisfaction. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  308.  FORD  ED.,  x,  271. 
(M.,  1823.) 

2125. .     Of   the    signers    of    the 

Declaration  of  Independence,  I  see  now  living 
not  more  than  half  a  dozen  on  your  side  of  the 
Potomac,  and  on  this  side,  myself  alone. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  37.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  334.  (M., 
Jan.  1812.) 

2126. .     I  think  Mr.  Adams  will 

outlive  us  all,  I  mean  the  Declaration-men,  al 
though  our  senior  since  the  death  of  Colonel 
Floyd.  It  is  a  race  in  which  I  have  no  ambi 
tion  to  win. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  vii,  214. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  191.  (M.,  Aug.  1821.) 

2127.  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  Slavery  clause. — The  clause 
[in  the  draft]  reprobating  the  enslaving  the 
inhabitants  of  Africa,  was  struck  out  in  com 
plaisance  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who 
had  never  attempted  to  restrain  the  importa 
tion  of  slaves,  and  who,  on  the  contrary,  still 
wished  to  continue  it.  Our  northern  brethren 
also,  I  believe,  felt  a  little  tender  under  those 
censures,  for  though  their  people  had  very 


few  slaves  themselves,  yet  they  had  been 
pretty  considerable  carriers  of  them  to  others. 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  19.  FORD  ED.,  i,  28. 
(1821.) 

2128.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Spirit  of.— The  genuine  effu 
sion  of  the  soul  of  our  country  at  that  time.* 
— To  DR.  JAMES  MEASE,    vii,  410.    FORD  ED., 
x,  346.     (M.,  1825.)     See  FOURTH  OF  JULY. 

2129.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  The  Union  and.— This  holy 
bond  of  our  Union. — To  DR.  JAMES  MEASE. 
vii,  410.    FORD  ED.,  x,  346.     (M.,  1825.) 

2130.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Virginia  Constitution  and. 
— The  [Virginia]  Constitution,  with  the  Pre 
amble,  was  passed  on  the  2Qth  of  June  [1776], 
and  the  Committee  of  Congress  had  only  the 
day  before   that   reported   to   that  body   the 
draft    of    the    Declaration    of    Independence. 
The  fact  is,  that  that  Preamble  was  prior  in 
composition    to    the    Declaration;    and    both 
having  the  same    object,    of    justifying    our 
separation    from    Great    Britain,     they     used 
necessarily  the  same  materials  of  justification, 
and  hence  their  similitude.t — To  AUGUSTUS 
B.   WOODWARD,     vii,  406.     FORD  ED.,  x,  342. 
(M.,  1825.) 

2131.  DECLARATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,  Where  written.— The  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  was  written  in  a  house 
on  the  north  side  of  Chestnut  Street,  Philadel 
phia,  between  Third  and  Fourth,  not  a  corner 
house.      Heiskell's     tavern,     which     has     been 
pointed  out  as  the  house,  is  not  the  true  one. — 
FROM   DANIEL  WEBSTER'S   CONVERSATION   WITH 
JEFFERSON.     FORD    ED.,    x,    327.     (1824.) 

2132. .     At  the  time  of  writing 

the  Declaration,  I  lodged  in  the  house  of  a  Mr. 
Graaf,  a  new  brick  house,  three  stories  high,  of 
which  I  rented  the  second  floor,  consisting  of  a 
parlor  and  bedroom,  ready  furnished.  In  that 
parlor  I  wrote  habitually,  and  in  it  wrote  this 
paper,  particularly.  So  far  I  state  from  written 
proofs  in  my  possession.  The  proprietor,  Graaf, 
was  a  young  man,  son  of  a  German,  and  then 
newly  married.  I  think  he  was  a  bricklayer, 
and  that  his  house  was  on  the  south  side  of 
Market  street,  probably  between  Seventh  and 
Eighth  streets,  and  if  not  the  only  house  on 
that  part  of  the  street,  I  am  sure  there  were 
few  others  near  it.  I  have  some  idea  that  it 
was  a  corner  house,  but  no  other  recollections 
throwing  light  on  the  question,  or  worth  com 
munication.  $ — To  DR.  JAMES  MEASE,  vii,  410. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  346.  (M.,  1825.) 

*  Bancroft  in  volume  8,  chapter  70,  of  the  History 
of  the  United  States,  says,  "this  immortal  State 
paper  which,  for  its  composer,  was  the  aurora  of  en 
during  fame,  was 'the  genuine  effusion  of  the  soul 
of  the  country  at  that  time ',  the  revelation  of  its 
mind,  when  in  its  youth,  its  enthusiasm,  its  sublime 
confronting  of  danger,  it  rose  to  the  highest  creative 
powers  of  which  man  is  capable  ".—EDITOR. 

+  Jefferson  wrote  the  Preamble  of  the  Virginia 
Constitution.  The  phraseology  of  the  indictment  in 
it  of  George  III.  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  in  the 
Declaration.— EDITOR. 

%  Jefferson  had  been  asked  to  supply  this  informa 
tion.  In  the  letter,  from  which  the  quotation  is 
made,  he  wrote:  "It  is  not  for  me  to  estimate  the 
importance  of  the  circumstances  concerning  which 
your  letter  makes  inquiry.  They  prove,  even  in 
their  minuteness,  the  sacred  attachments  of  our  fel 
low  citizens  to  the  event  of  which  the  paper  of  July 


247 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Declaration 
Defence 


2133.  DECLABATION        OF        INDE 
PENDENCE,      The      Mecklenburg.— You 

seem  to  think  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration 
genuine.  I  believe  it  spurious.  I  deem  it  to 
be  a  very  unjustifiable  quiz,  like  that  of  the 
volcano,  so  minutely  related  to  us  as  having 
broken  out  in  North  Carolina,  some  half  a 
dozen  years  ago,  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
and  perhaps  in  that  very  county  of  Mecklenburg, 
for  I  do  not  remember  its  precise  locality.  If 
this  paper  be  really  taken  from  the  Raleigh 
Register,  as  quoted,  I  wonder  it  should  have  es 
caped  Ritchie,  who  culls  what  is  good  from 
every  paper,  as  the  bee  from  every  flower ;  and 
the  National  Intelligencer,  too,  which  is  edited 
by  a  North  Carolinian  ;  and  that  the  fire  should 
blaze  out  all  at  once  in  Essex,*  one  thousand 
miles  from  where  the  spark  is  said  to  have 
fallen.  But  if  really  taken  from  the  Raleigh 
Register,  who  is  the  narrator,  and  is  the  name 
subscribed  real,  or  is  it  as  fictitious  as  the  paper 
itself?  It  appeals,  too,  to  an  original  book, 
which  is  burned,  to  Mr.  Alexander,  who  is 
dead,  to  a  joint  letter  from  Caswell,  Hughes 
and  Hooper,  all  dead,  to  a  copy  sent  to  the  dead 
Caswell,  and  another  sent  to  Dr.  Williamson, 
now  probably  dead,  whose  memory  did  not 
recollect,  in  the  history  he  has  written  of  North 
Carolina,  this  gigantic  step  of  its  county  of 
Mecklenburg.  Horry,  too,  is  silent  in  his  his 
tory  of  Marion,  whose  scene  of  action  was  the 
county  bordering  on  Mecklenburg.  Ramsay, 
Marshall,  Jones.  Girardin,  Wirt,  historians  of 
the  adjacent  States,  all  silent.  When  Mr. 
Henry's  resolutions,  far  short  of  Independence, 
flew  like  lightning  through  every  paper,  and 
kindled  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  this  flaming 
declaration  of  the  same  date,  of  the  independ 
ence  of  Mecklenburg  county,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  absolving  it  from  the  British  allegiance, 
and  abjuring  all  political  connection  with  that 
nation,  although  sent  to  Congress  too,  is  never 
heard  of.  It  is  not  known  even  a  twelve 
month  after,  when  a  similar  proposition  is 
first  made  in  that  body.  Armed  with  this  bold 
example,  would  not  you  have  addressed  our 
timid  brethren  in  peals  of  thunder  on  their  tardy 
fears  ?  Would  not  every  advocate  of  Independ 
ence  have  rung  the  glories  of  Mecklenburg 
county  in  North  Carolina,  in  the  ears  of  the 
doubting  Dickinson  and  others,  who  hung  so 
heavily  on  us?  Yet  the  example  of  independ 
ent  Mecklenburg  county,  in  North  Carolina, 
was  never  once  quoted.  The  paper  speaks,  too, 
of  the  continued  exertions  of  their  delegation 
(Caswell,  Hooper,  Hughes)  "  in  the  cause  of 
liberty  and  independence."  Now,  you  remem 
ber  as  well  as  I  do,  that  we  had  not  a  greater 
tory  in  Congress  than  Hooper ;  that  Hughes  was 
very  wavering,  sometimes  firm,  sometimes  fee 
ble,  according  as  the  day  was  clear  or  cloudy ; 
that  Caswell,  indeed,  was  a  good  whig,  and  kept 
these  gentlemen  to  the  notch,  while  he  was  pres 
ent  ;  but  that  he  left  us  soon,  and  their  line  of 
conduct  became  then  uncertain  until  Penn  came, 
who  fixed  Hughes  and  the  vote  of  the  State.  I 
must  not  be  understood  as  suggesting  any  doubt 
fulness  in  the  State  of  North  Carolina.  No 
State  was  more  fixed  or  forward.  Nor  do  I 
affirm,  positively,  that  this  paper  is  a  fabrica 
tion  ;  because  the  proof  of  a  negative  can  only 

4th,  1776,  was  but  the  declaration,  the  genuine  effu 
sion  of  the  soul  of  our  country  at  that  time.  Small 
things  may,  perhaps,  like  the  relics  of  saints,  help  to 
nourish  our  devotion  to  this  holy  bond  of  our  Union, 
and  keep  it  longer  alive  and  warm  in  our  affections. 
This  effect  may  give  importance  to  circumstances, 
however  small."  EDITOR. 

*  Adams  had  sent  Jefferson  a  paper  clipping  about 
it  from  the  Essex  (Mass.)  Register.— EDITOR. 


be  presumptive.  But  I  shall  believe  it  such 
until  positive  and  solemn  proof  of  its  authen 
ticity  be  produced.  And  if  the  name  of  Mc- 
Knitt  be  real,  and  not  a  part  of  the  fabrication, 
it  needs  a  vindication  by  the  production  of  such 
proof.  For  the  present,  I  must  be  an  unbe 
liever  in  the  apocryphal  gospel. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  128.  FORD  ED.,  x,  136.  (M.,  July 
1819.) 

2134.  DEFENCE,  Coast.— A  steady,  per 
haps,  a  quickened  pace  in  preparations  for  the 
defence  of  our  seaport  towns  and  waters ;  an 
early  settlement  of  the  most  exposed  and  vul 
nerable  parts  of  our  country ;  a  militia  so  or 
ganized  that  its  effective  portions  can  be  called 
to  any  point  in  the  Union,  or  volunteers  in 
stead  of  them  to  serve  a  sufficient  time,  are 
means  which  may  always  be  ready  yet  never 
preying  on  our  resources  until  actually  called 
into  use.  They  will  maintain  the  public  inter 
ests  while  a  more  permanent  force  shall  be  in 
course  of  preparation. — SIXTH  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  69.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  495.  (Dec. 
1806.)  See  MILITIA. 

2135. .  For  the  purposes  of  de 
fence,  it  has  been  concluded  to  combine — ist, 
land  batteries,  furnished  with  heavy  cannon 
and  mortars,  and  established  on  all  the  points 
around  the  place  favorable  for  preventing  ves 
sels  from  lying  before  it;  2d,  movable  ar 
tillery  which  may  be  carried  *  *  *  to 
points  unprovided  with  fixed  batteries;  3d, 
floating  batteries ;  and  4th,  gunboats,  which 
may  oppose  an  enemy  at  its  entrance  and  co 
operate  with  the  batteries  for  his  expulsion. — 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  79.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  23. 
(Feb.  1807.) 

-  DEFENCE,  Gunboats  and.— See  GUN 
BOATS. 

2136.  DEFENCE,    National.— To     draw 
around  the  whole  nation  the  strength  of  the 
General  Government,  as  a  barrier  against  for 
eign  foes    *    *    *    is  [one  of  the]  functions 
of   the   General    Government   on    which   you 
have  a  right  to  call. — REPLY  TO  VERMONT  AD 
DRESS,    iv,  418.     (W.,  1801.) 

2137.  DEFENCE,  Naval.— I  am  for  such 
a  naval  force  only    *     *    *    as  may  protect 
our  coasts  and  harbors    *     *    *     . — To  EL- 
BRIDGE   GERRY,     iv,   268.     FORD  ED.,   vii,   328. 
(Pa.,  1799.)     See  NAVY. 

2138.  DEFENCE,    Personal.— One   loves 
to  possess  arms,  though  they  hope  never  to 
have     occasion     for    them. — To     PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,     iv,    143.      FORD   ED.,    vii,   84. 
(M.,  1796.) 

2139.  DEFENCE,     Preparations    for.— 
The  moment  our  peace  was  threatened    [by 
the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake],  I  deemed  it  in 
dispensable  to  secure  a  greater  provision  of 
those  articles  of  military  stores  with  which 
our  magazines  were  not  sufficiently  furnished. 
To  have  awaited  a  previous  and  special  sanc 
tion  by  law  would  have  lost  occasions  which 
might  not  be  retrieved.     I  did  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  to  authorize  engagements  for  such 
supplements  to  our  existing  stock  as  would 
render  it  adequate  to  the  emergencies  threat- 


Defence 
-Ueity 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


248 


ening  us;  and  I  trust  that  the  Legislature, 
feeling  the  same  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  our 
country,  so  materially  advanced  by  this  pro 
tection,  will  approve,  when  done,  what  they 
would  have  seen  so  important  to  be  done,  if 
then  assembled. — SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  87.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  161.  (Oct.  1807.)  See 
LAW,  TRANSCENDING. 

2140.  DEFENCE,  Readiness  for.— While 
we   are   endeavoring    *     *     *     to   obtain   by 
friendly  negotiation  a  peaceable  redress  of  the 
injury    [suspension   of   deposit   at    New    Or 
leans],    and    effectual    provision    against    its 
repetition,   let  us  array  the  strength  of  the 
nation,  and  be  ready  to  do  with  promptitude 
and  effect  whatever  a  regard  to  justice  and 

our  future  security  may  require. — To .     iv, 

469.     (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

2141.  -  — .     Although    our    prospect 
is    peace,    our    policy    and    purpose    are    to 
provide   for   defence   by   all   those   means   to 
which     our     resources     are     competent. — To 
JAMES  BOWDOIN.    v,  19.     (W.,  1806.) 

2142.  DEFENCE,  The  States  and.— For 
the  ordinary  safety  of  the  citizens  of  the  sev 
eral    States,    whether   against    dangers    from 
within  or  without,  reliance  has  been  placed 
either  on  the  domestic  means  of  the  individ 
uals,  or  on  those  provided  by  the  respective 
States.— To  JACOB  J.  BROWN,    v,  240.     (W., 
1808.)     See  FORTIFICATIONS. 

-  DEFENCE,    Torpedoes. — See    TORPE 
DOES. 

2143.  DEITY,    Assistance    Implored.— 
We  commit  our  injuries  to  the  even-handed 
justice  of  that  Being,  Who  doth  no  wrong, 
earnestly  beseeching  Him   to   illuminate   the 
councils,  and  prosper  the  endeavors  of  those 
to  whom  America  hath  confided  her  hopes, 
that    through    their    wise    direction    we    may 
again   see   reunited  the   blessings   of  liberty, 
property,  and  harmony  with  Great  Britain. — 
ADDRESS   VIRGINIA   HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  TO 
LORD  DUNMORE.  FORD  ED.,  i,  459.  (June  1775.) 

2144.  -  — .    We  devoutly  implore  as 
sistance  of  Almighty  God  to  conduct  us  hap 
pily  through  this  great  conflict. — DECLARATION 
ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.     FORD  ED.,  i,  476.    (July 
I775-) 

2145.  DEITY,   Beneficence  of.— It  hath 
pleased  the  Sovereign  Disposer  of  all  human 
events  to  give  to  this  [Revolution]  appeal  an 
issue  favorable  to  the  rights  of  the  States. — 
PROPOSED   CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA,    viii, 
441.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  321.     (1783.) 

2146.  DEITY,    Deliverer    of    the    Dis 
tressed. — When   the   measure  of  their    [the 
Slaves]  tears  shall  be  full,  when  their  groans 
shall  have  involved  heaven  itself  in  darkness, 
doubtless,   a   God  of  justice  will  awaken  to 
their  distress,  and  by  diffusing  light  and  liber 
ality  among  their  oppressors,  or,  at  length,  by 
His  exterminating  thunder,  manifest  His  at 
tention  to  the  things  of  this  world,  and  that 
they  are  not  left  to  the  guidance  of  a  blind 
fatality. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.     ix,  279.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  185.     (P.,  1786.) 


2147.  DEITY,  Existence  of.— I  think  that 
every  Christian  sect  gives  a  great  handle  to 
atheism  by  their  general  dogma,  that,  with 
out  a  revelation,  there  would  not  be  sufficient 
proof  of  the  being  of  a  God.  Now,  one-sixth 
of  mankind  only  are  supposed  to  be  Chris 
tians;  the  other  five-sixths,  then,  who  do  not 
believe  in  the  Jewish  and  Christian  revelation, 
are  without  a  knowledge  of  the  existence  of 
a  God !  This  gives  completely  a  gain  de 
cause  to  the  disciples  of  Ocellus,  Timceus, 
Spinosa,  Diderot  and  D'Holbach.  The  argu 
ment  which  they  rest  on  as  triumphant  and 
unanswerable  is,  that  in  every  hypothesis  of 
cosmogony,  you  must  admit  an  eternal  pre- 
existence  of  something;  and  according  to  the 
rule  of  sound  philosophy,  you  are  never  to 
employ  two  principles  to  solve  a  difficulty 
when  one  will  suffice.  They  say,  then,  that  it 
is  more  simple  to  believe  at  once  in  the  eternal 
pre-existence  of  the  world,  as  it  is  now  going 
on,  and  may  forever  go  on  by  the  principle  of 
reproduction  which  we  see  and  witness,  than 
to  believe  in  the  eternal  pre-existence  of  an 
ulterior  cause,  or  Creator  of  the  world,  a 
Being  whom  we  see  not  and  know  not,  of 
whose  form,  substance,  and  mode,  or  place  of 
existence,  or  of  action,  no  sense  informs  us, 
no  power  of  the  mind  enables  us  to  delineate 
or  comprehend.  On  the  contrary,  I  hold 
(without  appeal  to  revelation)  that  when  we 
take  a  view  of  the  universe,  in  all  its  parts, 
general  or  particular,  it  is  impossible  for  the 
human  mind  not  to  perceive  and  feel  a  con 
viction  of  design,  consummate  skill,  and  in 
definite  power  in  every  atom  of  its  compo 
sition.  The  movements  of  the  heavenly 
bodies,  so  exactly  held  in  their  course  by 
the  balance  of  centrifugal  and  centripetal 
forces;  the  structure  of  our  earth  itself,  with 
its  distribution  of  lands,  waters  and  atmos 
phere  ;  animal  and  vegetable  bodies,  examined 
in  all  their  minutest  particles;  insects,  mere 
atoms  of  life,  yet  as  perfectly  organized  as 
man  or  mammoth;  the  mineral  substances, 
their  generation  and  uses;  it  is  impossible,  I 
say,  for  the  human  mind  not  to  believe, 
that  there  is  in  all  this,  design,  cause,  and 
effect,  up  to  an  ultimate  cause,  a  fabricator  of 
all  things  from  matter  and  motion,  their  pre 
server  and  regulator  while  permitted  to  exist 
in  their  present  forms,  and  their  regeneration 
into  new  and  other  forms.  We  see,  too,  evi 
dent  proofs  of  the  necessity  of  a  superintend 
ing  power,  to  maintain  the  universe  in  its 
course  and  order.  Stars,  well  known,  have 
disappeared,  new  ones  have  come  into  view ; 
comets  in  their  incalculable  courses,  may  run 
foul  of  suns  and  planets,  and  require  renova 
tion  under  other  laws;  certain  races  of 
animals  are  become  extinct;  and  were  there 
no  restoring  power,  all  existences  might  ex 
tinguish  successively,  one  by  one,  until  all 
should  be  reduced  to  a  shapeless  chaos.  So 
irresistible  are  these  evidences  of  an  intelli 
gent  and  powerful  agent,  that,  of  the  infinite 
numbers  of  men  who  have  existed  through 
all  time,  they  have  believed,  in  the  propor 
tion  of  a  million  at  least  to  a  unit,  in  the  hy 
pothesis  of  an  eternal  pre-existence  of  a 


249 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Deity 


Creator,  rather  than  in  that  of  a  self-existent 
universe.  Surely  this  unanimous  sentiment 
renders  this  more  probable,  than  that  of  the 
few  in  the  other  hypothesis.  Some  early 
Christians,  indeed,  have  believed  in  the  co- 
eternal  pre-existence  of  both  the  Creator  and 
the  world,  without  changing  their  relation  of 
cause  and  effect.  That  this  was  the  opinion 
of  St.  Thomas,  we  are  informed  by  Cardinal 
Toleta. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  281.  (M., 
1823.) 

2148.  DEITY,     Favor     Invoked.— May 
that  Infinite  Power  which  rules  the  destinies 
of  the  universe,  lead  our  councils  to  what  is 
best,  and  give  them  a  favorable  issue  for  your 
peace  and  prosperity. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,     viii,  5.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  6.     (1801.) 

2149.  DEITY,   Goodness  of.— When   we 
assemble   together   to   consider   the   state   of 
our  beloved  country,  our  just  attentions  are 
first  drawn  to  those  pleasing  circumstances 
which  mark  the  goodness  of  that  Being  from 
whose  favor  they  flow,  and  the  large  measure 
of  thankfulness   we   owe   for  His   bounty. — 
SECOND   ANNUAL   MESSAGE,    viii,    15.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  181.     (Dec.  1802.) 

2150.  DEITY,  Gratitude  to  the.— While 
we  devoutly  return  thanks  to  the  Beneficent 
Being  who  has  been  pleased  to  breath  into  our 
sister  nations  the  spirit  of  conciliation  and 
forgiveness,  we  are  bound  with  peculiar  grati 
tude  to  be  thankful  to  Him  that  our  own  peace 
has  been  preserved. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  6.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   109.     (Dec.   1801.) 

2151.  DEITY,  Inalienable  Bights  and. 
— All  men  are     *     *     *     endowed  by  their 
Creator    with    inalienable    rights. — DECLARA 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 

2152.  DEITY,    Liberty    and    the.— We 

*  *  *  most  solemnly,  before  God  and  the 
world  declare  that,  *  *  *  the  arms  we 
have  been  compelled  to  assume  we  will  use 
with  perseverance,  exerting  to  their  utmost 
energies  all  those  powers  which  our  Creator 
hath  given  us,  to  preserve  that  liberty  which 
He  committed  to  us  in  sacred  deposit  *  *  *  . — 
DECLARATION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  476.  (July  1775.) 

2153.  DEITY,    National   Equality   and 
the. — When     *     *     *     it  becomes  necessary 
for  one   people    *     *    *    to   assume   among 
the  powers  of  the  earth  the      *    *     *    equal 
station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
nature's  God  entitle  them    *    *    *    .—DEC 
LARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEF 
FERSON. 

2154.  DEITY,  An  Overruling.— We  are 

not  in  a  world  ungoverned  by  the  laws  and 
the  power  of  a  Superior  Agent.  Our  efforts 
are  in  His  hand,  and  directed  by  it;  and  He 
will  give  them  their  effect  in  His  own  time.* — 
To  DAVID  BARROW,  vi,  456.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  516. 
(M.,  1815.) 

•"Jefferson  was  writing  on  the   subject  of  negro 
emancipation. — EDITOR. 


2155.  DEITY,  Prayers  to.— I  offer  my 
sincere  prayers  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the 
Universe,  that  He  may  long  preserve  our 
country  in  freedom  and  prosperity. — To  BEN 
JAMIN  WARING,  iv,  379.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2156. .  I  j0in  in  addressing  Him 

whose  Kingdom  ruleth  over  all,  to  direct  the 
administration  of  their  affairs  to  their  own 
greatest  good.— REPLY  TO  VERMONT  ADDRESS. 
iv,  419.  (W.,  1801.) 

2157.  -          __.     That  the  Supreme  Ruler 
of  the  universe  may  have  our  country  under 
His  special  care,  will  be  among  the  latest  of 
my  prayers.— R.  TO  A.  VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY. 
viii,  149.     (1809.) 

2158.  DEITY,   Protection   of.— We  join 
you  [Washington]  in  commending  the  inter 
ests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protection 
of  Almighty  God,  beseeching  Him  to  dispose 
the  hearts  and  minds  of  its  citizens  to  improve 
the  opportunity  afforded  them  of  becoming  a 
happy  and  respectable  nation.     And  for  you 
we  address  to  Him  our  earnest  prayers,  that 
a  life  so  beloved  may  be  fostered  with  all  His 
care;  that  your  days  may  be  happy  as  they 
have  been  illustrious ;  and  that  He  will  finally 
give  you  that  reward  which  this  world  cannot 
give.*— ADDRESS    OF    CONGRESS    TO    GENERAL 
WASHINGTON.     RAYNER'S  LIFE  OF  JEFFERSON 
226. 

2159. .     I  reciprocate  your  kind 

prayers  for  the  protection  and  blessing  of 
the  Common  Father  and  Creator  of  man. — R. 
TO  A.  DANBURY  BAPTISTS,  viii,  114.  (1802.) 

2160.  DEITY,     Submission    to.— What 
ever  is  to  be  our  destiny,  wisdom  as  well  as 
duty,    dictates   that   we   should   acquiesce   in 
the  will  of  Him  whose  it  is  to  give  and  take 
away,  and  be  contented  in  the  enjoyment  of 
those  who  are  still  permitted  to  be  with  us. — 
To  JOHN  PAGE,    iv,  547.     (1804.) 

2161.  DEITY,  Supplications  to.— I  shall 
need  the  favor  of  that  Being  in  whose  hands 
we  are,  Who  led  our  forefathers,  as  Israel  of 
old,  from  their  native  land,  and  planted  them 
in  a  country  flowing  with  all  the  necessaries 
and  comforts  of  life;  Who  has  covered  our 
infancy  $with  His  providence,  and  our  riper 
years  with  His  wisdom  and  power;  and  to 
whose  goodness  I  ask  you  to  join  with  me 
in    supplications,   that   He   will   so   enlighten 
the  minds  of  your  servants,  guide  their  coun 
cils,  and  prosper  their  measures,  that  whatso 
ever  they  do  shall  result  in  your  good,  and 
shall  secure  to  you  the  peace,  friendship,  and 
approbation  of  all  nations. — SECOND   INAUG 
URAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  45.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  347. 
(1805.) 

2162.  — - .    I  return  your  kind  prayers 

with    supplications    to    the    same    Almighty 
Being   for  your   future   welfare   and   that   of 
our  beloved  country. — R.  TO  A.  OF  BALTIMORE 
BAPTISTS,     viii,    138.     (1808.) 

*  The  quotation  is  from  the  Reply  of  Congress  to 
General  Washington  on  surrendering  his  commis 
sion  Dec.,  1^83.  The  paper  was  written  by  Jefferson, 
but  is  not  in  either  of  the  two  principal  editions  of 
his  writings.— EDITOR. 


Deity 
Deluge 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


250 


2163. .     I  supplicate  the  Being  in 

whose  hands  we  all  are,  to  preserve  our 
country  in  freedom  and  independence,  and  to 
bestow  on  yourselves  the  blessings  of  His 
favor. — R.  TO  A.  NORTH  CAROLINA  LEGISLA 
TURE,  viii,  126.  (1808.) 

2164. .     I  join  in  supplications  to 

that  Almighty  Being,  Who  has  heretofore 
guarded  our  councils,  still  to  continue  His 
gracious  benedictions  towards  our  country. — 
R.  TO  A.  NEW  LONDON  REPUBLICANS,  viii, 
152.  (1809.) 

2165.  DELAWARE,    Anglomany    in.— 
Delaware  is  on  a  poise,  as  she  has  been  since 
1775,   and  will  be  till  Anglomany  with  her 
yields  to  Americanism. — To   C.   F.   VOLNEY. 
iv,  573-     (W.,  1805.) 

2166.  DELAWARE,  An  English  Coun 
ty. — Delaware  will  probably  remain  what  it 
ever  has  been,   a  mere  county  of  England, 
conquered  indeed,  and  held  under  by  force, 
but   always    disposed    to    counter-revolution. 
I   speak  of  its  majority  only.     To  MR.  BID- 
WELL,     v,  14.     (W.,  1806.) 

2167.  DELAY,    Danger   in.— An  instant 
of  delay  in  executive  proceedings  may  be  fatal 
to  the  whole  nation. — To  JAMES  BARBOUR.     vi, 
40.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  337.     (M.,  1812.) 

2168.  DELUGE,     Arguments     against 
the. — Near   the   eastern   foot   of  the   North- 
Mountain  [of  Virginia]  are  immense  bodies  of 
Schist,    containing    impressions    of   shells    in    a 
variety    of    forms.      I    have    received    petrified 
shells    of    very    different    kinds    from    the    first 
sources  of  Kentucky,  which  bear  no  resemblance 
to  any  I  have  ever  seen  on  the  tide-waters.     It 
is  said  that  shells  are  found  in  the  Andes,  in 
South  America,  fifteen  thousand  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  ocean.    This  is  considered  by  many, 
both  of  the  learned  and  unlearned,  as  a  proof 
of  an  universal  deluge.    To  the  many  considera 
tions  opposing  this  opinion,  the  following  may 
be  added :  The  atmosphere,  and  all  its  contents, 
whether  of  water,   air,   or  other  matter,  gravi 
tate   to   the    earth ;    that   is   to    say,    they   have 
weight.     Experience  tells  us,  that  the  weight  of 
all  these  together  never  exceeds  that  of  a  col 
umn  of  mercury  of  31   inches  height,  which  is 
equal  to  one  of  rain  water  of  35  feet  high.     If 
the    whole    contents    of    the    atmosphere,    then. 
were  water,  instead  of  what  they  are,  it  would 
cover  the  globe  but  35  feet  deep  ;  but  as  these 
waters,   as  they  fell,  would  run   into  the   seas, 
the  superficial  measure  of  which  is  to  that  of  the 
dry  parts  of  the  globe,  as  two  to  one,  the  seas 
would  be  raised  only  52^  feet  above  their  pres 
ent    level,    and    of    course   would    overflow   the 
lands  to  that  height  only.      In  Virginia  this  would 
be  a  very  small  proportion  even  of  the  cham 
paign    country,    the    banks    of    our    tide    waters 
being  frequently,  if  not  generally,  of  a  greater 
height.      Deluges   beyond   this   extent,   then,    as 
for  instance  to  the  North  mountain  or  to  Ken 
tucky,    seem   out   of   the   laws   of   nature.      But 
within  it  they  may  have  taken   place  to  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  in  proportion  to  the  combination 
of  natural  causes  which  may  be  supposed  to  have 
produced  them. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  275. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  116.     (1782.) 

2169.  DELUGE,   Cases   of  a  Partial.— 

History  renders  probably  some  instances  of  a 
partial  deluge  in  the  country  lying  around  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  It  has  been  often  supposed, 


(2  Buffon  Epoques,  96)  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  that  sea  was  once  a  lake.  While  such,  let 
us  admit  an  extraordinary  collection  of  the 
waters  of  the  atmosphere  from  the  other  parts 
of  the  globe  to  have  been  discharged  over  that 
and  the  countries  whose  waters  run  into  it. 
Or  without  supposing  it  a  lake,  admit  such  an 
extraordinary  collection  of  the  waters  of  the 
atmosphere,  and  an  influx  from  the  Atlantic 
ocean,  forced  by  long-continued  Western  winds. 
That  lake,  or  that  sea,  may  thus  have  been  so 
raised  as  to  overflow  the  low  lands  adjacent  to 
it,  as  those  of  Egypt  and  Armenia,  which,  ac 
cording  to  a  tradition  of  the  Egyptians  and  He 
brews,  were  overflowed  about  2300  years  before 
the  Christian  era ;  those  of  Attica,  said  to  have 
been  overflowed  in  the  time  of  Ogyges,  about 
500  years  later;  and  those  of  Thessaly,  in  the 
time  of  Deucalion,  still  300  years  posterior. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  vii,  275.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 

117.  (1782.) 

2170.  DELUGE,   Mountain   Shells   and 
the. — But  such  deluges  as  those  will  not  ac 
count  for  the  shells  found  in  the  higher  lands. 
A.  second  opinion  has  been  entertained ;  which 
is  that,  in  times  anterior  to  the  records  either 
of  history  or  tradition,  the  bed  of  the  ocean, 
the  principal  residence  of  the  shelled  tribe,  has, 
by  some  great  convulsion  of  nature,  been  heaved 
to  the  heights  at  which  we  now  find  shells  and 
other  remains  of  marine  animals.     The  favorers 
of  this   opinion   do   well   to   suppose   the   great 
events  on  which  it  rests  to  have  taken  place  be 
yond  all  the  eras  of  history ;  for  within  these, 
certainly,  none  such  are  to  be  found ;    and  we 
may  venture  to   say   farther,   that  no   fact   has 
taken  place,  either  in  our  own  days,  or  in  the 
thousands  of  years  recorded  in  history,  which 
proves    the    existence    of    any    natural    agents, 
within  or  without  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  of 
force  sufficient  to  heave,  to  the  height  of  15,000 
feet,  such  masses  as  the  Andes.     The  difference 
between  the  power  necessary  to  produce  such  an 
effect,  and  that  which  shuffled  together  the  dif 
ferent  parts  of  Calabria  in  our  days,  is  so  im 
mense,  that,  from  the  existence  of  the  latter  we 
are  not  authorized  to  infer  that  of  the  former. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  276.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 

118.  (1782.) 

2171.  DELUGE,  Voltaire's  Shell  theory 
and. — M.  de  Voltaire  has  suggested  a  third 
solution   of  this   difficulty    (Quest   Encycl.    Co- 
quilles).      He    cites    an    instance    in    Touraine, 
where,   in   the   space   of   80   years   a  particular 
spot   of   earth   had   been   twice   metamorphosed 
into  soft  stone,  which  had  become  hard  when 
employed  in  building.     In  this  stone,  shells  of 
various    kinds   were   produced,    discoverable    at 
first  only  with  the  microscope,  but  afterwards 
growing  with  the  stone.     From  this  fact,  I  sup 
pose,  he  would  have  us  infer  that,  besides  the 
usual  process  for  generating  shells  by  the  elab 
oration  of  earth  and  water  in   animal  vessels., 
nature  may  have  provided  an  equivalent  opera 
tion,  by  passing  the  same  materials  through  the 
pores   of  calcareous  earths  and   stones ;    as  we 
see  calcareous  drop-stones  generating  every  day 
by  percolation  of  water  through  limestone  and 
new  marble  forming  in  the  quarries  from  which 
the   old   has  been   taken   out ;   and   it   might  be 
asked,  whether  it  is  more  difficult  for  nature  to 
shoot  the  calcareous  juice  into  the  form  of  a 
shell,  than  other  juices  into  the  form  of  crys 
tals,  plants,  animals,  according  to  the  construc 
tion   of  the  vessels  through   which   they  pass? 
There  is  a  wonder  somewhere.    Is  it  greatest  on 
this  branch  of  the  dilemma ;  on  that  which  sup 
poses   the   existence   of   a  power   of   which   we 
have  no  evidence  in  any  other  case;  or  on  the 


251 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Delusion 
Democratic  Societies 


first,  which  requires  us  to  believe  the  creation 
of  a  body  of  water,  and  its  subsequent  annihila 
tion?  The  establishment  of  the  instance,  cited 
by  M.  de  Voltaire,  of  the  growth  of  shells  un 
attached  to  animal  bodies,  would  have  been  that 
of  his  theory.  But  he  has  not  established  it. 
He  has  not  even  left  it  on  ground  so  respectable 
as  to  have  rendered  it  an  object  of  inquiry  to 
the  literati  of  his  own  country.  Abandoning 
this  fact,  therefore,  the  three  hypotheses  are 
equally  unsatisfactory ;  and  we  must  be  con 
tented  to  acknowledge  that  this  great  phenom 
enon  is  as  yet  unsolved.  Ignorance  is  preferable 
to  error ;  and  he  is  less  remote  from  truth  who 
believes  nothing,  than  he  who  believes  what  is 
wrong. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  276.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  118.  (1782.) 

2172.  DELUSION,  A   policy   of.— War 
ring  against  the  principles  of  the  great  body 
of  the  American  people,  the  delusion  of  the 
people   is   necessary   to   the   dominant   party. 
I  see  the  extent  to  which  that  delusion  has 
been  already  carried,  and  I  see  there  is  no 
length  to  which  it  may  not  be  pushed  by  a 
party  in  possession  of  the  revenues  and  the 
legal  authorities  of  the  United  States,  for  a 
short  time,   indeed,   but  yet  long  enough  to 
admit  much  particular  mischief.     There  is  no 
event,    therefore,    however    atrocious,    which 
may  not  be  expected. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH,    iv, 
254.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  277.     (M.,  1798.)     See  X. 
Y.  Z.  PLOT. 

2173.  DELUSION",     Recovery     from.— 

Our  fellow  citizens  have  been  led  hood-winked 
from  their  principles,  by  a  most  extraordinary 
combination  of  circumstances.  But  the  band 
is  removed,  and  they  now  see  for  themselves. 
— To  JOHN  DICKINSON,  iv,  366.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  7.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2174. .     The  late  chapter  of  our 

history  *  *  *  furnishes  a  new  proof  of 
the  falsehood  of  Montesquieu's  doctrine  that 
a  republic  can  be  preserved  only  in  a  small 
territory.  The  reverse  is  the  truth.  Had  our 
territory  been  a  third  only  of  what  it  is,  we 
were  gone.  But  while  frenzy  and  delusion 
like  an  epidemic,  gained  certain  parts,  the 
residue  remained  sound  and  untouched,  and 
held  on  till  their  brethren  could  recover  from 
the  temporary  delusion. — To  NATHANIEL 
NILES.  iv,  376.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  24.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

2175. .  The  return  of  our  citi 
zens  from  the  frenzy  into  which  they  had  been 
wrought,  partly  by  ill  conduct  in  France, 
partly  by  artifices  practiced  on  them,  is  almost 
entire,  and  will,  I  believe,  become  quite  so. — 
To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iv,  370.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
18.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

—  DEMOCRACY.— See  PARTIES,  PEOPLE, 
REPRESENTATION,  REPUBLICANS  and  SELF- 
GOVERNMENT. 

2176.  DEMOCRATIC  SOCIETIES,  Fed 
eralist  condemnation  of. — The  denuncia 
tion  of  the  Democratic  Societies  is  one  of  the 
extraordinary  acts  of  boldness  of  which  we 
have  seen  so  many  from  the  faction  of  mono- 
crats.  It  is  wonderful,  indeed,  that  the  Presi 
dent  [Washington]  should  have  permitted 
himself  to  be  the  organ  of  such  an  attack  on 


the  freedom  of  discussion,  the  freedom  of 
writing,  printing  and  publishing.  It  must 
be  a  matter  of  rare  curiosity  to  get  at  the 
modifications  of  these  rights  proposed  by 
them,  and  to  see  what  line  their  ingenuity 
would  draw  between  democratical  societies, 
whose  avowed  object  is  the  nourishment  of 
the  republican  principles  of  our  Constitution, 
and  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  a  self- 
created  one,  carving  out  for  itself  hereditary 
distinctions,  lowering  over  our  Constitution 
eternally,  meeting  together  in  all  parts  of  the 
Union,  periodically,  with  closed  doors,  ac 
cumulating  a  capital  in  their  separate  treas 
ury,  corresponding  secretly  and  regularly,  and 
of  which  society  the  very  persons  denoun 
cing  the  democrats  are  themselves  the  fathers, 
founders  and  high  officers.  Their  sight  must 
be  perfectly  dazzled  by  the  glittering  of 
crowns  and  coronets,  not  to  see  the  extrava 
gance  of  the  proposition  to  suppress  the 
friends  of  general  freedom,  while  those  who 
wish  to  confine  that  freedom  to  the  few  are 
permitted  to  go  on  in  their  principles  and  prac 
tices.  I  here  put  out  of  sight  the  persons  whose 
misbehavior  has  been  taken  advantage  of  to 
slander  the  friends  of  popular  rights;  and  I 
am  happy  to  observe  that  as  far  as  the  circle 
of  my  observation  and  information  extends, 
everybody  has  lost  sight  of  them,  and  views 
the  abstract  attempt  on  their  natural  and  con 
stitutional  rights  in  all  its  nakedness.  I  have 
never  heard,  or  heard  of,  a  single  expression 
or  opinion  which  did  not  condemn  it  as  an 
inexcusable  aggression. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  in.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  516.  (M.,  Dec.  1794.) 

2177.  DEMOCRATIC  SOCIETIES,  Free 
dom   of   Speech   and. — The   attempt   which 
has  been  made  to  restrain  the  liberty  of  our 
citizens  meeting  together,  interchanging  sen 
timents  on  what  subjects  they  please,  and  sta 
ting  their  sentiments  in  the  public  papers,  has 
come  upon  us  a  full  century  earlier  than  I 
expected.     To  demand  the  censors  of  public 
measures  to  be  given  up  for  punishment,  is 
to  renew  the  demand  of  the  wolves  in  the 
fable  that  the  sheep  should  give  up  their  dogs 
as    hostages  of    the    peace    and    confidence 
established     between     them.— To     WILLIAM 
BRANCH  GILES.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  515.     (M.,  Dec. 
I794-) 

2178.  DEMOCRATIC  SOCIETIES,  Ham 
ilton's    Hostility    to.— The    servile    copyist 
of  Mr.   Pitt  thought  he,  too,  must  have  his 
alarms,   his   insurrections,   and  plots   against 
the  Constitution.     Hence  the  incredible  fact 
that  the  freedom  of  association,  of  conversa 
tion,  and  of  the  press,  should  in  the  fifth  year 
of  our  government,  have  been  attacked  under 
the  form  of  a  denunciation  of  the  Democratic 
Societies,  a  measure  which  even  England,  as 
boldly  as  she  is  advancing  to  the  establish 
ment  of  an  absolute  monarchy,  has  not  yet 
been    bold    enough    to    attempt. — To    JAMES 
MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  16.     (M.,  May  1795-) 

2179.  DEMOCRATIC  SOCIETIES,  Pro 
posed  bill  against. — We  are  in  suspense  in 
Virginia  to   see  the   fate  and  effect  of  Mr. 
Pitt's    bill    against    democratic    societies.      I 


Democrats 
Importation  Act 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


252 


wish  extremely  to  get  at  the  true  history  of 
this  effort  to  suppress  freedom  of  meeting, 
speaking,  writing  and  printing.  *  * 
Pray  get  the  outlines  of  the  bill  Sedgwick 
intended  to  have  brought  in  for  this  purpose. 
This  will  enable  us  to  judge  whether  we  have 
the  merit  of  the  invention;  whether  we  were 
really  beforehand  with  the  British  minister  on 
this  subject,  whether  he  took  his  hint  from 
our  proposition,  or  whether  the  concurrence 
in  the  sentiment  is  merely  the  result  of  the 
general  truth  that  great  men  will  think  alike 
and  act  alike,  though  without  intercommuni 
cation.— To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  iv,  132. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  65.  (M.,  March  1796.) 

2180.  DEMOCRATS,    Americans    as.— 

We  of  the  United  States  are  constitutionally 
and  conscientiously  Democrats. — To  DUPONT 
DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  589.  FORD  EDV  x,  22.  (P. 
R,  1816.) 

2181.  DEMOCRATS      AND      ARISTO 
CRATS. — The  appellation  of  aristocrats  and 
democrats  is  the  true  one  expressing  the  es 
sence  of  all   [political  parties]. — To  H.  LEE. 
vii,  376.     FORD  ED.,  x,  318.     (M.?  1824.) 

2182.  DEMOCRATS,  The  People  and.— 

Democrats  consider  the  people  as  the  safest 
depository  of  power  in  the  last  resort;  they 
cherish  them,  therefore,  and  wish  to  leave 
in  them  all  the  powers  to  the  exercise  of 
which  they  are  competent.— To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  vii,  391.  FORD  ED.,  x,  335.  (M., 
1825.) 

2183.  DENMARK,    Commerce    with.— 

The  Baron  de  Blome,  minister  plenipotentiary 
at  this  court  (France)  from  Denmark,  informed 
me  in  February  that  he  was  instructed  by  his 
court  to  give  notice  to  the  ministers  from  the 
United  States,  appointed  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
of  commerce  with  them,  that  the  Baron  de 
Waltersdorff,  formerly  commissioned  by  them 
for  the  same  purpose,  had  received  another  des 
tination  which  called  him  to  the  West  Indies ; 
that  they  were  sensible  of  the  advantages  which 
would  arise  to  the  two  countries  from  a  com 
mercial  intercourse  ;  that  their  ports  accordingly 
were  placed  on  a  very  free  footing  as  they  sup 
posed  ours  to  be  also  ;  that  they  supposed  the  com 
merce  on  each  port  might  be  well  conducted  under 
the  actual  arrangements,  but  that  whenever  any 
circumstances  should  arise  which  would  render 
particular  stipulations  more  eligible,  they  would 
be  ready  to  concur  with  the  United  States  in 
establishing  them,  being  desirous  of  continu 
ing  on  the  terms  of  the  strictest  harmony  and 
friendship  with  them. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  571. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2184.  DENMARK,        Prize        Claims 

against. — Dr.  Franklin,  during  his  residence 
at  this  court  [Versailles]  was  instructed  by 
Congress  to  apply  to  the  court  of  Denmark  for  a 
compensation  for  certain  vessels  and  cargoes, 
taken  from  the  English  during  the  late  war, 
by  the  American  squadron  under  the  com 
mand  of  Commodore  Paul  Jones,  carried  into 
a  port  of  Denmark,  and  by  order  of  the  court 
of  Denmark,  redelivered  to  the  English.  Dr. 
Franklin  made  the  application  through  Baron 
de  Waltersdorff,  at  that  time  charged  with  other 
matters  relative  to  the  two  countries  of  Den 
mark  and  the  United  States  of  America.  Baron 
de  Waltersdorff,  after  having  written  to  his 


court,  informed  Dr.  Franklin  that  he  was  au 
thorized  to  offer  a  compensation  of  ten  thou 
sand  guineas.  This  was  declined,  because  it 
was  thought  that  the  value  of  the  prizes  was  the 
true  measure  of  compensation,  and  that  that 
ought  to  be  inquired  into.  Baron  de  Walters 
dorff  left  this  court  sometime  after,  on  a  visit 
only,  as  he  expected,  to  Copenhagen,  and  the 
matter  was  suffered  to  rest  till  his  return.  This 
was  constantly  expected  till  you  did  me  the 
honor  of  informing  me  that  he  had  received 
another  destination.  It  being  now,  therefore, 
necessary  to  renew  our  application,  it  is  thought 
better  that  Commodore  Paul  Jones  should  repair 
in  person  to  Copenhagen.  His  knowledge  of 
the  whole  transaction  will  best  enable  him  to 
represent  it  to  that  court,  and  the  world  has 
had  too  many  proofs  of  the  justice  and  magna 
nimity  of  his  Danish  Majesty  to  leave  a  doubt 
that  he  will  order  full  justice  to  be  done  to 
those  brave  men  who  saw  themselves  deprived 
of  the  spoils,  won  by  their  gallantry,  and  at 
the  hazard  of  their  lives,  and  on  whose  behalf 
the  justice  and  generosity  of  His  Majesty  is 
now  reclaimed. — To  BARON  BLOME.  ii,  13.  (P., 
1786.) 

2185.  — .     I  am  instructed    *    *    * 

to    bring    again    under    the    consideration    of 

the  King  of  Denmark  the  case  of  the 
three  prizes  taken  from  the  English  during  the 
late  war,  by  an  American  squadron  under  the 
command  of  Commodore  Paul  Jones,  put  into 
Bergen  in  distress,  there  rescued  from  our  pos 
session  by  orders  from  the  court  of  Denmark, 
and  delivered  back  to  the  English.  *  *  * 
The  United  States  continue  to  be  very  sensibly 
affected  by  this  delivery  of  their  prizes  to  Great 
Britain,  and  the  more  so,  as  no  part  of  their 
conduct  had  forfeited  their  claim  to  those  rights 
of  hospitality  which  civilized  nations  extend  to 
each  other.* — To  LE  COMTE  BERNSTORFF.  ii, 
347-  (P.,  Jan.  1788.) 

2186.  DENNIE   (Joseph),   A  Monarch 
ist. — Among  the    [Federalist]    writers,   Den- 
nie,  the  editor  of  the  Portfolio,  who  was  a  kind 
of  oracle  with  them,  and  styled  "  the  Addison  of 
America,"    openly    avowed    his    preference    of 
monarchy  over  all  other  forms  of  government, 
prided  himself  on  the  avowal,  and  maintained 
it  by   argument   freely   and  without  reserve   in 
his    publications. — To     WILLIAM     SHORT,      vii, 
390.     FORD  ED.,   x,   334.     (M.,    1825.) 

-  DEPARTMENTS,   Government. — See 

CABINET. 

2187.  DEPENDENCE,     Evils     of.— De 
pendence   begets    subservience   and    venality, 
suffocates    the   germ  of   virtue,  and  prepares 
fit  tools  for  the  designs  of  ambition. — NOTES 
ON   VIRGINIA,     viii,   405.      FORD  ED.,  iii,  269. 
(1782.) 

2188.  DEPORTATION     ACT,     De 
nounced. — By  the  act  for  the  suppression  of 
riots  and  tumults  in  the  town  of  Boston  (14. 
G.  3),  passed  also  in  the  last  session  of  Par 
liament,  a  murder  committed  there  is,  if  the 
Governor  pleases,  to  be  tried  in  the  court  of 
King's  Bench,  in  the  island  of  Great  Britain, 
by  a  jury  of  Middlesex.     The  witnesses,  too, 
on   receipt  of   such   a   sum  as   the  Governor 
shall  think  it  reasonable  for  them  to  expend, 
are  to  enter  into  recognizance  to  appear  at 

*  Congress  directed  Jefferson  to  appoint  a  special 
agent  to  Copenhagen  to  present  the  claim.  He  se 
lected  Paul  Jones.  The  claims  were  paid.— EDITOR. 


253 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Deportation  Act 


the  trial.  This  is,  in  other  words,  taxing  them 
to  the  amount  of  their  recognizance;  and 
that  amount  may  be  whatever  a  Governor 
pleases.  For  who  does  his  Majesty  think  can 
be  prevailed  on  to  cross  the  Atlantic  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  bearing  evidence  to  a  fact? 
His  expenses  are  to  be  borne,  indeed,  as  they 
shall  be  estimated  by  a  Governor ;  but  who  are 
to  feed  the  wife  and  children  whom  he  leaves 
behind,  and  who  have  had  no  other  subsist 
ence  but  his  daily  labor?  Those  epidemical 
disorders,  too,  so  terrible  in  a  foreign  climate, 
is  the  cure  of  them  to  be  estimated  among  the 
articles  of  expense,  and  their  danger  to  be 
warded  off  by  the  almighty  power  of  a  Parlia 
ment?  And  the  wretched  criminal,  if  he 
happen  to  have  offended  on  the  American 
side,  stripped  of  his  privilege  of  trial  by  peers 
of  his  vicinage,  removed  from  the  place 
where  alone  full  evidence  could  be  obtained, 
without  money,  without  counsel,  without 
friends,  without  exculpatory  proof,  is  tried 
before  judges  predetermined  to  condemn. 
The  cowards  who  would  suffer  a  countryman 
to  be  torn  from  the  bowels  of  their  society,  in 
order  to  be  thus  offered  a  sacrifice  to  Parlia 
mentary  tyranny,  would  merit  that  everlasting 
infamy  now  fixed  on  the  authors  of  the  act ! — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  133.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  438.  (I774-) 

2189. — .They    [Parliament]    have 

declared  that  American  subjects,  charged 
with  certain  offences,  shall  be  transported  be 
yond  sea  to  be  tried  before  the  very  persons 
against  whose  pretended  sovereignty  the  of 
fence  is  supposed  to  be  committed. — DECLARA 
TION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  468. 
(July  1775.) 

2190. .  The  proposition  [of  Lord 

North]  is  altogether  unsatisfactory  *  * 
because  it  does  not  propose  to  repeal  the  * 
*  *  acts  of  Parliament  transporting  us  into 
other  countries,  to  be  tried  for  criminal 
offences. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPO 
SITION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  480.  (July  1775.) 

2191.  DEPORTATION  ACT,  George  III. 
and. — He     [George     III.]     has    endeavored 
to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the  kingly  office  in 
Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insupportable 
tyranny     *     *     *     by  combining  with  others 
to  subject  us  to  a  foreign  jurisdiction,  giving 
his  assent  to  their  pretended  acts  of  legisla 
tion     *     *     *       for   transporting   us   beyond 
the  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  n. 
(June  1776.) 

2192.  -        .     He   has   combined,  with 

others,     *    *    *     for  transporting  us  beyond 
seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences. — DEC 
LARATION   OF    INDEPENDENCE   AS    DRAWN   BY 
JEFFERSON. 

2193.  DEPORTATION     ACT,     Unexe 
cuted. — Notwithstanding  the  laws  the  Eng 
lish   made,    I    think   they   never  ventured    to 
carry  a  single  person  to  be  tried  in  England. 
They   knew    that    reprisals    would    be    made, 
and  probably  on  the  person  of  the  governor 


who  ventured  on  the  measure. — NOTES  ON  M. 
SOULE'S  WORK,  ix,  300.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  307. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2194.  DEPORTATION      OF     ALIENS, 

Sedition  laws  and. — The  imprisonment  of  a 
person  under  the  protection  of  the  laws  of 
this  Commonwealth  [Kentucky],  on  his  fail 
ure  to  obey  the  simple  order  of  the  President 
to  depart  out  of  the  United  States,  as  is  un 
dertaken  by  *  *  :c  [the]  act,  intituled  "  An 
Act  concerning  Aliens,"  is  contrary  to  the 
Constitution,  one  amendment  to  which  has 
provided  that  "  no  person  shall  be  deprived 
of  liberty  without  due  process  of  law  "  ;  and 
that  another  having  provided,  that  "  in  all 
criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy 
the  right  to  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury, 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the 
accusation,  to  be  confronted  with  the  wit 
nesses  against  him,  to  have  compulsory  proc 
ess  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and 
to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  de 
fence,"  the  same  act,  undertaking  to  authorize 
the  President  to  remove  a  person  out  of  the 
United  States,  who  is  under  the  protection  of 
the  law,  on  his  own  suspicion,  without  ac 
cusation,  without  jury,  without  public  trial, 
without  confrontation  of  the  witnesses 
against  him.  without  hearing  witnesses  in 
his  favor,  without  defence,  without  counsel, 
is  contrary  to  the  provision  also  of  the 
Constitution,  is  therefore  not  law,  but  ut 
terly  void,  and  of  no  force ;  that  trans 
ferring  the  power  of  judging  any  person,  who 
is  under  the  protection  of  the  laws,  from  the 
courts  to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
as  is  undertaken  by  the  same  act  concerning 
aliens,  is  against  the  article  of  the  Constitu 
tion  which  provides  that  "  the  judicial  power 
of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  courts, 
the  judges  of  which  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior ;  "  and  *  *  *  the 
said  act  is  void  for  that  reason  also.  And  it 
is  further  to  be  noted,  that  this  transfer  of 
judiciary  power  is  to  that  magistrate  of  the 
General  Government  who  already  possesses 
all  the  Executive,  and  a  negative  on  all  Leg 
islative  powers. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix, 
467.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  297.  (1798.) 

2195.  -  — .     The  war  hawks  talk  of 
septembrizing,  deportation,  and  the  examples 
for  quelling  sedition  set  by  the  French  Exec 
utive.     All  the  firmness  of  the  human  mind 
is  now  in  a  state  of  requisition. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,  238.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  246.     (Pa., 
April  1798.) 

2196.  DESCENTS,     Law     of.— Descents 
shall  go  according  to  the  laws  of  Gavelkind, 
save  only  that  females  shall  have  equal  rights 
with    males. — PROPOSED    VA.    CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  26.     (June  1776.) 

2197. .     The  bill  for  establishing 

a  National  Bank  undertakes  *  *  *  to  form  the 
subscribers  into  a  corporation  [and]  to  enable 
them,  in  their  corporate  capacities,  to  trans 
mit  these*  lands,  on  the  death  of  a  proprietor, 

*  Lands  held  by  aliens  in  their  capacity  as  stock 
holders  of  the  bank.— EDITOR. 


Deserters 
Detroit 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


254 


to  a  certain  line  of  successors;  and  so  far 
changes  the  course  of  Descents. — NATIONAL 
BANK  OPINION,  vii,  555.  FORD  ED.,  v,  284. 
(I7QI-) 

2198.  DESERTERS,     British,    in    Vir 
ginia. — The   number  of  deserters   from   the 
British    army   who    have   taken    refuge    in   this 
State  [Virginia]   is  now  considerably  augment 
ing.     These  people,  notwithstanding  their  com 
ing  over  to  us,  being  deemed  in  law  alien  ene 
mies,  and  as  such  not  admissible  to  be  citizens, 
are    not   within   the   scope   of   the    Militia   and 
Invasion  laws,  under  which  citizens  alone  can 
be   embodied. — To   THE   COUNTY    LIEUTENANTS. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  513-     (R->  1781.) 

2199.  DESERTERS,     Political.— In     all 

countries  where  parties  are  strongly  marked,  as 
the  monocrats  and  republicans  here,  there  will 
always  be  deserters  from  the  one  side  to  the 
other. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  27. 
(M.,  Sep.  I795-) 

2200.  DESERTERS,    Punishment    of. — 
The  desertions  of  your  militia  have  taken  away 
the   necessity   of   answering   the   question   how 
they    shall    be    armed.  *  *  *  I    have    sent    ex 
presses  into  all  the  counties  from  which  those 
militia    went,    requiring    the    County    Lieuten 
ants  to  exert  themselves  in  taking  them ;   and 
such   is   the   detestation  with   which   they   have 
been   received,   that   I    have   heard   from   many 
counties  they  were  going  back  of  themselves. 
You    will,    of    course,    hold    courts    martial    on 
them,  and  make  them  soldiers  for  eight  months. 
— To  GENERAL  STEVENS,     i,  252.     FORD  ED.,  ii, 
338.     (R.,    1780.)     See    HESSIANS. 

2201.  DESPAIR,     The    Republic    and. 

— We  are  never  permitted  to  despair  of  the 
commonwealth. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  331. 
(P.,  1787.) 

2202.  DESPOTISM,    Revolution   and.— 
When  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations, 
begun  at  a  distinguished  period  and  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design 
to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it 
is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off 
such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards 
for  their  future   security.*— DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

2203.  DESPOTISM,  Single  and  Divided. 
— The    question     *     *     *     whether    a    pure 
despotism  in  a  single  head,  or  one  which  is 
divided    among    a    king,    nobles,    priesthood, 
and  numerous   magistracy,   is  the  least  bad, 
I  should  be  puzzled  to  decide ;  but  I  hope  [the 
French   people]    will  have  neither,   and   that 
they   are   advancing   to   a   limited,    moderate 
government,   in   which    [they]     *     *     *     will 
have  a  good  share. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii, 
445.     FORD  ED.,  v,  45.     (P.,  1788.) 

2204.  DESPOTISM,   Submission  to.— If 
the  pulse  of  his  [George  the  Third's]  people 
shall    beat    calmly    under    this    experiment,! 
another   and   another   will   be   tried,    till   the 
measure  of  despotism  be  filled  up. — RIGHTS  OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,     i,  133.     FORD  ED.,  i,  438. 
(I774-) 

2205.  DESPOTISM,   Unlimited.— It   de 
lights  me  to  find  that  there  are  persons  who 

*  Congress  struck  out  the  words  in  italics.— EDITOR 
t  Boston  Port  Bill.— EDITOR. 


still  think  that  all  is  not  lost  in  France:  that 
iheir  retrogradation  from  a  limited  to  an  un 
limited  despotism  is  but  to  give  themselves  a 
new  impulse.  But  I  see  not  how  or  when. 
The  press,  the  only  tocsin  of  a  nation,  is  com 
pletely  silenced  there,  and  all  means  of  a 
general  effort  taken  away.  However,  I  am 
willing  to  hope,  as  long  as  anybody  will  hope 
with  me ;  and  I  am  entirely  persuaded  that 
the  agitations  of  the  public  mind  advance  its 
Dowers,  and  that  at  every  vibration  between 
;he  points  of  liberty  and  despotism,  some- 
:hing  will  be  gained  for  the  former.  As  men 
Decome  letter  informed,  their  rulers  must  re 
spect  them  the  more. — To  THOMAS  COOPER. 
iv,  452.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  177.  (W.,  Nov. 
1802.) 

2206.  DESPOTS,  Methods  of.— It  is  the 
old  practice  of  despots,  to  use  a  part  of  the 
people  to  keep  the  rest  in  order. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,     iv,  246.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  263.     (Pa., 
1798.) 

—  D'ESTAING,  Count.— See  ESTAING. 

2207.  DETAIL,  Importance  of  .—In  gov 
ernment,  as  well  as  in  every  other  business  of 
life,    it    is    by    division    and    sub-division    of 
duties  alone,  that  all  matters,  great  and  small, 
can  be  managed  to  perfection. — To  SAMUEL 
KERCHIVAL.     vii,  13.     FORD  ED.,  x,  41.     (M., 
1816.) 

2208.  DETROIT,     Contemplated     Cap 
ture.— The  exposed  and  weak  state  of  our 
western   settlements   and   the   danger   to   which 
they  are  subject  from  the  northern  Indians,  act 
ing  under  the  influence  of  the  British  post  at 
Detroit,  render  it  necessary  for  us  to  keep  from 
five   to    eight   hundred   men   on   duty   for   their 
defence.      This    is    a    great    and    perpetual    ex 
pense.     Could    that    post    be    reduced    and    re 
tained,    it    would    cover    all    the    States    to    the 
southeast  of  it.     We  have  long  meditated   the 
attempt  under  the  direction   of   Colonel   Clark, 
but  the  expense  would  be  so  great  that  whenever 
we  have  wished  to  take  it  up,  the  circumstance 
has  obliged  us  to  decline  it.     Two  different  esti 
mates  make  it  amount  to  two  millions  of  pounds, 
present    money.     We    could    furnish    the    men, 
provisions  and  every  necessary,  except  powder, 
had  we  the  money,  or  could  the  demands  from 
us  be   so   far  supplied   from   other  quarters   as 
to  leave  it  in  our  power  to  apply  such  a  sum 
to    that    purpose ;     and,    when    once    done,    it 
would    save    annual    expenditures    to    a    great 
amount.     When  I  speak  of  furnishing  the  men, 
I  mean  they  should  be  militia;  such  being  the 
popularity   of   Colonel    [George   Rogers]    Clark, 
and   the   confidence   of   the   Western   people   in 
him,  that   he  could   raise  the   requisite  number  at 
any  time.     We,  therefore,  beg  leave  to  refer  this 
matter  to   yourself  to   determine  whether   such 
an  enterprise  would  not  be  for  the  general  good, 
and  if  you  think  it  would,  to  authorize  it  at  the 
general  expense.     This  is  become  the  more  rea 
sonable  if,  as  I  understand,  the  ratification  of 
the  Confederation  has  been  rested  on  our  ces 
sion  of  a  part  of  our  Western  claim  ;  a  cession 
which    (speaking   my  private   opinion)    I   verily 
believe   will    be   agreed   to    if   the   quantity   de 
manded  is  not  unreasonably  great.     Should  this 
proposition  be  approved  of,  it  should  be  imme 
diately  made  known  to  us,  as  the  season  is  now 
coming  on  at  which  some  of  the  preparations 
must    be    made. — To     GENERAL     WASHINGTON. 
i,  259.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  346.     (R.,  1780.) 


255 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Detroit 


2209.  DETROIT,  Expedition    against. — 

The  face  of  things  has  so  far  changed  as  to 
leave  it  no  longer  optional  in  us  to  attempt  or 
decline  the  expedition  [against  Detroit],  but 
compels  us  to  decide  in  the  affirmative,  and  to 
begin  our  preparations  immediately.  The  army 
the  enemy  at  present  have  in  the  South,  the  re 
inforcements  still  expected  there,  and  their  de 
termination  to  direct  their  future  exertions  to 
that  quarter,  are  not  unknown  to  you.  The 
regular  force,  proposed  on  our  part  to  counter 
act  those  exertions,  is  such,  either  from  the 
real  or  supposed  inability  of  this  State,  as  by 
no  means  to  allow  a  hope  that  it  may  be  effect 
ual.  It  is,  therefore,  to  be  expected  that  the 
scene  of  war  will  either  be  within  our  country, 
or  very  nearly  advanced  to  it ;  and  that  our 
principal  dependence  is  to  be  on  militia,  for 
which  reason  it  becomes  incumbent  to  keep  as 
great  a  proportion  of  our  people  as  possible 
free  to  act  in  that  quarter.  In  the  meantime, 
a  combination  is  forming  in  the  westward, 
which,  if  not  diverted,  will  call  thither  a  princi 
pal  and  most  valuable  part  of  our  militia.  From 
intelligence  received,  we  have  reason  to  expect 
that  a  confederacy  of  British  and  Indians,  to 
the  amount  of  two  thousand  men,  is  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  spreading  destruction  and  dis 
may  through  the  whole  extent  of  our  frontier 
in  the  Spring.  *  *  *  There  seems  to  me 
but  one  method  of  preventing  this,  which  is, 
to  give  the  western  enemy  employment  in  their 
own  country.  The  regular  force  Colonel  Clark 
already  has,  with  a  proper  draft  from  the  mili 
tia  beyond  the  Alleghany,  and  that  of  three  or 
four  of  our  most  northern  counties,  will  be 
adequate  to  the  reduction  of  Fort  Detroit,  in 
the  opinion  of  Colonel  Clark.  *  *  *  We 
have,  therefore,  determined  to  undertake  it, 
and  commit  it  to  his  direction.  Whether  the 
expense  of  the  enterprise  shall  be  defrayed  by 
the  Continental  or  State  expense,  we  will  leave 
to  be  decided  hereafter  by  Congress.  *  *  * 
In  the  meantime,  we  only  ask  the  loan  of  such 
necessaries  as,  being  already  at  Fort  Pitt,  will 
save  time  and  an  immense  expense  of  transpor 
tation.  *  *  *  I  hope  your  Excellency  will 
think  yourself  justified  in  lending  us  this  aid, 
without  awaiting  the  effect  of  an  application 
elsewhere,  as  such  a  delay  would  render  the 
undertaking  abortive.  *  *  *  Independent 
of  the  favorable  effects  which  a  successful  en 
terprise  against  Detroit  must  produce  to  the 
United  States  in  general,  by  keeping  in  quiet 
the  frontier  of  the  northern  ones,  and  leaving 
our  western  militia  at  liberty  to  aid  those  of 
the  South,  we  think  the  like  friendly  office  per 
formed  by  us  to  the  States,  whenever  desired, 
and  almost  to  the  absolute  exhausture  of  our 
own  magazines,  gives  well-founded  hopes  that 
we  may  be  accommodated  on  this  occasion. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i,  279.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
375-  (R--  Dec.  1780.) 

2210    DETROIT,  Importance  of.— If  the 

post  at  Detroit  be  reduced  we  shall  be  quiet 
in  future  on  our  frontier,  and  thereby  immense 
treasures  of  blood  and  money  be  saved  ;  we  shall 
be  at  leisure  to  turn  our  whole  force  to  the  res 
cue  of  our  eastern  country  from  subjugation  ; 
we  shall  divert  through  our  own  country  a 
branch  of  commerce  which  the  European  States 
have  thought  worthy  of  the  most  important 
struggles  and  sacrifices,  and  in  the  event  of 
peace  on  terms  which  have  been  contemplated 
by  some  powers,  we  shall  form  to  the  American 
Union  a  barrier  against  the  dangerous  exten 
sion  of  the  British  Province  of  Canada,  and 
add  to  the  Empire  of  liberty  an  extensive  and 
fertile  country,  thereby  converting  dangerous 


enemies  into  valuable  friends. — To  GENERAL 
GEORGE  R.  CLARK.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  390.  (R.,  Dec. 
1780.) 

2211.  DETROIT,  Instructions  to  Gen. 
Clark. — A  powerful  army  forming  by  our  en 
emies  in  the  south  renders  it  necessary  for  us 
to  reserve  as  much  of  our  militia  as  possible, 
free  to  act  in  that  quarter.  At  the  same  time, 
we  have  reason  to  believe  that  a  very  extensive 
combination  of  British  and  Indian  savages  is 
preparing  to  invest  our  western  frontier.  To 
prevent  the  cruel  murders  and  devastations 
which  attend  the  latter  species  of  war,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  prevent  its  producing  a  pow 
erful  diversion  of  our  force  from  the  southern 
quarter,  in  which  they  mean  to  make  their  prin 
cipal  effort,  and  where  alone  success  can  be 
decisive  of  their  ultimate  object,  it  becomes 
necessary  that  we  aim  the  first  stroke  in  the 
western  country,  and  throw  the  enemy  under 
the  embarrassments  of  a  defensive  war  rather 
than  labor  under  them  ourselves.  We  have, 
therefore,  determined  that  an  expedition  shall 
be  undertaken,  under  your  command,  at  a  very 
early  season  of  the  approaching  year,  into  the 
hostile  country  beyond  the  Ohio,  the  principal 
object  of  which  is  to  be  the  reduction  of  the 
British  post  at  Detroit,  and,  incidental  to  it,  the 
acquiring  possession  of  Lake  Erie. — To  GEN 
ERAL  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  383. 
(R.,  Dec.  25,  1780.) 

2212. .     Should  you   succeed   in 

the  reduction  of  the  Post,  you  are  to  promise 
protection  to  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
French  and  American  inhabitants,  or  of  such  at 
least  as  shall  not,  on  tender,  refuse  to  take  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Commonwealth.  You 
are  to  permit  them  to  continue  under  the  laws 
and  form  of  government  under  which  they  at 
present  live,  only  substituting  the  authority  of 
this  Commonwealth  in  all  instances  in  lieu  of 
that  of  his  British  Majesty,  and  exercising 
yourself  under  that  authority,  till  further  order, 
those  powers  which  the  British  Commandant  of 
the  Post,  or  his  principal  in  Canada,  hath  used 
regularly  to  exercise.  To  the  Indian  neighbors 
you  will  hold  out  either  fear  or  friendship,  as 
their  disposition  and  your  actual  situation  may 
render  most  expedient. — To  GENERAL  GEORGE 
ROGERS  CLARK.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  389.  (R.,  Dec. 
1780.) 

2213.  DETROIT,  Territory  acquired. 
— The  posts  of  Detroit  and  Mackinac,  having 
been  originally  intended  by  the  governments 
which  established  and  held  them,  as  mere  de 
pots  for  the  commerce  with  the  Indians,  very 
small  cessions  of  land  around  were  obtained  or 
asked  from  the  native  proprietors,  and  these 
posts  depended  for  protection  on  the  strength 
of  their  garrisons.  The  principle  of  our  gov 
ernment  leading  us  to  the  employment  of  such 
moderate  garrisons  in  time  of  peace,  as  may 
merely  take  care  of  the  post,  and  to  a  reliance 
on  the  neighboring  militia  for  its  support  in 
the  first  moments  of  war,  I  have  thought  it 
would  be  important  to  obtain  from  the  Indians 
such  a  cession  of  the  neighborhood  of  these 
posts  as  might  maintain  a  militia  proportioned 
to  this  object:  and  I  have  particularly  contem 
plated,  with  this  view,  the  acquisition  of  the 
eastern  moiety  of  the  peninsula  between  the 
Lakes  Huron,  Michigan,  and  Erie,  extending 
it  to  the  Connecticut  reserve,  as  soon  as  it 
could  be  effected  with  the  perfect  good  will  of 
the  natives.  By  a  treaty  concluded  at  Detroit, 
on  the  1 7th  of  November  last,  with  the  Ottawas, 
Chippewas,  Wyandotts,  and  Pottawatomies,  so 
much  of  this  country  has  been  obtained  as  ex- 


Detroit 
Dictator 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


256 


tends  from  about  Saginaw  bay  southwardly  to 
the  Miami  of  the  lakes,  supposed  to  contain 
upwards  of  five  millions  of  acres,  with  a  pros 
pect  of  obtaining,  for  the  present,  a  breadth 
of  two  miles  for  a  communication  from  the 
Miami  to  the  Connecticut  reserve.  The  Senate 
having  advised  and  consented  to  this  treaty,  I 
now  lay  it  before  both  Houses  of  Congress  for 
the  exercise  of  their  constitutional  powers  as  to 
the  means  of  fulfilling  it. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  94-  (Jan.  1808.) 

2214.  DETROIT,    War   of    1812.— With 
respect  to  the  unfortunate  loss  of  Detroit  and 
our  army,  I  with  pleasure  see  the  animation  it 
has    inspired   through    our   whole   country,    but 
especially  through  the  Western  States,  and  the 
determination  to  retrieve  our  loss  and  our  honor- 
by    increased    exertions. — To    THOMAS    C.    F. 
TOURNOY.     vi,   83.     (M.,  Oct.   1812.) 

—  DIAL. — See  SUN-DIAL. 

2215.  DICKINSON  (John),  Character.— 

A  more  estimable  man,  or  truer  patriot,  could 
not  have  left  us.  Among  the  first  of  the  advo 
cates  for  the  rights  of  his  country  when  assailed 
by  Great  Britain,  he  continued  to  the  last  the 
orthodox  advocate  of  the  true  principles  of  our 
new  government,  and  his  name  will  be  conse 
crated  in  history  as  one  of  the  great  worthies 
of  the  Revolution.  We  ought  to  be  grate 
ful  for  having  been  permitted  to  retain  the 
benefit  of  his  counsel  to  so  good  an  old  age. — 
To  JOSEPH  BRINGHURST.  v,  249.  (W.,  1808.) 
See  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

2216. .     He  was  so  honest  a  man, 

and  so  able  a  one  that  he  was  greatly  indulged 
even  by  those  who  could  not  feel  his  scruples.* 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  n.  FORD  ED.,  i,  17. 
(1821.) 

2217.  DICKINSON     (John),     Congress 
and. — Congress  gave  a  signal  proof  of  their 
indulgence  to  Mr.  Dickinson.,  and  of  their  great 
desire   not  to   go  too   fast   for   any   respectable 
part   of   our  body,   in   permitting   him   to   draw 
their  second  petition  to  the  King  according  to 
his    own    ideas,    and    passing    it    with    scarcely 
any  amendment.     The  disgust  against  this  hu 
mility   was   general ;    and    Mr.    Dickinson's    de 
light  at  its  passage  was  the  only  circumstance 
which   reconciled  them   to   it.     The   vote   being 
passed,  although  further  observation  on  it  was 
out  of  order,  he  could  not  refrain  from  rising 
and  expressing  his  satisfaction,  and  concluded 
by  saying,  "  there  is  but  one  word,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  in  the  paper  which  I  disapprove,  and  that 
is  the  word  Congress  " ;  on  which  Ben.  Harrison 
rose  and  said,  "  there  is  but  one  word  in  the 
paper,  Mr.  President,  of  which  I  approve,  and 
that   is   the  word   Congress." — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,    ii.     FORD  ED.,   i,    17.     (1821.) 

2218.  DICKINSON  (John),  Writings  of. 

— Of  the  papers  of  July,  1775,  I  recollect  well 
that  Mr.  Dickinson  drew  the  petition  to  the 
King. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  194.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  419.  (M.,  1813.) 

2219.  DICTATOR,  Attempt  in  Virginia 
to   appoint   a. — In  December,  1776,  our  [Vir 
ginia]  circumstances  being  much  distressed,  it 
was  proposed  in  the  House  of  Delegates  to 
create  a  dictator,  invested  with  every  power 

*  John  Dickinson  was  one  of  the  delegates  from 
Delaware  in  the  Continental  Congress  and  in  the 
proceedings  leading  up  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  he,  to  quote  Jefferson  (i,  n),  "retained 
the  hope  of  reconciliation  with  the  mother  country, 
and  was  unwilling  it  should  be  lessened  by  offensive 
statements  ".—EDITOR. 


legislative,  executive,  and  judiciary,  civil  and 
military  of  life,  and  of  death,  over  our  persons 
and  over  our  properties;  and  in  June,  1781, 
again  under  calamity,  the  same  proposition 
was  repeated,  and  wanted  a  few  votes  only 
of  being  passed.  One  who  entered  into  this 
contest  from  a  pure  love  of  liberty,  and  a 
sense  of  injured  rights,  who  determined  to 
make  every  sacrifice,  and  to  meet  every 
danger  for  the  reestablishment  of  those  rights 
on  a  firm  basis,  who  did  not  mean  to  expend 
his  blood  and  substance  for  the  wretched  pur 
pose  of  changing  this  master  for  that,  but  to 
place  the  powers  of  governing  him  in  a  plu 
rality  of  hands  of  his  own  choice,  so  that  the 
corrupt  will  of  no  one  man  might  in  future 
oppress  him,  must  stand  confounded  and  dis 
mayed  when  he  is  told,  that  a  considerable 
portion  of  that  plurality  had  meditated  the 
surrender  of  them  into  a  single  hand,  and,  in 
lieu  of  a  limited  monarch,  to  deliver  him  over 
to  a  despotic  one!  How  must  he  find  his 
efforts  and  sacrifices  abused  and  baffled,  if 
he  may  still,  by  a  single  vote,  be  laid  prostrate 
at  the  feet  of  one  man !  ^  In  God's  name,  from 
whence  have  they  derived  this  power?  Is 
it  from  our  ancient  laws?  None  such  can  be 
produced.  Is  it  from  any  principle  in  our  new 
Constitution,  expressed  or  implied?  Every 
lineament  expressed  or  implied,  is  in  full  op 
position  to  it.  Its  fundamental  principle  is, 
that  the  State  shall  be  governed  as  a  Com 
monwealth.  It  provides  a  republican  organi 
zation,  proscribes  under  the  name  of  preroga 
tive  the  exercise  of  all  powers  undefined  by 
the  laws;  places  on  this  basis  the  whole  sys 
tem  of  our  laws;  and  by  consolidating  them 
together,  chooses  that  they  should  be  left  to 
stand  or  fall  together,  never  providing  for  any 
circumstances,  nor  admitting  that  such  could 
arise,  wherein  either  should  be  suspended ;  no, 
not  for  a  moment.  Our  ancient  laws  ex 
pressly  declare,  that  those  who  are  but  dele 
gates  themselves,  shall  not  delegate  to  others 
powers  which  require  judgment  and  integrity 
in  their  exercise.  Or  was  this  proposition- 
moved  on  a  supposed  right  in  the  movers,  of 
abandoning  th^ir  posts  in  a  moment  of  dis 
tress?  The  same  laws  forbid  the  abandon 
ment  of  that  post,  even  on  ordinary  occasions ; 
and  much  more  a  transfer  of  their  powers 
into  other  hands  and  other  forms,  without 
consulting  the  people.  They  never  admit  the 
idea  that  these,  like  sheep  or  cattle,  may  be 
given  from  hand  to  hand  without  an  appeal 
to  their  own  will.  Was  it  from  the  necessity 
of  the  case?  Necessities  which  dissolve  a 
government,  do  not  convey  its  authority  to 
an  oligarchy  or  a  monarchy.  They  throw 
back,  into  the  hands  of  the  people,  the  powers 
they  had  delegated,  and  leave  them  as  indi 
viduals  to  shift  for  themselves.  A  leader  may 
offer,  but  not  impose  himself,  nor  be  imposed 
on  them.  Much  less  can  their  necks  be  sub 
mitted  to  his  sword,  their  breath  be  held  at 
his  will  or  caprice.  The  necessity  which 
should  operate  these  tremendous  effects 
should  at  least  be  palpable  and  irresistible. 
Yet  in  both  instances,  where  it  was  feared,  or 
pretended  with  us,  it. was  belied  by  the  event. 


257 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Dictator 
Difficulties 


It  was  belied,  too,  by  the  preceding  ex 
perience  of  our  sister  States,  several  of  whom 
had  grappled  through  greater  difficulties  with 
out  abandoning  their  forms  of  government. 
When  the  proposition  was  first  made,  Massa 
chusetts  had  found  even  the  government  of 
committees  sufficient  to  carry  them  through 
an  invasion.  But  we  at  the  time  of  that 
proposition,  were  under  no  invasion.  When 
the  second  was  made,  there  had  been  added 
to  this  example  those  of  Rhode  Island,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,  in  all 
of  which  the  republican  form  had  been  found 
equal  to  the  task  of  carrying  them  through 
the  severest  trials.  In  this  State  alone  did 
there  exist  so  little  virtue,  that  fear  was  to 
be  fixed  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  to 
become  the  motive  of  their  exertions,  and 
the  principle  of  their  government?  The  very 
thought  alone  was  treason  against  the  people ; 
was  treason  against  mankind  in  general ;  as 
riveting  forever  the  chains  which  bow  down 
their  necks,  by  giving  to  their  oppressors  a 
proof,  which  they  would  have  trumpeted 
through  the  universe,  of  the  imbecility  of  re 
publican  government,  in  times  of  pressing 
danger,  to  shield  them  from  harm.  Those 
who  assume  the  right  of  giving  away  the 
reins  of  government  in  any  case,  must  be  sure 
that  the  herd,  whom  they  hand  on  to  the  rods 
and  hatchet  of  the  dictator,  will  lay  their 
heads  on  the  block,  when  he  shall  nod  to 
them.  But  if  our  Assemblies  supposed  such  a 
resignation  in  the  people,  I  hope  they  mistook 
their  character.  I  am  of  opinion,  that  the 
government,  instead  of  being  braced  and  in 
vigorated  for  greater  exertions  under  their 
difficulties,  would  have  been  thrown  back 
upon  the  bungling  machinery  of  county  com 
mittees  for  administration,  till  a  convention 
could  have  been  called,  and  its  wheels  again 
set  into  regular  motion.  What  a  cruel  mo 
ment  was  this  for  creating  such  an  embar 
rassment,  for  putting  to  the  proof,  the  attach 
ment  of  our  countrymen  to  republican  gov 
ernment? — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  368. 
FORD  ED. ,  i ii,  23 1 .  ( 1 782. ) 

2220.  DICTATOR,  Misapplied  Prece 
dent  for.— Those  who  meant  well,  of  the  ad 
vocates  of  this  measure  (and  most  of  them 
meant  well,  for  I  knew  them  personally,  had 
been  their  fellow-laborer  in  the  common 
cause,  and  had  often  proved  the  purity  of 
their  principles),  had  been  seduced  in  their 
judgment  by  the  example  of  an  ancient  re 
public,  whose  constitution  and  circumstances 
were  fundamentally  different.  They  had 
sought  this  precedent  in  the  history  of  Rome, 
where  alone  it  was  to  be  found,  and  where  at 
length,  too,  it  had  proved  fatal.  They  had 
taken  it  from  a  republic  rent  by  the  most 
bitter  factions  and  tumults,  where  the  govern 
ment  was  of  a  heavy-handed  unfeeling  aris 
tocracy,  over  a  people  ferocious  and  rendered 
desperate  by  poverty  and  wretchedness;  tu 
mults  which  could  not  be  allayed  under  the 
most  trying  circumstances,  but  by  the  om 
nipotent  hand  of  a  single  despot.  Their  con 
stitution,  therefore,  allowed  a  temporary  ty 
rant  to  be  erected,  under  the  name  of  a  dic 


tator;  and  that  temporary  tyrant,  after  a  few 
examples,  became  perpetual.  They  misap 
plied  this  precedent  to  a  people  mild  in  their 
dispositions,  patient  under  their  trial,  united 
for  the  public  liberty,  and  affectionate  to  their 
leaders.  But  if  from  the  constitution  of  the 
Roman  government  there  resulted  to  their 
senate  a  power  of  submitting  all  their  rights 
to  the  will  of  one  man,  does  it  follow  that  the 
Assembly  of  Virginia  have  the  same  author 
ity?  What  clause  in  our  Constitution  has 
substituted  that  of  Rome,  by  way  of  residuary 
provision,  for  all  cases  not  otherwise  pro 
vided  for?  Or  if  they  may  step  ad  libitum 
into  any  other  form  of  government  for  prec 
edents  to  rule  us  by,  for  what  oppression  may 
not  a  precedent  be  found  in  this  world  of  the 
bcllum  omnium  in  omniaf  Searching  for  the 
foundations  of  this  proposition,  I  can  find 
none  which  may  pretend  a  color  of  right  or 
reason,  but  the  defect  *  *  *  that  there 
being  no  barrier  between  the  legislative,  ex 
ecutive,  and  judiciary  departments,  the  Leg 
islature  may  seize  the  whole;  that  having 
seized  it  and  possessing  a  right  to  fix  their 
own  quorum,  they  may  reduce  that  quorum 
to  one,  whom  they  may  call  a  chairman, 
speaker,  dictator,  or  any  other  name  they 
please. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  370.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  234.  (1782.) 

2221.  DICTIONARY,  An  Anglo-Saxon. 

— There  are  several  things  wanting  to  pro 
mote  this  improvement.  [The  recovery  of  the 
lost  Anglo-Saxon  and  other  words.]  To  re 
print  the  Saxon  books  in  modern  type ;  reform 
their  orthography ;  publish  in  the  same  way  the 
treasures  still  existing  in  manuscript.  And 
more  than  all  things  we  want  a  dictionary  on 
the  plan  of  Stephens  or  Scapula,  in  which  the 
Saxon  root,  placed  alphabetically,  shall  be  fol 
lowed  by  all  its  cognate  modifications  of  nouns, 
verbs,  &c.,  whether  Anglo-Saxon,  or  found  in 
the  dialects  of  subsequent  ages. — To  J.  EVELYN 
DENISON.  vii,  418.  (M.,  1825.)  See  LAN 
GUAGES. 

2222.  DICTIONARIES,  Neology  and.— 

Dictionaries  are  but  the  depositories  of  words 
already  legitimated  by  usage.  Society  is  the 
workshop  in  which  new  ones  are  elaborated. 
When  an  individual  uses  a  new  word,  if  ill- 
formed,  it  is  rejected  in  society;  if  well  formed, 
adopted,  and  after  due  time,  laid  up  in  the  de 
pository  of  dictionaries. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii, 
175.  (M.,  1820.)  See  LANGUAGES. 

2223.  DIFFICULTIES,    True    way   out 
of. — If  you  ever  find  yourself  environed  with 
difficulties  and  perplexing  circumstances,  out  of 
which  you  are  at  a  loss  how  to  extricate  your 
self,  do  what  is  right,  and  be  assured  that  that 
will  extricate  you  the  best  out  of  the  worst  situ 
ations.     Though  you  cannot  see,  when  you  take 
one  step,  what  will  be  the  next,  yet  follow  truth, 
justice,  and  plain  dealing,  and  never  fear  their 
leading  you  out  of  the  labyrinth,  in  the  easiest 
manner  possible.     The  knot  which  you  thought 
a    Gordian    one,    will    untie    itself    before    you. 
Nothing  is  so  mistaken  as  the  supposition  that 
a  person  is  to  extricate  himself  from  a  difficulty 
by  intrigue,  by  chicanery,  by  dissimulation,  by 
trimming,  by  an  untruth,  by  an  injustice.     This 
increases  the  difficulties  tenfold ;  and  those,  who 
pursue    these    methods,    get    themselves    so    in 
volved  at  length,  that  they  can  turn  no  way  but 


Dignity 
Disinterestedness 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


258 


their  infamy  becomes  more  exposed. — To  PETER 
CARR.  i,  396.  (P.,  1785.) 

2224.  DIGNITY,    Maintain.— With    the 
British   who   respect  their    own    dignity    so 
much,  ours  must  not  be  counted  at  naught. — 
To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,    iii,  182.     FORD  ED., 
v,  224.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

2225.  DPPLOMACY,  Demeanor.— Let 

what  will  be  said  or  done,  preserve  your  sang 
froid  immovably,  and  to  every  obstacle,  op 
pose  patience,  perseverance,  and  soothing  lan 
guage. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  342.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  459-  (Pa.,  1792.) 

2226.  DIPLOMATIC      ESTABLISH 
MENT,  Economy  in. — The  new  government 
has  now  for  some    time    been    under    way. 
*    *    *    Abuses  under  the  old   forms  have 
led  us  to  lay  the  basis  of  the  new  in  a  rigor 
ous  economy  of  the  public  contributions.  This 
principle  will   show   itself  in  our  diplomatic 
establishments;  and  the  rather,  as  at  such  a 
distance  from  Europe,  and  with  such  an  ocean 
between  us,  we  hope  to  meddle  little  in  its 
quarrels  or  combinations.     Its  peace  and  its 
commerce  are  what  we  shall  court;  and  to 
cultivate  these,   we  propose  to  place  at  the 
courts  of  Europe  most  interesting  to  us  diplo 
matic   characters   of   economical    grade,    and 
shall  be  glad  to  receive  like  ones  in  exchange. 
—To  M.  DE  PINTO,    iii,  174.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

2227.  DIPLOMATIC      ESTABLISH 
MENT,  Extent  of  .—I  am  for  *  *  *  little  or 
no    diplomatic   establishment. — To    ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,     iv,  268.      FORD  ED.,  vii,  328.      (Pa., 
I799-) 

2228.  DIPLOMATIC      ESTABLISH 
MENT,  Reduction  of.— The  diplomatic  es 
tablishment  in  Europe  will  be  reduced  to  three 
ministers. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON.      iv,  396. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  52.     (W.,  May  1801.) 

2229. .  We  call  in  our  diplomatic 

missions,  barely  keeping  up  those  to  the  most 
important  nations.  There  is  a  strong  dispo 
sition  in  our  countrymen  to  discontinue  even 
these ;  and  very  possibly  it  may  be  done. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,  iv,  415.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  98. 
(W.,  1801.)  See  MINISTERS. 

—  DIRECT    TAX.— See   APPORTIONMENT 
and  TAXATION. 

—  DIRECTORY.— See  EXECUTIVES. 

2230.  DISCIPLINE,    Education    and.— 

The  article  of  discipline  is  the  most  difficult 
in  American  education.  Premature  ideas  of 
independence,  too  little  repressed  by  parents, 
beget  a  spirit  of  insubordination,  which  is  the 
great  obstacle  to  science  with  us,  and  a  prin 
cipal  cause  of  its  decay  since  the  Revolution. 
I  look  to  it  with  dismay  in  our  institution 
[the  Virginia  University]  as  a  breaker  ahead, 
which  I  am  far  from  being  confident  we  shall 
be  able  to  weather. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vii, 
268.  FORD  ED.,  x,  244.  (M.,  1822.) 

2231.  __ .     The  rock  which  I  most 

dread  is  the  discipline  of  the  institution  [the 
University   of   Virginia],    and    it    is   that   on 
which  most  of  our  public  schools  labor.     The 


insubordination  of  our  youth  is  now  the 
greatest  obstacle  to  their  education.  We  may 
lessen  the  difficulty,  perhaps,  by  avoiding  too 
much  government,  by  requiring  no  useless  ob 
servances,  none  which  shall  merely  multiply 
occasion  for  dissatisfaction,  disobedience  and 
revolt  by  referring  to  the  more  discreet  of 
themselves  the  minor  discipline,  the  graver  to 
the  civil  magistrates,  as  in  Edinburgh.* — To 
GEORGE  TICKNOR.  vii,  301.  (M.,  1823.) 

2232.  DISCIPLINE,    Military.— Good 

dispositions  and  arrangements  will  not  do 
without  a  certain  degree  of  bravery  and  dis 
cipline  in  those  who  are  to  carry  them  into 
execution. — To  GENERAL  GATES,  i,  314.  FORD 
ED.,  iii.  52.  (R.,  1781.) 

2233.  -        .     The    breaking    men    to 

military  discipline  is  breaking  their  spirits  to 
principles    of    passive    obedience. — To    JOHN 
JAY.     ii,  392.     (P.,  1788.) 

-  DISCOUNT,  Banks  of.— See  BANKS. 

2234.  DISCRETION,     Exercise    of.— In 
operations  at  such  a  distance  [case  of  Naval 
Agent  Eaton  in  Tripoli],  it  becomes  necessary 
to  leave  much  to  the  discretion  of  the  agents 
employed,  but  events  may  still  turn  up  beyond 
the  limits  of  that  discretion.     Unable  in  such 
case   to   consult   his   government,    a    zealous 
citizen    will    act    as    he    believes    that    would 
direct  him   were  it   apprised  of  the   circum 
stances,  and  will  take  on  himself  the  respon 
sibility.     In   all   these  cases,   the   purity  and 
patriotism  of  the  motives  should   shield  the 
agent  from  blame,  and  even  secure  the  sanc 
tion  where  the  error  is  not  too  injurious,  f — 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  56.     (P.,  1806.) 

2235.  DISCRETION,  Law  and.— A  full 
representation    at    the    ensuing    session    [of 
Congress]    will    doubtless     *      *      *     take 
measures  for  ensuring  the  authority  of  the 
laws  over  the  corrupt  maneuvers  of  the  heads 
of  departments  under  the  pretext  of  exerci 
sing  discretion  in  opposition  to  law. — To  T. 
M.  RANDOLPH.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  195.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

—  DISCRIMINATING      DUTIES.— See 

DUTIES. 

2236.  DISINTERESTEDNESS,     Losses 
through. — I  retired  much  poorer  than  when  I 
entered  the  public  service,  t— To  EDWARD  RUT- 
LEDGE,     iv,    151.      FORD    ED.,    vii,    93.      (M., 
1796.) 

2237.  DISINTERESTEDNESS,      Prac 
tice  of. — I  prefer  public  benefit  to  all  personal 
considerations. — To   J.    W.    EPPES.      vi,  203. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  402.     (P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

2238.  DISINTERESTEDNESS,         Pri 
vate  fortune  and.— When  I  first  entered  on 

*The  introduction  of  the  u  honor  system  ",  in  colle 
giate  education,  is  one  of  Jefferson's  great  reforms. 

—EDITOR. 

t  In  this  message,  Jefferson  laid  before  Congress 
the  case  of  Hamet  Caramalli,  with  whom  Eaton,  as 
the  agent  of  the  U.  S.  Government,  had  cooperated 
in  the  attempt  to  recover  his  throne  from  the  usurp 
ing  Bashaw  of  Tripoli.— EDITOR. 

?"  Few  persons,"  says  Parton  in  his  Life  of  Jeffer 
son  (p.  147)  ''have  ever  performed  public  duty  at  such 
a  sacrifice  of  oersonal  feeling  and  private  interest  as 
did  Thomas  Jefferson."— EDITOR. 


259 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Disinterestedness 
Dissension 


the  stage  of  public  life  (now  twenty-four 
years  ago),  I  came  to  a  resolution  never  to 
engage  while  in  public  office  in  any  kind  of 
enterprise  for  the  improvement  of  my  fortune 
*  *  *  .  I  have  never  departed  from  it  in 
a  single  instance;  and  I  have  in  multiplied 
instances  found  myself  happy  in  being  able 
to  decide  and  to  act  as  a  public  servant,  clear 
of  all  interest,  in  the  multiform  questions 
that  have  arisen,  wherein  I  have  seen  others 
embarrassed  and  biased  by  having  got  them 
selves  into  a  more  interested  situation.  Thus 
I  have  thought  myself  richer  in  contentment 
than  I  should  have  been  with  any  increase 
of  fortune.  *  *  *  My  public  career  is  now 
closing,  and  I  will  go  through  on  the  principle 

on  which  I  have  hitherto  acted. — To . 

iii,   527.     (Pa.,    I793-) 

2239. .     I  do  not  wish  to  make 

a  shilling  [as  Minister  to  France],  but  only 
my  expenses  to  be  defrayed,  and  in  a  moder 
ate  style.— To  SAMUEL  OSGOOD.  i,  452.  (P., 
1785.) 

224:0. .     I  have  the  consolation  of 

having  added  nothing  to  my  private  fortune, 
during  my  public  service,  and  of  retiring  with 
hands  as  clean  as  they  are  empty. — To  COUNT 
DIODATI.  v,  62.  (W.,  1807.) 

2241.  DISINTERESTEDNESS,       Ruin 
and. — I  had  been  thirteen  years  engaged  in 
public  service  and,  during  that  time,  I  had  so 
totally  abandoned  all  attention  to  my  private 
affairs  as  to  permit  them  to  run  into  great  dis 
order  and  ruin. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     i,  318. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  56.     (M.,  1782.) 

2242.  DISPUTATION,    Avoid.— In    sta 
ting  prudential  rules  for  our  government  in 
society,  I  must  not  omit  the  important  one  of 
never  entering  into  dispute  or  argument  with 
another.     I    never    saw   an    instance    of   one 
of  two   disputants   convincing   the  other  by 
argument.  I  have  seen  many,  on  their  getting 
warm,  becoming  rude,  and  shooting  one  an 
other.     Conviction  is  the  effect  of  our  own 
dispassionate    reasoning,    either    in    solitude, 
or  weighing  within  ourselves,  dispassionately, 
what    we    hear    from    others,    standing    un 
committed    in    argument    ourselves.     It    was 
one  of  the  rules  which,  above  all  others,  made 
Dr.    Franklin   the   most   amiable   of   men   in 
society,  "  never  to  contradict  anybody."  If  he 
was  urged  to  announce  an  opinion,  he  did  it 
rather  by  asking  questions,  as  if  for  informa 
tion,  or  by  suggesting  doubts.     When  I  hear 
another  express  an  opinion  which  is  not  mine, 
I  say  to  myself,  he  has  a  right  to  his  opinion, 
as  I  to  mine;  why  should  I  question  it?     His 
error  does  me  no  injury,  and  shall  I  become 
a  Don  Quixote,  to  bring  all  men  by  force  of 
argument  to  one  opinion?     If  a  fact  be  mis 
stated,  it  is  probable  he  is  gratified  by  a  be 
lief  of  it,  and  I  have  no  right  to  deprive  him 
of  the  gratification.     If  he  wants  information, 
he  will   ask   it,   and   then   I   will   give   it   in 
measured  terms ;   but  if  he  still  believes  his 
own  story,  and  shows  a  desire  to  dispute  the 
fact  with  me,  I  hear  him  and  say  nothing.     It 


is  his  affair,  not  mine,  if  he  prefers  error. To 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH,    v,  390   FORD 
ED.,  ix,  232.     (W.,  1808.) 

224:3.  DISPUTATION,  Political.— There 
are  two  classes  of  disputants  most  frequently 
to  be  met  with  among  us.  The  first  is  of 
young  students,  just  entered  the  threshold  of 
science,  with  a  first  view  of  its  outlines,  not 
yet  filled  up  with  the  details  and  modifications 
which  a  further  progress  would  bring  to  their 
knowledge.  The  other  consists  of  the  ill- 
tempered  and  rude  men  in  society,  who  have 
taken  up  a  passion  for  politics.  From  both  of 
these  classes  of  disputants,  *  *  *  keep 
aloof,  as  you  would  from  the  infected  sub 
jects  of  yellow  fever  or  pestilence.  Consider 
yourself,  when  with  them,  as  among  the 
patients  of  Bedlam,  needing  medical  more 
than  moral  counsel.  Be  a  listener  only,  keep 
within  yourself,  and  endeavor  to  establish 
with  yourself  the  habit  of  silence,  especially 
on  politics.  In  the  fevered  state  of  our  country, 
no  good  can  ever  result  from  any  attempt  to 
set  one  of  these  fiery  zealots  to  rights,  either 
in  fact  or  principle.  They  are  determined  as 
to  the  facts  they  will  believe,  and  the  opinions 
on  which  they  will  act.  Get  by  them,  there 
fore,  as  you  would  by  an  angry  bull ;  it  is  not 
for  a  man  of  sense  to  dispute  the  road  with 
such  an  animal.  You  will  be  more  exposed 
than  others  to  have  these  animals  shaking 
their  horns  at  you,  because  of  the  relation  in 
which  you  stand  with  me.  Full  of  political 
venom,  and  willing  to  see  me  and  to  hate  me 
as  a  chief  in  the  antagonistic  party,  your  pres 
ence  will  be  to  them  what  the  vomit  grass  is 
to  the  sick  dog,  a  nostrum  for  producing 
ejaculation.  Look  upon  them  exactly  with 
that  eye,  and  pity  them  as  objects  to  whom 
you  can  administer  only  occasional  ease. 
My  character  is  not  within  their  power.  It  is 
in  the  hands  of  my  fellow  citizens  at  large, 
and  will  be  consigned  to  honor  or  infamy  by 
the  verdict  of  the  republican  mass  of  our 
country,  according  to  what  themselves  will 
have  seen,  not  what  their  enemies  and  mine 
shall  have  said.  Never,  therefore,  consider  these 
puppies  in  politics  as  requiring  any  notice 
from  you,  and  always  show  that  you  are  not 
afraid  to  leave  my  character  to  the  umpirage 
of  public  opinion. — To  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 
RANDOLPH,  v,  391.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  232.  (W., 
1808.) 

2244.  DISPUTES,  Children  and.— In  lit 
tle  disputes  with  your  companions,  give  way 
rather  than  insist  on  trifles,  for  their  love  and 
the  approbation  of  others  will  be  worth  more 
to  you  than  the  trifle  in  dispute.* — To  FRAN 
CIS  EPPES.     D.  L.  J.  365. 

2245.  DISSENSION,  Evils  of  Political. 

— Political  dissension  is  doubtless  a  less  evil 
than  the  lethargy  of  despotism,  but  still  it  is 
a  great  evil,  and  it  would  be  as  worthy  the 
efforts  of  the  patriot  as  of  the  philosopher,  to 
exclude  its  influence,  if  possible,  from  social 
life.  The  good  are  rare  enough  at  best. 
There  is  no  reason  to  subdivide  them  by 
*  Eppes  was  a  little  grandson.— EDITOR. 


Distribution 
Dollar 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


260 


artificial  lines.  But  whether  we  shall  ever  be 
able  so  far  to  perfect  the  principles  of  society, 
as  that  political  opinions  shall,  in  its  inter 
course,  be  as  inoffensive  as  those  of  philoso 
phy,  mechanics,  or  any  other,  may  well  be 
doubted. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iv,  176. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  128.  (Pa.,  1797.)  See  SOCIAL 
INTERCOURSE. 

2246.  DISTRIBUTION,   Laws   of.— The 
bill    for    establishing    a    National    Bank    un 
dertakes      *      *     *      to  form  the  subscribers 
into  a  corporation   [and]  to  enable  them,  in 
their  corporate  capacities,    *    *    *    to  trans 
mit  personal  chattels  to  successors  in  a  certain 
line ;  and,  so  far,  is  against  the  laws  of  Dis 
tribution. — NATIONAL    BANK    OPINION,     vii. 
555.     FORD  ED.,  v,  285.     (1791-) 

2247.  DISUNION,   New  England   and. 
— The  fog  which  arose  in  the  east  in  the  last 
moments  of  my  service,  will  doubtless  clear 
away  and  expose  under  a  stronger  light  the 
rocks  and  shoals  which  have  threatened  us 
with  danger.     It  is  impossible  the  good  cit 
izens  of  the  east  should  not  see  the  agency 
of   England,    the   tools    she   employs   among 
them,  and  the  criminal  arts  and  falsehoods  of 
which  they  have  been  the  dupes. — To  GOV 
ERNOR   WRIGHT.      viii,    167.       (1809.)       See 
HARTFORD  CONVENTION  and  SECESSION. 

—  DIVINITY. — See  DEITY. 

—  DOCKYARDS.— See  NAVY. 

2248.  DOLLAR,  Adaptedness  for  Unit. 
—In  fixing  the  Unit  of  Money,  these  circum 
stances  are  of  principal  importance,     i.  That 
it  be  of  convenient  size  to  be  applied  as  a 
measure  to  the  common  money  transactions 
of  life.     2.  That  its  parts  and  multiples  be  in 
an  easy  proportion  to  each  other,   so  as  to 
facilitate  the  money  arithmetic.     3.  That  the 
unit  and  its  parts,  or  divisions,  be  so  nearly  of 
the  value  of  some  of  the  known  coins,  as  that 
they  may  be  of  easy  adoption  for  the  people. 
The  Spanish  dollar  seems  to  fulfil  all  these 
conditions.     Taking  into  our  view  all  money 
transactions,  great  and  small,  I  question  if  a 
common    measure    of    more    convenient   size 
than  the  Dollar  could  be  proposed.     The  value 
of  100,  1,000,  10,000  dollars  is  well  estimated 
by  the  mind;  so  is  that  of  the  tenth  or  the 
hundredth  of  a  dollar.     Few  transactions  are 
above  or  below  these  limits.     The  expediency 
of  attending  to  the  size  of  the  money  Unit 
will  be  evident  to  anyone  who  will  consider 
how  inconvenient  it  would  be  to  a  manufac 
turer  or  merchant,  if,  instead  of  the  yard  for 
measuring  cloth,  either  the  inch  or  the  mile 
had  been  made  the  Unit  of  Measure.* — NOTES 
ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,     i,  162.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  446. 
(1784.)     See  DECIMAL  SYSTEM. 

*  Parton  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson  says  :  "Two  years 
before,  Gouverneur  Morris,  a  clerk  in  the  office  of 
his  uncle  Robert  Morris,  had  conceived  the  most 
happy  idea  of  applying  the  decimal  system  to  the  no 
tation  of  money.  But  it  always  requires  several 
men  to  complete  one  great  thing.  The  details  of  the 
system  devised  by  Gouverneur  Morris  were  so  cum 
brous  and  awkward  as  almost  to  neutralize  the  sim- 


and  the  largest  silver  coin."— EDITOR. 


2249. .     The  Unit,  or  Dollar,  is 

a  known  coin,  and  the  most  familiar  of  all, 
to  the  minds  of  the  people.  It  is  already 
adopted  from  South  to  North;  has  identified 
pur  currency,  and  therefore  happily  offers 
itself  as  a  Unit  already  introduced.  Our 
public  debt,  our  requisitions,  and  their  ap 
pointments,  h'ave  given  it  actual  and  long 
possession  of  the  place  of  Unit.  The  course 
of  our  commerce,  too,  will  bring  us  more  of 
this  than  of  any  other  foreign  coin,  and, 
therefore,  renders  it  more  worthy  of  attention. 
I  know  of  no  Unit  which  can  be  proposed  in 
competition  with  the  dollar,  but  the  Pound. 
But  what  is  the  Pound?  1547  grains  of  fine 
silver  in  Georgia;  1289  grains  in  Virginia, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire;  1031  1-4  grains  in 
Maryland,  Delaware,  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey;  966  3-4  grains  in  North  Carolina  and 
New  York.  Which  of  these  shall  we  adopt? 
To  which  State  give  that  preeminence  of 
which  all  are  so  jealous?  And  on  which 
impose  the  difficulties  of  a  new  estimate  of 
their  corn,  their  cattle  and  other  commodi 
ties?  Or  shall  we  hang  the  pound  sterling, 
as  a  common  badge,  about  all  their  necks? 
This  contains  1718  3-4  grains  of  pure  silver. 
It  is  difficult  to  familiarize  a  new  coin  to  the 
people ;  it  is  more  difficult  to  familiarize  them 
to  a  new  coin  with  an  old  name.  Happily, 
the  dollar  is  familiar  to  them  all,  and  is  al 
ready  as  much  referred  to  for  a  measure  of 
value,  as  are  their  respective  provincial 
pounds. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  165. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  448.  (1784.) 

2250.  DOLLAR,  Advantages  as  Unit.— 
The  Financier  [Robert  Morris]  *  *  * 
seems  to  concur  with  me  in  thinking  his 
smallest  fractional  division  too  minute  for 
a  Unit  and,  therefore,  proposes  to  transfer 
that  denomination  to  his  largest  silver  coin, 
containing  1000  of  the  units  first  proposed, 
(1440)  and  worth  about  45.  2d.  lawful,  or 
25-36  of  a  Dollar.  The  only  question  then 
remaining  between  us  is,  whether  the  Dollar, 
or  this  coin,  be  best  for  the  Unit.  We  both 
agree  that  the  ease  of  adoption  with  the  peo 
ple,  is  the  thing  to  be  aimed  at.  As  to  the 
Dollar,  events  have  overtaken  and  superseded 
the  question.  It  is  no  longer  a  doubt  whether 
the  people  can  adopt  it  with  ease ;  they  have 
adopted  it,  and  will  have  to  be  turned  out  of 
that  into  another  tract  of  calculation,  if  an 
other  Unit  be  assumed.  They  have  now  two 
Units,  which  they  use  with  equal  facility, 
viz.,  the  Pound  of  their  respective  State,  and 
the  Dollar.  The  first  of  these  is  peculiar  to 
each  State ;  the  second,  happily,  common  to 
all.  In  each  State,  the  people  have  an  easy 
rule  of  converting  the  pound  of  their  State 
into  dollars,  or  dollars  into  pounds ;  and  this 
is  enough  for  them,  without  knowing  how  this 
may  be  done  in  every  State  of  the  Union. 
Such  of  them  as  live  near  enough  the  borders 
of  their  State  to  have  dealings  with  their 
neighbors,  learn  also  the  rule  of  their  neigh 
bors  ;  thus,  in  Virginia  and  the  Eastern 
States,  where  the  dollar  is  6s.  or  3-10  of  a 


26l 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Dollar 


pound,  to  turn  pounds  into  dollars,  they  mul 
tiply  by  10  and  divide  by  three.  To  turn  dol 
lars  into  pounds,  they  multiply  by  3  and  divide 
by  10.  Those  in  Virginia  who  live  near  to 
Carolina,  where  the  dollar  is  8s.  or  4-10  of  a 
pound,  learn  the  operation  of  that  State, 
which  is  a  multiplication  by  4,  and  division 
by  10,  et  e  convcrso.  Those  who  live  near 
Maryland,  where  the  dollar  is  7s.  6d.  or  3-8  of 
a  pound,  multiply  by  3,  and  divide  by  8,  ct  e 
converse.  All  these  operations  are  easy,  and 
have  been  found,  by  experience,  not  too  much 
for  the  arithmetic  of  the  people,  when  they 
have  occasion  to  convert  their  old  Unit  into 
dollars,  or  the  reverse.  —  SUPPLEMENTARY  EX 
PLANATIONS.  i,  171.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  455. 
(1784.)  See  MONEY,  UNIT. 

2251.  --   -  .      In    the     States    where 
the    dollar    is    3-10    of    a    pound,    this    Unit 
[of  the  Financier]   will  be  5-24.     Its  conver 
sion  into  the  pound,  then,  will  be  by  a  multi 
plication  of  5  and  a  division  by  24.     In  the 
States  where  the  dollar  is  3-8  of  a  pound,  this 
Unit  will  be  25-96  of  a  pound,  and  the  opera 
tion  must  be  to  multiply  by  25,  and  divide  by 
96,  et  e  converse.     Where  the  dollar  is  4-10  of 
a  pound,   this  Unit  will  be  5-18.     The  sim 
plicity   of   the    fraction   and,    of   course,    the 
facility   of   conversion    and    reconversion    is, 
therefore,  against  this  Unit,  and  in  favor  of 
the  dollar,   in  every  instance.     The  only  ad 
vantage  it  has  over  the  dollar,  is,  that  it  will 
in  every  case,  express  our  farthing  without  a 
remainder  ;  whereas,  though  the  dollar  and  its 
decimals  will  do  this  in  many  cases,  it  will 
not  in  all.     But,  even  in  these,  by  extending 
your  notation  one  figure   further,  to  wit,  to 
thousands,    you    approximate   to   perfect   ac 
curacy  within  less  than  the  two-thousandth 
part  of  a  dollar;  an  atom  in  money  which 
every  one  would  neglect.     Against  this  single 
inconvenience,    the   other  advantages   of  the 
dollar  are  more  than  sufficient  to  preponder 
ate.     This  Unit  will  present  to  the  people  a 
new  coin,  and  whenever  they  endeavor  to  es 
timate    its    value    by    comparing    it    with    a 
Pound,  or  with  a  Dollar,  the  Units  they  now 
possess,  they  will  find  the  fraction  very  com 
pound,  and,  of  course,  less  accommodated  to 
their  comprehension  and  habits  than  the  dol 
lar.      Indeed,    the    probability    is,    that    they 
could  never  be  led  to  compute  in  it  generally. 

—  SUPPLEMENTARY    EXPLANATIONS.      i,    171. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  455.     (1784-) 

2252.  DOLLAR,    Coinage.—  If   we   adopt 
the  Dollar  for  our  Unit,  we  should  strike  four 
coins,  one  of  gold,  two  of  silver,  and  one  of 
copper,  viz.  :  i.  A  golden  piece,  equal  in  value 
to  ten  dollars:*  2.  The  Unit  or  Dollar  itself. 
of  silver:  3.  The  tenth  of  a  Dollar,  of  silver 
also  :  4.  The  hundredth  of  a  Dollar,  of  copper. 

—  NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,     i,   163.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  447.     (1784.) 


•2253. 


Perhaps  it  would  not  be 


amiss  to  coin  three  more  pieces  of  silver,  one 
of  the  value  of  five-tenths,  or  half  a  dollar, 
one  of  the  value  of  two-tenths,  which  would 

*  Jefferson  subsequently  added  the  five-dollar  gold 
coin  to  the  list.— EDITOR. 


be  equal  to  the  Spanish  pistereen,  and  one  of 
the  value  of  five  coppers,  which  would  be 
equal  to  the  Spanish  half-bit.  We  should 
then  have  five  silver  coins,  viz. : 

1.  The  Unit  or  Dollar; 

2.  The  half  dollar  or  five-tenths: 

3.  The  double-tenth,  equal  to  2,  or  one-fifth  of 
a  dollar,  or  to  the  pistereen  ; 

4.  The  tenth,  equal  to  a  Spanish  bit : 

5.  The  five  copper  piece,  equal  to  .5,  or  one- 
twentieth  of  a  dollar,  or  the  half  bit. — NOTES  ON 
A    MONEY    UNIT,     i,    166.     FORD    ED.,    iii,    450. 
(1784.) 

2254.  DOLLAR,  Copper  coinage  and. — 
The  hundredth  [of  a  dollar],  or  copper,  will 
differ  little  from  the  copper  of  the  four  East 
ern  States,  which  is  1-108  of  a  dollar;  still 
less  from  the  penny  of  New  York  and  North 
Carolina,  which  is  1-96  of  a  dollar ;  and  some 
what  more  from  the  penny  or  copper  of  Jer 
sey.  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Maryland, 
which  is  1-90  of  a  dollar.  It  will  be  about 
the  medium  between  the  old  and  the  new  cop 
pers  of  these  States,  and  will,  therefore,  soon 
be  substituted  for  them  both.  In  Virginia, 
coppers  have  never  been  in  use.  It  will  be  as 
easy,  therefore,  to  introduce  them  there  of 
one  value  as  of  another.  The  copper  coin 
proposed  will  be  nearly  equal  to  three-fourths 
of  their  penny,  which  is  the  same  with  the 
penny  lawful  of  the  Eastern  States. — NOTES 
ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  165.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  449. 
(1784.) 

2255. .  The  Financier  [Robert 

Morris]  supposes  that  the  i-ioo  part  of  a  dol 
lar  is  not  sufficiently  small,  where  the  poor 
are  purchasers  or  vendors.  If  it  is  not,  make 
a  smaller  coin.  But  I  suspect  that  it  is  small 
enough.  Let  us  examine  facts,  in  countries 
where  we  are  acquainted  with  them.  In 
Virginia,  where  our  towns  are  few,  small, 
and,  of  course,  their  demand  for  necessaries 
very  limited,  we  have  never  yet  been  able  to 
introduce  a  copper  coin  at  all.  The  smallest 
coin  which  anybody  will  receive  there  is  the 
half-bit,  or  the  1-20  of  a  dollar.  In  those 
States  where  the  towns  are  larger  and  more 
populous,  a  more  habitual  barter  of  small 
wants  has  called  for  a  copper  coin  of  1-90,  i- 
96,  or  1-108  of  a  dollar.  In  England,  where  the 
towns  are  many  and  populous,  and  where 
ages  of  experience  have  matured  the  con 
veniences  of  intercourse,  they  have  found  that 
some  wants  may  be  supplied  for  a  farthing, 
or  1-208  of  a  dollar,  and  they  have  accommo 
dated  a  coin  to  this  want  This  business  is 
evidently  progressive.  In  Virginia,  we  are 
far  behind.  In  some  other  States,  they  are 
further  advanced,  to  wit,  to  the  appreciation 
of  1-90,  1-96,  1-108  of  a  dollar.  To  this  most 
advanced  state,  then,  I  accommodated  my 
smallest  coin  in  the  decimal  arrangement,  as 
a  money  of  payment,  corresponding  with  the 
money  of  account.  I  have  no  doubt  the  time 
will  come  when  a  smaller  coin  will  be  called 
for.  When  that  comes,  let  it  be  made.  It 
will  probably  be  the  half  of  the  copper  I 
suppose,  that  is  to  say,  5-1000  or  .005  of  a 
dollar,  this  being  very  nearly  the  farthing  of 
England.  But  it  will  be  time  enough  to  make 


Dollar 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


262 


it,  when  the  people  shall  be  ready  to  receive 
it. — SUPPLEMENTARY  EXPLANATIONS,  i,  173. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  456.  (1784.) 

2256. .  The  Secretary  of  State 

is  *  *  *  uncertain  whether,  instead  of  the 
larger  copper  coin,  the  Legislature  might  not 
prefer  a  lighter  one  of  billon,  or  mixed  metal, 
as  is  practiced  with  convenience,  by  several 
other  nations. — COINAGE  REPORT.  vii,  463. 
(April  1790.) 

2257.  DOLLAR,  Grains  of  Silver  in.— If 
we  determine  that  a  Dollar  shall  be  our  Unit, 
we  must  then  say  with  precision  what  a  Dol 
lar  is.  This  coin,  struck  at  different  times, 
of  different  weights  and  fineness,  is  of  dif 
ferent  values.  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  assay  and 
representation  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury, 
in  1717,  of  those  which  he  examined,  make 
their  values  as  follows : 


The  Seville  piece 
of  eight , 


The  Mexico  piece 
of  eight 


dwt.  grs. 

. .  .17 — 12  containing  387  grains 
of  pure  silver 

...17 — 10  5-9  containing  385  1-2 
grains  of  pure  silver. 
The  Pillar  piece  of  eight..  17— Q   containing     385      3-4 
grains  of  pure  silver. 
The  new  Seville  piece 

of  eight 14—      containing    308    7-10 

grains  of  pure  silver. 

The  Financier  states  the  old  Dollar  as  con 
taining  376  grains  of  fine  silver,  and  the  new 
365  grains.  If  the  Dollars  circulating  among 
us  be  of  every  date  equally,  we  should  ex 
amine  the  quantity  of  pure  metal  in  each,  and 
from  them  form  an  average  for  our  Unit. 
This  is  a  work  proper  to  be  committed  to 
mathematicians  as  well  as  merchants,  and 
which  should  be  decided  on  actual  and  ac 
curate  experiment. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT. 
i,  167.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  451.  (1784-)  See  GOLD 
AND  SILVER. 

2258. .  Congress,  in  1786,  estab 
lished  the  Money  Unit  at  375-64  Troy  grains 
of  pure  silver.  It  is  proposed  to  enlarge  this 
by  about  the  third  of  a  grain  in  weight,  or  a 
mill  in  value;  that  it  is  to  say,  to  establish 
it  at  376  (or,  more  exactly,  375-989343) 
instead  of  375.64  grains;  because  it  will  be 
shown  that  this,  as  the  unit  of  coin,  will  link 
in  system  with  the  units  of  length,  surface, 
capacity,  and  weight,  whenever  it  shall  be 
thought  proper  to  extend  the  decimal  ratio 
through  all  these  branches.  It  is  to  preserve  the 
possibility  of  doing  this,  that  this  very  minute 
alteration  is  proposed.  *  *  *  Let  it  be  de 
clared,  therefore,  that  the  money  unit  or  dol 
lar  of  the  United  States,  shaH  contain  371.262 
American  grains  of  pure  silver. — COINAGE, 
WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES  REPORT,  vii,  487. 
(July  1790-) 

2259. .  Let  the  Money  Unit,  or 

dollar,  contain  eleven-twelfths  of  an  ounce  of 
pure  silver.  This  will  be  376  Troy  grains  (or 
more  exactly,  375.989343  Troy  grains),  which 
will  be  about  a  third  of  a  grain  (or  more  ex 
actly,  .349343  of  a  grain)  more  than  the 
present  unit.  This,  with  the  twelfth  of  alloy 
already  established,  will  make  the  dollar  or 
unit,  of  the  weight  of  an  ounce,  or  of  a  cubic 


inch  of  rain  water,  exactly.  The  series  of 
mills,  cents,  dimes,  dollars,  and  eagles,  to 
remain  as  already  established.— COINAGE, 
WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES  REPORT,  vii,  490. 
(July  1790.) 

2260. .     The  pure  silver  in  a  dol- 

]ar      *      *      *      |-jsj    fixed   by   iaw   at   34714 

grains,  and  all  debts  and  contracts  *  *  * 
[are]  bottomed  on  that  value  *  *  *  . — 
To  DR.  ROBERT  PATTERSON,  vi,  22.  (M., 
Nov.  1811.) 

2261.  DOLLAR,  Proportion  of  Alloy.— 

Some  alloy  is  necessary  to  prevent  the  coin 
from  wearing  too  fast;  too  much,  fills  our 
pockets  with  copper,  instead  of  silver.  The 
silver  coin  assayed  by  Sir  Isaac  Newton, 
varied  from  i  1-2  to  76  pennyweights  alloy,  in 
the  pound  Troy  of  mixed  metal.  The  British 
standard  has  18  dwt. ;  the  Spanish  coins  as 
sayed  by  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  have  from  18 
to  19  1-2  dwt. ;  the  new  French  crown  has  in 
fact  19  1-2,  though  by  edict,  it  should  have 
20  dwt.,  that  is  1-12.  The  taste  of  our  coun 
trymen  will  require  that  their  furniture  plate 
should  be  as  good  as  the  British  standard. 
Taste  cannot  be  controlled  by  law.  Let  it 
then  give  the  law,  in  a  point  which  is  indif 
ferent  to  a  certain  degree.  Let  the  Legisla 
ture  fix  the  alloy  of  furniture  plate  at  18  dwt, 
the  British  standard,  and  Congress  that  of 
their  coin  at  one  ounce  in  the  pound,  the 
French  standard.  This  proportion  has  been 
found  convenient  for  the  alloy  of  gold  coin, 
and  it  will  simplify  the  system  of  our  mint 
to  alloy  both  metals  in  the  same  degree.  The 
coin,  too,  being  the  least  pure,  will  be  the  less 
easily  melted  into  plate.  These  reasons  are 
light,  indeed,  and,  of  course,  will  only  weigh 
if  no  heavier  ones  can  be  opposed  to  them. — 
NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  167.  FORD  ED., 
iii,  451.  (1784.) 

2262. .  As  to  the  alloy  for  gold 

coin,  the  British  is  an  ounce  in  the  pound; 
the  French,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  differ 
from  that,  only  from  a  quarter  of  a  grain,  to 
a  grain  and  a  half.  I  should,  therefore,  pre 
fer  the  British,  merely  because  its  fraction 
stands  in  a  more  simple  form,  and  facilitates 
the  calculations  into  which  it  enters. — NOTES 
ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  168.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  452. 
(1784.) 

2263. .  I  concur  with  you  in 

thinking  that  *  *  *  the  alloy  should  be 
the  same  in  both  metals. — To  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON,  iii,  330.  (Feb.  1792.) 

2264.  DOLLAR,  Reducing-  Value  of. — 
With  respect  to  the  dollar,  it  must  be  admitted 
by  all  the  world,  that  there  is  great  uncer 
tainty  in  the  meaning  of  the  term,  and  there 
fore  all  the  world  will  have  justified  Congress 
for  their  first  act  of  removing  the  uncertainty 
by  declaring  what  they  understand  by  the 
term;  but  the  uncertainty  once  removed, 
exists  no  longer,  and  I  very  much  doubt  now 
a  right  to  change  the  value,  and  especially  to 
lessen  it.  It  would  lead  to  so  easy  a  mode 
of  paying  off  their  debts.  Besides,  the  parties 
injured  by  this  reduction  of  the  value  would 


263 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Dollar 
Drawbacks 


have  so  much  matter  to  urge  in  support  of  the 
first  point  of  fixation. — To  ALEXANDER  HAM 
ILTON,  iii,  330.  (1792.) 

2265. .    Should  it  be  thought  that 

Congress  may  reduce  the  value  of  the  dollar, 
I  should  be  for  adopting  for  our  unit,  instead 
of  the  dollar,  either  one  ounce  of  pure  silver, 
or  one  ounce  of  standard  silver,  so  as  to  keep 
the  unit  of  money  a  part  of  the  system  of 
measures,  weights  and  coins. — To  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON,  iii,  330.  (1792.) 

2266.  DOLLAR,    Stopping    Coinage.— I 
should  approve  of  your  employing  the  Mint  on 
small    silver    coins,    rather    than    on    dollars 
and  gold  coins,  so  far  as  the  consent  of  those 
who  employ  it  can  be  obtained.     It  would  be 
much  more  valuable  to  the  public  to  be  sup 
plied  with  abundance  of  dimes  and  half  dimes, 
which  would  stay  among  us,  than  with  dollars 
and  eagles  which  leave  us  immediately.     In 
deed  I  wish  the  law  authorized  the  making 
two-cent  and  three-cent  pieces  of  silver,  and 
golden    dollars,    which    would    all    be    large 
enough  to  handle,  and  would  be  a  great  con 
venience   to   our   own    citizens. — To   ROBERT 
PATTERSON,      v,  61.     (W.,  March  1807.) 

2267.  DOLLAR,    Summary    Review    of 
measures. — Congress  as  early  as  January  7, 
1782,  had  turned  their  attention  to  the  moneys 
current  in  the  several  States,  and  had  directed 
the   Financier,   Robert   Morris,   to   report  to 
them  a  table  of  rates  at  which  the  foreign 
coins    should    be    received    at    the    treasury. 
That  officer,  or  rather  his  assistant,  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  answered  them  on  the  I5th,  in 
an  able  and  elaborate  statement  of  the  de 
nominations  of  money  current  in  the  several 
States,  and  of  the  comparative  value  of  the 
foreign  coins  chiefly  in  circulation   with  us, 
He  went  into  the  consideration  of  the  neces 
sity  of  establishing  a  standard  of  value  with 
us,   and  of  the  adoption  of  a  money  Unit.     He 
proposed   for  that  Unit,   such  a  fraction  of 
pure  silver  as  would  be  a  common  measure 
of  the  penny  of  every  State,  without  leaving 
a  fraction.     This  common  divisor  he  found 
to  be  the  1-1440  of  a  dollar,  or  1-1600  of  the 
crown  sterling.     The  value  of  a  dollar  was, 
therefore,  to  be  expressed  by  1440  units,  and 
of  a  crown  by  1600;  each  Unit  containing  a 
quarter  of  a  grain  of  fine  silver.     Congress 
turning  again  their  attention  to  this  subject 
the  following  year,  the  Financier,  by  a  letter 
of  April  30,  1783.  further  explained  and  urged 
the  Unit  he  had  proposed ;  but  nothing  more 
was  done  on  it  until  the  ensuing  year,  when  it 
was  again  taken  up,  and  referred  to  a  com 
mittee,  of  which  I  was  a  member.  The  general 
views  of  the  Financier  were  sound,  and  the 
principle  was  ingenious  on  which  he  proposed 
to  found  his  Unit ;  but  it  was  too  minute  for 
ordinary  use,  too  laborious  for  computation, 
either  by  the  head  or  in  figures.     The  price 
of  a  loaf  of  bread,  1-20  of  a  dollar,  would  be 
72  units.     A  pound  of  butter  1-5  of  a  dollar, 
288  units.     A  horse  or  bullock  of  eighty  dol 
lars  value   would   require   a   notation   of  six 
figures,  to  wit.   115,200.  and  the  public  debt, 
suppose    of    eighty    millions,    would    require 


twelve  figures,  to  wit,  115,200,000,000  units. 
Such  a  system  of  money-arithmetic  would  be 
entirely  unmanageable  for  the  common  pur 
poses  of  Society.  I  propose,  therefore,  instead 
of  this,  to  adopt  the  Dollar  as  our  Unit  of  ac 
count  and  payment,  and  that  its  divisions  and 
sub-divisions  should  be  in  the  decimal  ratio. 
I  wrote  some  Notes  on  the  subject,  which  I 
submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  Finan 
cier.  I  received  his  answer  and  adherence  to 
his  general  system,  only  agreeing  to  take  for 
his  Unit  one  hundred  of  those  he  first  pro 
posed,  so  that  a  Dollar  should  be  14  40-100, 
and  a  crown  16  units.  I  replied  to  this,  and 
printed  my  notes  and  reply  on  a  flying  sheet, 
which  I  put  into  the  hands  of  the  members 
of  Congress  for  consideration,  and  the  Com 
mittee  agreed  to  report  on  my  principle.  This 
was  adopted  the  ensuing  year,  and  is  the  sys 
tem  which  now  prevails. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 
52.  FORD  ED.,  i,  73.  (1820.)  See  MONEY,  UNIT. 

—  DOUBLE  STANDARD.— See  MONEY. 

2268.  DOUBT,   Caution  in.— In   case  of 
doubt,  it  is  better  to  say  too  little  than  too 
much. — To    PRESIDENT   WASHINGTON.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  369.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

2269.  DRAFT,     Unpopularity    of.— In 

Virginia  a  draft  was  ever  the  most  unpopular 
and  impracticable  thing  that  could  be  at 
tempted.  Our  people,  even  under  the  mon 
archical  government,  had  learned  to  consider 
it  as  the  last  of  all  oppressions. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  129.  (Wg.,  1777.) 

2270.  DRAWBACKS,     Evils    of.— With 
respect  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States 
in   this   exuberant   commerce   which   is   now 
bringing  war  on  us,  we  concur  perfectly.     It 
brings   us   into   collision   with   other  powers 
in  every  sea,  and  will  force  us  into  every  war 
of  the  European  powers.     The  converting  this 
great  agricultural  country  into  a  city  of  Am 
sterdam, — a  mere  headquarters  for  carrying  on 
the  commerce  of  all  nations  with  one  another, 
is  too  absurd.  Yet  this  is  the  real  object  of  the 
drawback  system, — it  enriches  a  few  individ 
uals,  but  lessens  the  stock  of  native  produc 
tions,  by  withdrawing  from  them  all  the  hands 
thus  employed.     It  is  essentially  interesting  to 
us  to  have   shipping  and   seamen   enough   to 
carry  our  surplus  produce  to  market ;  but  be 
yond  that,  I  do  not  think  we  are  bound  to 
give  it  encouragement  by  drawbacks  or  pre 
miums.  I  wish  vou  may  be  right  in  supposing 
that  the  trading  States  would  now  be  willing 
to  give  up  the  drawbacks,  and  to  denation 
alize  all  ships  taking  foreign  articles  on  board 
for   any   other    destination    than    the    United 
States,    on   being   secured   by   discriminating 
duties,  or  otherwise  in  the  exclusive  carryage 
of  the  produce  of  the  United  States.    I  should 
doubt  it.     Were  such  a  proposition  to  come 
from  them,  I  presume  it  would  meet  with  little 
difficulty.    .Otherwise,  I  suppose  it  must  wait 
till  peace,  when  the  right  of  drawback  will  be 
less   valued    than    the    exclusive    carryage   of 
our  own  produce. — To  BENJAMIN   STODDERT. 
v,  426.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  245.     (W.,  Feb.  1809.) 


Drawbacks 
Duane  (William) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


264 


2271.  DRAWBACKS,    Introduction    of. 

— This  most  heterogeneous  principle  was 
transplanted  into  ours  from  the  British  system 
by  a  man  [Alexander  Hamilton]  whose  mind 
was  really  powerful,  but  chained  by  native 
partialities  to  everything  English;  who  had 
formed  exaggerated  ideas  of  the  superior  per 
fection  of  the  English  constitution,  the  supe 
rior  wisdom  of  their  government,  and  sin 
cerely  believed  it  for  the  good  of  this  country 
to  make  them  their  model  in  everything ;  with 
out  considering  that  what  might  be  wise  and 
good  for  a  nation  essentially  commercial,  and 
entangled  in  complicated  intercourse  with 
numerous  and  powerful  neighbors,  might  not 
be  so  for  one  essentially  agricultural,  and  in 
sulated  by  nature  from  the  abusive  govern 
ments  of  the  old  world. — To  WILLIAM  H. 
CRAWFORD,  vii,  6.  FORD  ED.,  x,  34.  (M.,  1816.) 

2272.  DRAWBACKS,    Repeal    of.— The 
inordinate  extent  given  to  commerce  among 
us  by  our  becoming  the  factors  of  the  whole 
world,  has  enabled  it  to  control  the  agricul 
tural  and  manufacturing  interests.     When  a 
change  of  circumstances  shall  reduce  it  to  an 
equilibrium  with  these,   to  the  carrying  our 
produce  only,  to  be  exchanged  for  our  wants, 
it  will  return  to  a  wholesome  condition  for 
the  body  politic,   and  that  beyond  which  it 
should  never  be  encouraged  to  go.     The  re 
peal  of  the  drawback  system  will  either  effect 
this,  or  bring  sufficient  sums  into  the  treasury 
to  meet  the  wars  we  shall  bring  on  by  our 
covering   every    sea    with    our   vessels.     But 
this  must  be  the  work  of  peace.     The  cor 
rection   will  be  after  my  day,   as  the  error 
originated    before    it. — To    LARKIN    SMITH. 
v,  441.     (M.,  April  i8og.) 

2273.  DRAWBACKS,  Wars  and.— I  re 
turned  from  Europe  after  our  government  had 
got  under  way,  and  had  adopted  from  the 
British  code  the  law  of  drawbacks.     I  early 
saw  its  effects  in  the  jealousies  and  vexations 
of  Britain ;  and  that,  retaining  it,  we  must  be 
come,  like  her,  an  essentially  warring  nation, 
and  meet,  in  the  end,  the  catastrophe  impend 
ing  over  her.     No  one  can  doubt  that  this 
alone  produced  the  Orders  of  Council,   the 
depredations    which   preceded,    and   the   war 
which  followed  them.  Had  we  carried  but  our 
own  produce,  and  brought  back  but  our  own 
wants,    no   nation    would   have   troubled    us. 
*   *   *   When  war  was  declared,  and  especially 
after   Massachusetts,    who   had   produced   it, 
took  side  with  the  enemy  waging  it,  I  pressed 
on  some  confidential  friends  in  Congress  to 
avail  us  of  the  happy  opportunity  of  repealing 
the  drawbacks  and  I  do  rejoice  to  find  that 
you  are  in  that  sentiment.     *    *    *    It  is  one 
of   three  great  measures  necessary  to  insure  us 
permanent  prosperity.    It  preserves  our  peace. 
— To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD,    vii,  7.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  35.     (M.,  1816.) 

2274.  DREAMS,  Hints  from.— We  some- 

times  from  dreams  pick  up  some  hint  worth  im- 

Soving     by      *     *     *      reflection. — To     JAMES 
ONROE.     FORD  ED.,  x,  249.     (M.,  1823.) 

2275.  DREAMS,    Utopian.— Mine,    after 
{ill,  may  be  an  Utopian  dream,  but  being  inno 


cent,  I  have  thought  I  might  indulge  in  it  till 
I  go  to  the  land  of  dreams,  and  sleep  there  with 
the  dreamers  of  all  past  and  future  times.*  — 
To  M.  CORREA.  vii,  95.  (P.F.,  1817.) 

2276.  DRESS,  Economy  and.—  The  arti 
cle  of  dress  is  perhaps  that  in  which  economy 
is  the  least  to  be  recommended.     It  is  so  im 
portant  [in  married  life]  to  each  to  continue 
to  please  the  other,  that  the  happiness  of  both 
requires  the  most  pointed  attention  to  what 
ever  may  contribute  to  it  —  and  the  more  as 
time  makes  greater  inroads  on  our  person. 
Yet,  generally,  we  become  slovenly  in  propor 
tion  as  personal  decay  requires  the  contrary.  — 
To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES.    D.  L.   T     247 
(Pa.,  1798.) 

2277.  DRESS,    Women's.—  Some    ladies 
think  they  may,  under  the  privileges  of  the 
deshabille,   be   loose   and   negligent   of   their 
dress  in  the  morning.     But  be  you,  from  the 
moment  you  rise  till  you  go  to  bed,  as  cleanly 
and  properly  dressed  as  at  the  hours  of  dinner 
or   tea.  —  To   MARTHA   JEFFERSON.    D.    L.    T. 


—  DRUNKARDS.—  See  INTEMPERANCE. 
2278.  DUANE  (William),  Assistance  to. 

—  The  zeal,  the  disinterestedness,  and  the 
abilities  with  which  you  have  supported  the 
great  principles  of  our  [political]  revolution, 
the  persecutions  you  have  suffered,  and  the 
firmness  and  independence  with  which  you  have 
suffered  them,  constitute  too  strong  a  claim  on 
the  good  wishes  of  every  friend  of  elective  gov 
ernment  to  be  effaced  by  a  solitary  case  of  dif 
ference  in  opinion.  Thus  I  think,  and  thus  I 
believed  my  much-esteemed  friend  Lieper  would 
have  thought  ;  and  I  am  the  more  concerned  he 
does  not,  as  it  is  so  much  more  in  his  power  to 
be  useful  to  you  than  in  mine.  His  residence, 
and  his  standing  at  the  great  seat  of  the  mon 
eyed  institutions,  command  a  credit  with  them, 
which  no  inhabitant  of  the  country,  and  of  agri 
cultural  pursuits  only,  can  have.  The  two  or 
three  banks  in  our  uncommercial  State  are  too 
distant  to  have  any  relations  with  the  farmers 
of  Albemarle.  We  are  persuaded  you  have  not 
overrated  the  dispositions  of  this  State  to  sup 
port  yourself  and  your  paper.  They  have  felt 
its  services  too  often  to  be  indifferent  in  the 
hour  of  trial.  They  are  well  aware  that  the 
days  of  danger  are  not  yet  over.  And  I  am 
sensible  that  if  there  were  any  means  of  bring 
ing  into  concert  the  good  will  of  the  friends 
of  the  "  Aurora  "  scattered  over  this  State,  they 
would  not  deceive  your  expectations.  One 
month  sooner  might  have  found  such  an  oppor 
tunity  in  the  assemblage  of  our  Legislature  in 
Richmond.  But  that  is  now  dispersed  not  to 
meet  again  under  a  twelvemonth.  We,  here, 
are  but  one  of  a  hundred  counties.,  and  on  con 
sultation  with  friends  of  the  neighborhood,  it  is 
their  opinion  that  if  we  can  find  an  endorser 
resident  in  Richmond,  ten  (for  that  is  indispen 
sable)  or  twelve  persons  of  this  county  would 
readily  engage,  as  you  suggest,  for  their  $100 
each,  and  some  of  them  for  more.  It  is  be 
lieved  that  the  republicans  in  that  city  can  and 
will  do  a  great  deal  more  ;  and  perhaps  their 
central  position  may  enable  them  to  communi 
cate  with  other  counties.  We  have  written  to 
a  distinguished  friend  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
there  to  take  the  lead  in  the  business,  as  far  as 

*  Jefferson  was  discussing  his  popular  and  higher 
education  plans  for  Virginia.—  EDITOR, 


265 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Duane  (William) 
Dumas  (C.  W.  F.) 


concerns  that  place ;  and  for  our  own,  we  are 
taking  measures  for  obtaining  the  aid  of  the 
bank  of  the  same  place.  In  all  this  I  am  merely 
a  cipher.  Forty  years  of  almost  constant  ab 
sence  from  the  State  have  made  me  a  stranger 
in  it,  have  left  me  a  solitary  tree,  from  around 
which  the  axe  of  time  has  felled  all  the  com 
panions  of  its  youth  and  growth.  I  have,  how 
ever,  engaged  some  active  and  zealous  friends 
to  do  what  I  could  not.  *  *  *  But  our  sup 
port  can  be  but  partial,  and  far  short,  both  in 
time  and  measure,  of  your  difficulties.  They 
will  be  little  more  than  evidences  of  our  friend 
ship. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  575.  FORD  EDV 
ix,  311.  (M.,  1811.) 

2279.  DUANE  (William),  Character  of. 

— I  believe  Duane  to  be  a  very  honest  man 
and  sincerely  republican ;  but  his  passions  are 
stronger  than  his  prudence,  and  his  personal  as 
well  as  general  antipathies  render  him  very 
intolerant.  These  traits  lead  him  astray,  and 
require  his  readers,  even  those  who  value  him 
for  his  steady  support  of  the  republican  cause, 
to  be  on  their  guard  against  his  occasional  aber 
rations. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.  v,  595.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  319.  (M.,  1811.) 

2280.  DUANE  (William),  Defection  of. 

— After  so  long  a  course  of  steady  adherence 
to  the  general  sentiments  of  the  republicans,  it 
would  afflict  me  sincerely  to  see  you  separate 
from  the  body,  become  auxiliary  to  the  enemies 
of  our  government,  who  have  to  you  been  the 
bitterest  enemies,  who  are  now  chuckling  at  the 
prospect  of  division  among  us,  and,  as  I  am  told, 
are  subscribing  for  your  paper. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.  v,  592.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  316.  (M.,  April 
1811.) 

2281.  DUANE  (William),  Office  for.— 

Duane's  defection  from  the  republican  ranks, 
his  transition  to  the  federalists,  and  giving  tri 
umph,  in  an  important  State,  to  wrong  over 
right,  have  dissolved,  of  his  own  seeking,  his 
connection  with  us.  Yet  the  energy  of  his 
press  when  our  cause  was  laboring,  and  all  but 
lost  under  the  overwhelming  weight  of  its  pow 
erful  adversaries,  its  unquestionable  effect  in 
the  revolution  produced  in  the  public  mind, 
which  arrested  the  rapid  march  of  our  govern 
ment  towards  monarchy,  overweight  in  fact  the 
demerit  of  his  desertion,  when  we  had  become 
too  strong  to  suffer  from  it  sensibly.  He  is,  in 
truth,  the  victim  of  passions  which  his  princi 
ples  were  not  strong  enough  to  control.  Al 
though,  therefore,  we  are  not  bound  to  clothe 
him  with  the  best  robe,  to  put  a  ring  on  his 
finger,  and  to  kill  the  fatted  calf  for  him,  yet 
neither  should  we  leave  him  to  eat  husks  with 
the  swine.* — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
275-  (M.  1823.) 

2282.  -         .     I  received  a  letter  from 

some  friend  of  yours  who  chose  to  be  anony 
mous,   suggesting  that  your  situation  might  be 
bettered,    and    the    government    advantaged    by 
availing   itself   of   your   services   in   some   line. 
I  immediately  wrote  to  a  friend  whose  situation 
enabled  him  to  attend  to  this.     I  have  received 
no  answer  but  hope  it  is  kept  in  view.     I  am 
long  since  withdrawn  from  the  political  world, 
think  little,  read  less,  and  know  all  but  nothing 
of  what  is  going  on ;  but  I  have  not  forgotten 
the  past,  nor  those  who  were  fellow  laborers  in 
the  gloomy  hours  of  federal  ascendency  when 
the  spirit  of  republicanism  was  beaten  down,  its 
votaries  arraigned  as  criminals,  and  such  threats 
denounced    as    posterity    would    never    believe. 

*  From  a  letter  recommending  Duane  for  office.— 
EDITOR, 


My  means  of  service  are  slender ;  but  such  as 
they  are,  if  you  can  make  them  useful  to  you 
in  any  solicitation,  they  shall  be  sincerely  em 
ployed. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
276.  (M.,  1824.) 

2283.  DUEL,    Murder   by.— Whosoever 
committeth  murder  by  way  of  duel  shall  suf 
fer   death  by   hanging;    and   if  he   were   the 
challenger,  his  body,  after  death,  shall  be  gib- 
betted.    He,  who  removeth  it  from  the  gibbet, 
shall   be  guilty  of  a   misdemeanor,   and  the 
officer  shall  see  that  it  be  replaced. — CRIMES 
BILL,     i,  150.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  207.     (1779.) 

2284.  DUER    (William),    Failure    of.— 

The  stock-jobbing  speculations  have  occupied 
some  of  our  countrymen  to  such  a  degree  as  to 
give  sincere  uneasiness  to  those  who  would 
rather  see  their  capitals  employed  in  commerce, 
manufactures,  buildings  and  agriculture.  The 
failure  of  Mr.  Duer,  the  chief  of  that  descrip 
tion  of  people,  has  already  produced  some  other 
bankruptcies,  and  more  are  apprehended.  He 
had  obtained  money  from  great  numbers  of 
small  tradesmen  and  farmers,  tempting  them  by 
usurious  interest,  which  has  made  the  distress 
very  extensive. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  502.  (Pa.,  April  1792.) 

2285. .    Duer,   the  King  of  the 

alley,  is  under  a  sort  of  check.  The  stocksellers 
say  he  will  rise  again.  The  stockbuyers  count 
him  out,  and  the  credit  and  fate  of  the  nation 
seem  to  hang  on  the  desperate  throws  and 
plunges  of  gambling  scoundrels. — To  T.  M. 
RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  455.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

2286.  DUER      (William),      Outbreak 

against.— It  was  reported  here  [Philadel 
phia]  last  night,  that  there  had  been  a  collec 
tion  of  people  round  the  place  of  Duer's  con 
finement,  of  so  threatening  an  appearance,  as  to 
call  out  the  Governor  and  militia,  and  to  be  fired 
on  by  them,  and  that  several  of  them  were 
killed.  I  hope  it  is  not  true.  Nothing  was  want 
ing  to  fill  up  the  criminality  of  this  paper  sys 
tem,  but  to  shed  the  blood  of  those  whom  it  had 
cheated  of  their  substance. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  508.  (April  1792.) 

2287.  DUER    (William),   Threats   of.— 

Duer  now  threatens  that,  if  he  is  not  relieved 
by  certain  persons,  he  will  lay  open  to  the  world 
such  a  scene  of  villainy  as  will  strike  it  with  as 
tonishment. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  213.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

2288.  DUMAS  (C.  W.  F.),  Agency  of.— 

Would  it  not  be  worth  while  to  continue  the 
agency  of  Dumas?  *  *  *  He  is  undoubtedly 
in  the  confidence  of  some  one  who  has  a  part  in 
the  Dutch  government,  and  who  seems  to  allow 
him  to  communicate  to  us. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  8.  (P.,  1784.) 

2289. .     Mr.  Dumas,  very  early 

in  the  [Revolutionary]  war,  was  employed  first 
by  Dr.  Franklin,  afterwards  by  Mr.  Adams,  to 
transact  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  in 
Holland.  Congress  never  passed  any  express 
vote  of  confirmation,  but  they  opened  a  direct 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Dumas,  sent  him 
orders  to  be  executed,  confirmed  and  augmented 
his  salary,  made  that  augmentation  retrospec 
tive,  directed  him  to  take  up  his  residence  in 
their  hotel  at  the  Hague,  and  passed  such 
other  votes  from  time  to  time  as  established 
him  de  facto  their  agent  at  the  Hague.  On  the 
change  in  the  organization  of  our  government 
in  1789,  no  commission  nor  new  appointment 


Dumas  (C.  W.  F.) 
Dupoiit  de  Nemours 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


266 


took  place  with  respect  to  him,  though  it  did  in 
most  other  cases  ;  yet  the  correspondence  with 
him  from  the  office  of  Foreign  Affairs  has  been 
continued,  and  he  has  regularly  received  his 
salary. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  331. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  437.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

2290.  DUMAS  (C.  W.  F.),  Congress 
and. — On  the  i8th  of  this  month,  I  received  a 
letter  from  his  Excellency,  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  expressing  the  interest  which  he  takes 
in  your  welfare,  and  recommending  you  to  Con 
gress. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  i,  528.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  190.  (P.,  1786.) 

2291. .    I  am  pressed  on  so  many 

hands  to  recommend  Dumas  to  the  patronage 
of  Congress,  that  I  cannot  avoid  it.  Every 
body  speaks  well  of  him,  and  his  zeal  in  our 
cause.  Anything  done  for  him  will  gratify  this 
court  [France],  and  the  patriotic  party  in  Hol 
land,  as  well  as  some  distinguished  individuals. 
— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  i,  557.  (P.,  1786.) 

2292. .     I    enclose   you   a   letter 

from  the  Count  de  Vergennes  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Dumas.  With  the  services  of  this  gentleman  to 
the  United  States,  yourself  and  Dr.  Franklin 
are  better  acquainted  than  I  am.  Those  he 
has  been  able  to  render  towards  effecting  the 
late  alliance  between  France  and  the  United 
Netherlands  are  the  probable  ground  of  the 
present  application. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  524. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2293. — .     I  was  gratified  with  the 

receipt  of  your  favor  *  *  *  containing  a 
copy  of  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  October 
24th,  1785,  in  your  favor,  and  which  I  wish  had 
been  more  so. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  i,  528. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2294.  DUMAS  (C.  W.  F.),  Holland  and. 

— Besides  former  applications  to  me  in  favor 
of  Dumas,  the  Rhingrave  of  Salm  (the  effective 
minister  of  the  government  of  Holland,  while 
their  two  embassadors  here  are  ostensible,  and) 
who  is  conducting  secret  arrangements  for  them 
with  this  court,  presses  his  interests  on  us.  It 
is  evident  the  two  governments  make  a  point 
of  it.  You  ask  why  they  do  not  provide  for 
him  themselves?  I  am  not  able  to  answer  the 
question,  but  by  a  conjecture  that  Dumas's 
particular  ambition  prefers  an  appointment 
from  us.  I  know  all  the  difficulty  about  this 
application  which  Congress  has  to  encounter. 
I  see  the  reasons  against  giving  him  the  pri 
mary  appointment  at  that  court,  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  his  accommodating  himself  to  a  subor 
dinate  one.  Yet  I  think  something  must  be  done 
in  it  to  gratify  this  court  [France!,  of  which 
we  must  be  always  asking  favors.  In  these 
countries,  personal  favors  weigh  more  than  pub 
lic  interest.  The  minister  who  has  asked  a 
gratification  for  Dumas,  has  embarked  his  own 
feelings  and  reputation  in  that  demand.  I  do 
not  think  it  was  discreet  by  any  means.  But 
this  reflection  might,  perhaps,  aggravate  a  dis 
appointment.  I  know  not  really  what  you  can 
do ;  but  yet  hope  something  will  be  done. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  i,  568.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  226. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2295. .  Dumas  is  a  great  favor 
ite  both  of  Holland  and  France. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  i,  526.  (P.,  1786.) 

2296.  DUMOURIEZ   (C.   F.),   Apostacy 

of. — From  the  steadiness  of  the  French  people 
on  the  defection  of  so  popular  and  capital  a 
commander  as  Dumouriez,  we  have  a  proof  that 


nothing    can    shake    their    republicanism.  —  TQ 
JAMES    MADISON,      iv,    8.      FORD    ED.,    vi,    325. 


2297.  DUMOURIEZ   (C.   F.),  A  scoun 

drel.  —  Dumouriez  was  known  to  be  a  scoun 
drel  in  grain.  I  mentioned  this  from  the  be 
ginning  of  his  being  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
armies  ;  but  his  victories  at  length  silenced  me. 
His  apostasy  has  now  proved  that  an  unprinci 
pled  man,  let  his  other  fitnesses  be  what  they 
will,  ought  never  to  be  employed.  It  has 
proved,  too,  that  the  French  army,  as  well  as 
nation,  cannot  be  shaken  in  their  republicanism. 
Dumouriez's  popularity  put  it  to  as  severe  a 
proof  as  could  be  offered.  —  To  DR.  GEORGE 
GILMER.  iv,  5.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  324.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

2298.  DUMOURIEZ    (C.    F.),    Without 

Virtue.  —  No  confidence  in  Dumouriez's  vir 
tue  opposes  the  story  that  he  has  gone  over  to 
the  Austrians  ;  for  he  has  none.  —  To  MARTHA 
JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  267.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

2299.  DUNBAR  (William),  Esteem  for. 
—  I   recommend  to  your  particular  civilities 
and  respect  Mr.  William  Dunbar,  a  person  of 
great  worth  and  wealth   in   New   Orleans,   and 
one   of  the  most  distinguished   citizens   of  the 
United  States  in  point  of  science.     He  is  a  cor 
respondent  of  mine  in  that  line  in  whom  I  set 
great  store.     As  a  native  of  Britain,  he  must 
have  a  predilection  towards  her  ;  but  as  to  every 
other  nation  he  is  purely  American.  —  To  WILL 
IAM   C.   CLAIBORNE.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   72.      (WM 
1801.) 

2300.  DUNMORE    (Lord),    Defeated.— 
Lord    Dunmore    has    commenced    hostilities    in 
Virginia.     That    people    bore    with    everything, 
till  he  attempted  to  burn  the  town  of  Hampton. 
They  opposed  and  repelled  him,  with  consider 
able  loss  on  his  side,  and  none  on  ours.     It  has 
raised  our  countrymen  into  a  perfect  phrenzy.  — 
To  JOHN   RANDOLPH,     i,  203.     FORD  ED.,  i,  492. 
(Pa.,  November  1775.) 

2301.  DUPLICITY,    Disdained.—  I    dis 
dain    everything    like    duplicity.  —  To    JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,  194.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  166.     (M., 
I797-) 

2302.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  Amer 
ica  and.  —  I  pray  you  to  cherish  Dupont.    He 
has  the  best  disposition  for  the  continuance  of 
friendship   between   the   two    nations,    and   per 
haps  you  may  be  able  to  make  a  good  use  of 
him.  —  To     ROBERT     R.     LIVINGSTON,     iv,     434. 
FORD  EDV  viii,  147.     (W.,  1802.) 

2303.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  Confi 
dence  in.  —  You  will  perceive  the  unlimited 
confidence  I  repose  in  your  good  faith,  and  in 
your   cordial    dispositions   to    serve   both    coun 
tries,  when  you  observe  that  I  leave  the  letters 
for  Chancellor  Livingston  open  for  your  peru 
sal.     The  first  page  respects  a  cipher,  as  do  the 
loose  sheets  folded  with  the  letter.     These  are 
interesting  to  him  and  myself  only,  and  there 
fore  are  not  for  your  perusal.     It  is  the  second, 
third,   and   fourth   pages   which    I   wish   you   to 
read,    to    possess    yourself    of    completely,    and 
then   seal    the    letter   with    wafers    stuck   under 
the  flying  seal,  that  it  may  be  seen  by  nobody 
else  if  any   accident  should  happen  to  you.     I 
wish  you  to  be  possessed  of  the  subject,  because 
you  may  be  able  to  impress  on  the  government 
of  France  the  inevitable  consequences  of  their 
taking  possession  of  Louisiana  ;  and  though,  as 
I    here   mention,   the   cession   of   New    Orleans 


267 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Dupont  de  Nemours 
Duties 


and  the  Floridas  to  us  would  be  a  palliation, 
yet  I  believe  it  would  be  no  more,  and  that  this 
measure  will  cost  France,  and  perhaps  not  very 
long  hence,  a  war  which  will  annihilate  her  on 
the  ocean,  and  place  that  element  under  the 
despotism  of  two  nations,  which  I  am  not  rec 
onciled  to  the  more  because  my  own  would  be 
one  of  them. — To  M.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv, 
435.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

2304.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  Louisi 
ana  Purchase  and. — The  confidence  which 
the  government  of  France  reposes  in  you,  will 
undoubtedly  give  great  weight  to  your  informa 
tion  [with  respect  to  Louisiana].    An  equal  con 
fidence  on  our  part,  founded  on  your  knowledge 
of  the  subject,  your  just  views  of  it,  your  good 
dispositions  towards  this  country,  and  my  long 
experience  of  your   personal   faith   and   friend 
ship,  assure  me  that  you  will  render  between  us 
all   the   good   offices    in   your   power.      The    in 
terests    of   the   two    countries    being   absolutely 
the  same  as  to   this   matter,   your   aid   may  be 
conscientiously   given.      It   will   often,    perhaps, 
be  possible  for  you,  having  a  freedom  of  com 
munication,    omnibus    horis,     which     diplomatic 
gentlemen  will  be  excluded  from  by  forms,  to 
smooth  difficulties  by  representations   and  rea 
sonings,    which    would   be   received   with    more 
suspicion  from  them.     You  will  thereby  render 
great  good  to  both  countries. — To  P.  S.  DUPONT 
DE  NEMOURS,    iv,  457.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  205.  (W., 
Feb.  1803.) 

2305.  DUPUIS  (C.  F.),  Works  of.— Your 
undertaking    [to   read]    the   twelve   volumes   of 
Dupuis,  is  a  degree  of  heroism  to  which  I  could 
not  have  aspired  even  in  my  younger  days.     I 
have  been  contented  with  the  humble  achieve 
ment   of  reading  the   analysis   of  his   work   by 
Destutt  Tracy,  in  two  hundred  pages  octavo.    I 
believe    I    should    have    ventured    on    his    own 
abridgment  of  the  work,  in  one  octavo  volume, 
had  it  ever  come  to  my  hands ;  but  the  marrow 
of  it  in   Tracy  has  satisfied  my  appetite ;    and 
even  in  that,  the  preliminary  discourse  of  the 
analyser  himself,  and  his  conclusion,  are  worth 
more   in   my   eye   than   the  body   of  the   work. 
For  the  object  of  that  seems  to  be  to  smother 
all  history  under  the  mantle  of  allegory.     If  his 
tories  so  unlike  as  that  of  Hercules  and  Jesus, 
can,    by    a    fertile    imagination    and    allegorical 
interpretations,  be  brought  to  the  same  tally,  no 
line    of   distinction    remains    between    fact   and 
fancy. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,  38.     (M.,  1816.) 

2306.  DUTIES,    Discriminating.— It    is 
true  we  must  expect  some  inconvenience  in 
practice  from  the  establishment  of  discrimi 
nating  duties.     But  in  this,  as  in  so  many  other 
cases,  we  are  left  to  choose  between  two  evils. 
These     inconveniences     are     nothing     when 
weighed  against  the  loss  of  wealth  and  loss 
of  force,  which  will  follow  our  perseverance  in 
the  plan  of  indiscrimination.     When  once  it 
shall  be  perceived  that  we  are  either  Li  the 
system,  or  in  the  habit,  of  giving  equal  ad 
vantages  to  those  who  extinguish  our  com 
merce  and  navigation  by  duties  and  prohibi 
tions,  as  to  those  who  treat  both  with  liber 
ality  and  justice,  liberality  and  justice  will  be 
converted  by  all  into  duties  and  prohibitions. 
It  is  not  to  the  moderation  and  justice  of 
others  we  are  to  trust  for  fair  and  equal  ac 
cess  to  market  with  our  productions,  or  for 
our  due  share  in  the  transportation  of  them ; 
but  to  our  means  of  independence,   and  the 
firm   will   to  use  them.     Nor  do  the  incon 


veniences  of  discrimination  merit  considera 
tion.  *  *  *  Perhaps  not  a  commercial 
nation  on  earth  is  without  them. — FOREIGN 
COMMERCE  REPORT,  vii,  650.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
483.  (Dec.  I793-) 

2307. .      Between    nations    who 

favor  our  productions  and  navigation  and 
those  who  do  not  favor  them,  one  distinction 
alone  will  suffice ;  one  set  of  moderate  duties 
for  the  first,  and  a  fixed  advance  on  these  as 
to  some  articles  ;  and  prohibitions  as  to  others, 
for  the  last.— FOREIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT,  vii, 
650.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  483.  (Dec.  1793.) 

2308. .  If  the  commercial  regu 
lations  had  been  adopted  which  our  Legisla 
ture  were  at  one  time  proposing,  we  should 
at  this  moment  have  been  standing  on  such  an 
eminence  of  safety  and  respect  as  ages  can 
never  recover.  But  having  wandered  from 
that,  our  object  should  now  be  to  get  back, 
with  as  little  loss  as  possible,  and,  when  peace 
shall  be  restored  to  the  world,  endeavor  so  to 
form  our  commercial  regulations  as  that  jus 
tice  from  other  nations  shall  be  their  mechan 
ical  result. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iv,  177. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  129.  (Pa.,  May  1797. ) 

2309.  —        — .     To  those  [nations]  who 
refuse  the  admission  [to  the  West  Indies]  we 
must  refuse  our  commerce,  or  load  theirs  by 
odious     discriminations     in     our    ports. — To 
JAMES   MONROE,      i,   351.      FORD  ED.,   iv,   58. 
(P,.  1785.) 

2310.  DUTIES,     Prohibitory.— Should 
any  nation,  contrary  to  our  wishes,  suppose  it 
may  better  find  its  advantage  by  continuing 
its  system  of  prohibitions,  duties  and  regula 
tions,  it  behooves  us  to  protect  our  citizens, 
their  commerce  and  navigation,   by  counter 
prohibitions,    duties    and    regulations,    also. 
Free  commerce  and  navigation  are  not  to  be 
given  in  exchange  for  restrictions  and  vex 
ations ;  nor  are  they  likely  to  produce  a  re 
laxation   of  them. — FOREIGN    COMMERCE  RE 
PORT,     vii,   647.      FORD  ED.,   vi,   480.      (Dec. 
I793-) 

2311.  DUTIES,    Reciprocal. — Some    na 
tions  not  yet  ripe  for  free  commerce  in  all 
its  extent,   might   still   be  willing  to  mollify 
its  restrictions  and  regulations  for  us,  in  pro 
portion   to    the    advantages    which    an    inter 
course    with    us    might    offer.      Particularly 
they  may  concur  with  us  in  reciprocating  the 
duties  to  be  levied  on  each  side,  or  in  com 
pensating  any  excess  of  duty  by  equivalent 
advantages  of  another  nature. — FOREIGN  COM 
MERCE   REPORT,     vii,  646.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  479. 
(Dec.  1 793-) 

2312.  DUTIES,  Retaliatory.— Massachu 
setts   has   passed   an   act,    the   first  object  of 
which  seemed  to  be,  to  retaliate  on  the  British 
commercial  measures,  but  in  the  close  of  it, 
they  impose  double  duties  on  all  goods  im 
ported  in  bottoms  not  wholly  owned  by  citi 
zens  of   our  States.      New  Hampshire  has  fol 
lowed  the  example.     This  is  much  complained 
of  here  [France],  and  will  probably  draw  re 
taliating  measures  from  the  States  of  Europe, 


Duties 
Duty 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


268 


if  generally  adopted  in  America,  or  not  cor 
rected  by  the  States  which  have  adopted  it. 
It  must  be  our  endeavor  to  keep  them  quiet 
on  this  side  the  water,  under  the  hope  that  our 
countrymen  will  correct  this  step ;  as  I  trust 
they  will  do.  It  is  no  ways  akin  to  their  gen 
eral  system.— To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  i, 
475.  (P.,  1785.)  See  TARIFF. 

2313.  DUTIES    (Governmental),    Divi 
sion  of.— In  government,  as  well  as  in  every 
other  business  of  life,  it  is  by  division  and 
subdivision  of  duties  alone,  that  all  matters, 
great  and  small,  can  be  managed  to  perfec 
tion.     And  the  whole  is  cemented  by  giving 
to  every  citizen,  personally,  a  part  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  public  affairs. — To  SAM 
UEL  KERCHIVAL.     vii,   13.      FORD  ED.,  x,  41. 
(M.,  1816.) 

DUTIES,     Natural. — See    DUTY    and 

NATURAL  RIGHTS. 

2314.  DUTY,  Ability  and.—  A  debt  of 
service  is  due  from  every  man  to  his  country 
proportioned  to  the  bounties  which  nature  and 
fortune  have  measured  to  him.— To  EDWARD 
RUTLEDGE.     iv,   152.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  94.     (M., 
1796.)     See  OFFICE. 

2315.  DUTY,  Administrative.— On  tak 
ing   this   station  ,  [Presidency]    on   a   former 
occasion,  I  declared  the  principles  on  which 
I  believed  it  my  duty  to  administer  the  affairs 
of  our  commonwealth.     My  conscience  tells 
me  that  I  have,  on  every  occasion,  acted  up 
to  that  declaration,  according  to  its  obvious 
import,   and   to   the   understanding  of  every 
candid  mind.— SECOND   INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
viii,  40.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  342.     (1805.) 

2316. .     It    was    my    lot    to    be 

placed  at  the  head  of  the  column  which  made 
the  first  breach  in  the  ramparts  of  federalism, 
and  to  be  charged,  on  that  event,  with  the 
duty  of  changing  the  course  of  the  govern 
ment  from  what  we  deemed  a  monarchical 
to  its  republican  tack.  This  made  me  the 
mark  for  every  shaft  which  calumny  and 
falsehood  could  point  against  me.  I  bore  them 
with  resignation,  as  one  of  the  duties  imposed 
on  me  by  my  post.  But  it_  was 

among  the  most  painful  duties  from  which  I 
hoped  to  find  relief  in  retirement. — To  MARK 
LANGDON  HILL,  vii,  154.  (M.,  1820.) 

2317.  DUTY,    Age    and.— I    should   not 
shrink  from  the  post  of  duty,  had  not  the  de 
cays  of  nature  withdrawn  me  from  the  list 
of    combatants.— To    SPENCER    ROANE.      vii, 
211.    FORD  ED.,  x,  188.     (M.,  1821.) 

2318.  DUTY  vs.  COMFORT.— Renounce 
your  domestic  comforts   for  a  few  months, 
and  reflect  that  to  be  a  good  husband  and 
good  father  at  this  moment,  you  must  be  also 
a  good  citizen.— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,    iv,  189. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  151.     (Pa.,  I797-) 

2319.  DUTY,     Danger     and. — I     would 
really  go  away  [from  Philadelphia]  because 
I   think  there   is   rational   danger    [from   the 
yellow    fever],    but   that    I    had    before    an 
nounced  that  I  should  not  go  till  the  begin 


ning  of  October,  and  I  do  not  like  to  exhibit 
the  appearance  of  panic.  Besides  that,  I 
think  there  might  serious  ills  proceed  from 
there  being  not  a  single  member  of  the  ad 
ministration  in  place. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  419.  (Sep.  1793.) 

2320.  DUTY,   Filial.—  A  lively  and  last 
ing  sense  of  filial  duty  is  more  effectually  im 
pressed  on  the  mind  of  a  son  or  daughter  by 
reading  King  Lear,  than  by  all  the  dry  vol 
umes  of  ethics  and  divinity  that  ever  were 
written. — To   ROBERT    SKIPWITH.      FORD   ED., 
i,  398.     (i77i.) 

2321.  DUTY,  Fulfilled.— I  determined  to 
set  out  for  Virginia  as  soon  as  I  could  clear 
my  own  letter  files.     I  have  now  got  through 
it  so  as  to   leave  not  a   single  letter  unan 
swered,   or  anything  undone,   which  is   in  a 
state  to  be  done. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHING 
TON.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  428.     (1793.) 

2322.  DUTY,    Honest    discharge    of.— 

He  who  has  done  his  duty  honestly,  and  ac 
cording  to  his  best  skill  and  judgment,  stands 
acquitted  before  God  and  man. — THE  BAT- 
TURE  CASE,  viii,  602.  (1812.) 

2323.  DUTY,    Imperial.— Only  aim  to  dp 

your  duty,  and  mankind  will  give  you  credit 
where  you  fail.* — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMER 
ICA,  i,  141.  FORD  ED.,  i,  446.  (1774.) 

2324.  DUTY  TO  MANKIND.— We  have, 
willingly,  done  injury  to  no  man;  and  have 
done   for  our  country  the  good   which   has 
fallen  in  our  way,   so  far  as  commensurate 
with  the  faculties  given  us.     That  we  have 
not  done  more  than  we  could,  cannot  be  im 
puted  to  us  as  a  crime  before  any  tribunal. 
I  look,  therefore,  to  the  crisis  as  one  "  qui 
summum   nee   metuit   diem   nee   optat." — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,  154.     (1820.) 

2325. .      I    have    done    for    my 

country,  and  for  all  mankind,  all  that  I 
could  do,  and  I  now  resign  my  soul,  without 
fear,  to  my  God ;  my  daughter,  to  my  coun 
try,  f — RAYNER'S  LIFE  OF  JEFFERSON.  554. 
(1826.) 

2326.  DUTY,  Men  of  eminence  and.— 
Some  men  are  born  for  the  public.     Nature 
by  fitting  them  for  the  service  of  the  human 
race  on  a  broad  scale,  has  stamped  them  with 
the   evidences   of  her   destination   and   their 
duty. — To  JAMES  MONROE,    iv,  455.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  190.     (W.,  1803.) 

2327.  DUTY,  Merit  and.— If  it  be  found 
that  I  have  done  my  duty  as  other  faithful 
citizens    have    done,    it    is    all    the    merit    I 
claim. — R.  To  A.  GEORGETOWN  REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  159.     (1809.) 

2328. .  One  of  those  who  en 
tered  into  public  life  at  the  commencement 
of  an  era  the  most  extraordinary  which  the 

*  To  George  III.— EDITOR. 

t  B.  L.  Rayner,  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson,  says : 
"These  were  the  last  words  Jefferson  articulated. 
*  *  *  All  that  was  heard  from  him  afterwards,  was 
a  hurried  repetition,  in  indistinct  and  scarcely  audi 
ble  accents,  of  his  favorite  ejaculation,  Nunc  Dimit- 
tis,  Domine—Nunc  Dimittis,  Doming"— EDITOR. 


269 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Duty 

Earth 


history  of  man  has  ever  yet  presented  to  his 
contemplation,  I  claim  nothing  more,  for 
the  part  I  have  acted  in  it,  than  a  common 
merit  of  having,  with  others,  faithfully  en 
deavored  to  do  my  duty  in  the  several  sta 
tions  allotted  to  me.— R.  To  A.  VIRGINIA  AS 
SEMBLY,  viii,  148.  (1809.) 

2329.  DUTY,  Natural. — Every  man  is 
under  the  natural  duty  of  contributing  to  the 
necessities  of  the  society ;  and  this  is  all  the 
laws  should  enforce  on  him. — To  F.  W.  GIL- 
MER.  vii,  3.  FORD  ED.,  x,  32.  (M.,  1816.) 

2330. .  No  man  having  a  natu 
ral  right  to  be  the  judge  between  himself 
and  another,  it  is  his  natural  duty  to  submit 
to  the  umpirage  of  an  impartial  third. — To 
F.  W.  GILMER.  vii,  3.  FORD  ED.,  x,  32.  (M., 
1816.)  See  NATURAL  RIGHTS. 

2331.  DUTY,  Obstacles  and.-— The  zeal 
ous  citizen,   unable  to  do  his  duty  so  soon 
as  was  prescribed,  will  do  it  as  soon  as  he 
can. — LETTER  TO  MEMBERS  OF  VA.  ASSEMBLY. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  434.     (R.,   1781.) 

2332.  DUTY,  Office  and.— Could  I  have 
persuaded   myself   that   public    offices     were 
made  for  private  convenience,  I  should  un 
doubtedly   have   preferred   a   continuance   in 
the  French  mission,  which  placed  me  nearer 
to  you;  but  believing,  on  the  contrary,  that 
a  good  citizen  should  take  his  stand  where 
the   public   authority   marshals   him,    I   have 
acquiesced. — To     MADAME     LA     DUCHESSE 
D'AuviLLE.     iii,   134.     FORD  ED.,  v,   153.    (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

2333.  DUTY,  Hank  and.— I  think  with 
the  Romans  of  old,  that  the  general  of  to 
day  should  be  a  common  soldier  to-morrow, 
if  necessary. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,   155. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  99.     (1797.) 

2334.  DUTY,  Rewards  for.— The  first  of 
all  our  consolations  is  that  of  having  faith 
fully  fulfilled  our  duties ;    the  next,  the  ap 
probation  and  good  will  of  those  who  have 
witnessed   it.— To  JAMES   FISBACK.     v,   471. 
(M.,  1809.) 

2335.  DUTY,  Bight  and.— Our  part  is  to 

pursue  with  steadiness  what  is  right,  turning 
neither  to  right  nor  left  for  the  intrigues 
or  popular  delusions  of  the  day,  assured  that 
the  public  approbation  will  in  the  end  be  with 
us. — To  GENERAL  BRECKENRIDGE.  vii,  238. 
(M.,  1822.) 

2336.  DUTY,  Silent  performance  of.— 

The  attaching  circumstance  of  my  present  of 
fice  [Minister  to  France]  is  that  I  can  do  its 
duties  unseen  by  those  for  whom  they  are 
done. — To  F.  HOPKINSON.  ii,  587.  FORD  ED., 
v,  78.  (P.,  1789-) 

2337. .     My  great  wish  is  to  go 

on  in  a  strict  but  silent  performance  of  my 
duty;  to  avoid  attracting  notice,  and  to  keep 
my  name  out  of  newsoapers. — To  F.  HOP 
KINSON.  ii,  587.  FORD  ED.,  v,  78.  (P.,  1789.) 

2338.  DUTY,  Suborned  from.— Those 
whom  the  Constitution  had  placed  as  guards 


to  its  portals  are  sophisticated  or  suborned 
from  their  duties.— To  DR.  J.  B.  STUART. 
vii,  65.  (M.,  1817.) 

—  DUTY,   Tours   of   Official.— See   OF 
FICE. 

2339.  EARTH,  Belongs  to  the  Living. 

—The  ground  *  *  *  I  suppose  to  be  self- 
evident,  that  the  earth  belongs  in  usufruct 
to  the  living"-,  that  the  dead  have  neither 
powers  nor  rights  over  it.  The  portion  oc 
cupied  by  any  individual  ceases  to  be  his 
when  himself  ceases  to  be,  and  reverts  to  the 
society.— To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  103.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  116.  (P.,  1789.) 

2340. .  The  earth  belongs  al 
ways  to  the  living  generation.  They  may 
manage  it,  and  what  proceeds  from  it,  as  they 
please,  during  their  usufruct— To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iii,  106.  FORD  ED  v  121  (P 
1789.) 

2341. .     The   principle   that   the 

earth  belongs  to  the  living  and  not  to  the 
dead,  is  of  very  extensive  application  and 
consequences  in  every  country,  and  most  es 
pecially  in  France.  It  enters  into  the  res 
olution  of  the  questions,  whether  the  nation 
may  change  the  descent  of  lands  holden  in 
tail  ?  Whether  they  may  change  the  appro 
priation  of  lands  given  anciently  to  the 
Church,  to  hospitals,  colleges,  orders  of  chiv 
alry,  and  otherwise  in  perpetuity?  whether 
they  may  abolish  the  charges  and  privileges 
attached  on  lands,  including  the  whole  cata 
logue,  ecclesiastical  and  feudal;  it  goes  to 
hereditary  offices,  authorities  and  jurisdic 
tions;  to  hereditary  orders,  distinctions  and 
appellations ;  to  perpetual  monopolies  in  com 
merce,  the  arts  or  sciences ;  with  a  long  train 
of  et  ceteras;  and  it  renders  the  question  of 
reimbursement  a  question  of  generosity  and 
not  of  right.  In  all  these  cases  the  legislature 
of  the  day  could  authorize  such  appropria 
tions  and  establishments  for  their  own  time, 
but  no  longer;  and  the  present  holders,  even 
where  they  or  their  ancestors  have  purchased, 
are  in  the  case  of  bona  fide  purchasers  of 
what  the  seller  had  no  right  to  convey. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  107.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
122.  (P.,  1789.) 

2342.  -  — .     The  earth  belongs  to  the 

living,  not  to  the  dead.  The  will  and  the 
power  of  man  expire  with  his  life,  by  na 
ture's  law.  Some  societies  give  it  an  artificial 
continuance,  for  the  encouragement  of  in 
dustry;  some  refuse  it,  as  our  aboriginal 
neighbors,  whom  we  call  barbarians.  The 
generations  of  men  may  be  considered  as 
bodies  or  corporations.  Each  generation  has 
the  usufruct  of  the  earth  during  the  period 
of  its  continuance.  When  it  ceases  to  ex 
ist  the  usufruct  passes  on  to  the  succeeding 
generation,  free  and  unencumbered,  and  so 
on,  successively,  from  one  generation  to  an 
other  forever. — To  JOHN  WAYLES  EPPES.  vi, 
136.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  389.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

2343. .  This  corporeal  globe,  and 

everything  upon  it,  belong  to  its  nresent  cor- 


Earth 
East  Indies 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


270 


poreal  inhabitants,  during  their  generation. — 
To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  16.  FORD  ED., 
x.  44.  (M.,  1816.) 

2344. .     Our   Creator   made   the 

earth  for  the  use  of  the  living  and  not  of 
the  dead.  Those  who  exist  not  have  no  use, 
or  right  in  it,  no  authority  or  power  over  it. — 
To  THOMAS  EARLE.  vii,  310.  (M.,  1823.) 

2345.  EARTH,   Equal  Bights  in.— The 

earth  is  given  as  a  common  stock  for  man  to 
labor  and  live  on. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  36.  (Pa.,  1785.) 

2346. .  If,  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  industry,  we  allow  the  earth  to  be 
appropriated,  we  must  take  care  that  other 
employment  be  provided  to  those  excluded 
from  the  appropriation.  If  we  do  not,  the 
fundamental  right  to  labor  the  earth  returns 
to  the  employed. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  36.  (P.,  1785.) 

2347.  EARTH,  God's  Gift.— The  soil  is 
the  gift  of  God  to  the  living.— To  JOHN  W. 
EPPES.     vi,    138.      FORD   ED.,    ix,   391.        M.. 
1813.)     See  GENERATIONS. 

2348.  EARTH,  Internal  Heat  of.— The 
term  "  central   heat "   does   of   itself  give  us   a 
false  idea  of  Buffon's  hypothesis.     If  it  means 
a  heat  lodged  in  ,the  centre  of  the  earth,  and  dif 
fusing  its  warmth  from  thence  to  the  extremi 
ties,  then  certainly  it  would  be  less  in  propor 
tion  to  the  distance  from  that  centre,   and,  of 
course,   less  under  the  equator  than  the  poles., 
on  high  mountains  than  in  deep  valleys.     But 
Buffon's  theory  is  that  this  earth  was  once  in 
a  state  of  hot  fusion,  and  that  it  has  been,  and 
still    continues    to    be    cooling.      What    is    the 
course  of  this  process?     A  heated  body  being 
surrounded  by  a  colder  one,   whether  solid  or 
fluid,  the  heat,  which  is  itself  a  fluid,  flows  into 
the  colder  body  equally  from  every  point  of  the 
hotter.    Hence  if  a  heated  spheroid  of  iron  cools 
to  a  given  degree,  in  a  given  space  of  time,  an 
inch    deep    from    its    surface    in    one    point,    it 
has  in  the  same  time  done  the  same  in  any  and 
every  other  point.     In  a  given  time  more,  it  will 
be  cooled  all  around  to  double  that  depth.     So 
that  it  will  always  be  equally  cooled  at  equal 
depths   from   the   surface.      This   would   be   the 
case  with   Buffon's  earth,   if  it  were  a  smooth 
figure  without  unevennesses.     But  it  has  moun 
tains  and  valleys.     The  tops  of  mountains  will 
cool  to  greater  depths  in  the  same  time  than 
the    sides    of    mountains,    and    than    plains    in 


proportion  as  the  line  A.  B.  is  longer  than 
A.  C.  or  D.  E.  or  F.  G.  In  the  valley  line 
H.  I.,  on  depth  of  the  same  temperature,  will 
be  the  same  as  on  a  plain.  This,  however,  is 
very  different  from  Buffon's  opinion.  He  says 


that  the  earth,  being  thinnest  at  the  poles,  will 
cool  sooner  there  than  under  the  equator,  where 
it  is  thicker.  If  my  idea  of  the  process  of 
cooling  be  right,  his  is  wrong,  and  his  whole 
theory  in  the  Epochs  of  Nature,  is  overset. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  EDV  iii.  369.  (A.,  1784.) 

2349.  EARTH,   Theory  of   Creation. — I 

give  one  answer  to  all  theorists.  That  is  as 
follows :  They  all  suppose  the  earth  a  created 
existence.  They  must  suppose  a  Creator  then; 
and  that  He  possessed  power  and  wisdom  to  a 
great  degree.  As  He  intended  the  earth  for 
the  habitation  of  animals  and  vegetables,  is  it 
reasonable  to  suppose  He  made  two  jobs  of  His 
creation,  that  He  first  made  a  chaotic  lump  and 
set  it  into  motion,  and  then,  waiting  the  ages 
necessary  to  form  itself — that  when  it  had  done 
this,  He  stepped  in  a  second  time,  to  create  the 
animals  and  plants  which  were  to  inhabit  it? 
As  a  hand  of  a  Creator  is  to  be  called  in,  it 
may  as  well  be  called  in  at  one  stage  of  the 
process  as  another.  We  may  as  well  suppose  He 
created  the  earth  at  once,  nearly  in  the  state 
in  which  we  see  it,  fit  for  the  preservation  of 
the  beings  He  placed  on  it.  But,  it  is  said,  we 
have  a  proof  that  He  did  not  create  it  in  its 
present  solid  form,  but  in  a  state  of  fluidity; 
because  its  present  shape  of  an  oblate  spheroid 
is  precisely  that  which  a  fluid  mass,  revolving 
on  its  axis,  would  assume ;  but  I  suppose  the 
same  equilibrium  between  gravity  and  cen 
trifugal  force,  which  would  determine  a  fluid 
mass  into  the  form  of  an  oblate  spheroid, 
would  determine  the  wise  Creator  of  that  mass, 
if  he  made  it  in  a  solid  state,  to  give  it  the 
same  spheroidical  form.  A  revolving  fluid 
will  continue  to  change  its  shape,  till  it  attains 
that  in  which  its  principles  of  contrary  motion 
are  balanced ;  for  if  you  suppose  them  not  bal 
anced,  it  will  change  its  form.  Now,  the  bal 
anced  form  is  necessary  for  the  preservation  of 
a  revolving  solid.  The  Creator,  therefore,  of  a 
revolving  solid,  would  make  it  an  oblate 
spheroid,  that  figure  alone  admitting  a  perfect 
equilibrium.  He  would  make  it  in  that  form 
for  another  reason  ;  that  is,  to  prevent  a  shifting 
of  the  axis  of  rotation.  Had  He  created  the 
earth  perfectly  spherical,  its  axis  might  have 
been  perpetually  shifting,  by  the  influence  of  the 
other  bodies  of  the  system,  and  by  placing  the 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  successively  under  its 
poles,  it  might  have  been  depopulated ;  whereas, 
being  spheroidical,  it  has  but  one  axis  on  which 
it  can  revolve  in  equilibria.  Suppose  the  axis 
of  the  earth  to  shift  forty-five  degrees ;  then 
cut  it  into  one  hundred  and  eighty  slices,  ma 
king  every  section  in  the  plane  of  a  circle  of 
latitude  perpendicular  to  the  axis :  every  one 
of  these  slices,  except  the  equatorial  one,  would 
be  unbalanced,  as  there  would  be  more  matter 
on  one  side  of  its  axis  than  on  the  other. 
There  could  be  but  one  diameter  drawn  through 
such  a  slice  which  would  divide  it  into  two 
equal  parts ;  on  every  other  possible  diameter, 
the  parts  would  hang  unequal.  This  would  pro 
duce  an  irregularity  in  the  diurnal  motion.  We 
may,  therefore,  conclude  it  impossible  for  the 
poles  of  the  earth  to  shift,  if  it  was  made 
spheroidically,  and  that  it  would  be  made 
spheroidical,  though  solid,  to  obtain  this  end. 
I  use  this  reasoning  only  on  the  supposition  that 
the  earth  has  had  a  beginning.  I  am  sure  I 
shall  read  your  conjectures  on  this  subject  with 
great  pleasure,  though  I  bespeak,  beforehand., 
a  right  to  indulge  my  natural  incredulity  and 
scepticism. — To  CHARLES  THOMSON,  ii,  68. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  338.  (P.,  1786.) 

2350.  EAST  INDIES,  Trade  to.— Phila 
delphia  and  New  York  have  begun  trade  to  the 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


East  and  West  Line 
Economy 


East  Indies.  Perhaps  Boston  may  follow  their 
example.  But  their  importations  will  be  sold 
only  to  the  country  adjacent  to  them.  For  a 
long  time  to  come,  the  States  south  of  the  Dela 
ware  will  not  engage  in  a  direct  commerce  with 
the  East  Indies.  They  neither  have,  nor  will 
have  ships  or  seamen  for  their  other  commerce  ; 
nor  will  they  buy  East  India  goods  of  the  north 
ern  States.  Experience  shows  that  the  States 
never  bought  foreign  goods  of  one  another. 
The  reasons  are  that  they  would,  in  so  doing, 
pay  double  freight  and  charges  ;  and  again  that 
they  would  have  to  pay  mostly  in  cash  what 
they  could  obtain  for  commodities  in  Europe. 
I  know  that  the  American  merchants  have 
looked  with  some  anxiety  to  the  arrangements 
to  be  taken  with  Portugal,  in  expectation  that 
they  could,  through  her,  get  their  East  India 
articles  on  better  and  more  convenient  terms; 
and  I  am  of  opinion,  Portugal  will  come  in  for 
a  good  share  of  this  traffic  with  the  southern 
States,  if  they  facilitate  our  payments. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  493.  (P.,  1785.) 

2351.  EAST  AND  WEST  LINE,  Mean 
ing  of.— On  the  question  what  is  an  east  and 
west  line?  which,  you  say,  has  been  a  subject 
of  discussion  in  the  papers,  I  presume    *    *    * 
that  the  parties  have  differed  only  in  applying 
the  same  appellation  to  different  things.     The 
one  defines  an  east  and  west  line  to  be  on  a 
great  circle  of  the  earth,  passing  through  the 
point    of    departure,    its    nadir    point,    and    the 
centre   of   the   earth,    its   plane   rectangular,   to 
that  of  the  meridian  of  departure.     The  other 
considers  an  east  and  west  line  to  be  a  line  on 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  bounding  a  plane  at 
right  angles  with  its  axis,  or  a  circle  of  latitude 
passing  through   the  point  of  departure,   or   in 
other   words,   a  line  which,   from   the  point   of 
departure,    passes    every    meridian    at    a    right 
angle.     Each  party,  therefore,  defining  the  line 
he  means,  may  be  permitted  to  call  it  an  east 
and  west  one,  or  at  least  it  becomes  no  longer 
a  mathematical   but   a  philological   question   of 
the  meaning  of  the  words  east  and  west.     The 
last   is   what   was   meant   probably   by   the   east 
and  west  line  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent.     The  same 
has  been  the  understanding  in  running  the  nu 
merous   east   and   west  lines   which   divide   our 
different   States.     They   have  been   run   by   ob 
servations   of   latitude   at  very   short   intervals, 
uniting    the    points    of    observation    by    short 
direct  lines,  and  thus  constituting  in  fact  part 
of  a  polygon  of  very  short  sides. — To  CHILES 
TERRIL.     vii,  260.     (M.,  1822.) 

2352.  ECONOMY,    Domestic.— Domestic 

economy  *  *  *  [is]  of  more  solid  value 
than  anything  else. — To  MRS.  EPPES.  D.  L.  T. 
127.  (P.,  1787.) 

2353. .     In   household   economy, 

the  mothers  of  our  country  are  generally 
skilled,  and  generally  careful  to  instruct  their 
daughters.  We  all  know  its  value,  and  that 
diligence  and  dexterity  in  all  its  processes 
are  inestimable  treasures.  The  order  and 
economy  of  a  house  are  as  honorable  to  the 
mistress  as  those  of  the  farm  to  the  master, 
and  if  either  be  neglected,  ruin  follows,  and 
children  destitute  of  the  means  of  living. — 
To  N.  BURWELL.  vii,  103.  FORD  ED.,  x,  106. 
(M.,  1818.) 

2354.  ECONOMY,  An  Essential  Princi 
ple. — Economy  in  the  public  expense,  that 
labor  may  be  lightly  burdened,  I  deem  [one 
of  the]  essential  principles  of  our  government 


and,  consequently  [one]  which  ought  to  shape 
its  administration. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.  (1801.) 

2355.  -        .     TO    expend    the    public 

money   with   the    same    care    and    economy 
[that]    we   would   practice    ^ith    our    own 

[is  one  of]  the  land  marks  by  which 
we  are  to  guide  ourselves  in  all  our  pro 
ceedings.— SECOND  ANNUAL  MESSAGE  viii 
21.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  187.  (Dec.  1802.) 

2356.  .      The     same     prudence, 

which,  in  private  life,  would  forbid  our  pay 
ing  our  money  for  unexplained  projects,  for 
bids  it  in  the  disposition  of  the  public  moneys. 
— To    SHELTON    GILLIAM.      v,    301.       (W., 

2357.  ECONOMY,  Evil  of  want  of  .—We 

see  in  England  the  consequences  of  the  want 
of  economy ;  their  laborers  reduced  to  live  on 
a  penny  in  the  shilling  of  their  earnings,  to 
give  up  bread,  and  resort  to  oatmeal  and  po 
tatoes  for  food ;  and  their  landholders  exiling 
themselves  to  live  in  penury  and  obscurity 
abroad,  because  at  home  the  government  must 
have  all  the  clear  profits  of  their  land.  In 
fact,  they  see  the  fee  simple  of  the  island 
transferred  to  the  public  creditors,  all  its 
profits  going  to  them  for  the  interest  of  their 
debts.  Our  laborers  and  landholders  must 
come  to  this  also,  unless  they  severely  adhere 
to  the  economy  you  recommend. — To  GOVER 
NOR  PLUMER.  vii,  19.  (M.,  1816.) 

2358.  ECONOMY,    Happiness    and.— If 

we  can  prevent  the  government  from  wasting 
the  labors  of  the  people,  under  the  pretence  of 
taking  care  of  them,  they  must  become  happy. 
— To  THOMAS  COOPER,  iv,  453.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  178.  (W.,  1802.) 

2359.  ECONOMY,       Honesty      and.— A 

rigid  economy  of  the  public  contributions, 
and  absolute  interdiction  of  all  useless  ex 
penses,  will  go  far  towards  keeping  the  gov 
ernment  honest  and  unoppressive. — To  MAR 
QUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  325.  FORD  ED.,  x,  280. 
(M.,  1823.) 

2360.  ECONOMY,  Ignorance  of  Politi 
cal.— I    transmit   for   M.    Tracy    *    *    *    a 
translation  of  his  Economic  Politique,  which 
we  have  made  and  published  here  in  the  hope 
of   advancing  our  countrymen    somewhat   in 
that  science;  the  most  profound  ignorance  of 
which  threatened  irreparable  disaster  during 
the    late    war,    and    by    the    parasite    insti 
tutions  of  banks  is  now  consuming  the  pub 
lic  industry. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.      FORD 
ED.,  x,  116.     (M.,  1818.) 

2361.  ECONOMY,     Insisting     on.— We 
shall  push    Congress    to    the    uttermost    in 
economizing. — To  NATHANIEL    MACON.      iv 
397.     (W.,  May  1801.) 

2362.  ECONOMY,     Liberty     and.— We 

must  make  our  election  between  economy  and 
liberty,  or  profusion  and  servitude. — To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  14.  FORD  ED.,  x,  41. 
(M.,  1816.) 


Economy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


272 


2363.  ECONOMY,   Necessity  for.— [We 
are]  conscious  that  our  endeavors  to  reconcile 
economy   and    the    public    wants    must    meet 
with  the   approbation   of  every  person,   who 
attends  at  all  to  the  dangers  impending  over 
us     from    circumscribed    finances. — To    THE 
PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  337. 
(R.,  1780.) 

2364.  ECONOMY  vs.  NEW  LOANS.— I 

learn  with  great  satisfaction  that  wholesome 
economies  have  been  found,  sufficient  to  re 
lieve  us  from  the  ruinous  necessity  of  adding 
annually  to  our  debt  by  new  loans.  The 
deviser  of  so  salutary  a  relief  deserves  truly 
well  of  his  country. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH. 
vii,  284.  FORD  ED.,  x,  251.  (M.,  1823.)  See 
LOANS. 

2365.  ECONOMY,  Political.— In  so  com 
plicated   a    science   as   political   economy,    no 
one  axiom  can  be  laid  down  as  wise  and  ex 
pedient  for  all  times  and  circumstances,  and 
for  their  contraries. — To  BENJAMIN  AUSTIN. 
vi,  523.     FORD  ED.,  x,   10.     (M.,  Jan.   1816.) 


2366. 


Political     economy    in 


modern  times  assumed  the  form  of  a  regular 
science  first  in  the  hands  of  the  political  sect 
in  France,  called  the  Economists.  They  made 
it  a  branch  only  of  a  comprehensive  system 
on  the  natural .  order  of  societies.  Quesnay 
first,  Gournay,  Le  Frosne,  Turgot,  and  Du- 
pont  de  Nemours,  the  enlightened,  philan 
thropic,  and  venerable  citizen,  now  of  the 
United  States,  led  the  way  in  these  develop 
ments,  and  gave  to  our  inquiries  the  direction 
they  have  since  observed.  Many  sound  and 
valuable  principles  established  by  them  have 
received  the  sanction  of  general  approbation. 
Some,  as  in  the  infancy  of  a  science  might  be 
expected,  have  been  brought  into  question, 
and  have  furnished  occasion  for  much  dis 
cussion.  Their  opinions  on  production,  and 
on  the  proper  subjects  of  taxation,  have  been 
particularly  controverted;  and  whatever  may 
be  the  merit  of  their  principles  of  taxation, 
it  is  not  wonderful  they  have  not  prevailed; 
not  on  the  questioned  score  of  correctness, 
but  because  not  acceptable  to  the  people, 
whose  will  must  be  the  supreme  law.  Taxa 
tion  is,  in  fact,  the  most  difficult  function  of 
government,  and  that  against  which  their 
citizens  are  most  apt  to  be  refractory.  The 
general  aim  is,  therefore,  to  adopt  the  mode 
most  consonant  with  the  circumstances  and 
sentiments  of  the  country.  Adam  Smith, 
first  in  England,  published  a  rational  and 
systematic  work  on  Political  Economy,  adopt 
ing  generally  the  ground  of  the  Economists, 
but  differing  on  the  subjects  before  specified. 
The  system  being  novel,  much  argument  and 
detail  seemed  then  necessary  to  establish 
principles  which  now  are  assented  to  as  soon 
as  proposed.  Hence  his  book,  admitted  to  be 
able,  and  of  the  first  degree  of  merit,  has  yet 
been  considered  as  prolix  and  tedious.  In 
France,  John  Baptiste  Say  has  the  merit  of 
producing  a  very  superior  work  on  the  sub 
ject  of  Political  Economy.  His  arrangement 
is  luminous,  ideas  clear,  style  perspicuous, 


and  the  whole  subject  brought  within  half 
the  volume  of  Smith's  work.  Add  to  this 
considerable  advances  in  correctness  and  ex 
tension  of  principles.  The  work  of  Senator 
[Destutt]  Tracy,  now  announced,  comes  for 
ward  with  all  the  lights  of  his  predecessors 
in  the  science,  and  with  the  advantages  of 
further  experience,  more  discussion,  and 
greater  maturity  of  subjects.  It  is  certainly 
distinguished  by  important  traits;  a  cogency 
of  logic  which  has  never  been  exceeded  in 
any  work,  a  rigorous  enchainment  of  ideas, 
and  constant  recurrence  to  it  to  keep  it  in 
the  reader's  view,  a  fearless  pursuit  of  truth 
whithersoever  it  leads,  and  a  diction  so  cor 
rect  that  not  a  word  can  be  changed  but  for 
the  worse  *  *  *  — INTRODUCTION  TO  DES 
TUTT  TRACY'S  POLITICAL  ECONOMY,  vi,  570. 
(1816.)  See  TRACY. 

2367.  ECONOMY,    Prodigality   vs.— To 
reform  the  prodigalities  of  our  predecessors 
js     *     *     *     peculiarly  our  duty,  and  to  bring 
the  government  to  a  simple  and  economical 
course. — To  JAMES   MONROE,     iv,  455.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  191.     (W.,  1803.) 

2368.  ECONOMY,  A  Republican  virtue. 

— I  place  economy  among  the  first  and  most 
important  of  republican  virtues. — To  GOVER 
NOR  PLUMER.  vii,  19.  (M.  1816.) 


2369. 


I  am  for  a  government 


rigorously  frugal  and  simple,  applying  all  the 
possible  savings  of  the  public  revenue  to  the 
discharge  of  the  national  debt.— To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  327.  (Pa., 
I799-) 

2370.  ECONOMY,  Rigorous.— The  new 
government  has  now,  for  some  time,  been 
under  way.  *  *  *  Abuses  under  the  old 
forms  have  led  us  to  lay  the  basis  of  the  new 
in  a  rigorous  economy  of  the  public  con 
tributions. — To  M.  DE  PINTO,  iii,  174.  (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

2371. .  We  are  endeavoring  to 

reduce  he  government  to  the  practice  of  a 
rigorous  economy,  to  avoid  burthening  the 
people,  and  arming  the  magistrate  with  a 
patronage  of  money,  which  might  be  used  to 
corrupt  and  undermine  the  principles  of  our 
government.— To  M.  PICTET.  iv,  463.  (W., 
1803.) 

2372. .  I  may  err  in  my  meas 
ures,  but  never  shall  deflect  from  the  inten 
tion  to  fortify  the  public  liberty  by  every  pos 
sible  means,  and  to  put  it  out  of  the  power 
of  the  few  to  riot  on  the  labors  of  the  many. 
-To  JUDGE  TYLER,  iv,  548.  (W.,  1804.) 

2373.  ECONOMY     vs.     TAXATION.— 

When,  merely  by  avoiding  false  objects  of  ex 
pense,  we  are  able,  without  a  direct  tax,  with 
out  internal  taxes,  and  without  borrowing,  to 
make  large  and  effectual  payments  toward  the 
discharge  of  our  public  debt  and  the  emanci 
pation  of  our  posterity  from  that  moral  can 
ker,  it  is  an  encouragement  of  the  highest 
order,  to  proceed  as  we  have  begun,  in  substi 
tuting  economy  for  taxation,  and  in  pursuing 


273 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Economy 
Education 


what  is  useful  for  a  nation  placed  as  we  are, 
rather  than  what  is  practiced  by  others  under 
different  circumstances.— SECOND  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,  viii,  19.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  185.  (Dec. 
1802.) 

2374.  ECONOMY,       Wisdom     of.— Our 
public  economy  is  such  as  to  offer  drudgery 
and  subsistence  only  to  those  entrusted  with 
its  administration,— a  wise  and  necessary  pre 
caution  against  the  degeneracy  of  the  public 
servants.— To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.    FORD  ED.,  vii, 
14.     (M.,  I795-) 

2375.  EDEN"  (William),  Hatred  of  the 
United  States. — Mr.  Eden  is  appointed  am 
bassador    from    England    to    Madrid.      To    the 
hatred   borne   us   by   his   court   and   country   is 
added    a   recollection    of   the    circumstances    of 
the  unsuccessful  embassy  to  America,  of  which 
he  made  a  part.     I  think  he  will  carry  to  Mad 
rid  dispositions  to  do  us  all  the  ill  he  can. — To 
JOHN   JAY.     ii,    158.     (P.,    1787.) 

2376. .  We  had  often  *  *  * 

occasions  of  knowing  each  other.  His  peculiar 
bitterness  towards  us  had  sufficiently  appeared, 
and  I  had  never  concealed  from  him  that  I  con 
sidered  the  British  as  our  natural  enemies,  and 
as  the  only  nation  on  earth  who  wished  us  ill 
from  the  bottom  of  their  souls.  And  I  am  sat 
isfied  that  were  our  continent  to  be  swallowed 
up  by  the  ocean,  Great  Britain  would  be  in  a 
bonfire  from  one  end  to  the  other. — To  WILL 
IAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii,  323.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  469. 
(P.,  1787.) 

2377. .  Mr.  Eden  sets  out  in  a 

few  days  for  Madrid.  You  will  have  to  oppose 
in  him  the  most  bitter  enemy  against  our 
country  that  exists.  His  late  and  sudden  ele 
vation  makes  the  remembrance  of  the  contempt 
we  showed  to  his  mission  in  America  rankle 
the  more  in  his  breast. — To  WILLIAM  CAR- 
MICHAEL.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  453.  (P.,  1787-) 

2378.  EDITORS,  Contention  and.— The 
printers  can  never  leave  us  in  a  state  of  per 
fect  rest  and  union  of  opinion.  They  would 
be  no  longer  useful  and  would  have  to  go  to 
the  plow. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  392. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  43.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2379. .  A  coalition  of  senti 
ments  is  not  for  the  interest  of  the  printers. 
They,  *  *  *,  live  by  the  zeal  they  can 
kindle,  and  the  schisms  they  can  create.  It 
is  contest  of  opinion  in  politics  : 
which  makes  us  take  great  interest  in  them, 
and  bestow  our  money  liberally  on  those  who 
furnish  aliment  to  our  appetite. — To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  42.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

2380.  EDITORS,  Ferocity  of  .—Our  print 
ers    raven    on    the   agonies   of   their   victims, 
as    wolves    do    on    the    blood    of    the    lamb. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,     v,  598.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
324.     (M.,   1811.) 

2381.  EDITORS,     Government,    People 
and. — The  printers  and  the  public  are  very 
different  personages.     The  former  may  lead 
the  latter  a  little  out  of  their  track,  while 
the  deviation  is  insensible;  but  the  moment 
they  usurp  their  direction  and  that  of  their 
government,    they   will    be    reduced    to    their 


true  places. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  598. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  324.  (M.,  May  1811.) 

2382.  EDITORS,      Independence   of.— I 

think  an  editor  should  be  independent,  that 
is,  of  personal  influence,  and  not  be  moved 
from  his  opinions  on  the  mere  authority  of 
any  individual.  But  with  respect  to  the  gen 
eral  opinion  of  the  political  section  with  which 
he  habitually  accords,  his  duty  seems  very 
like  that  of  a  member  of  Congress. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  591.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  315. 
(M.,  1811.) 

2383.  EDITORS,   Jefferson's  Relations 
with. — In  your  letter  it  is  said  that,  for  cer 
tain  services  performed  by  Mr.  James  Lyon 
and  Mr.  Samuel  Morse,  formerly  editors  of 
the  Savannah  Republican,   I  promised  them 
the  sum  of  one  thousand   dollars.     This   is 
totally  unfounded.     I  never  promised  to  any 
printer  on  earth  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dol 
lars,  nor  any  other  sum,  for  certain  services 
performed,   or   for   any   services   which   that 
expression  would  imply.     I  have  had  no  ac 
counts  with  printers  but  for  their  newspapers, 
for  which  I  have  paid  always  the  ordinary 
price  and  no  more.    I  have  occasionally  joined 
in   moderate   contributions   to   printers,   as   I 
have  done  to  other  descriptions  of  persons, 
distressed  or  persecuted,  not  by  promise,  but 
the  actual  payment  of  what  I  contributed. — 
To  JAMES  L.  EDWARDS,    vi,  8.     (M.,  1811.) 

2384.  -  — .     I  take  the  liberty  of  re 
questing  a  letter  from  you  bearing  testimony 
to  the  truth  of  my  never  having  made  to  you, 
or    within    your   knowledge   or    information, 
any  such  promise  to  yourself,  your  partner 
Morse,  or  any  other.     My  confidence  in  your 
character  leaves  me  without  a  doubt  of  your 
honest   aid   in   repelling  this   base  and  bold 
attemot  to  fix  on  me  practices  to  which  no 
honors  or  powers  in  this  world  would  ever 
have  induced  me  to  stoop.     I  have  solicited 
none,  intrigued  for  none.     Those  which  my 
country  has  thought  proper  to  confide  to  me 
have  been  of  their  own  mere  motion,  unasked 
by  me.     Such  practices  as  this  letter-writer 
imputes  to  me,  would  have  proved  me  un 
worthy  of  their  confidence. — To  JAMES  LYON. 
vi,   10.      (M.,   1811.)      See  NEWSPAPERS. 

2385.  EDUCATION,    Abuses    of   power 
and. — Education    is    the    true    corrective    of 
abuses  of  constitutional  power. — To  WILLIAM 
C.  JARVIS.    vii,  179.     FORD  ED.,  x,  161.     (M., 
1820.) 

2386.  EDUCATION,     Amelioration     of 
mankind. — If  the  condition  of  man  is  to  be 
progressively  ameliorated,  as  we  fondly  hope    >    - 
and  believe,  education  is  to  be  the  chief  in 
strument    in    effecting    it. — To    M.    JULLIEN. 

vii,  106.     (M.,  1818.) 

2387.  EDUCATION,  Course  of.— I  have 
never   thought   a  boy   should   undertake   ab 
struse   or   difficult   sciences,    such   as   mathe 
matics  in  general,  till  fifteen  years  of  age  at 
soonest.     Before  that  time,  they  are  best  em 
ployed  in  learning  the  languages,   which  is 
merely    a    matter    of    memory. — To    RALPH 
IZARD.    ii,  428.    (P,i;88.) 


Education 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


274 


2388.  EDUCATION,     Devotion     to.— A 

system  of  general  instruction,  which  shall 
reach  every  description  of  our  citizens  from 
the  richest  to  the  poorest,  as  it  was  the  ear 
liest,  so  will  it  be  the  latest  of  all  the  public 
concerns  in  which  I  shall  permit  myself  to 
take  an  interest.  Nor  am  I  tenacious  of  the 
form  in  which  it  shall  be  introduced.  Be 
that  what  it  may,  our  descendants  will  be 
as  wise  as  we  are,  and  w'll  know  how  to 
amend  and  amend  it,  until  it  shall  suit  their 
circumstances.  Give  it  to  us  then  in  any 
shape,  and  receive  for  the  inestimable  boon 
the  thanks  of  the  young  and  the  blessings  of 
the  old,  who  are  past  all  other  services  but 
prayers  for  the  prosperity  of  their  country, 
and  blessings  for  those  who  promote  it. — To 
JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  FORD  ED.,  x.  102.  (M., 
1818.) 

—  EDUCATION,    Discipline    and.— See 

DISCIPLINE  and  UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA. 

2389.  EDUCATION,    Drawing.— I    have 
been  quite  anxious  to  get  a  good  drawing 
master  in  the  military  or  landscape  line  for 
the  University  [of  Virginia].     It  is  a  branch 
of   male   education    most   highly   and   justly 
valued   on    the    continent    of    Europe. — To 
JAMES   MADISON.     FORD  ED.,   x,   360.      (M., 
1826.) 

_  EDUCATION,  Elective  Studies.— See 

UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA. 

_  EDUCATION,       European.— See 

SCHOOLS. 

2390.  EDUCATION,  Female.— A  plan  of 
female  education  has  never  been  a  subject  of 
systematic   contemplation   with   me.      It   has 
occupied  my  attention  so  far  only  as  the  edu 
cation  of  my  own  daughters  occasionally  re 
quired.       Considering    that    they   would   be 
placed  in  a  country  situation,  where  little  aid 
could  be  obtained  from  abroad,  I  thought  it 
essential  to  give  them  a  solid  education,  which 
might  enable  them,  when  become  mothers,  to 
educate  their  own  daughters,  and  even  to  di 
rect  the  course  for  sons,  should  their  fathers 
be  lost,  or  incapable,  or  inattentive.     *    *    * 
A  great  obstacle  to  good  education  is  the  or- 
dinate  passion  prevalent  for  novels,  and  the 
time  lost  in  that  reading  which  should  be  in 
structively  employed.     When  this  poison  in 
fects  the  mind,  it  destroys  its  tone  and  revolts 
it  against  wholesome  reading.     Reason  and 
fact,    plain    and     unadorned,     are     rejected. 
Nothing  can  engage  attention  unless  dressed 
in  all  the  figments  of  fancy,  and  nothing  so 
bedecked   comes    amiss.      The     result     is     a 
bloated   imagination,    sickly    judgment,    and 
disgust    towards    all    the    real    businesses    of 
life.     This  mass  of  trash,  however,  is  not  with 
out    some    distinction ;    some    few    modelling 
their   narratives,    although    fictitious,    on    the 
incidents  of  real  life,  have  been  able  to  make 
them    interesting    and    useful    vehicles    of    a 
sound  morality.     Such,  I  think,  are  Marmon- 
tel's  new  Moral  Tales,  but  not  his  old  ones, 
which  are  really  immoral.     Such  are  the  wri 
tings  of  Miss  Edgeworth,  and  some  of  those 
of  Madame  Genlis.     For  a  like  reason,  too, 


much  poetry  should  not  be  indulged.  Some 
is  useful  for  forming  style  and  taste.  Pope, 
Dryden,  Thomson,  Shakespeare,  and  of  the 
French  Moliere,  Racine,  the  Corneilles,  may 
be  read  with  pleasure  and  improvement.  The 
French  language,  become  that  of  the  general 
intercourse  of  nations,  and  from  their  ex 
traordinary  advances,  now  the  depository  of 
all  science,  is  an  indispensable  part  of  educa 
tion  for  both  sexes.  *  *  *  The  ornaments, 
too,  and  the  amusements  of  life,  are  entitled 
to  their  portion  of  attention.  These,  for  a 
female,  are  dancing,  drawing,  and  music.  The 
first  is  a  healthy  exercise,  elegant  and  very 
attractive  for  young  people.  Every  affec 
tionate  parent  would  be  pleased  to  see  his 
daughter  qualified  to  participate  with  her 
companions,  and  without  awkwardness  at 
least,  in  the  circles  of  festivity,  of  which  she 
occasionally  becomes  a  part.  It  is  a  neces 
sary  accomplishment,  therefore,  although  of 
short  use;  for  the  French  rule  is  wise,  that 
no  lady  dances  after  marriage.  This  is 
founded  in  solid  physical  reasons,  gestation 
and  nursing  leaving  little  time  to  a  married 
lady  when  this  exercise  can  be  either  safe  or 
innocent.  Drawing  is  thought  less  of  in  this 
country  than  in  Europe.  It  is  an  innocent 
and  engaging  amusement,  often  useful,  and 
a  qualification  not  to  be  neglected  in  one  who 
is  to  become  a  mother  and  an  instructor.  Mu 
sic  is  invaluable  where  a  person  has  an  ear. 
Where  they  have  not,  it  should  not  be  at 
tempted.  It  furnishes  a  delightful  recreation 
for  the  hours  of  respite  from  the  cares  of  the 
day,  and  lasts  us  through  life.  The  taste  of 
this  country,  too,  calls  for  this  accomplish 
ment  more  strongly  than  for  either  of  the 
others.  I  need  say  nothing  of  household 
economy,  in  which  the  mothers  of  our  coun 
try  are  generally  skilled,  and  generally  care 
ful  to  instruct  their  daughters.  We  all  know 
its  value,  and  that  diligence  and  dexterity  in 
all  its  processes  are  inestimable  treasures. 
The  order  and  economy  of  a  house  are  as 
honorable  to  the  mistress  as  those  of  the  farm 
to  the  master,  and  if  either  be  neglected, 
ruin  follows,  and  children  destitute  of  the 
means  of  living. — To  N.  BURWELL.  vii,  101. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  104.  (M.,  1818.) 

_  EDUCATION,  Fostering  Genius.— 
See  2398,  2399,  2400. 

2391.  EDUCATION,  Freedom  and.— If  a 
nation  expects  to  be  ignorant  and  free,  in  a 
state  of  civilization,  it  expects  what  never 
was  and  never  will  be. — To  CHARLES  YANCEY. 
vi,  517.  FORD  ED.,  x,  4.  (M.,i8i6.) 

2392.  EDUCATION,  Freedom,  Happi 
ness  and. — No  other  sure  foundation  can  be 
devised  for  the  preservation  of  freedom  and 
happiness.  *  *  *  Preach  a  crusade  against 
ignorance ;  establish  and  improve  the  law  for 
educating  the  common  people.  Let  our  coun 
trymen  know  that  the  people  alone  can  pro 
tect  us  against  the  evils  [of  misgovernment]. 
— To  GEORGE  WYTHE.  ii,  7.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
268.  (P.,  1786.) 

2393.  EDUCATION,  Friends  of.— A  wise 
direction  of  [the  force  friendly  to  education] 


275 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Education 


will  insure  to  our  country  its  future  prosper 
ity  and  safety. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vii, 
189.  FORD  ED.,  x,  167.  (P.F.,  1820.) 

2394.  EDUCATION,  Good  Government 
and. — No    one    more    sincerely    wishes    the 
spread  of  information  among  mankind  than 
I  do,  and  none  has  greater  confidence  in  its 
effect  towards  supporting  free  and  good  gov 
ernment.— To  HUGH  L.  WHITE,    v,  521.   (M., 
1810.) 

2395.  EDUCATION,  Higher.— I  do  most 
anxiously  wish  to  see  the  highest  degrees  of 
education   given   to   the   higher    degrees    of 
genius,  and  to  all  degrees  of  it,  so  much  as 
may  enable  them  to  read  and  understand  what 
is  going  on  in  the  world,  and  to  keep  their 
part  of  it  going  on  right;   for  nothing  can 
keep  it  right  but  their  own  vigilant  and  dis 
trustful  superintendence. — To    MANN    PAGE. 
iv,  119.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  24.     (M.,  1795.) 

2396. .    The   greatest   good    [of 

the  people]  requires,  that  while  they  are  in 
structed  in  general,  competently  to  the  com 
mon  business  of  life,  others  should  employ 
their  genius  with  necessary  information  to 
the  useful  arts,  to  inventions  for  saving  la 
bor  and  increasing  our  comforts,  to  nourish 
ing  our  health,  to  civil  government,  military 
science,  &c.— To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vii,  187. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  166.  (P.  F.,  1820.) 

2397. .  When  sobered  by  ex 
perience,  I  hope  our  successors  will  turn 
their  attention  to  the  advantages  of  education. 
I  mean  of  education  on  the  broad  scale,  and 
not  that  of  the  petty  academies,  as  they  call 
themselves,  which  are  started  up  in  every 
neighborhood,  and  where  one  or  two  men, 
possessing  Latin  and  sometimes  Greek,  a 
knowledge  of  the  globes,  and  the  first  six 
books  of  Euclid,  imagine  and  communicate 
this  as  the  sum  of  science.  They  commit 
their  pupils  to  the  theatre  of  the  world,  with 
just  taste  enough  of  learning  to  be  alienated 
from  industrious  pursuits,  and  not  enough  to 
do  service  in  the  ranks  of  science.  *  *  * 
I  hope  the  necessity  will  at  length  be  seen  of 
establishing  institutions  here,  as  in  Europe, 
where  every  branch  of  science  useful  at  this 
day,  may  be  taught  in  its  highest  degree. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  356.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  464. 
(M.,  July  1814.) 

2398.  EDUCATION,  Jefferson's  Bills 
on. — The  bill  [on  Education  in  the  Revised 
Code  of  Virginia]  proposes  to  lay  off  every 
county  into  small  districts  of  five  or  six  miles 
square,  called  hundreds,  and  in  each  of  them 
to  establish  a  school  for  teaching  reading, 
writing,  and  arithmetic.  The  tutor  to  be 
supported  by  the  hundred,  and  every  person 
in  it  entitled  to  send  their  children  three  years 
gratis,  and  as  much  longer  as  they  please, 
paying  for  it.  These  schools  to  be  under  a 
visitor  who  is  annually  to  choose  the  boy  of 
best  genius  in  the  school,  of  those  whose  par 
ents  are  too  poor  to  give  them  further  e.duca- 
tion,  and  to  send  him  forward  to  one  or  the 
grammar  schools,  of  which  twenty  are  pro 
posed  to  be  erected  in  different  parts  of  the 


country,  for  teaching  Greek,  Latin,  geography, 
and  the  higher  branches  of  numerical  arith 
metic.  Of  the  boys  thus  sent  in  any  one  year, 
trial  is  to  be  made  at  the  grammar  schools 
one  or  two  years,  and  the  best  genius  of  the 
whole  selected,  and  continued  six  years,  and 
the  residue  dismissed.  By  this  means  twenty 
of  the  best  geniuses  will  be  raked  from  the 
rubbish  annually,  and  be  instructed  at  the 
public  expense,  so  far  as  the  grammar  schools 
go.  At  the  end  of  six  years  instruction,  one- 
half  are  to  be  discontinued  (from  among 
whom  the  grammar  schools  will  probably 
be  supplied  with  future  masters)  ;  and  the 
other  half,  who  are  to  be  chosen  for  the  su 
periority  of  their  parts  and  disposition,  are  to 
be  sent  and  continued  three  years  in  the  study 
of  such  sciences  as  they  shall  choose,  at  Will 
iam  and  Mary  College.  *  *  *  The  ul 
timate  result  of  the  whole  scheme  of  educa 
tion  would  be  the  teaching  all  the  children  of 
the  State  reading,  writing,  and  common  arith 
metic;  turning  out  ten  annually  of  superior 
genius,  well  taught  in  Greek,  Latin,  geog 
raphy,  and  the  higher  branches  of  arithmetic ; 
turning  out  ten  others  annually,  of  still  su 
perior  parts,  who.  to  those  branches  of  learn 
ing,  shall  have  added  such  branches  of  the 
sciences  as  their  genius  shall  have  led  them 
to ;  the  further  furnishing  to  the  wealthier 
part  of  the  people  convenient  schools  at  which 
their  children  may  be  educated  at  their  own 
expense. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  viii,  388. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  251.  (1782.) 

2399.  — .    I  have  sketched  and  put 

into  the  hands  of  a  member  a  bill,  delineating 
a  practicable  plan,  entirely  within  the  means 
they  [the  Virginia  Legislature]  already  have 
on  hand,  destined  to  this  object.  My  bill 
proposes:  I.  Elementary  schools  in  every 
county,  which  shall  place  every  householder 
within  three  miles  of  a  school.  2.  District 
colleges,  which  shall  place  every  father  within 
a  day's  ride  of  a  college  where  he  may  dis 
pose  of  his  son.  3.  An  university  in  a  healthy 
and  central  situation,  with  the  offer  of  the 
lands,  buildings,  and  funds  of  the  Central 
College,  if  they  will  accept  that  place  for  their 
establishment.  In  the  first  will  be  taught 
reading,  writing,  common  arithmetic,  and 
general  notions  of  geography.  In  the  second, 
ancient  and  modern  languages,  geography 
fully,  a  higher  degree  of  numerical  arithmetic, 
mensuration,  and  the  elementary  principles 
of  navigation.  In  the  third,  all  the  useful 
sciences  in  their  highest  degree.  To  all  of 
which  is  added  a  selection  from  the  elemen 
tary  schools  of  subjects  of  the  most  promising 
genius,  whose  parents  are  too  poor  to  give 
them  further  education,  to  be  carried  at  the 
public  expense  through  the  colleges  and  uni 
versity.  The  object  is  to  bring  into  action 
that  mass  of  talents  which  lies  buried  in  pov 
erty  in  every  country,  for  want  of  the  means 
of  development,  and  thus  give  activity  to  a 
mass  of  mind,  which,  in  proportion  to  our 
population,  shall  be  the  double  or  treble  of 
what  it  is  in  most  countries.  The  expense 
of  the  elementary  schools  for  every  count  v, 
is  proposed  to  be  levied  on  the  wealth  of  the 


Education 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


276 


county,  and  all  children  rich  and  poor,  to  be 
educated  at  these  three  years  gratis.  *  *  * 
This  is,  in  fact  and  substance,  the  plan  I  pro 
posed  in  a  bill  forty  years  ago,  but  accom 
modated  to  the  circumstances  of  this,  instead 
of  that  day.— To  M.  CORREA.  vii,  94.  (P. 
R,  1817.) 

2400.  EDUCATION,  Jefferson's  Ex 
planation  of.— The  general  objects  of  this 
law  are  to  provide  an  education  adapted  to 
the  years,  to  the  capacity,  and  the  condition 
of  every  one,  and  directed  to  their  freedom 
and  happiness.  Specific  details  were  not 
proper  for  the  law.  These  must  be  the  busi 
ness  of  the  visitors  entrusted  with  its  execu 
tion.  The  first  stage  of  this  education  being 
the  schools  of  the  hundreds,  wherein  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  will  receive  their  instruc 
tion,  the  principal  foundations  of  future  or 
der  will  be  laid  here.  Instead,  therefore,  of 
putting  the  Bible  and  the  Testament  into  the 
hands  of  the  children  at  an  age  when  their 
judgments  are  not  sufficiently  matured  for 
religious  inquiries,  their  memories  may  here 
be  stored  with  the  most  useful  facts  from 
Grecian,  Roman,  European  and  American 
history.  The  first  elements  of  morality,  too, 
may  be  instilled  into  their  minds:  such  as, 
when  further  developed  as  their  judgments 
advance  in  strength,  may  teach  them  how  to 
work  out  their  own  greatest  happiness,  by 
showing  them  that  it  does  not  depend  on 
the  condition  of  life  in  which  chance  has 
placed  them,  but  is  always  the  result  of 
a  good  conscience,  good  health,  occupation, 
and  freedom  in  all  just  pursuits.  Those  whom 
either  the  wealth  of  their  parents  or  the  adop 
tion  of  the  State  shall  destine  to  higher  de 
grees  of  learning-,  will  go  on  to  the  gram 
mar  schools,  which  constitute  the  next  stage, 
there  to  be  instructed  in  the  languages.  The 
learning  Greek  and  Latin,  I  am  told,  is  going 
into  disuse  in  Europe.  I  know  not  what  their 
manners  and  occupations  may  call  for;  but 
it  would  be  very  ill-judged  in  us  to  follow 
their  example  in  this  instance.  There  is  a 
certain  period  of  life,  say  from  eight  to  fifteen 
or  sixteen  years  of  age,  when  the  mind,  like 
the  body  is  not  yet  firm  enough  for  laborious 
and  close  operations.  If  applied  to  such,  it 
falls  an  early  victim  to  premature  exertion; 
exhibiting,  indeed,  at  first,  in  these  young 
and  tender  subjects,  the  flattering  appearance 
of  their  being  men  while  they  are  yet  children, 
but  ending  in  reducing  them  to  be  children 
when  they  should  be  men.  The  memory  is 
then  most  susceptible  and  tenacious  of  im 
pressions;  and  the  learning  of  languages  be 
ing  chiefly  a  work  of  memory,  it  seems  pre 
cisely  fitted  to  the  powers  of  this  period, 
which  is  long  enough,  too,  for  acquiring  the 
most  useful  languages,  ancient  and  modern. 
I  do  not  pretend  that  language  is  science.  It 
is  only  an  instrument  for  the  attainment  of 
science.  But  that  time  is  not  lost  which  is 
employed  in  providing  tools  for  future  opera 
tion  ;  more  especially,  as  in  this  case,  the 
books  put  into  the  hands  of  the  youth  for  this 
purpose  may  be  such  as  will,  at  the  same  time, 
impress  their  minds  with  useful  facts  and 


good  principles.  If  this  period  be  suffered 
to  pass  in  idleness,  the  mind  becomes  lethar 
gic  and  impotent,  as  would  the  body  it  in 
habits,  if  unexercised  during  the  same  time. 
The  sympathy  between  body  and  mind  dur 
ing  their  rise,  progress,  and  decline,  is  too 
strict  and  obvious  to  endanger  our  being 
misled,  while  we  reason  from  the  one  to  the 
other. 

As  soon  as  they  are  of  sufficient  age,  it  is 
supposed  they  will  be  sent  from  the  grammar 
schools  to  the  university,  which  constitutes 
our  third  and  last  stage,  there  to  study  those 
sciences  which  may  be  adapted  to  their  views. 
By  that  part  of  our  plan  which  prescribes 
the  selection  of  the  youths  of  genius  from 
among  the  classes  of  the  poor,  we  hope  to 
avail  the  State  of  those  talents  which  nature 
has  sown  as  liberally  among  the  poor  as  the 
rich,  but  which  perish  without  use,  if  not 
sought  for  and  cultivated.  But  of  all  the 
views  of  this  law  none  is  more  important, 
none  more  legitimate,  than  that  of  rendering 
the  people  the  safe,  as  they  are  the  ultimate, 
guardians  of  their  own  liberty.  For  this  pur 
pose  the  reading  in  the  first  stage,  where 
they  will  receive  their  whole  education,  is 
proposed,  as  has  been  said,  to  be  chiefly  his 
torical.  History,  by  apprising  them  of  the 
past,  will  enable  them  to  judge  of  the  fu 
ture;  it  will  avail  them  of  the  experience  of 
other  times  and  other  nations;  it  will  qual 
ify  them  as  judges  of  the  actions  and  designs 
of  men ;  it  will  enable  them  to  know  ambition 
under  every  disguise  it  may  assume;  and 
knowing  it,  to  defeat  its  views.  In  every 
government  on  earth  is  some  trace  of  human 
weakness,  some  germ  of  corruption  and  de 
generacy,  which  cunning  will  discover,  and 
wickedness  insensibly  open,  cultivate  and  im 
prove.  Every  government  degenerates  when 
trusted  to  the  rulers  of  the  people  alone.  The 
people  themselves,  therefore,  are  its  only  safe 
depositories.  And  to  render  even  them  safe, 
their  minds  must  be  improved  to  a  certain 
degree.  This  indeed  is  not  all  that  is  neces 
sary,  though  it  be  essentially  necessary.  An 
amendment  of  our  Constitution  must  have 
come  in  aid  of  the  public  education.  The  in 
fluence  over  government  must  be  shared 
among  all  the  people.  If  every  individual 
which  composes  their  mass  participates  of 
the  ultimate  authority,  the  government  will 
be  safe;  because  the  corrupting  the  whole 
mass  will  exceed  any  private  resources  of 
wealth ;  and  public  ones  cannot  be  provided 
but  by  levies  on  the  people.  In  this  case  every 
man  would  have  to  pay  his  own  price.  The 
government  of  Great  Britain  has  been  cor 
rupted,  because  but  one  man  in  ten  has  a 
right  to  vote  for  members  of  parliament.  The 
sellers  of  the  government,  therefore,  get  nine- 
tenths  of  their  price  clear.  It  has  been 
thought  that  corruption  is  restrained  by  con 
fining  the  right  of  suffrage  to  a  few  of  the 
wealthier  of  the  people ;  but  it  would  be  more 
effectually  restrained,  by  an  extension  of  that 
right,  to  such  members  as  would  bid  defiance 
to  the  means  of  corruption. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,  viii,  388.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  252.  (1782.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


277 

EDUCATION,    Languages   and. — See 

LANGUAGES. 

2401.  EDUCATION,  Large  Cities  and.— 
I  am  not  a  friend  to  placing  young  men  in 
populous   cities,    because   they   acquire   there 
habits  and  partialities  which  do  not  contrib 
ute  to  the  happiness  of  their  after  life. — To 
DOCTOR  WISTAR.     v,   104.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  70. 
(W.,  1807.) 

2402.  EDUCATION,     Law     and.— Laws 
will  be  wisely  formed,  and  honestly  adminis 
tered,  in  proportion  as  those  who  form  and 
administer  them  are  wise  and  honest ;  whence 
it  becomes  expedient  for  promoting  the  pub 
lic  happiness  that  those  persons,  whom  nature 
has  endowed  with  genius  and  virtue,  should 
be  rendered  by  liberal  education  worthy  to 
receive,  and  able  to  guard  the  sacred  deposit 
of   the   rights   and   liberties   of   their   fellow 
citizens;   and  that  they  should  be  called  to 
that  charge  without  regard  to  wealth,  birth  or 
other  accidental   condition   or   circumstance; 
but  the  indigence  of  the  greater  number  dis 
abling  them  from  so  educating,  at  their  own 
expense,  those  of  their  children  whom  nature 
has  fitly  formed  and  disposed  to  become  use 
ful   instruments  for   the  public,   it   is  better 
that  such  should  be  sought  for  and  educated 
at  the  common  expense  of  all,  than  that  the 
happiness  of  all  should  be  confined  to  the  weak 
or  wicked.— DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.     (i?79-) 

2403.  EDUCATION,   Material  progress 
vs.— People  generally  have  more  feeling  for 
canals  and  roads  than  education.    However,  I 
hope  we  can  advance  them  with  equul  pace. — 
To  JOEL  BARLOW,    v,  217.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  169. 
(W..  1807.) 

2404.  EDUCATION,    Military    instruc 
tion.— We  must  make  military  instruction  a 
regular    part    of    collegiate    education.      We 
can  never  be   safe  till    this    is    done.* — To 
JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  131.     (M.,  1813.) 

2405.  EDUCATION,  Municipal  govern 
ment  and. — Education  is  not  a  branch  of  mu 
nicipal  government,  but,  like  the  other  arts 
and   sciences,   an   accident    only.— To    JOHN 
TAYLOR,     vii,   17.     FORD  ED.,    x,    51.      (M., 
1816.) 

_  EDUCATION,   National   University. 
— See  UNIVERSITY. 

2406.  EDUCATION,  Neglect  of.— If  the 

children  *  *  *  are  untaught,  their  igno 
rance  and  vices  will,  in  future  life  cost  us 
much  dearer  in  their  consequences,  than  it 
would  have  done,  in  their  correction,  by  a 
good  education. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  99.  (1818.) 

2407.  EDUCATION,  New  York  vs.  Vir 
ginia. — Surely  Governor  Clinton's  display  of 
the  gigantic  effort.?  of  New  York  towards  the 
education  of  her  citizens   will   stimulate  the 
pride  as  well  as  the  patriotism  of  our  Legis 
lature,  to  look  to  the  reputation  and  safety 

*  Jefferson  was  the  first  to  suggest  military  train 
ing  in  the  schools. — EDITOR. 


Education 


of  their  own  country,  to  rescue  it  from  the 
degradation  of  becoming  the  Barbary  of  the 
Union,  and  of  falling  into  the  ranks  of  our 
own  negroes.  To  that  condition  it  is  fast 
sinking.  We  shall  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
other  States,  what  our  indigenous  predeces 
sors  were  when  invaded  by  the  science  and 
arts  of  Europe.  The  mass  of  education  in 
Virginia,  before  the  Revolution,  placed  her 
with  the  foremost  of  her  Sister  Colonies. 
What  is  her  education  now?  Where  is  it? 
The  little  we  have  we  import,  like  beggars, 
from  other  States  ;  or  import  their  beggars  to 
bestow  on  us  their  miserable  crumbs.  A.nd 
what  is  wanting  to  restore  us  to  our  station 
among  our  confederates?  Not  more  money 
from  the  people.  Enough  has  been  raised 
by  them,  and  appropriated  to  this  very  ob 
ject.  It  is  that  it  should  be  employed  under- 
standingly,  and  for  their  greatest  good. — To 
JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vii,  186.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
165.  (P.F.,  1820.) 

2408. .     Six    thousand    common 

schools  in  New  York,  fifty  pupils  in  each, 
three  hundred  thousand  in  all;  one  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  dollars  annually  paid  to 
the  masters ;  forty  established  academies,  with 
two  thousand  two  hundred  and  eighteen  pu 
pils ;  and  five  colleges  with  seven  hundred 
and  eighteen  students;  to  which  last  classes 
of  institutions  seven  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  dollars  have  been  given;  and  the 
whole  appropriations  for  education  estimated 
at  two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars!  What 
a  pigmy  to  this  is  Virginia  become,  with  a 
population  almost  equal  to  that  of  New 
York!  And  whence  this  difference?  From 
the  difference  their  rulers  set  on  the  value  of 
knowledge,  and  the  prosperity  it  produces. 
But  still,  if  a  pigmy,  let  her  do  what  a  pigmy 
may  do. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  vii,  188. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  167.  (P.F.,  1820.) 

2409.  EDUCATION,  The  People  and.— 

Above  all  things,  I  hope  the  education  of  the 
common  people  will  be  attended  to ;  convinced  .  ^ 
that  on  their  good  senses  we  may  rely  with 
the  most  security  for  the  preservation  of  a 
due  degree  of  liberty.* — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  480.  (P.,  1787.) 

2410. .     [To  give]  information  to 

the  people  *  *  *  is  the  most  certain,  and 
the  most  legitimate  engine  of  government. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  332.  (1787.) 

2411. .      The     diffusion     of    ih^" 

formation,  I  deem  [one]  of  the  essential  prin 
ciples  of  our  government  and,  consequently, 
[one]  which  ought  to  shape  its  administra 
tion. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  4. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  5.  (1801.) 

2412.  .     Enlighten     the     people 

e-enerally,  and  tyranny  and  oppressions  of 
body  and  mind  will  vanish  like  spirits  at  the 

*  In  Congress  edition  :  (ii,  332,)  "Educate  and  in 
form  the  whole  mass  of  the  people.  Enable  them  to 
see  that  it  is  their  interest  to  preserve  peace  and  order 
and  they  will  preserve  them.  And  it  requires  no  very 
high  degree  of  education  to  convince  them  of  this. 
They  are  the  only  sure  reliance  for  the  preservatior 
of  our  liberty."— EDITOR. 


Education 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


278 


dawn  of  day. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS. 
vi,  592.  FORD  ED.,  x,  25.  (P.  F.,  1816.) 

2413. .     Nobody     can  doubt  my 

zeal  for  the  general  instruction  of  the  people. 
Who  first  started  that  idea?  I  may  surely 
say,  myself.  Turn  to  the  bill  in  the  Revised 
Code,  which  I  drew  more  than  forty  years 
ago,  and  before  which  the  idea  of  a  plan  for 
the  education  of  the  people,  generally,  had 
never  been  suggested  in  this  State.  There 
you  will  see  developed  the  first  rudiments  of 
the  whole  system  of  general  education  we  are 
now  urging  and  acting  on :  and  it  is  well 
known  to  those  with  whom  I  have  acted  on 
this  subject,  that  I  never  have  proposed  a 
sacrifice  of  the  primary  to  the  ultimate  grade 
of  instruction.  Let  us  keep  our  eye  steadily 
on  the  whole  system. — To  GENERAL  BRECK- 
ENRIDGE.  vii,  205.  (M.,  1821.)  See  PEOPLE. 

2414.  EDUCATION,       Perversion       of 
power  and. — The   most   effectual   means   of 
preventing  the  perversion  of  power  into  tyr 
anny  are  to  illuminate,  as  far  as  practicable, 
the    minds    of     the     people.— DIFFUSION     OF 
KNOWLEDGE  BILL.    FORD  ED.,  ii.  221.     (1799.) 

2415.  EDUCATION,     Power    and.— All 

the  States  but  our  own  are  sensible  that 
knowledge  is  power.  The  Missouri  question 
is  for  power.  .  The  efforts  now  gener 
ally  making  in  all  the  States  to  advance 
their  science  is  for  power,  while  we  are  sink 
ing  into  the  barbarism  of  our  Indian  abo 
rigines,  and  expect  like  them  to  oppose  by  ig 
norance  the  overwhelming  mass  of  light  and 
science  by  which  we  shall  be  surrounded.  It 
is  a  comfort  that  I  am  not  to  live  to  see  this. 
— To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  FORD  ED.,  x,  155. 
(M.,  1820.) 

2416.  EDUCATION,  Progress  through. 
— I  look  to  the  diffusion  of  light  and  educa 
tion  as  the  resource  most  to  be  relied  on  for 
ameliorating  the  condition,  promoting  the  vir 
tue,  and  advancing  the  happiness  of  man. — 
To  C.  C.  BLATCHLY.     vii,  263.     (M.,  1822.) 
See  2386. 

2417.  EDUCATION,  The  Republic  and. 

—I  have  two  great  measures  at  heart,  without 
which  no  republic  can  maintain  itself  in 
strength,  i.  That  of  general  education,  to 
enable  every  man  to  judge  for  himself  what 
wi'll  secure  or  endanger  his  freedom.  2.  To 
divide  every  county  into  hundreds,  of  such 
size  that  all  the  children  of  each  will  be  within 
reach  of  a  central  school  in  it. — To  JOHN  TY 
LER,  v,  525.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  277.  (M.,  1810.) 

2418.  EDUCATION,  Safety  in.— The  in 
formation  of   the  people  at   large   can   alone 
make  them  the  safe,  as  they  are  the  sole  de 
positary  of  our  political  and  religious   free 
dom. — To    WILLIAM    DUANE.  v,    541.      (M., 
1810.) 

2419.  EDUCATION,    Self-sufficiency 

and. — Our  post-revolutionary  youth  are  born 
under  happier  stars  than  you  and  I  were. 
They  acquire  all  learning  in  their  mother's 
womb,  and  bring  it  into  the  world  ready  made. 
The  information  of  books  is  no  longer  neces 


sary;  and  all  knowledge  which  is  not  in 
nate,  is  in  contempt,  or  neglect  at  least.  Every 
folly  must  run  its  round ;  and  so,  I  suppose, 
must  that  of  self-learning  and  self-sufficiency ; 
of  rejecting  the  knowledge  acquired  in  past 
ages,  and  starting  on  the  new  ground  of  in 
tuition. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  355.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  464.  (M.,  1814.) 

2420.  EDUCATION,      Suffrage    and.— 

There  is  one  provision  [in  the  new  constitu 
tion  of  Spain]  which  will  immortalize  its  in 
ventors.  It  is  that  which,  after  a  certain 
epoch,  disfranchises  every  citizen  who  cannot 
read  and  write.  This  is  new,  and  is  the  fruit 
ful  germ  of  the  improvement  of  everything 
good,  and  the  correction  of  everything  imper 
fect  in  the  present  constitution.  This  will 
give  you  an  enlightened  people,  and  an  en 
ergetic  public  opinion  which  will  control  and 
enchain  the  aristocratic  spirit  of  the  govern 
ment. — To  CHEVALIER  DE  Ouis.  vi,  342.  (M., 
1814.) 

2421.  EDUCATION,  Suitable.— Promote 
in  every  order  of  men  the  degree  of  instruc 
tion  proportioned  to  their  condition,  and  to 
their  views  in  life. — To  JOSEPH   C.   CABELL. 
vii,  189.    FORD  ED.,  x,  167.    (P.  F.,  1820.) 

2422.  EDUCATION,  System  and.— The 

truth  is  that  the  want  of  common  education 
with  us  is  not  from  our  poverty,  but  from  the 
want  of  an  orderly  system.  More  money  is 
now  paid  for  the  education  of  a  part  than 
would  be  paid  for  that  of  the  whole,  if  sys 
tematically  arranged. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL. 
vii,  188.  FORD  ED.,  x,  167.  (P.F.,  1820.) 

2423.  EDUCATION,     Taxes     for.— The 

tax  which  will  be  paid  for  the  purpose  of 
education  is  not  more  than  the  thousandth 
part  of  what  will  be  paid  to  kings,  priests 
and  nobles  who  will  rise  up  among  us  if  we 
leave  the  people  in  ignorance. — To  GEORGE 
WYTHE.  ii,  7.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  269.  (P.,  1786.) 

2424. .     If  the  Legislature  would 

add  to  the  literary  fund  a  perpetual  tax  of  a 
cent  a  head  on  the  population  of  the  State,  it 
would  set  agoing  at  once,  and  forever  main 
tain,  a  system  of  primary  or  ward  schools, 
and  an  university  where  might  be  taught,  in 
its  highest  degree,  every  branch  of  science 
useful  in  our  time  and  country;  and  it  would 
rescue  us  from  the  tax  of  toryism,  fanaticism, 
and  indifferentism  to  their  own  State,  which 
we  now  send  our  youth  to  bring  from  those 
of  New  England. — To  CHARLES  YANCEY.  vi, 
517.  FORD  ED.,  x,  4.  (M.,  1816.) 

—  EDUCATION,  Technical.— See  2396. 

2425.  EDUCATION,     Tyranny     and.— 

Enlighten  the  people  generally,  and  tyranny 
and  oppressions  of  body  and  mind  will  vanish 
like  evil  spirits  at  the  dawn  of  day. — To 
DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  592.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
25.  (P.  F.,  1816.) 

—  EDUCATION  vs.  VICE.— See  2406. 

2426.  EDUCATION,  The  Wealthy  and. 

— What  will  be  the  retribution  of  the  wealthy 
individual  [for  his  support  of  general  educa- 


279 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Education 
Elections 


tion]  ?  i.  The  peopling  of  his  neighborhood 
with  honest,  useful  and  enlightened  citizens, 
understanding  their  own  rights  and  firm  in 
their  perpetuation.  2.  When  his  own  de 
scendants  become  poor,  which  they  generally 
do  within  three  generations  (no  law  of 
primogeniture  now  perpetuating  wealth  in 
the  same  families),  their  children  will  be  edu 
cated  by  the  then  rich,  and  the  little  advance 
he  now  makes  to  poverty,  while  rich  himself, 
will  be  repaid  by  the  then  rich,  to  his  de 
scendants  when  become  poor,  and  thus  give 
them  a  chance  of  rising  again.  This  is  a 
solid  consideration,  and  should  go  home  to 
the  bosom  of  every  parent.  This  will  be 
seed  sowed  in  fertile  ground.  It  is  a  pro 
vision  for  his  family  looking  to  distant  times, 
and  far  in  duration  beyond  what  he  has  now 
in  hand  for  them.  Let  every  man  count  back 
ward  in  his  own  family,  and  see  how  many 
generations  he  can  go,  before  he  comes  to  the 
ancestor  who  made  the  fortune  he  now  holds. 
Most  will  be  stopped  at  the  first  generation, 
many  at  the  second,  few  will  reach  the  third, 
and  not  one  in  the  State  [of  Virginia]  go  be 
yond  the  fifth.— To  JOSEPH  C.  CABELL.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  100.  (M.,  1818.) 
_  EDUCATION,  Zeal  for.— See  2388. 

2427.  ELECTION,  Abuses  and.— Should 
things  go  wrong  at  any  time,  the  people  will 
set  them  to  rights  by  the  peaceable  exercise 
of    their    elective    rights. — To    WILSON     C. 
NICHOLAS,     v,  5.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  435.     (W., 
1806.) 

2428.  ELECTION,   Care   of.— A   jealous 
care  of  the  right  of  election  by  the  people, — 
a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of  abuses  which 
are  lopped  by  the  sword  of  revolution  where 
peaceable   remedies   are   unprovided,    I   deem 
[one    of    the]     essential    principles    of    our 
government  and,   consequently    [one]    which 
ought  to  shape  its  administration.     FIRST  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  4.     FORD  ED.,  viii.  4. 
(1801.) 

2429.  ELECTION,  Contested.— To  retain 
the  office,   when  it   is  probable  the  majority 
was  against  him  [George  Clinton]  is  dishon 
orable.* — To  JAMES   MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
94.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

2430.  ELECTION,  Expenditures  and. — 
The   frequent   recurrence  of  this   chastening 
operation  can  alone  restrain  the  propensity  of 
governments  to  enlarge  expense  beyond  in 
come. — To  ALBERT  GALL  ATI  N.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
176.     (M.,  1820.) 

2431.  ELECTION     vs.     FORCE.— Keep 
away  all  show  of  force,  and  the  people  will 
bear  down  the  evil  propensities  of  the  govern 
ment  by  the  constitutional  means  of  election 
and   petition. — To    EDMUND    PENDLETON.     iv, 
287.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  356.     (Pa.,  1799.) 

2432.  ELECTION,    Government    and.— 
Election     *     *     *     [is]  a  fundamental  mem 
ber   in    the     structure    of    government. — To 
JOHN  TAYLOR,    vii,  18.    FORD  ED.,  x.  52.  (M., 
1816.) 

*  Jefferson  was  discussing  the  CHnton-Jay  contest 
for  the  governorship  in  New  York.— EDITOR. 


—   ELECTION    OF    PRESIDENT.— See 

ELECTIONS,  PRESIDENTIAL  and  PRESIDENT. 

2433.  ELECTION,  Republican  Govern 
ment  and. — Governments  are  more  or  less 
republican  as  they  have  more  or  less  of  the 
element  of  popular  election   and   control   in 
their  composition. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR,  vi,  608. 
FORD  ED.,  x,   31.      (M.,    1816.) 

2434.  ELECTION,  Short  Periods  of.— A 

government  by  representatives,  elected  by  the 
people  at  short  periods,  was  our  object;  and 
our  maxim  at  that  day  was,  "  where  annual 
election  ends,  tyranny  begins  " ;  nor  have  our 
departures  from  it  been  sanctioned  by  the 
happiness  of  their  effects. — To  SAMUEL 
ADAMS,  iv,  321.  FORD  EDU  vii,  425.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1800.) 

2435. .  A  representative  govern 
ment,  responsible  at  short  periods  of  election, 
*  *  *  produces  the  greatest  sum  of  hap 
piness  to  mankind. — R.  To  A.  VERMONT  LEG 
ISLATURE,  viii,  121.  (1807.) 

2436.  -          — .     The  rights  [of  the  peo 
ple]   to  the  exercise  and  fruits  of  their  own 
industry,  can  never  be  protected  against  the 
selfishness  of  rulers  not  subject  to  their  con 
trol  at  short  periods. — To  ISAAC  H.  TIFFANY. 
vii,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

2437.  — .     Submit  the  members  of 

the  Legislature  to  approbation  or  rejection  at 
short    intervals. — To     SAMUEL     KERCHIVAL. 
vii,  ii.    FORD  ED.,  x,  39.     (M.,  1816.) 

2438.  ELECTION,     Congress     and.— 

Short  elections  will  keep  Congress  right. — 
To  THOMAS  RITCHIE,  vii,  192.  FORD  ED., 
x,  170.  (M.,  1820.) 

2439.  -  — .     The  Legislative  and  ex 
ecutive   branches   may    sometimes    err,    but 
elections  and  dependence  will  bring  them  to 
rights. — To    ARCHIBALD   THWEAT.     vii,    199. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  184.     (M.,  1821.) 

2440.  ELECTIONS,  Federal  Interference 
with.— Till  the  event  of  the   [Presidential] 
election  is  known,  it  is  too  soon  for  me  to 
say  what  should  be  done  in  such  atrocious 
cases  as  those  you  mention  of  Federal  officers 
obstructing  the  operation  of  the  State  govern 
ments.     One  thing  I  will  say,  that  as  to  the 
future,   interferences  with  elections,  whether 
of  the  State  or  General  Government,  by  of 
ficers  of  the  latter,  should  be  deemed  cause  of 
removal ;   because   the  constitutional   remedy 
bv  the  elective  principle  becomes  nothing,  if 
it  may  be  smothered  by  the  enormous  patron 
age  of  the   General   Government. — To   GOV 
ERNOR  THOMAS  M'KEAN.    iv.  350.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  486.     (W.,  Feb.   1801.) 

2441.  — .     I    proposed    soon    after 

coming  into  office  to  enjoin  the  executive  of 
ficers   from   intermeddling  with  elections,  as 
inconsistent   with  the  true  principles  of  our 
Constitution.     It  was  laid  over  for  considera 
tion  ;   but   late   occurrences    prove    the    pro 
priety  of  it,  and  it  is  now  under  consideration. 
—To  DE  WITT  CLINTON.    FORD  ED.,  viii    322 
(W.,  Oct.  1804.) 


Elections 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


280 


2442. .     I  think  the  officers  of  the 

Federal  Government  are  meddling  too  much 
with  the  public  elections.  Will  it  be  best  to 
admonish  them  privately  or  by  proclamation? 
—To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  559.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  320.  (M.,  Sep.  1804.) 

2443. .     You  mention  that  "  Dr. 

Logan  had  informed  the  person  that  he  had 
just  received  a  letter  from  you  [me],  exhort 
ing  him  to  use  all  his  influence  to  procure  the 
reelection  of  Governor  McKean,  for  that  to 
displace  him  would  be  extremely  injurious  to 
the  republican  cause."  Whatever  may  be  the 
personal  esteem  I  entertain  for  Governor  Mc 
Kean,  and  the  harmony  with  which  we  acted 
when  members  of  the  same  bodv,  I  never  con 
ceived  that  that  would  justify  my  taking  sides 
against  Mr.  Snyder,  or  endeavoring  in  any 
way  to  influence  the  free  choice  of  the  State. 
I,  therefore,  have  never  written  any  such  let 
ter,  nor  a  letter  of  such  import  to  any 
mortal.  And  further,  my  long  and  intimate 
acquaintance  with  Dr.  Logan,  and  my  knowl 
edge  of  his  strict  honor,  leave  the  fullest  con 
viction  in  my  mind  that  there  has  been  some 
mistake  in  the  hearing,  understanding,  or 
quoting  his  words.— To  THOMAS  LIET.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  354-  (M.,  Aug.  1805.) 

2444.  ELECTIONS,  Intermeddling  with. 
—From  a  very  early  period  of  my  life  I  de 
termined  never  to  intermeddle  with  elections 
of  the  people,  and  have  invariably  adhered  to 
this    determination.       In    my    own    country, 
where  there  have  been  so  many  elections  in 
which  my   inclinations   were   enlisted,    I   yet 
never  interfered.     I  could  the  less  do  it  in 
the  present  instance,  your  people  so  very  dis 
tant  from  me,  utterly  unknown  to  me,  and  to 
whom  I  also  am  unknown;  and  above  all,  I 
a   stranger,   to   presume   to   recommend   one 
who  is  well  known  to  them.  The  people  could 
not  but  put  this  question  to  me,  "  who  are 
you,   pray"?— To   CHARLES    CLAY,     iii,   469. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  HI.     (M.,  1792.) 

2445.  ELECTIONS,    Patronage    and.— 

Every  officer  of  the  government  may  vote  at 
elections  according  to  his  conscience;  but  we 
should  betray  the  cause  committed  to  our 
care,  were  we  to  permit  the  influence  of  official 
patronage  to  be  used  to  overthrow  that  cause. 
— To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  451.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
176.  (W.,  October  1802.)  See  PATRONAGE. 

2446.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Candidature  of  Jefferson. — My  name  was 
brought    forward,   without   concert   or    expecta 
tion    on    my    part,    on    my    salvation    I    declare 
it. — To    EDWARD    RUTLEDGE.      iv,     151.       FORD 
ED.,  vii,  93.     (M.,  Dec.  1796.) 

2447. .     I  had  neither  claims  nor 

wishes  on  the  subject,  though  I  know  it  will 
be  difficult  to  obtain  belief  of  this.  When  I 
retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
it  was  in  the  firmest  contemplation  of  never 
more  returning  to  Philadelphia.  There  had 
indeed  been  suggestions  in  the  public  papers, 
that  I  was  looking  towards  a  succession  to  the 
President's  chair,  but  feeling  a  consciousness  of 
their  falsehood,  and  observing  that  the  sugges 
tions  came  from  hostile  quarters,  I  considered 


them  as  intended  merely  to  excite  public  odium 
against  me.  I  never  in  my  life  exchanged  a 
word  with  any  person  on  the  subject,  till  I 
found  my  name  brought  forward  generally,  in 
competition  with  that  of  Mr.  Adams.  Those 
with  whom  I  then  communicated  could  say,  if 
it  were  necessary,  whether  I  met  the  call  with 
desire,  or  even  with  a  ready  acquiescence,  and 
whether  from  the  moment  of  my  first  acquies 
cence,  I  did  not  devoutly  pray  that  the  very 
thing  might  happen  which  has  happened. — To 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  170.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  119. 
(Pa.,  May  I797-) 

2448. .     The    first    wish    of   my 

heart  was  that  you  should  have  been  proposed 
for  the  administration  of  the  government.  On 
your  declining  it,  I  wish  anybody  rather  than 
myself. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  150.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  91.  (M.,  Dec.  17,  1796.) 

2449.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Dispute  over.— It  seems  possible,   that  the 
Representatives  may  be  divided.     This  is  a  dif 
ficulty    from   which    the    Constitution    has   pro 
vided  no  issue.     It  is  both  my  duty  and  inclina 
tion,   therefore,   to   relieve   the   embarrassment, 
should  it  happen  :  and  in  that  case,  I  pray  you, 
and  authorize  you  fully,  to  solicit  on  my  behalf 
that  Mr.  Adams  may  be  preferred.     He  has  al 
ways  been  my  senior,  from  the  commencement 
of  my   public   life,   and  the   expression   of  the 
public  will  being  equal,  this  circumstance  ought 
to    give    him    the    preference.     And    when    so 
many  motives  will  be  operating  to  induce  some 
of  the  members  to  change  their  vote,  the  ad 
dition  of  my  wish  may  have  some  effect  to  pre 
ponderate  the  scale. — To  JAMES   MADISON,     iv, 
150.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  91.     (M.,  Dec.  17,  1796.) 

2450.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Eastern  States  and.— I  have  no  expectation 
that  the  Eastern   States  will  suffer  themselves 
to   be   so   much   outwitted,   as   to   be   made  the 
tools    for    bringing    in     Pinckney    instead    of 
Adams.     I  presume  they  will  throw  away  their 
Second  Vote.     In  this  case,  it  begins  to  appear 
possible,   that  there  may  be  an   equal  division 
where    I    had    supposed    the    republican    vote 
would     have     been     considerably     minor. — To 
JAMES    MADISON,     iv,    150.     FORD   ED.,   vii,    01. 
(M.,  Dec.  17,  1796.) 

245 1 .  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Jefferson's  Vote.— I  shall  highly  value,  in 
deed,  the  share  which  I  may  have  had  in  the 
late  vote,  as  an  evidence  of  the  share  I  hold  in 
the    esteem    of    my    countrymen.     But    in    this 
point  of  view,  a  few  votes  more  or  less  will  be 
little   sensible,   and   in   every   other,   the   minor 
will  be  preferred  by  me  to  the  major  vote. — To 
EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.    iv,   152.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  94. 
(M.,  Dec.  1796.) 

2452. .    I   value  highly,   indeed, 

the  part  my  fellow-citizens  gave  me  in  their 
late  vote,  as  an  evidence  of  their  esteem,  and 
I  am  happy  in  the  information  you  are  so 
kind  as  to  give,  that  many  in  the  Eastern 
quarter  entertain  the  same  sentiment. — To 
JAMES  SULLIVAN,  iv,  168.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  117. 
(M.,  Feb.  1797.) 

2453. .     I    value    the    late    vote 

highly  ;  but  it  is  only  as  the  index  of  the  place 
I  hold  in  the  esteem  of  my  fellow  citizens.  In 
this  point  of  view,  the  difference  between  sixty- 
eight  and  seventy-one  votes  is  little  sensible, 
and  still  less  that  between  the  real  vote,  which 
was  sixty-nine  and  seventy ;  because  one  real 
elector  in  Pennsylvania  was  excluded  from  vo- 


28l 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Elections 


ting  by  the  miscarriage  of  the  votes,  and  one 
who  was  not  an  elector  was  admitted  to  vote. — 
To  C.  F.  VOLNEY.  iv,  158.  (M.,  1797.; 

2454.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
A  Pseudo-President  and. — I  observe  doubts 
are   still    expressed    as    to    the    validity    of    the 
Vermont  election.     Surely,   in  so  great  a  case, 
substance,    and    not    form,    should    prevail.     I 
cannot  suppose  that  the   Vermont  constitution 
has  been  strict  in  requiring  particular  forms  of 
expressing  the   legislative  will.     As  far  as  my 
disclaimer  may  have  any  effect,  I  pray  you  to 
declare   it   on   every   occasion,   foreseen   or   not 
foreseen  by  me,  in  favor  of  the  choice  of  the 
people  substantially   expressed,   and  to  prevent 
the   phenomenon   of   a    Pseudo-President  at   so 
early   a   day. — To   JAMES    MADISON.     FORD   EDV 
vii,  105.     (M.,  January  16,  I797-) 

2455.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Result  of. — I  have  never  one  moment  doubted 
the    result.      I    knew    it    was    impossible    Mr. 
Adams  should  lose  a  vote  north  of  the   Dela 
ware,  and  that  the  free  and  moral  agency  of  the 
South  would  furnish  him  an  abundant  supple 
ment. — To   EDWARD   RUTLEDGE.     iv,    151.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  93.    (M.,  Dec.  27,  1796.) 

2456. .     The  event  of  the  election 

has  never  been  a  matter  of  doubt  in  my  mind. 
I  knew  that  the  Eastern  States  were  disci 
plined  in  the  schools  of  their  town  meetings 
to  sacrifice  differences  of  opinion  to  the  great 
object  of  operating  in  phalanx,  and  that  the 
more  free  and  moral  agency  practiced  in  the 
other  States  would  always  make  up  the  sup 
plement  of  their  weight.  Indeed  the  vote 
comes  much  nearer  to  an  equality  than  I  had 
expected. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  154.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  98.  (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

2457.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1796), 
Vice-Presidency. — On  principles  of  public 
respect  I  should  not  have  refused  [the  Presi 
dency]  ;  but  I  protest  before  my  God,  that  I 
shall,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  rejoice  at 
escaping. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  151. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  93.  (M.,  Dec.  1796.)  See  VICE- 
PRESIDENCY. 

2458. .     There   is   nothing   I    so 

anxiously  hope  as  that  my  name  may  come  out 
either  second  or  third.  These  would  be  indif 
ferent  to  me ;  as  the  last  would  leave  me  at 
home  the  whole  year,  and  the  other  two-thirds 
of  it. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  150.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  91.  (M.,  Dec.  1796.) 

2459. .     I   have   no   ambition   to 

govern  men  ;  no  passion  which  would  lead  me 
to  delight  to  ride  in  a  storm.  Flumina  amo, 
sylvasque,  inglorius.  My  attachment  to  my 
home  has  enabled  me  to  make  the  calculation 
with  rigor,  perhaps  with  partiality,  to  the  issue 
which  keeps  me  there.  The  newspapers  will 
permit  me  to  plant  my  corn,  peas,  &c.,  in  hills 
or  drills  as  I  please  (and  my  oranges,  by-the- 
bye,  when  you  send  them),  while  our  eastern 
friend  will  be  struggling  with  the  storm  which 
is  gathering  over  us ;  perhaps  be  shipwrecked 
in  it.  This  is  certainly  not  a  moment  to  covet 
the  helm. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  152. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  94.  (M.,  Dec.  1796.) 

2460. .     It   is   difficult  to  obtain 

full  credit  to  declarations  of  disinclination  to 
honors,  and  most  so  with  those  who  still  re 
main  in  the  world.  But  never  was  there  a 
more  solid  unwillingness,  founded  on  rigorous 
calculation,  formed  in  the  mind  of  any  man. 
short  of  peremptory  refusal.  No  arguments, 


therefore,  were  necessary  to  reconcile  me  to  a 
relinquishment  of  the  first  office,  or  acceptance 
of  the  second.  No  motive  could  have  in 
duced  me  to  undertake  the  first,  but  that  of 
putting  our  vessel  upon  her  republican  tack, 
and  preventing  her  being  driven  too  far  to 
leeward  of  her  true  principles.  And  the  sec 
ond  is  the  only  office  in  the  world  about  which 
I  cannot  decide  in  my  own  mind,  whether  I 
had  rather  have  it  or  not  have  it.  Pride  does 
not  enter  into  the  estimate.  For  I  think  with 
the  Romans  of  old,  that  the  General  of  to-day 
should  be  a  common  soldier  to-morrow,  if 
necessary.  But  as  to  Mr.  Adams,  particularly, 
I  would  have  no  feelings  which  would  revolt  at 
being  placed  in  a  secondary  station  to  him.  I 
am  his  junior  in  life,  I  was  his  junior  in  Con 
gress,  his  junior  in  the  diplomatic  line,  and 
lately  his  junior  in  our  civil  government. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  154.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  98. 
(M.,  Jan.  1797.)  See  74. 

2461.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Action  of  Adams. — Mr.  Adams  embarrasses 
us.     He    keeps    the    offices    of    State    and    War 
vacant,  but  has  named  Bayard,  Minister  Pleni 
potentiary  to  France,  and  has  called  an  unor 
ganized  Senate  to  meet  the  fourth  of  March. — 
To    JAMES    MADISON,     iv,    356.     FORD   ED.,   vii,, 
495-     (W.,  Feb.   18,   1801.) 

2462.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Appointments  and.— If  the  [choice]  falls  on 
me,   I   shall  be  embarrassed  by  finding  the  of 
fices  vacant,  which  cannot  be  even  temporarily 
filled   but  with   the   advice  of  the   Senate,   and 
that   body    is    called    on   the    fourth    of    March, 
when  it  is  impossible  for  the  new  members  of 
Kentucky,   Georgia,   and   South   Carolina  to  re 
ceive  notice   in  time  to  be  here.     *     *     *     If 
the    difficulties    of   the    election,    therefore,    are 
got  over,  there  are  more  and  more  behind,  until 
new  elections  shall  have  regenerated  the  consti 
tuted    authorities. — To    TENCH    COXE.     iv,    352. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  488.     (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2463. .     Should  [the  federalists] 

yield  the  election,  I  have  reason  to  expect,  in 
the  outset,  the  greatest  difficulties  as  to  nomi 
nations.  The  late  incumbents,  running  away 
from  their  offices  and  leaving  them  vacant,  will 
prevent  my  filling  them  without  the  previous 
advice  of  the  Senate.  How  this  difficulty  is 
to  be  got  over  I  know  not. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  355.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  491.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2464.    ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 

Balloting  in  House.— This  is  the  morning  of 
the  election  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 
For  some  time  past,  a  single  individual  had 
declared  he  would,  by  his  vote,  make  up  the 
ninth  State.  On  Saturday  last  he  changed,  and 
it  stands  at  present  eight  one  way,  six  the 
other,  and  two  divided.  Which  of  the  two 
will  be  elected,  and  whether  either,  I  deem 
perfectly  problematical ;  and  my  mind  has  long 
been  equally  made  up  for  any  one  of  the  three 
events.  *  *  *  The  defects  of  our  Constitu 
tion  under  circumstances  like  the  present,  ap 
pear  very  great. — To  TENCH  COXE.  iv,  352. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  488.  (W.,  Feb.  n,  1801.) 

2465. .     This  is  the  fourth  day  of 

the  ballot,  and  nothing  done ;  nor  do  I  see 
any  reason  to  suppose  the  six  and  a  half  States 
here  will  be  less  firm,  as  they  call  it.  than  your 
thirteen  Senators ;  if  so,  and  the  Government 
should  expire  on  the  3d  of  March,  by  the  loss 
of  its  head,  there  is  no  regular  provision  for 
reorganizing  it,  nor  any  authority  but  in  the 
people  themselves.  They  may  authorize  a  con- 


Elections 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


282 


vention  to  reorganize  and  even  amend  the  ma 
chine.  There  are  ten  individuals  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  any  one  of  whom,  changing 
his  vote,  could  save  us  this  troublesome  opera 
tion. — To  DR.  B.  S.  BARTON,  iv,  353.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  490.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2466. .     Four  days  of  balloting 

have  produced  not  a  single  change  of  a  vote. 
Yet  it  is  confidently  believed  by  most  that  to 
morrow  there  is  to  be  a  coalition.  I  know  of 
no  foundation  for  this  belief.  To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  iv,  354.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  490.  (W.,  Feb. 
15,  1801.) 

2467. .    After  exactly  a  week's 

balloting  there  at  length  appeared  ten  States 
for  me,  four  for  Burr,  and  two  voted  blanks. 
This  was  done  without  a  single  vote  coming 
over.  Morris,  of  Vermont,  withdrew,  so  that 
Lyon's  vote  became  that  of  the  State.  The 
four  Maryland  federalists  put  in  blanks,  so  that 
the  vote  of  the  four  republicans  became  that 
of  their  State.  Mr.  Hager,  of  South  Carolina 
(who  had  constantly  voted  for  me)  withdrew 
by  agreement,  his  colleagues  agreeing  in  that 
case  to  put  in  blanks.  Bayard,  the  sole  mem 
ber  of  Delaware,  voted  blank.  They  had  be 
fore  deliberated  whether  they  would  come  over 
in  a  body,  when  they  saw  they  could  not  force 
Burr  on  the  republicans,  or  keep  their  body 
entire  and  unbroken  to  act  in  phalanx  on  such 
ground  of  opposition  as  they  shall  hereafter  be 
able  to  conjure  up.  Their  vote  showed  what 
they  had  decided  on,  and  is  considered  as  a 
declaration  of  perpetual  war ;  but  their  conduct 
has  completely  left  them  without  support. — To 
T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iv,  358.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  497. 
(W.,  Feb.  19,  1801.) 

2468.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  IS'OO), 
Burr  and. — The  federalists  were  confident,  at 
first,    they    could    debauch    Colonel    Burr    from 
his   good    faith   by   offering   him   their   vote   to 
be  President,  and  having  seriously  proposed  it 
to  him.     His  conduct  has  been  honorable  and 
decisive,    and    greatly    embarrasses    them. — To 
MARY    JEFFERSON    EPPES.     FORD    EDV    vii,    478. 
(W.,  Jan.   1801.) 

2469. .     Had    the    election    ter 
minated   in   the   elevation   of   Mr.    Burr,   every 
republican  would,   I   am   sure,   have  acquiesced 
in  a  moment ;  because,  however  it  might  have 
been  variant  from  the  intentions  of  the  voters, 
yet  it  would  have  been  agreeable  to  the  Consti 
tution.     No   man   would   more   cheerfully   have 
submitted  than  myself,  because  I  am  sure  the 
administration    would    have    been    republican, 
and  the  chair  of  the   Senate  permitting  me  to 
be  at  home  eight  months  in  the  year,  would,  on 
that  account,  have  been  much  more  consonant 
to  my  real  satisfaction. — To  THOMAS  McKEAN. 
iv,  368.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  12.     (W.,  March  1801.") 

2470.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Demanding    Terms.— Many    attempts    have 
been  made  to  obtain  terms  and  promises  from 
me.     I    have   declared    to    them    unequivocally, 
that   I    would   not   receive   the   government   on 
capitulation,   that   I   would  not  go   into   it  with 
my   hands   tied. — To   JAMES    MONROE,     iv,   354. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  491.     (W.,  Feb.   1801.)     See  78. 

2471. .     Aaron    Burr,    in   a   suit 

between  him  and  Cheetham,  has  had  a  deposi 
tion  of  Mr.  Bayard  taken  which  seems  to  have 
no  relation  to  the  suit  nor  to  any  other  object 
but  to  calumniate  me.  Bayard  pretends  to 
have  addressed  to  me  during  the  pending  of 
the  Presidential  election  in  Feb.  1801.  through 
General  Samuel  Smith,  certain  conditions  on 


which  my  election  might  be  obtained,  and  that 
General  Smith  after  conversing  with  me  gave 
answers  from  me.  This  is  absolutely  false. 
No  proposition  of  any  kind  was  ever  made  to 
me  on  that  occasion  by  General  Smith,  nor 
any  answer  authorized  by  me.  And  this  fact 
General  Smith  affirms  at  this  moment.  '*  *  * 
But  the  following  transactions  took  place 
about  the  same  time,  that  is  to  say,  while  the 
Presidential  election  was  in  suspense  in  Con 
gress,  which,  though  I  did  not  enter  at  the 
time  [in  the  Anas],  made  such  an  impression 
on  my  mind  that  they  are  now  as  fresh  as  to 
their  principal  circumstances  as  if  they  had 
happened  yesterday.  Coming  out  of  the  Senate 
chamber  one  day  I  found  Gouverneur  Morris 
on  the  steps.  He  stopped  me  and  began  a  con 
versation  on  the  strange  and  portentous  state 
of  things  then  existing,  and  went  on  to  ob 
serve  that  the  reasons  why  the  minority  of 
States  were  so  opposed  to  my  being  elected 
were  that  they  apprehended  that,  i.  I  should 
turn  all  federalists  out  of  office.  2.  Put  down 
the  Navy.  3.  Wipe  off  the  public  debt  and  4.* 
*  *  *  .  That  I  need  only  to  declare,  or  au 
thorize  my  friends  to  declare,  that  I  would  not 
take  these  steps,  and  instantly  the  event  of 
the  election  would  be  fixed.  I  told  him  that  I 
should  leave  the  world  to  judge  of  the  course 
I  meant  to  pursue  by  that  which  I  had  pursued 
hitherto  ;  believing  it  to  be  my  duty  to  be  pas 
sive  and  silent  during  the  present  scene ;  that 
I  should  certainly  make  no  terms,  should  never 
go  into  the  office  of  President  by  capitulation, 
nor  with  my  hands  tied  by  any  conditions 
which  should  hinder  me  from  pursuing  the 
measures  which  I  should  deem  for  the  public 
good.  It  was  understood  that  Gouverneur 
Morris  had  entirely  the  direction  of  the  vote 
of  Lewis  Morris  of  Vermont,  who  by  coming 
over  to  Matthew  Lypn  would  have  added  an 
other  vote  and  decided  the  election.  About 
the  same  time,  I  called  on  Mr.  Adams.  We 
conversed  on  the  state  of  things.  I  observed 
to  him,  that  a  very  dangerous  experiment  was 
then  in  contemplation,  to  defeat  the  Presiden 
tial  election  by  an  act  of  Congress  declaring 
the  right  of  the  Senate  to  name  a  President  of 
the  Senate,  to  devolve  on  him  the  government 
during  any  interregnum  ;  that  such  a  measure 
would  probably  produce  resistance  by  force, 
and  incalculable  consequences,  which  it  would 
be  in  his  power  to  prevent  by  negativing  such 
an  act.  He  seemed  to  think  such  an  act  justi 
fiable,  and  observed  it  was  in  my  power  to 
fix  the  election  by  a  word  in  an  instant,  by 
declaring  I  would  not  turn  out  the  federal 
officers,  nor  put  down  the  Navy,  nor  spunge  the 
national  debt.  Finding  his  mind  made  up  as 
to  the  usurpation  of  the  government  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate,  I  urged  it  no  further, 
observed  the  world  must  judge  as  to  myself  of 
the  future  by  the  past,  and  turned  the  con 
versation  to  something  else.  About  the  same 
time,  Dwight  Foster  of  Massachusetts  called  on 
me  in  my  room  one  night,  and  went  into  a  very 
long  conversation  on  the  state  of  affairs,  the 
drift  of  which  was  to  let  me  understand  that 
the  fears  above-mentioned  were  the  only  obsta 
cle  to  my  election,  to  all  of  which  I  avoided 
giving  any  answer  the  one  way  or  the  other. 
From  this  moment  he  became  most  bitterly  and 
personally  opposed  to  me,  and  so  has  ever  con 
tinued.  I  do  not  recollect  that  I  ever  had  any 
particular  conversation  with  General  Samuel 
Smith  on  this  subject.  Very  possibly  I  had, 
however,  as  the  general  subject  and  all  its 
parts  were  the  constant  themes  of  conversation 
in  the  private  tete  a  tetes  with  our  friends. 
*  MS.  cut  out.— FORD  EDITION  NOTE. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Elections 


But  certain  I  am,  that  neither  he,  nor  any  other 
republican,  ever  uttered  the  most  distant  hint 
to  me  about  snbmitting  to  any  conditions,  or 
giving  any  assurance  to  anybody ;  and  still 
more  certainly,  was  neither  he  nor  any  other 
person  ever  authorized  by  me  to  say  what  I 
would  or  would  not  do. — ANAS,  ix,  209.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  312.  (April  1806.) 

2472.    ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 

Doubt  Concerning. — South  Carolina  (the 
only  State  about  which  there  was  uncertainty), 
has  given  a  republican  vote,  and  saved  us  from 
the  consequences  of  the  annihilation  of  Penn 
sylvania. — To  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  342. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  469.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2473. .     The    election    in    South 

Carolina  has  in  some  measure  decided  the  great 
contest.  Though  as  yet  we  do  not  know  the 
actual  votes  of  Tennessee,  Kentucky  and  Ver 
mont,  yet  we  believe  the  votes  to  be  on  the 
whole,  J.  73,  B.  73,  A.  65,  P.  64.  Rhode  Island 
withdrew  one  from  P.  There  is  a  possibility 
that  Tennessee  may  withdraw  one  from  B.,  and 
Burr  writes  that  there  may  be  one  vote  in  Ver 
mont  for  J.  But  I  told  the  latter  impossible, 
and  the  former  not  probable ;  and  that  there 
will  be  an  absolute  parity  between  the  two 
Republican  candidates. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  342.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  470.  (W.,  Dec.  19, 
1800.) 

2474.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Efforts  to  Defeat.— A  strong  portion  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  will  prevent  an  elec 
tion  if  they  can.     I  rather  believe  they  will  not 
be  able  to  do  it,  as  there  are  six  individuals  of 
moderate  character,   any  one  of  whom  coming 
over  to  the  republican  vote  will  make  a  ninth 
State. — To    THOMAS    M'KEAN.     iv,    350.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  486.     (W.,  Feb.   1801.) 

2475.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Federalists    yield.— The    minority    in    the 
House  of  Representatives,  after  seeing  the  im 
possibility   of  electing  Burr,  the  certainty  that 
a   legislative   usurpation    would   be   resisted   by 
arms,    and   a   recourse   to    a   convention   to   re 
organize    and    amend   the    government,    held    a 
consultation     on     this     dilemma,     whether     it 
would  be  better   for  them   to   come   over   in   a 
body  and  go  with  the  tide  of  the  times,  or  by 
a   negative    conduct    suffer   the    election    to    be 
made  by   a  bare   majority,   keeping   their   body 
entire  and  unbroken,  to  act  in  phalanx  on  such 
ground    of    opposition    as    circumstances    shall 
offer ;  and  I  know  their  determination  on  this 
question  only  by  their  vote  of  yesterday.    [Feb. 
17.]     Morris,    of    Vermont,     withdrew,    which 
made    Lyon's    vote    that    of    his    State.      The 
Maryland  federalists  put  in  four  blanks,  which 
made  the  positive  ticket  of  their  colleagues  the 
vote  of  the   State.     South   Carolina   and   Dela 
ware    put    in    six    blanks.     So    there    were    ten 
States    for    one    candidate,    four    for    another, 
and  two  blanks.     We  consider  this,  therefore, 
as   a  declaration   of   war,   on   the   part   of  this 
band.      But    their     conduct     appears    to     have 
brought  over  to  us  the  whole  body  of  federal 
ists,  who,  being  alarmed  with  the  danger  of  a 
dissolution  of  the  government,  had  been  made 
most  anxiously  to  wish  the  very  administration 
they   had   opposed,    and   to   view    it,    when    ob 
tained,  as  a  child  of  their  own.     They   [illegi 
ble]  too  their  quondam  leaders  separated  fairly 
from    them,    and    themselves    relegated    under 
other  banners.     Even  Hamilton  and  Higginson 
have  been  partisans  for  us.     This  circumstance, 
with  the  unbounded  confidence  which  will   at 


tach  to  the  new  ministry,  as  soon  as  known, 
will  start  us  on  right  ground.* — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iv,  355.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  494.  (W., 
Feb.  1 8,  1 80 1.) 

2476.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Military  Force  and.— How  happy  that  our 
army  had  been  disbanded !     What  might  have 
happened  otherwise  seems  rather  a  subject  of 
reflection     than     explanation. — To     NATHANIEL 
NILES   REGISTER,     iv,   377.     FORD   ED.,   viii,   24. 
(W.,  March   1801.) 

2477.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
National    Convention    and. — I    have    been 
above  all  things,  solaced  by  the  prospect  which 
opened  on   us,   in   the   event  of   a   non-election 
of  a  President ;  in  which  case,  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  would  have  been  in  the  situation  of  a 
clock  or  watch  run  down.     There  was  no  idea 
of  force,   nor  of  any  occasion   for  it.     A  con 
vention,  invited  by  the  republican  members  of 
Congress,  with  the  virtual  President  and  Vice- 
President,  would  have  been  on  the  ground  in 
eight  weeks,  would  have  repaired  the  Constitu 
tion  where  it  was  defective,  and  wound  it  up 
again.     This  peaceable  and  legitimate  resource, 
to  which  we  are  in  the  habit  of  implicit  obedi 
ence,  superseding  all  appeal  to  force,  and  being 
always    within    our    reach,    shows    a    precious 
principle   of   self-preservation   in   our   composi 
tion,  till  a  change  of  circumstances  shall  take 
place,  which  is  not  within  prospect  at  any  defi 
nite    period. — To    DR.    JOSEPH    PRIESTLEY,     iv, 
374.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  22.     (W.,  March   1801.) 

2478. .     There  was  general  alarm 

during  the  pending  of  the  election  in  Congress, 
lest  no  President  should  be  chosen,  the  gov 
ernment  be  dissolved,  and  anarchy  ensue.  But 
the  cool  determination  of  the  really  patriotic 
to  call  a  convention  in  that  case,  which  might 
be  on  the  ground  in  eight  weeks,  and  wind  up 
the  machine  again  which  had  only  run  down, 
pointed  out  to  my  mind  a  perpetual  and  peace 
able  resource  against  [force?]  1  in 

whatever  extremity  might  befall  us ;  and  I  am 
certain  a  convention  would  have  commanded 
immediate  and  universal  obedience. — To  NA 
THANIEL  NILES.  iv,  377.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  24. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

2479.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Parity  of  Vote. — [The  prospect  of  a  parity 
between  the  two  republican  candidates]  has 
produced  great  dismay  and  gloom  on  the  re 
publican  gentlemen  here,  and  exultation  in  the 
federalists,  who  openly  declare  they  will  pre 
vent  an  election,  and  will  name  a  President  of 
the  Senate  pro  tern,  by  what  they  say  would 
only  be  a  stretch  of  the  Constitution. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  343.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  470. 
(W.,  Dec.  19,  1800.) 

2480. .     We    are    brought    into 

dilemma  by  the  probable  equality  of  the  two  Re 
publican  candidates.  The  federalists  in  Congress 
mean  to  take  advantage  of  this,  either  to  prevent 
an  election  altogether,  or  reverse  what  has  been 
understood  to  have  been  the  wishes  of  the 
people  as  to  the  President  and  Vice-President ; 
wishes  which  the  Constitution  did  not  permit 
them  specially  to  designate.  The  latter  alter 
native  still  gives  us  a  Republican  administra 
tion.  The  former,  a  suspension  of  the  Federal 
Government,  for  want  of  a  head.  This  opens  to 
us  an  abyss,  at  which  every  sincere  patriot 

*  The  last  two  sentences  are  omitted  in  the  Con 
gress  edition. — EDITOR. 
t  Writing  faded  in  MS.— EDITOR. 


Elections 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


284 


must  shudder. — To  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv, 
342.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  469.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2481. .     Although   we  have  not 

official  information  of  the  votes  for  President, 
and  cannot  have  until  the  first  week  in  February, 
yet  the  state  of  the  votes  is  given  on  such  evi 
dence,  as  satisfies  both  parties  that  the  two  re 
publican  candidates  stand  highest.  From  South 
Carolina  we  have  not  even  heard  of  the  actual 
vote ;  but  we  have  learned  who  were  appointed 
electors,  and  with  sufficient  certainty  how 
they  would  vote.  It  is  said  they  would 
withdraw  from  yourself  one  vote.  It  has 
also  been  said  that  a  General  Smith,  of 
Tennessee,  had  declared  that  he  would  give 
his  second  vote  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  not  from 
any  indisposition  towards  you,  but  extreme 
reverence  to  the  character  of  Mr.  Galla 
tin.  It  is  also  surmised  that  the  vote  of 
Georgia  will  not  be  entire.  Yet  nobody  pre 
tends  to  know  these  things  of  a  certainty,  and 
we  know  enough  to  be  certain  that  what  it  is 
surmised  will  be  withheld,  will  still  leave  you 
four  or  five  votes  at  least  above  Mr.  Adams. 
However,  it  was  badly  managed  not  to  have 
arranged  with  certainty  what  seems  to  have 
been  left  to  hazard.  It  was  the  more  material, 
because  I  understand  several  of  the  high-fly 
ing  federalists  have  expressed  their  hope  that 
the  two  republican  tickets  may  be  equal,  and 
their  determination,  in  that  case,  to  prevent  a 
choice  by  the  House  of  Representatives  (which 
they  are  strong  qnough  to  do),  and  let  the  gov 
ernment  devolve  on  a  President  of  the  Senate. 
Decency  required  that  I  should  be  so  entirely 
passive  during  the  late  contest  that  I  never 
once  asked  whether  arrangements  had  been 
made  to  prevent  so  many  from  dropping  votes 
intentionally,  as  might  frustrate  half  the  repub 
lican  wish ;  nor  did  I  doubt,  till  lately,  that 
such  had  been  made. — To  AARON  BURR,  iv, 
340.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  466.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2482. .     It   seems  tolerably  well 

ascertained  (though  not  officially)  that  the  two 
republican  candidates  *  *  *  have  a  de 
cided  majority;  probably  of  73  to  65,  but 
equally  probable  that  they  are  even  between 
themselves,  and  that  the  federalists  are  dis 
posed  to  make  the  most  of  the  embarrassment 
this  occasions,  by  preventing  any  election  by 
the  House  of  Representatives.  It  is  far  from 
certain  that  nine  representatives  in  that  House 
can  be  got  to  vote  for  any  candidate.  What 
the  issue  of  such  a  dilemma  may  be  cannot  be 
estimated. — To  CAESAR  RODNEY.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  472.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2483.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Party  Amalgamation  and.— The  suspension 
of  public  opinion  [pending  the  election  in  the 
House  of  Representatives],  the  alarm  into 
which  it  threw  all  the  patriotic  part  of  the 
federalists,  the  danger  of  the  dissolution  of 
our  Union,  and  unknown  consequences  of  that, 
brought  over  the  great  body  of  them  to  wish 
with  anxiety  and  solicitude  for  a  choice  to 
which  they  had  before  been  strenuously  op 
posed.  In  this  state  of  mind,  they  separated 
from  their  congressional  leaders,  and  came  over 
to  us  ;  and  the  manner  in  which  the  last  ballot 
was  given  has  drawn  a  fixed  line  of  separation 
between  them  and  their  leaders.  When  the 
election  took  effect,  it  was  the  most  desirable  of 
events  to  them.  This  made  it  a  thing  of  their 
choice,  and  finding  themselves  aggregated  with 
us  accordingly,  they  are  in  a  state  of  mind  to 
be  consolidated  with  us,  if  no  intemperate 
measures  on  our  part  revolt  them  again.  I  am 


persuaded  that  weeks  of  ill-judged  conduct 
here,  has  strengthened  us  more  than  years  of 
prudent  and  conciliatory  administration  could 
have  done. — To  THOMAS  LOMAX.  iv,  361. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  500.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2484. .  Our  information  from  all 

quarters  is  that  the  whole  body  of  federalists 
concurred  with  the  republicans  in  the  last 
elections,  and  with  equal  anxiety.  They  had 
been  made  to  interest  themselves  so  warmly 
for  the  very  choice,  which  while  before  the 
people  they  opposed,  that  when  obtained  it 
came  as  a  thing  of  their  own  wishes,  and  they 
find  themselves  embodied  with  the  republicans, 
and  their  quondam  leaders  separated  from 
them ;  and  I  verily  believe  they  will  remain 
embodied  with  us,  so  that  this  conduct  of  the 
minority  has  done  in  one  week  what  very 
probably  could  hardly  have  been  effected  by 
years  of  mild  and  impartial  administration. — 
To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iv,  359.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
359.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2485.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 

The  People  and.— The  order  and  good  sense 

displayed  *  *  *  in  the  momentous  crisis 
which  lately  arose,  really  bespeak  a  strength  of 
character  in  our  nation  which  augurs  well  for 
the  duration  of  our  Republic ;  and  I  am  much 
better  satisfied  now  of  its  stability  than  I  was 
before  it  was  tried. — To  DR.  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY. 
iv,  374.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  2.2.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2486. .     The  character  which  pur 

fellow  citizens  have  displayed  on  this  occasion, 
gives  us  everything  to  hope  for  the  permanence 
of  our  government. — To  GENERAL  WARREN,     iv, 
376.     (W.,   1801.) 

2487.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
A  President  pro  tern.— The  federalists  ap 
pear    determined    to    prevent    an    election,    and 
to   pass   a   bill   giving   the   government   to    Mr. 
Jay,  appointed  Chief  Justice,  or  to  Marshall  as 
Secretary  of  State.     Yet  I  am  rather  of  opinion 
that  Maryland  and  Jersey  will  give  the  seven 
republican     majorities. — To     JAMES     MADISON. 
iv,  344.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  473.     (W.,  Dec.   1800.) 

2488. .     The  prospect  of  prevent 
ing   [the   Senate  from  naming  a  President  pro 
tern.'}   is  as  follows :     Georgia,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,    Kentucky,    Vermont,    Pennsylvania, 
and    New   York   can   be   counted   on    for   their 
vote   in   the    House   of   Representatives,    and   it 
is  thought  by  some  that  Baer  of  Maryland,  and 
Linn,    of   New   Jersey,   will   come   over.     Some 
even   count   on    Morris,   of   Vermont.     But   you 
must  know  the  uncertainty  of  such  a  depend 
ence  under  the  operation  of  caucuses  and  other 
federal     engines.       The     month     of     February, 
therefore,    will    present    us    storms    of    a    new 
character.      Should   they   have   a   particular   is 
sue,  I  hope  you  will  be  here  a  day  or  two,  at 
least,   before  the  4th   of   March.     I   know  that 
your   appearance   on   the   scene   before   the   de 
parture    of    Congress,    would    assuage    the    mi 
nority,   and   inspire  in  the  majority   confidence 
and  joy  unbounded,   which   they  would   spread 
far  and  wide  on  their  journey  home.     Let  me 
beseech  you,  then,  to  come  with  a  view  of  stay 
ing  perhaps   a   couple   of   weeks,   within   which 
time  things  might  be  put  into  such  a  train,  as 
would  permit  us  both  to  go  home  for  a  short 
time,    for    removal. — To    JAMES    MADISON.    iv» 
343.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  470.      (W.,  Dec.    1800.) 

2489. .     We  do  not  see  what  is 

to  be  the  issue  of  the  present  difficulty.  The 
federalists,  among  whom  those  of  the  repub 
lican  section  are  not  the  strongest,  propose  tc 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Elections 


prevent  an  election  in  Congress,  and  to  trans 
fer  the  government  by  an  act  to  the  C.  J. 
(Jay)  or  Secretary  of  State,  or  to  let  it,  devolve 
on  the  President  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  till 
next  December,  which  gives  them  another 
year's  predominance,  and  the  chances  of  future 
events. — To  TENCH  COXE.  iv,  345.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  475-  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2490. .     If  the  federalists  could 

have  been  permitted  to  pass  a  law  for  putting 
the  government  into  the  hands  of  an  officer, 
they  would  certainly  have  prevented  an  elec 
tion.  But  we  thought  it  best  to  declare  openly 
and  firmly,  one  and  all,  that  the  day  such  an 
act  passed,  the  middle  States  would  arm,  and 
that  no  such  usurpation,  even  for  a  single  day, 
should  be  submitted  to.  This  first  shook  them ; 
and  they  were  completely  alarmed  at  the  re 
source  for  which  we  declared,  to  wit,  a  con 
vention  to  reorganize  the  Government  and  to 
amend  it.  The  very  word  "  convention  "  gives 
them  the  horrors,  as  in  the  present  democrat- 
ical  spirit  of  America,  they  fear  they  should 
lose  some  of  the  favorite  morsels  of  the  Con 
stitution. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  354.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  490.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2491.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
The  Republic  and.— The  storm  [Presiden 
tial  election]  we  have  passed  through  proves  our 
vessel  indestructible. — To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
iv,  363.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2492. .     We  have  passed  through 

an  awful  scene  in  this  country.  *  *  *  A 
few  hardy  spirits  stood  firm  to  their  posts,  and 
the  ship  has  breasted  the  storm. — To  M.  DE  LA 
FAYETTE,  iv,  363.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2493. .     The  late  chapter  of  our 

history  furnishes  a  lesson  to  man  perfectly 
new.  The  times  have  been  awful,  but  they 
have  proved  an  useful  truth,  that  the  good 
citizen  must  never  despair  of  the  common 
wealth.  How  many  good  men  abandoned  the 
deck,  and  gave  up  the  vessel  as  lost. — To  NA 
THANIEL  NILES.  iv,  376.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  24. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

2494.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 

Republicans  and.— The  republicans  propose 
to  press  forward  to  an  election.  If  they  fail 
in  this,  a  concert  between  the  two  higher  can 
didates  may  prevent  the  dissolution  of  the 
government  and  danger  of  anarchy,  by  an 
operation,  bungling  indeed  and  imperfect,  but 
better  than  letting  the  Legislature  take  the 
nomination  of  the  Executive  entirely  from  the 
people. — To  TENCH  COXE.  iv,  345.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  475.  (W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

2495.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1800), 
Usurpation  and. — In  the  event  of  an  usurpa 
tion,    I    was    decidedly    with    those    who    were 
determined    not    to    permit    it.      Because    that 
precedent  once  set,  would  be  artificially  repro 
duced,   and   end   soon   in   a   dictator.     Virginia 
was  bristling  up,   I   believe.      I   shall  know  the 
particulars  from  Governor  Monroe,  whom  I  ex 
pect  to  meet  in  a  short  visit  I  must  make  home. 
— To    THOMAS    McKEAN.     iv,    369.      FORD    ED., 
viii,  12.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2496.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1804), 
Appeal  to  country.— The  abominable  slan 
ders  of  my  political  enemies  have  obliged  me 
to  call  for  that  verdict  [on  my  conduct]   from 
my  country  in  the  only  way  it  can  be  obtained, 
and  if  obtained,  it  will  be  my  sufficient  vouch- 
ei    to   the   rest  of  the  world   and  to   posterity, 
and  leave  me  free  to  seek,  at  a  definite  time, 


the  repose  I  sincerely  wished  to  have  retired  to 
now.  I  suffer  myself  to  make  no  inquiries 
as  to  the  persons  who  are  to  be  placed  on  the 
rolls  of  competition  for  the  public  favor.  Re 
spect  for  myself,  as  well  as  for  the  public,  re 
quires  that  I  should  be  the  silent  and  passive 
subject  of  their  consideration. — To  THOMAS 
McKEAN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  293.  (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

2497.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1804), 
Non-interference  with.— [I  said  to  Colonel 
Burr]  that  in  the  election  now  coming  on,  I 
was  observing  the  same  conduct  [as  in  1800]  ; 
held  no  councils  with  anybody  respecting  it, 
nor  suffered  anyone  to  speak  to  me  on  the  sub 
ject,  believing  it  my  duty  to  leave  myself  to 
the  free  discussion  of  the  public ;  that  I  do  not 
at  this  moment  know,  nor  have  ever  heard,  who 
were  to  be  proposed  as  candidates  for  the  pub 
lic  choice,  except  so  far  as  could  be  gathered 
from  the  newspapers. — THE  ANAS.  ix,  205. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  302.  (January  1804.) 

2498. .  I  never  interfered  di 
rectly  or  indirectly,  with  my  friends  or  any 
others,  to  influence  the  election  either  for  him 
[Aaron  Burr]  or  myself.  I  considered  it  as 
my  duty  to  be  merely  passive,  except  that  in 
Virginia  I  had  taken  some  measures  to  procure 
for  him  the  unanimous  vote  of  that  State,  be 
cause  I  thought  any  failure  there  might  be 
imputed  to  me. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  205.  FORD  ED., 
i,  302.  (1804.) 

2499.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1808), 
Neutrality  of  Jefferson.— I  see  with  infinite 
grief  a  contest  arising  between  yourself  and 
another,  who  have  been  very  dear  to  each 
other,  and  equally  so  to  me.  I  sincerely  pray 
that  these  dispositions  may  not  be  affected  be 
tween  you;  with  me  I  confidently  trust  they 
will  not.  For  independently  of  the  dictates  of 
public  duty,  which  prescribe  neutrality  to  me, 
my  sincere  friendship  for  you  both  will  en 
sure  its  sacred  observance.  I  suffer  no  one 
to  converse  with  me  on  the  subject.  I  already 
perceive  my  old  friend  Clinton,  estranging  him 
self  from  me.  No  doubt  lies  are  carried  to  him, 
as  they  will  be  to  the  other  two  candidates, 
under  forms  which,  however  false,  he  can 
scarcely  question.  Yet,  I  have  been  equally 
careful  as  to  him  also,  never  to  say  a  word  on 
this  subject.  The  object  of  the  contest  is  a  fair 
and  honorable  one,  equally  open  to  you  all ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  the  personal  conduct  of  all 
will  be  so  chaste,  as  to  offer  no  ground  of  dis 
satisfaction  with  each  other.  But  your  friends 
will  not  be  as  delicate.  I  know  too  well  from 
experience  the  progress  of  political  controversy, 
and  the  exacerbation  of  spirit  into  which  it 
degenerates,  not  to  fear  the  continuance  of  your 
mutual  esteem.  One  piquing  thing  said  draws 
on  another,  that  a  third,  and  always  with  in 
creasing  acrimony,  until  all  restraint  is  thrown 
off,  and  it  becomes  difficult  for  yourselves  to 
keep  clear  of  the  toils  in  which  your  friends 
will  endeavor  to  interlace  you,  and  to  avoid  the 
participation  in  their  passions  which  they  will 
endeavor  to  produce.  A  candid  recollection  of 
what  you  know  of  each  other  will  be  the  true 
corrective.  With  respect  to  myself,  I  hope  they 
will  spare  me.  My  longings  for  retirement  are 
so  strong,  that  I  with  difficulty  encounter  the 
daily  drudgeries  of  my  duty.  But  my  wish  for 
retirement  itself  is  not  stronger  than  that  of 
carrying  into  it  the  affections  of  all  my  friends. 
I  have  ever  ^viewed  Mr.  Madison  and  yourself 
as  two  principal  pillars  of  my  happiness.  Were 
either  to  be  withdrawn,  I  should  consider  it  as 
among  the  greatest  calamities  which  could  assail 
my  future  peace  of  mind.  I  have  great  con- 


Elections 
Kin  bargo 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


286 


fidence  that  the  candor  and  high  understanding 
of  both  will  guard  me  against  this  misfortune, 
the  bare  possibility  of  which  has  so  far  weighed 
on  my  mind,  that  I  could  not  be  easy  without 
unburthening  it. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  247. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  177-  (W.,  Feb.  1808.) 

2500. .     In  the  present  contest  in 

which  you  are  concerned  I  feel  no  passion,  I 
take  no  part,  I  express  no  sentiment.  Which 
ever  of  my  friends  is  called  to  the  supreme 
cares  of  the  nation,  I  know  that  they  will  be 
wisely  and  faithfully  administered,  and  as  far 
as  my  individual  conduct  can  influence,  they 
shall  be  cordially  supported. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  v,  255.  (March  1808.) 

2501. .  The  Presidential  question 

is  clearly  up  daily,  and  the  opposition  subsi 
ding.  It  is  very  possible  that  the  suffrage  of  the 
nation  may  be  undivided.  But  with  this  ques 
tion  it  is  my  duty  not  to  intermeddle. — To 
MERI WETHER  LEWIS,  v,  321.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
200.  (W.,  July  1808.) 

2502.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1816), 
Good  Feeling  in. — I  have  been  charmed  to 
see  that  a   Presidential   election   now  produces 
scarcely  any  agitation.     On  Mr.  Madison's  elec 
tion  there  was  little,  on  Monroe's  all  but  none. 
In  Mr.  Adams's  time  and  mine,  parties  were  so 
nearly  balanced  as  to  make  the  struggle  fearful 
for  our  peace.     But  since  the  decided  ascend 
ency    of    the    republican    body,    federalism    has 
looked  on  with   silent  but  unresisting  anguish. 
In  the  middle,  southern  and  western  States,  it  is 
as  low  as  it  ever  can  be ;  for  nature  has  made 
some  men  monarchists  and  tories  by  their  con 
stitution,    and    some,    of    course,    there    always 
will  be. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    vii,  80.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  92.     (M.,    1817.) 

2503.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1824), 
Constitutional  Construction  and. — I  hope 
the  choice  [of  the  next  President]  will  fall  on 
some    real    republican,    who    will    continue    the 
administration  on  the  express  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  unadulterated  by  constructions  re 
ducing  it  to  a  blank  to  be  filled  with  what  every 
one  pleases,  and  what  never  was  intended. — To 
SAMUEL  H.  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  x,  264.     (M.,  Dec. 
1823.) 

2504. .     On  the  question  of  the 

next  Presidential  election,  I  am  a  mere  looker- 
on.  I  never  permit  myself  to  express  an  opin 
ion,  or  to  feel  a  wish  on  the  subject.  I  indulge 
a  single  hope  only,  that  the  choice  may  fall  on 
one  who  will  be  a  friend  of  peace,  of  economy, 
of  the  republican  principles  of  our  Constitution, 
and  of  the  salutary  distribution  of  powers  made 
by  that  between  the  general  and  the  local  gov 
ernments. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH,  vii,  286.  FORD 
EI>.,  x,  253.  (M.,  1823.) 

2505.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1824), 
Lafayette's  visit  and. — The  eclat  of  Lafay 
ette's  visit  has  almost  merged  the  Presidential 
question    on    which    nothing    scarcely    is    said 
in  our  papers.     That  question  will  lie  ultimately 
between  Crawford  and  Adams ;  but,  at  the  same 
time,    the   vote    of   the   people   will    be    so    dis 
tracted  by  subordinate  candidates,  that  possibly 
they  may  make  no  election,  and  let  it  go  to  the 
House  of  Representatives.    There,  it  is  thought, 
Crawford's  chance  is  best. — To  RICHARD  RUSH. 
vii,     380.     FORD     ED.,     x,     322.      (M.,    October 
1824.) 

2506.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1824), 
Militarism  and. — This  Presidential  election 
has   given    me    few    anxieties.      With   you   this 


must  have  been  impossible,  independently  of  the 
question,  whether  we  are  at  last  to  end  our  days 
under  a  civil  or  a  military  government. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  387.  (M.,  1825.) 

2507.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1824), 
Passiveness  of  Jefferson.— [n  the  Presiden 
tial  election  I  am  entirely  passive.  *   *  *   Both 
favorites    are   republican,    both   will    administer 
the  government  honestly. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  299.     (M.,   1824.) 

2508.  ELECTIONS  (Presidential,  1824), 
Sectionalism   in.— Who   is   to   be   the   next 
President?  *  *  *  The    question    will    be    ulti 
mately  reduced  to  the  northernmost  and  south 
ernmost  candidate.     The  former  will  get  every 
federal    vote   in   the    Union,    and   many    repub 
licans  ;  the  latter,  all  of  those  denominated  of 
the  old  school;  for  you  are  not  to  believe  that 
these  two  parties  are  amalgamated,  that  the  lion 
and    the    lamb    are    lying    down    together. — To 
MARQUIS    LAFAYETTE,      vii,    325.      FORD   ED.     x, 
280.     (M.,  1823.) 

—  ELECTORAL  COLLEGE.— See  PRESI 
DENCY. 

-  ELECTRICITY.— See   VEGETATION. 

2509.  ELLSWORTH  (Oliver),  Resigna 
tion. — Ellsworth  remains  in   France  for  the 
benefit  of  his  health.     He  has  resigned  his  of 
fice  of  Chief  Justice.     Putting  these  two  things 
together,  we  cannot  misconstrue  his  views.    He 
must  have  had  great  confidence  in  Mr.  Adams's 
continuance    to    risk    such    a    certainty    as    he 
held. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  343.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  471.      (W.,  Dec.    1800.) 

2510.  ELOQUENCE,     Models  of.— In  a 
country  and  government  like  ours,  eloquence  is 
a    powerful    instrument,    well    worthy    of    the 
special  pursuit  of  our  youth.     Models,   indeed, 
of   chaste   and    classical    oratory   are   truly   too 
rare  with  us ;  nor  do  I  recollect  any  remarkable 
in    England.      Among    the    ancients    the    most 
perfect  specimens  are  perhaps  to  be   found  in 
Livy,     Sallust    and    Tacitus.     Their    pith    and 
brevity   constitute   perfection   itself   for   an   au 
dience    of    sages,    on    whom    froth    and    fancy 
would   be  lost   in   air.     But   in   ordinary   cases, 
and  with  us  particularly,  more  development  is 
necessary.      For    senatorial    eloquence,    Demos 
thenes  is  the  finest  model ;  for  the  bar,  Cicero. 
The    former   had    more   logic,    the   latter   more 
imagination.     Of  the  eloquence  of  the  pen,  we 
have     fine     samples     in     English.     Robertson, 
Sterne,   Addison,  are  of  the  first  merit  in  the 
different  characters  of  composition.    Hume,  in 
the  circumstance  of  style,  is  equal  to  any ;  but 
his  tory  principles  spread  a  cloud  over  his  many 
and  great  excellences.    The  charms  of  his  style 
and   matter   have   made   tories   of   all    England, 
and    doubtful    republicans    here. — To     G.     W. 
SUMMERS,     vii,  231.     (M.,  1822.) 

—  EMANCIPATION.— See  COLONIES, 
SLAVERY. 

2511.  EMBARGO,  Action  advised.— The 

commu-ications  *  now  made  [to  Congress] 
showing  the  great  and  increasing  dangers  with 
which  our  vessels,  our  seamen,  and  merchan 
dise,  are  threatened  on  the  high  seas,  and  else 
where,  from  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe, 
and  it  being  of  great  importance  to  keep  in 

*  The  decrees  of  the  French  government  of  Novem 
ber  21,  1806,  and  of  Spain,  February  iq,  1807,  with 
the  orders  of  the  British  government  of  January  and 
November,  1807.— EDITOR. 


287 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Embargo 


safety  these  essential  resources,  I  deem  it  my 
duty  to  recommend  the  subject  to  the  consid 
eration  of  Congress,  who  will  doubtless  per 
ceive  all  the  advantages  which  may  be  ex 
pected  from  an  inhibition  of  the  departure  of 
our  vessels  from  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 
Their  wisdom  will  also  see  the  necessity  of 
making  every  preparation  for  whatever  events 
may  grow  out  of  the  present  crisis. — SPECIAL 
MESSAGE,  viii,  89.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  169.  (Dec. 
18,  1807.) 

2512. .     Although  the  decree  of 

the  French  government  of  November  21 
[1807]  comprehended,  in  its  literal  terms,  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States,  yet  the  prompt 
explanation  by  one  of  the  ministers  of  that 
government  that  it  was  not  so  understood,  and 
that  our  treaty  would  be  respected,  the  prac 
tice  which  took  place  in  the  French  ports  con 
formably  with  that  explanation,  and  the  recent 
interference  of  that  government  to  procure  in 
Spain  a  similar  construction  of  a  similar  decree 
there,  had  given  well-founded  expectation  tha£ 
it  would  not  be  extended  to  us ;  and  this  was 
much  strengthened  by  the  consideration  of  their 
obvious  interests.  But  the  information  from 
our  minister  at  Paris  *  *  *  is,  that  it  is 
determined  to  extend  the  effect  of  that  decree 
to  us ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Spain  and  the 
other  Atlantic  and  Mediterranean  States  of 
Europe  will  cooperate  in  the  same  measure. 
The  British  regulations  had  before  reduced  us 
to  a  direct  voyage  to  a  single  port  of  their  ene 
mies,  and  it  is  now  believed  they  will  interdict 
all  commerce  whatever  with  them.  A  procla 
mation,  too,  of  that  government  (not  officially, 
indeed,  communicated  to  us,  yet  so  given  out 
to  the  public  as  to  become  a  rule  of  action  with 
them)  seems  to  have  shut  the  door  on  all  ne 
gotiation  with  us,  except  as  to  the  single  ag 
gression  on  the  Chesapeake.  The  sum  of  these 
mutual  enterprises  on  our  national  rights  is 
that  France,  and  her  allies,  reserving  for 
further  consideration  the  prohibiting  our  car 
rying  anything  to  the  British  territories,  have 
virtually  done  it,  by  restraining  our  bringing 
a  return  cargo  from  them  ;  and  Great  Britain, 
after  prohibiting  a  great  proportion  of  our  com 
merce  with  France  and  her  allies,  is  now  be 
lieved  to  have  prohibited  the  whole.  The 
whole  world  is  thus  laid  under  interdict  by 
these  two  nations,  and  our  vessels,  their  car 
goes  and  crews,  are  to  be  taken  by  the  one  or 
the  other,  for  whatever  place  they  may  be  des 
tined,  out  of  our  own  limits.  If,  therefore,  on 
leaving  our  harbors  we  are  certainly  to  lose 
them,  is  it  not  better,  as  to  vessels,  cargoes, 
and  seamen,  to  keep  them  at  home?  This  is 
submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  who 
alone  are  competent  to  provide  a  remedy. — To 
JOHN  MASON,  v,  217.  (Dec.  1807.) 

2513. .  These  decrees  and  or 
ders,*  taken  together,  want  little  of  amounting 
to  a  declaration  that  every  neutral  vessel  found 
on  the  high  seas,  whatsoever  be  her  cargo,  and 
whatsoever  foreign  port  be  that  of  her  de 
parture  or  destination,  shall  be  deemed  law- 
fnl  prize ;  and  they  prove,  more  and  more, 
the  expediency  of  retaining  our  vessels,  our 
seamen,  and  property,  within  our  own  harbors, 
until  the  dangers  to  which  they  are  exposed 
can  be  removed  or  lessened. — SPECIAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  185.  (March 
1808.) 

•  Jefferson  sent  with  this  message  an  additional 
decree  of  Bonaparte,  dated  December  17,  1807,  and  a 
similar  decree  of  the  King  of  Spain,  dated  January 
3, 1808.— EDITOR. 


—  EMBARGO,  Adams  (J.  Q.)  and.— See 

2587- 

2514.  EMBARGO,   Alternative  of  war. 
— The  alternative  was  between  that  and  war, 
and,  in  fact,  it  is  the  last  card  we  have  to  play, 
short    of    war.* — To    LEVI    LINCOLN,      v,    265. 
(W.,  March  1808.) 

2515.  _.     Could  the  alternative  ot 

war,   or  the   Embargo,   have  been   presented  to 
the  whole  nation,  as  it  occurred  to  their  repre 
sentatives,  there  could  have  been   but  the  one 
opinion  that   it  was  better  to  take  the  chance 
of  one  year  by  the  Embargo,  with'in  which  the 
orders    and    decrees    producing    it    may    be    re 
pealed,    or   peace   take   place   in   Europe,   which 
may  secure  peace  to  us. — To  BENJAMIN  SMITH. 
v,  293.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   194.     (M.,  May  1808.) 

2516. .     All  regard  to  the  rights 

of  others  having  been  thrown  aside,  the  bellig 
erent  powers  have  beset  the  highway  of  com 
mercial  intercourse  with  edicts  which,  taken 
together,  expose  our  commerce  and  mariners, 
under  almost  every  destination,  a  prey  to  their 
fleets  and  armies.  Each  party,  indeed,  would 
admit  our  commerce  with  themselves,  with  a 
view  of  associating  us  in  their  war  against  the 
other.  But  we  have  wished  war  with  neither. 
Under  these  circumstances  were  passed  the  laws 
of  which  you  complain,  by  those  delegated  to 
exercise  the  powers  of  legislation  for  you,  with 
every  sympathy  of  a  common  interest  in  exer 
cising  them  faithfully.  In  reviewing  these 
measures,  therefore,  we  should  advert  to  the 
difficulties  out  of  which  a  choice  was  of  ne 
cessity  to  be  made.  To  have  submitted  our 
rightful  commerce  to  prohibitions  and  tributary 
exactions  from  others,  would  have  been  to 
surrender  our  independence.  To  resist  them 
by  armies  was  war,  without  consulting  the  state 
of  things  or  the  choice  of  the  nation.  The 
alternative  preferred  by  the  Legislature  of 
suspending  a  commerce  placed  under  such 
unexampled  difficulties,  besides  saving  to  our 
citizens  their  property,  and  our  mariners  to 
their  country,  has  the  peculiar  advantage  of 
giving  time  to  the  belligerent  nations  to  re 
vise  a  conduct  as  contrary  to  their  interests 
as  it  is  to  our  rights. — REPLY  TO  A  BOSTON 
REPEAL  REQUEST,  viii,  134.  (Aug.  1808.) 

2517. .  We  have  to  choose  be- 
between  the  alternatives  of  Embargo  and  war. 
There  is  indeed  one  and  only  one  other,  that 
is  submission  and  tribute.  For  all  the  fed 
eral  propositions  for  trading  to  the  places  per 
mitted  by  the  edicts  of  the  belligerents,  result 
in  fact  in  submission,  although  they  do  not 
choose  to  pronounce  the  naked  word. — To  MR 
LETUE.  v,  384.  (W.,  Nov.  1808.) 

2518. .     The  measures  respecting 

our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations  were  the 
result  of  a  choice  between  two  evils,  either  to 
call  and  keep  at  home  our  seamen  and  property, 
or  suffer  them  to  be  taken  under  the  edicts  of 
the  belligerent  powers.  How  a  difference  of 
opinion  could  arise  between  these  alternatives 
is  still  difficult  to  explain  on  any  acknowledged 
ground ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  when  the 
storm  and  agitation  characterizing  the  present 

*  "  The  Embargo,"  says  Morse  in  his  Life  of  Jeffer 
son,"  was  a  civilized  policy,  worthy  of  respect.  More 
over,  it  was  a  sensible  policy.  Jefferson  alone  un 
derstood  in  that  time  the  truth,  which  is  now  more 
generally  appreciated,  that  by  sheer  growth  in  pop 
ulation,  wealth  and  industry,  a  nation  gains  the 
highest  degree  of  substantial  power  and  authority 
-EDITOR. 


JEmfoargo 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


288 


prejudice  shall  have  yielded  to  reason  its 
usurped  place,  and  especially  when  posterity 
shall  pass  its  sentence  on  the  present  times, 
justice  will  be  rendered  to  the  course  which  has 
been  pursued.  To  the  advantages  derived  from 
the  choice  which  v/as  made  will  be  added  the 
improvements  and  discoveries  made  and  ma 
king  in  the  arts,  and  the  establishments  in  do 
mestic  manufacture,  the  effects  whereof  will 
be  permanent  and  diffused  through  our  wide- 
extended  continent. — R.  TO  A.  MARYLAND  CITI 
ZENS,  viii,  164.  (1809.) 

2519.  EMBARGO,  Amendments  to  law. 

— If,  on  considering  the  doubts  I  shall  sug 
gest,  you  shall  still  think  your  draft  of  a  sup 
plementary  Embargo  law  sufficient,  in  its  pres 
ent  form,  I  shall  be  satisfied,  i.  Is  not  the 
first  paragraph  against  the  Constitution,  which 
says  no  preference  shall  be  given  to  the  ports 
of  one  State  over  those  of  another?  You 
might  put  down  those  ports  as  ports  of  entry, 
if  that  could  be  made  to  do.  2.  Could  not  your 
second  paragraph  be  made  to  answer  by  ma 
king  it  say,  that  no  clearance  shall  be  furnished 
to  any  vessel  laden  with  provisions  or  lumber, 
to  go  from  one  port  to  another  of  the  United 
States,  without  special  permission,  &c.  In  that 
case,  we  might  lay  down  rules  for  the  neces 
sary  removal  of  provisions  and  lumber,  inland, 
which  should  give  no  trouble  to  the  citizens, 
but  refuse  licenses  for  all  coasting  transporta 
tion  of  those  articles  but  on  such  applications 
from  a  Governor  as  may  ensure  us  against 
any  exportation  but  for  the  consumption  of  his 
State.  Portsmouth,  Boston,  Charleston,  and 
Savannah,  are  fhe  only  ports  which  cannot  be 
supplied  inland.  I  should  like  to  prohibit  col 
lections,  also,  made  evidently  for  clandestine 
importation.  3.  I  would  rather  strike  out  the 
words,  "  in  conformity  with  treaty,"  in  order 
to  avoid  any  express  recognition  at  this  day 
of  that  article  of  the  British  treaty.  It  has 
been  so  flagrantly  abused  as  to  excite  the  In 
dians  to  war  against  us,  that  I  should  have  no 
hesitation  in  declaring  it  null,  as  soon  as  we 
see  means  of  supplying  the  Indians  ourselves. 
I  should  have  no  objections  to  extend  the 
exception  to  the  Indian  furs  purchased  by 
our  traders  and  sent  into  Canada. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  v,  267.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  189.  (W., 
March  1808.) 

2520.  EMBARGO,    Approval  of.— It  is  a 
circumstance  of  great  satisfaction  that  the  pro 
ceedings    of   the   government   are   approved   by 
the    respectable    Legislature    of    Massachusetts,, 
and   especially   the   late   important   measure    of 
the  Embargo.     The  hearty  concurrence  of  the 
States  in  that  measure,  will  have  a  great  effect 
in     Europe. — To     JAMES     SULLIVAN,      v,     252. 
(W.,  March  1808.) 

2521. .     Through    the    body    of 

our  country  generally  our  citizens  appear 
heartily  to  approve  and  support  the  Embargo. 
— To  BENJ.  SMITH,  v,  294.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
195.  (M.,  May  1808.) 

2522. .     I    see   with    satisfaction 

that  this  measure  of  self-denial  is  approved 
and  supported  by  the  great  body  of  our  real 
citizens,  that  they  meet  with  cheerfulness  the 
temporary  privations  it  occasions. — R.  TO  A. 
NEW  HAMPSHIRE  LEGISLATURE.  viii,  131. 
(1808.) 

2523.  -  — .   The  Embargo  appears  to 

be  approved,  even  by  the  federalists  of  every 
quarter  except  yours.  [Massachusetts.]  To 
LEVI  LINCOLN,  v,  265.  (W.,  March  1808.) 


2524. .  That  the  Embargo  is  ap 
proved  by  the  body  of  republicans  through 
the  Union,  cannot  be  doubted.  It  is  equally 
known  that  a  great  proportion  of  the  federal 
ists  approve  of  it;  but  as  they  think  it  an 
engine  which  may  be  used  advantageously 
against  the  republican  system,  they  counte 
nance  the  clamors  against  it. — To  D.  C. 
BRENT,  v,  305.  (W.,  June  1808.) 

2525. .     While  the  opposition  to 

the  late  laws  of  Embargo  has  in  one  quarter 
amounted  almost  to  rebellion  and  treason,  it 
is  pleasing  to  know  that  all  the  rest  of  the 
nation  has  approved  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
constituted  authorities.  The  steady  union 
*  *  *  of  our  fellow  citizens  of  South 
Carolina,  is  entirely  in  their  character.  They 
have  never  failed  in  fidelity  to  their  country 
and  the  republican  spirit  of  the  Constitution. 
Never  before  was  that  union  more  needed  or 
more  salutary  than  under  our  present  crisis. — 
To  MR.  LETUE.  v,  384.  (W.,  Nov.  1808.) 

2526.  EMBARGO,  Authority  to  sus 
pend.— The  decrees  and  orders  of  the  bellig 
erent  nations  having  amounted  nearly  to  decla 
rations  that  they  would  take  our  vessels 
wherever  found,  Congress  thought  it  best,  in 
the  first  instance,  to  break  off  all  intercourse 
with  them.  They  *  *  *  passed  an  act  au 
thorizing  me  to  suspend  the  Embargo  when 
ever  the  belligerents  should  revoke  their  de 
crees  or  orders  as  to  us.  The  Embargo  must 
continue,  therefore,  till  they  meet  again  in  No 
vember,  unless  the  measures  of  the  belligerents 
should  change.  When  they  meet  again,  if  these 
decrees  and  orders  still  continue,  the  question 
which  they  will  have  to  decide  will  be,  whether 
a  continuance  of  the  Embargo  or  war  will  be 
preferable. — To  WILLIAM  LYMAN.  v,  279. 
(W.,  April  1808.) 

2527. .  If  they  repeal  their  or 
ders,  we  must  repeal  our  Embargo.  If  they 
make  satisfaction  for  the  Chesapeake,  we  must 
revoke  our  proclamation  and  generalize  its 
operation  by  a  law.  If  they  keep  up  impress 
ments,  we  must  adhere  to  non-intercourse, 
manufacturer's  and  a  navigation  act. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  v,  361.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  208. 
(M.,  Sep.  1808.) 

2528.  EMBARGO,      Averts     war.— The 

immediate  danger  *  *  *  of  a  rupture  with 
England,  is  postponed  for  this  year.  This  is 
effected  by  the  Embargo,  as  the  question  was 
simply  between  that  and  war. — To  CHARLES 
PINCKNEY.  v,  266.  (W.,  March  1808.) 


2529. 


.  The  Embargo,  keeping  at 


home  our  vessels,  cargoes  and  seamen,  saves 
us  the  necessity  of  making  their  capture  the 
cause  of  immediate  war ;  for,  if  going  to  Eng 
land,  France  had  determined  to  take  them,  if 
to  any  other  place,  England  was  to  take  them. 
Till  they  return  to  some  sense  of  moral  duty, 
therefore,  we  keep  within  ourselves.  This 
gives  time.  Time  may  produce  peace  in  Eu 
rope  ;  peace  in  Europe  removes  all  causes  of 
difference,  till  another  European  war ;  and  by 
that  time  our  debt  may  be  paid,  our  revenues 
clear,  and  our  strength  increased. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,  v,  227.  (W.,  Jan.  1808.) 

2530.  EMBARGO,  Belligerent  Powers 
and. — I  take  it  to  be  an  universal  opinion  that 
war  will  become  preferable  to  a  continuance 


Thomas  Jefferson 

Aye  about  .//"  years 

.  From  tin1  fresco  painting  by  Hrumidi.  It  \v:is  painted,  at  the  tinie  Jefferson  was  Secretary 
of  State,  ort  the  wall  in  the  President  's  room  of  the  Tinted  States  Capitol.  Bnimidi,  the 
artist,  is  renowned  for  his  fine  ii^ure  fresco  work.  Specimens  of  his  art  are  to  be  found  in 
many  of  tin-  rooms,  corridors,  and  halls  of  the  I'niled  States  Capitol. 


L4J 


289 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Embargo 


of  the  Embargo  after  a  certain  time.  Should 
we  not,  then,  avail  ourselves  of  the  inter 
vening  period  to  procure  a  retraction  of  the 
obnoxious  decrees  peaceably,  if  possible?  An 
opening  is  given  us  by  both  parties,  sufficient 
to  form  a  basis  for  such  a  proposition.  I  wish 
you,  therefore,  to  consider  the  following  course 
of  proceeding,  to  wit :  To  instruct  our  min 
isters  at  Paris  and  London  to  propose  imme 
diately  to  both  those  powers  a  declaration  on 
both  sides  that  these  decrees  and  orders  shall 
no  longer  be  extended  to  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  in  which  case  we  shall  remain  faith 
fully  neutral ;  but,  without  assuming  the  air 
of  menace,  to  let  them  both  perceive  that  if 
they  do  not  both  withdraw  these  orders  and  de 
crees,  there  will  arrive  a  time  when  our  in 
terests  will  render  war  preferable  to  a  continu 
ance  of  the  Embargo;  that  when  that  time 
arrives,  if  one  has  withdrawn  and  the  other 
not,  we  must  declare  war  against  that  other ; 
if  neither  shall  have  withdrawn,  we  must  take 
our  choice  of  enemies  between  them.  This,  it 
will  certainly  be  our  duty  to  have  ascertained 
by  the  time  Congress  shall  meet  in  the  fall 
or  beginning  of  winter ;  so  that  taking  off  the 
Embargo,  they  may  decide  whether  war  must 
be  declared,  and  against  whom. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  v,  257.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  179.  (W., 
March  1808.)  See  2558. 

2531.  EMBARGO,  Benefits  of.— It  has 
rescued  from  capture  an  important  capital,  and 
our  seamen  from  the  jails  of  Europe.  It  has 
given  time  to  prepare  for  defence,  and  has 
shown  to  the  aggressors  of  Europe  that  evil, 
as  well  as  good  actions,  recoil  on  the  doers. — R. 

TO  A.  PlTTSBURG  REPUBLICANS,  viil,   141.   (1808.) 

2532. .  I  have  been  highly  grati 
fied  with  the  late  general  expressions  of  public 
sentiment  in  favor  of  a  measure  which  alone 
could  have  saved  us  from  immediate  war,  and 
give  time  to  call  home  eighty  millions  of  prop 
erty,  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  seamen,  and 
two  thousand  vessels.  These  are  now  nearly 
at  home,  and  furnish  a  great  capital,  much  of 
which  will  go  into  manufactures,  and  seamen 
to  man  a  fleet  of  privateers,  whenever  our  citi 
zens  shall  prefer  war  to  a  longer  continuance 
of  the  Embargo.  Perhaps,  however,  the  whole 
of  the  ocean  may  be  tired  of  the  solitude  it  has 
made  on  that  element,  and  return  to  honest 
principles ;  and  his  brother  robber  on  the  land 
may  see  that,  as  to  us,  the  grapes  are  sour. — 
To  JOHN  LANGDON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  201.  (M., 
Aug.  1808.) 

2533. .    It  alone  could  have  saved 

us  from  immediate  war,  and  give  time  to  call 
home  eighty  millions  of  property,  twenty  or 
thirty  thousand  seamen,  and  two  thousand 
vessels.  These  are  now  nearly  at  home,  and 
furnish  a  great  capital,  much  of  which  will  go 
into  manufactures  and  remain  to  man  a  fleet 
of  privateers,  whenever  our  citizens  shall  pre 
fer  war  to  a  longer  continuance  of  the  Em 
bargo.  Perhaps,  however,  the  whole  of  the 
ocean  may  be  tired  of  the  solitude  it  has  made 
on  that  element,  and  return  to  honest  princi 
ples,  and  that  his  brother  robber  on  the  land 
may  see  that,  as  to  us,  the  grapes  are  sour. — 
To  GOVERNOR  JOHN  LANGDON.  viii,  132.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  201.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2534. .  We  have  the  satisfaction, 

to  reflect  that  in  return  for  the  privations  by  the 
measure,  and  which  our  fellow  citizens  in  gen 
eral  have  borne  with  patriotism,  it  has  had  the 
important  effects  of  saving  our  mariners  and  our 
vast  mercantile  property,  as  well  as  of  affording 


time  for  prosecuting  the  defensive  and  provi 
sional  measures  called  for  by  the  occasion.  It 
has  demonstrated  to  foreign  nations  the  mod 
eration  and  firmness  which  govern  our  coun 
cils,  and  to  our  citizens  the  necessity  of  uniting 
in  support  of  the  laws  and  the  rights  of  their 
country,  and  has  thus  long  frustrated  those 
usurpations  and  spoliations  which,  if  resisted, 
involve  war;  if  submitted  to,  sacrificed  a 
vital  principle  of  our  national  independence. — 
EIGHTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii.  105.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  219.  (1808.) 

2535. e     By  withdrawing  a  while 

from  the  ocean  we  have  suffered  some  loss ; 
but  we  have  gathered  home  our  immense  capi 
tal,  exposed  to  foreign  depredation,  we  have 
saved  pur  seamen  from  the  jails  of  Europe, 
and  gained  time  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of 
our  country. — R.  TO  A.  CONNECTICUT  REPUB 
LICANS,  viii,  140.  (Nov.  1808.) 

2536. .     The   edicts   of  the  two 

belligerents,  forbidding  us  to  be  seen  on  the 
ocean,  we  met  by  an  Embargo.  This  gave  us 
time  to  call  home  our  seamen,  ships  and  prop 
erty,  to  levy  men  and  put  our  seaports  into  a 
certain  state  of  defence. — To  DUPONT  DE  NE 
MOURS,  v,  432.  (W.,  March  1809.) 

—  EMBARGO,  Bonaparte's  views  on.— 
See  861. 

2537.  EMBARGO,  Coasting  trade  and. 
—With  respect  to  the  coasting  trade,  my  wish 
is  only  to  carry  into  full  effect  the  intentions 
of  the  Embargo  laws.     I  do  not  wish  a  single 
citizen    in    any    of   the    States    to    be    deprived 
of  a  meal  of  bread,  but  I  set  down  the  exercise 
of  commerce,  merely  for  profit,  as  nothing  when 
it  carries  with  it  the  danger  of  defeating  the 
objects  of  the  Embargo. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,   297.     (M.,   May   1808.) 

2538.  EMBARGO,  Coercion  of  Europe.— 

The  resolutions  of  the  republican  citizens  of 
Boston  are  worthy  of  the  ancient  character  of 
the  sons  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  the  spirit  of 
concord  with  her  sister  States,  which,  and 
which  alone,  carried  us  successfully  through 
the  Revolutionary  war,  and  finally  placed  us 
under  that  national  government,  which  con 
stitutes  the  safety  of  every  part,  by  uniting  for 
its  protection  the  powers  of  the  whole.  The 
moment  for  exerting  these  united  powers,  to 
repel  the  injuries  of  the  belligerents  of  Europe, 
seems  likely  to  be  pressed  upon  us. — To  WILL 
IAM  EUSTIS.  v,  410.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  235.  (W., 
Jan.  1809.) 

2539.  EMBARGO,    Congress   and.— The 

House  of  Representatives  passed  last  night  a 
bill  for  the  meeting  of  Congress  on  the  22d  of 
May.  This  substantially  decides  the  course 
they  mean  to  pursue;  that  is,  to  let  the  Em 
bargo  continue  till  then,  when  it  will  cease, 
and  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  be  issued 
against  such  nations  as  shall  not  then  have 
repealed  their  obnoxious  edicts.  The  great  ma 
jority  seem  to  have  made  up  their  minds  on 
this,  while  there  is  considerable  diversity  of 
opinion  on  the  details  of  preparation  ;  to  wit, 
naval  force,  volunteers,  army,  non-intercourse. 
— To  THOMAS  LIEPER.  v,  417.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
238.  (W.,  January  21,  1809.) 

2540.  EMBARGO,  Duration  of. — The  em 
bargo     may    go     on     a    certain    time,     perhaps 
through  the  year,  without  the  loss  of  property 
to   our   citizens,   but  only  its   remaining  unem 
ployed    on   their   hands.     A   time   would   come, 


Embargo 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


290 


however,  when  war  would  be  preferable  to  a 
continuance  of  the  Embargo. — To  CHARLES 
PINCKNEY.  v,  266.  (W.,  March  1808.) 

2541. .     The  absurd  opinion  has 

been  propagated,  that  this  temporary  and  neces 
sary  arrangement  was  to  be  a  permanent  sys 
tem,  and  was  intended  for  the  destruction  of 
commerce.  The  sentiments  expressed  in  the 
paper  you  were  so  kind  as  to  enclose  to  me^ 
[address  of  Boston  republicans]  show  that 
those  who  have  concurred  in  them  have  judged 
with  more  candor  the  intentions  of  their  gov 
ernment,  and  are  sufficiently  aware  of  the  tend 
ency  of  the  excitements  and  misrepresentations 
which  have  been  practiced  on  this  occasion. — 
To  DR.  WILLIAM  EUSTIS.  v,  410.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  235.  (W.,  January  1809.) 

2542.  EMBARGO,  Effect  on  industry.— 

Of  the  several  interests  composing  those  of  the 
United  States,  that  of  manufactures  would,  of 
course,  prefer  to  war  a  state  of  non-intercourse, 
so  favorable  to  their  rapid  growth  and  pros 
perity.  Agriculture,  although  sensibly  feeling 
the  loss  of  market  for  its  produce,  would  find 
many  aggravations  in  a  state  of  war.  Com 
merce  and  navigation,  or  that  portion  which  is 
foreign,  in  the  inactivity  to  which  they  are 
reduced  by  the  present  state  of  things,  certainly 
experience  their  full  share  in  the  general  in 
convenience  ;  but  whether  war  would  to  them 
be  a  preferable  alternative,  is  a  question  their 
patriotism  would  never  hastily  propose.  It  is 
to  be  regretted,  however,  that  overlooking  the 
real  sources  of  the  sufferings,  the  British  and 
French  edicts  which  constitute  the  actual 
blockade  of  our  foreign  commerce  and  naviga 
tion,  they  have,  with  too  little  reflection,  im 
puted  them  to  laws  which  have  saved  them 
from  greater,  and  have  preserved  for  our  own 
use  our  vessels,  property  and  seamen,  instead 
of  adding  them  to  the  strength  of  those  with 
whom  we  might  eventually  have  to  contend. 
The  Embargo,  giving  time  to  the  belligerent 
powers  to  revise  their  unjust  proceedings,  and 
to  listen  to  the  dictates  of  justice,  of  interest 
and  reputation,  which  equally  urge  the  correc 
tion  of  their  wrongs,  has  availed  our  country 
of  the  only  honorable  expedient  for  avoiding 
war;  and  should  a  repeal  of  these  edicts  su 
persede  the  cause  for  it,  our  commercial  breth 
ren  will  become  sensible  that  it  has  consulted 
their  interests,  however  against  their  own  will. 
It  will  be  unfortunate  for  their  country  if,  in 
the  meantime,  these  their  expressions  of  im 
patience,  should  have  the  effect  of  prolonging 
the  very  sufferings  which  have  produced  them,, 
by  exciting  a  fallacious  hope  that  we  may,, 
under  any  pressure,  relinquish  our  equal  right 
of  navigating  the  ocean,  go  to  such  ports  only 
as  others  may  prescribe,  and  there  pay  the  trib 
utary  exactions  they  may  impose ;  an  abandon 
ment  of  national  independence  and  of  essen 
tial  rights,  revolting  to  every  manly  sentiment. 
While  these  edicts  are  in  force,  no  American 
can  ever  consent  to  a  return  of  peaceable  in 
tercourse  with  those  who  maintain  them. — 
To  THE  CITIZENS  OF  BOSTON,  viii,  136.  (Aug. 
1808.) 

2543.  EMBARGO,  Enforcing.-— I  am  for 

going  substantially  to  the  object  of  the  law, 
and  no  further ;  perhaps  a  little  more  earnestly 
because  it  is  the  first  expedient,  and  it  is  of 
great  importance  to  know  its  full  effect. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  292.  (M.,  May  1808.) 

2544. .  We  have  such  complaints 

of  the  breach  of  Embargo  by  fraud  and  force 
on  our  northern  water  line,  that  I  must  pray 


your  cooperation  with  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  by  rendezvousing  as  many  new  re 
cruits  as  you  can  in  that  quarter. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,  v,  322.  (W.,  July  1808.) 

2545. m     i  am  cleariy  of  opinion 

this  law  ought  to  be  enforced  at  any  expense, 
which  may  not  exceed  our  appropriation — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  336.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2546. .     jn    the    support    of    the 

Embargo  laws,  our  only  limit  should  be  that 
ot  the  appropriations  of  the  department.— To 
ROBERT  SMITH,  v,  337.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2547. .     The  great  leading  object 

of  the  Legislature  was,  and  ours  in  execution  of 
it  ought  to  be,  to  give  complete  effect  to  the 
Embargo  laws.  They  have  bidden  agriculture, 
commerce,  navigation,  to  bow  before  that  ob 
ject,  to  be  nothing  when  in  competition  with  it. 
Finding  all  their  endeavors  at  general  rules  to 
be  evaded,  they  finally  gave  us  the  power  of 
detention  as  the  panacea,  and  I  am  clear  we 
ought  to  use  it  freely  that  we  may,  by  a  fair  ex 
periment,  know  the  power  of  this  great  weapon, 
the  Embargo. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  287. 
(May  1808.) 

2548. .     It  is  important  to  crush 

every  example  of  forcible  opposition  to  the  law. 
— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  271.  (1808.) 

2549. .  The  pressure  of  the  Em 
bargo,  although  sensibly  felt  by  every  descrip 
tion  of  our  fellow  citizens,  has  yet  been  cheer 
fully  borne  by  most  of  them,  under  the  con 
viction  that  it  was  a  temporary  evil,  and  a 
necessary  one  to  save  us  from  greater  and  more 
permanent  evils, — the  loss  of  property  and  sur 
render  of  rights.  But  it  would  have  been  more 
cheerfully  borne,  but  for  the  knowledge  that, 
while  honest  men  were  religiously  observing 
it,  the  unprincipled  along  our  sea-coast  and 
frontiers  were  fraudulently  evading  it ;  and  that 
in  some  ^  parts  they  had  even  dared  to  break 
through  it  openly,  by  an  armed  force  too  pow 
erful  to  be  opposed  by  the  collector  and  his 
assistants.  To  put  an  end  to  this  scandalous 
insubordination  to  the  laws,  the  Legislature 
has  authorized  the  President  to  empower  proper 
persons  to  employ  militia,  for  preventing  or 
suppressing  armed  or  riotous  assemblages  of 
persons  resisting  the  custom-house  officers  in 
the  exercise  of  their  duties,  or  opposing  or 
violating  the  Embargo  laws.  He  sincerely 
hopes  that,  during  the  short  time  which  these 
restrictions  are  expected  to  continue,  no  other 
instances  will  take  place  of  a  crime  of  so  deep 
a  dye.  But  it  is  made  his  duty  to  take  the 
measures  necessary  to  meet  it.  He,  therefore, 
requests  you,  as  commanding  officer  of  the 
militia  of  your  State,  to  appoint  some  officer 
of  the  militia,  of  known  respect  for  the  laws, 
in  or  near  to  each  port  of  entry  within  your 
State,  with  orders,  when  applied  to  by  the  col 
lector  of  the  district,  to  assemble  immediately 
a  sufficient  force  of  his  militia,  and  to  employ 
them  efficaciously  to  maintain  the  authority  of 
the  laws  respecting  the  Embargo.  *  *  * 
He  has  referred  this  appointment  to  your  Ex 
cellency  because  your  knowledge  of  characters 
or  means  of  obtaining  it,  will  enable  you  to 
select  one  who  can  be  most  confided  in  to  ex 
ercise  so  serious  a  power,  with  all  the  discre 
tion,  the  forbearance,  the  kindness  even,  which 
the  enforcement  of  the  law  will  possibly  admit 
— ever  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  life  of  a  citi 
zen,  is  never  to  be  endangered,  but  as  the  last 
melancholy  effort  for  the  maintenance  of  order 


291 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Embargo 


and  obedience  to  the  laws. — To  THE  GOVERNORS 
OF  THE  STATES,  v,  413.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  237. 
(W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

2550.  EMBARGO,  Evasions  of.— The 
evasions  of  the  preceding  Embargo  laws  went 
so  far  towards  defeating  their  objects,  and 
chiefly  by  vessels  clearing  out  coast-wise,  that 
Congress,  by  their  act  of  April  25th,  authorized 
the  absolute  detention  of  all  vessels  bound 
coast-wise  with  cargoes  exciting  suspicions  of 
an  intention  to  evade  those  laws.  There  being 
few  towns  on  our  sea-coast  which  cannot  be 
supplied  with  flour  from  their  interior  country, 
shipments  of  flour  become  generally  suspicious 
and  proper  subjects  of  detention.  Charleston 
is  one  of  the  few  places  on  our  seaboard  which 
need  supplies  of  flour  by  sea  for  its  own  con 
sumption.  That  it  may  not  suffer  by  the  cau 
tions  we  are  obliged  to  use,  I  request  of  your 
Excellency,  whenever  you  deem  it  necessary 
that  your  present  or  any  future  stock  should 
be  enlarged,  to  take  the  trouble  of  giving  your 
certificate  in  favor  of  any  merchant  in  whom 
you  have  confidence,  directed  to  the  collector 
of  any  port,  usually  exporting  flour,  from  which 
he  may  choose  to  bring  it,  for  any  quantity 
which  you  may  deem  necessary  for  consump 
tion  beyond  your  interior  supplies,  enclosing  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  at  the  same  time 
a  duplicate  of  the  certificate  as  a  check  on  the 
falsification  of  your  signature.  In  this  way 
we  may  secure  a  supply  of  the  real  wants  of 
our  citizens,  and  at  the  same  time  prevent  those 
wants  from  being  made  a  cover  for  the  crimes 
against  their  country  which  unprincipled  ad 
venturers  are  in  the  habit  of  committing.* — To 
THE  GOVERNOR  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA,  v,  286. 
(W.,  May  1808.) 

2551. .     Should  these  reasonable 

Srecautions  [to  insure  adequate^  supplies  of 
our]  be  followed,  as  is  surmised  in  your  letter, 
by  an  artificial  scarcity,  with  a  view  to  pro 
mote  turbulence  of  any  sort  or  on  any  pretext, 
I  trust  for  an  ample  security  against  this 
danger  to  the  character  of  my  fellow  citizens  of 
Massachusetts,  which  has,  I  think,  been  em 
phatically  marked  by  obedience  to  law,  and  a 
love  of  order.  And  I  have  no  doubt  that  whilst 
we  do  our  duty,  they  will  support  us  in  it.  The 
Maws  enacted  by  the  General  Government,  have 
made  it  our  duty  to  have  the  Embargo  strictly 
enforced,  for  the  general  good;  and  we  are 
sworn  to  execute  the  laws.  If  clamor  ensue, 
it  will  be  from  the  few  only,  who  will  clamor 
whatever  we  do. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v, 
341.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  206.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2552. .  The  belligerent  edicts 

rendered  our  Embargo  necessary  to  call  home 
our  ships,  our  seamen  and  property.  We  ex 
pected  some  effect  too  from  the  coercion  of 
interest.  Some  it  has  had ;  but  much  less  on 
account  of  evasions,  and  domestic  opposition 
to  it. — To  GENERAL  ARMSTRONG,  v,  433.  (W., 
March  1*809. ) 

2553.  EMBARGO,  Exports  and. — After 
fifteen  months'  continuance  it  is  now  discontin 
ued,  because,  losing  $50,000,000  of  exports  an 
nually  by  it,  it  costs  more  than  war,  which 
might  be  carried  on  for  a  thiro  of  that,  besides 
what  might  be  got  by  reprisal.  War,  therefore, 
must  follow  if  the  edicts  are  not  repealed  be 
fore  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  May. — To 
GENERAL  ARMSTRONG,  v,  433.  (W.,  March 
1809.) 

*  A  similar  notification  was  sent  to  the  Governors 
of  New  Orleans,  Georgia,  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire. — EDITOR. 


2554.  EMBARGO,    Fair    trial    of.— My 
principle  is  that  the  convenience  of  our  citizens 
shall   yield   reasonably,   and  their  taste  greatly 
to    the    importance    of    giving   the   present    ex 
periment    so    fair    a    trial    that    on    future    oc 
casions  our  legislators  may  know  with  certainty 
how  far  they  may  count  on  it  as  an  engine  for 
national    purposes. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.     v, 
309.     (W.,  July  1808.) 

2555.  EMBARGO,     Federalists     and.— 

The  federalists  during  their  short-lived  ascend 
ency  have,  by  forcing  us  from  the  Embargo, 
inflicted  a  wound  on  our  interests  which  can 
never  be  cured,  and  on  our  affections  which 
will  require  time  to  cicatrize.  I  ascribe  all 
this  to  one  pseudo-republican,  Story.  He  came 
on  (in  place  of  Crowningshield,  I  believe)  and 
stayed  only  a  few  days  ;  long  enough,  however, 
to  get  complete  hold  of  Bacon,  who,  giving  in 
to  his  representations,  became  panic-struck, 
and  communicated  his  panic  to  his  colleagues, 
and  they  to  a  majority  of  the  sound  members 
of  Congress.  They  believed  in  the  alternative 
of  repeal  or  civil  war,  and  produced  the  fatal 
measure  of  repeal. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  v, 
529.  FORD  EDV  ix,  277.  (M.,  July  1810.)  See 
2568,  2587. 

2556.  EMBARGO,     Foreign     subjects 
and. — The  principle  of  our  indulgence  of  ves 
sels  to  foreign  ministers  was,  that  it  was  fair 
to  let  them  send  away  all  their  subjects  caught 
here  by  the   Embargo,   and   who  had  no   other 
means  of  getting  away. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  347.     (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2557.  EMBARGO,  Foreign  trade  and.— 

The  Embargo  laws  will  have  hastened  the  day 
when  an  equilibrium  between  the  occupations 
of  agriculture,  manufactures  and  commerce, 
shall  simplify  our  foreign  concerns  to  the  ex 
change  only  of  that  surplus  which  we  cannot 
consume  for  those  articles  of  reasonable  com 
fort,  or  convenience,  which  we  cannot  produce. 
— R.  TO  A.  PENNSYLVANIA  CITIZENS,  viii,  163. 
(1809.) 

2558.  EMBARGO,  France,  England  and. 
— Our  ministers  at  London  and  Paris  were 
instructed  to  explain  to  the  respective  govern 
ments  there,  our  disposition  to  exercise  the  au 
thority  in  such  manner  as  would  withdraw  the 
pretext   on   which   the   aggressions   were    origi 
nally  founded,  and  open  a  way  for  a  renewal 
of   that    commercial    intercourse    which    it   was 
alleged   on   all    sides   had   been   reluctantly   ob 
structed.     As   each    of   those   governments   had 
pledged  its  readiness  to  concur  in  renouncing  a 
measure   which   reached   its   adversary   through 
the   incontestable   rights   of  neutrals   only,   and 
as  the  measure  had  been  assumed  by  each  as  a 
retaliation  for  an  asserted  acquiescence  in  the 
aggressions  of  the  other,  it  was  reasonably  ex 
pected  that  an  occasion  would  have  been  seized 
by    both    for    evincing    the    sincerity    of    their 
profession,   and  for  restoring  to  the  commerce 
of    the    United    States    its    legitimate    freedom. 
The  instructions  to  our  ministers  with  respect 
to    the    different    belligerents    were    necessarily 
modified   with   reference   to   their   different   cir 
cumstances,    and   to   the   condition   annexed   by 
law    to    the    Executive    power    of    suspension, 
requiring  a  degree  of  security  to  our  commerce 
which   would   not  result   from   a   repeal   of  the 
decrees  of  France.     Instead  of  a  pledge,  there 
fore,    of   a    suspension    of   the    Embargo    as   to 
her  in  case  of  such  a  repeal,  it  was  presumed 
that  a  sufficient  inducement  might  be  found  in 
other    considerations,    and    particularly    in    the 
change    produced    by    a    compliance    with    our 


Embargo 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


292 


just  demands  by  one  belligerent,  and  a  refusal 
by  the  other,  in  the  relations  between  the  other 
and  the  United  States.  To  Great  Britain,  whose 
power  on  the  ocean  is  so  ascendant,  it  was 
deemed  not  inconsistent  with  that  condition  to 
state  explicitly,  that  on  her  rescinding  her  or 
ders  in  relation  to  the  United  States  their  trade 
would  be  opened  with  her,  and  remain  shut  to 
her  enemy,  in  case  of  his  failure  to  rescind  his 
decrees  also.  From  France  no  answer  has  been 
received,  nor  any  indication  that  the  requested 
change  in  her  decrees  is  contemplated.  The  fa 
vorable  reception  of  the  proposition  to  Great 
Britain  was  the  less  to  be  doubted,  as  her  or 
ders  of  council  had  not  only  been  referred  for 
their  vindication  to  an  acquiescence  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  no  longer  to  be  pretended, 
but  as  the  arrangement  proposed,  while  it  re 
sisted  the  illegal  decrees  of  France,  involved, 
moreover,  substantially,  the  precise  advantages 
professedly  aimed  at  by  the  British  orders.  The 
arrangement  has,  nevertheless,  been  rejected. 
This  candid  and  liberal  experiment  having  thus 
failed,  and  no  other  event  having  occurred  on 
which  a  suspension  of  the  Embargo  by  the  Ex 
ecutive  was  authorized,  it  necessarily  remains 
in  the  extent  originally  given  to  it. — EIGHTH 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  103.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
214.  (Nov.  1808.) 

2559.  EMBARGO,  Frauds  under.— The 
Embargo  law  is  certainly  the  most  embarrassing 
one  we  have  ever  had  to  execute.  I  did  not  ex 
pect  a  crop  of  so  sudden  and  rank  growth  of 
fraud,  and  open  opposition  by  force  could  have 
grown  up  in  the  United  States. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  v,  336.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2560. .     If  the  whole  quantity  of 

[flour  and  corn]  had  been  bond  fide  landed  and 
retained  in  Massachusetts,  I  deemed  it  certain 
there  could  not  be  a  real  want  for  a  consider 
able  time,  and,  therefore,  desired  the  issues  of 
certificates  might  be  discontinued.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  part  has  been  carried  to  foreign 
markets,  it  proves  the  necessity  of  restricting 
reasonably  this  avenue  to  abuse.  This  is  my 
sole  object,  and. not  that  a  real  want  of  a  single 
individual  should  be  one  day  unsupplied.  In 
this  I  am  certain  we  shall  have  the  concurrence 
of  all  the  good  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  who 
are  too  patriotic  and  too  just  to  desire,  by  call 
ing  for  what  is  superfluous,  to  open  a  door  for 
the  frauds  of  unprincipled  individuals  who 
trampling  on  the  laws,  and  forcing  a  commerce 
shut  to  all  others,  are  enriching  themselves  on 
the  sacrifices  of  their  honester  fellow  citizens : 
— sacrifices  to  which  these  are  generally  sub 
mitting,  as  equally  necessary  whether  to  avoid 
or  prepare  for  war. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v, 
340.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  205.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2561.  EMBARGO,    Manufactures    and. 

— The  Embargo  laws  will  *  *  *  produce  the 
inestimable  advantage  of  turning  the  attention 
and  enterprise  of  our  fellow  citizens,  and  the 
patronage  of  our  State  Legislatures,  to  the  es 
tablishment  of  useful  manufacture  in  our  coun 
try. — R.  TO  A.  PENNSYLVANIA  CITIZENS,  viii, 
163.  (M.,  March  1809.) 

2562.  EMBARGO,    Mitigation    of.— I 
shall  be  ready  to  consider  any  propositions  you 
may  make  for  mitigating  the  Embargo  law  of 
April  25th,  but  so  only  as  not  to  defeat  the  ob 
ject  of  the  law. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     v,  292. 
(M.,  May  1808.) 

2563.  EMBARGO,    Necessity    for.— We 
live  in  an  age  of  affliction,  to  which  the  history 
of  nations  presents  no  parallel.      We  have  for 
years    been    looking    on    Europe    covered    with 


blood  and  violence,  and  seen  rapine  spreading 
itself  over  the  ocean.  On  this  element  it  has 
reached  us,  and  at  length  in  so  serious  a  de 
gree,  that  the  Legislature  of  the  nation  has 
thought  it  necessary  to  withdraw  our  citizens 
and  property  from  it,  either  to  avoid,  or  to  pre 
pare  for  engaging  in  the  general  contest. — To 
CAPTAIN  MCGREGOR,  v,  356.  (M.,  1808.) 

2564. .     During  the  delirium  of 

the  warring  powers,  the  ocean  having  become  a 
field  of  lawless  violence,  a  suspension  of  our 
navigation  for  a  time  was  equally  necessary  to 
avoid  contest,  or  to  enter  it  with  advantage. — 
R.  TO  A.  viii,  128.  (May  1808.) 

2565. .     Those    moral    principles 

and  conventional  usages  which  have  heretofore 
been  the  bond  of  civilized  nations,  which  have 
so  often  preserved  their  peace  by  furnishing 
common  rules  for  the  measure  of  their  rights 
have  now  given  way  to  force,  the  law  of  bar 
barians,  and  the  nineteenth  century  dawns  with 
the  vandalism  of  the  fifth.  Nothing  has  been 
spared  on  our  part  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
our  country  during  this  distempered  state  of 
the  world. — R.  TO  A.  KETOCTON  BAPTISTS,  viii, 
138.  (1808.) 

2566. .     Assailed  in  our  essential 

rights  by  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  on 
the  globe,  we  have  remonstrated,  negotiated, 
and  at  length  retired  to  the  last  stand,  in  the 
hope  of  peaceably  preserving  our  rights.  In  this 
extremity  I  have  entire  confidence  that  no  part 
of  the  people  in  any  section  of  the  Union,  will 
desert  the  banners  of  their  country,  and  co 
operate  with  the  enemies  who  are  threatening 
its  existence. — R.  TO  A.  MASSACHUSETTS  MIL 
ITIA,  viii,  151.  (1809.) 

2567. .     The    belligerent   powers 

of  Europe  [France  and  England]  have  inter 
dicted  our  commerce  with  nearly  the  whole 
world.  They  have  declared  it  shall  be  carried 
on  with  such  places,  in  such  articles,  and  in 
such  measure  only,  as  they  shall  dictate :  thus 
prostrating  all  the  principles  of  right  which 
have  hitherto  protected  it.  After  exhausting 
the  cup  of  forbearance  and  of  conciliation  to 
its  dregs,  we  found  it  necessary,  on  behalf  of 
that  commerce,  to  take  time  to  call  it  home  into* 
a  state  of  safety,  to  put  the  towns  and  harbors 
which  carry  it  on  into  a  condition  of  defence, 
and  to  make  further  preparation  for  enforcing 
the  redress  of  its  wrongs,  and  restoring  it  to  its 
rightful  freedom.  This  required  a  certain 
measure  of  time,  which,  although  not  admitting 
specific  limitation,  must,  from  its  avowed  ob 
jects,  have  been  obvious  to  all ;  and  the  prog 
ress  actually  made  towards  the  accomplishment 
of  these  objects,  proves  it  now  to  be  near  its 
term. — To  DR.  WILLIAM  EUSTIS.  v,  410.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  235.  (W.,  January  1809.) 

—  EMBARGO,  New  England  and. — See 
2587. 

2568.  EMBARGO,  Opposition  to.— I  am 

sorry  that  in  some  places,  chiefly  on  our  north 
ern  frontier,  a  disposition  even  to  oppose  the 
law  by  force  has  been  manifested.  In  no  coun 
try  on  earth  is  this  so  impracticable  as  in  one 
where  every  man  feels  a  vital  interest  in  main- 
tainly  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  instantly 
engages  in  it  as  in  his  own  personal  cause. 
Accordingly,  we  have  experienced  this  spon 
taneous  aid  of  our  good  citizens  in  the  neigh 
borhoods  where  there  has  been  occasion,  as  I 
am  persuaded  we  ever  shall  on  such  occasions. 
Through  the  body  of  our  country  generally  our 


293 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Embargo 


citizens  appear  heartily  to  approve  and  support 
the  Embargo. — To  BENJAMIN  SMITH,  v,  293. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  195-  (M.,  May  1808.) 


2569. 

Massachusetts] 


— .     That  the  federalists  [of 
may     attempt     insurrection     is 


possible,  and  also  that  the  Governor  would  sink 
before  it.  But  the  republican  part  of  the  State, 
and  that  portion  of  the  federalists  who  approve 
the  Embargo  in  their  judgments,  and  at  any 
rate  would  not  court  mob-law,  would  crush  it 
in  embryo.  I  have  some  time  ago  written  to 
General  Dearborn  to  be  on  the  alert  on  such  an 
occasion,  and  to  take  direction  of  the  public 
authority  on  the  spot.  Such  an  incident  will 
rally  the  whole  body  of  republicans  of  every 
shade  to  a  single  point, — that  of  supporting  the 
public  authority. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v, 
347.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2570. .    The  case  of  opposition  to 

the  Embargo  laws  on  the  Canada  line,  I  take  it 
to  be  that  of  distinct  combinations  of  a  number 
of  individuals  to  oppose  by  force  and  arms  the 
execution  of  those  laws,  for  which  purpose  they 
go  armed,  fire  upon  the  public  guards,  in  one 
instance  at  least  have  wounded  one  danger 
ously,  and  rescue  property  held  under  these 
laws.  This  may  not  be  an  insurrection  in  the 
popular  sense  of  the  word,  but  being  arrayed  in 
warlike  manner,  actually  committing  acts  of 
war,  and  persevering  systematically  in  defiance 
of  the  public  authority,  brings  it  s6  fully  within 
the  legal  definition  of  an  insurrection,  that  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  issue  a  proclamation 
were  I  not  restrained  by  motives  of  which  your 
Excellency  seems  to  be  apprized.  But  as  by  the 
laws  of  New  York  an  insurrection  can  be  acted 
on  without  a  previous  proclamation,  I  should 
conceive  it  perfectly  correct  to  act  on  it  as  such, 
and  I  cannot  doubt  it  would  be  approved  by 
every  good  citizen.  Should  you  think  proper 
to  do  so,  I  will  undertake  that  the  neces 
sary  detachments  of  militia,  called  out  in  support 
of  the  laws,  shall  be  considered  as  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  and  at  their  expense. 
*  *  *  I  think  it  so  important  in  example  to 
crush  these  audacious  proceedings,  and  to  make 
the  offenders  feel  the  consequences  of  individ 
uals  daring  to  oppose  a  law  by  force,  that  no 
effort  should  be  spared  to  compass  this  object. 
— To  GOVERNOR  TOMPKINS.  v,  343.  (M.,  Aug. 
1808.) 

2571.  —  — .  The  tories  of  Boston 
openly  threaten  insurrection  if  their  importa 
tion  of  flour  is  stopped.  The  next  post  will 
stop  it.  I  fear  your  Governor  is  not  up  to  the 
tone  of  these  parricides,  and  I  hope,  on  the 
first  symptom  of  an  open  opposition  to  the  law 
by  force,  you  will  fly  to  the  scene,  and  aid  in 
suppressing  any  commotion. — To  HENRY  DEAR 
BORN,  v,  334.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  201.  (M.,  Aug. 
1808.) 

2572. .  I  have  some  apprehen 
sion  the  tories  of  Boston,  &c.,  with  so  poor  a 
head  of  a  Governor,  may  attempt  to  give  us 
trouble.  I  have  requested  General  Dearborn  to 
be  on  the  alert,  and  fly  to  the  spot  where  any 
open  and  forcible  opposition  shall  be  com 
menced,  and  to  crush  it  in  embryo.  I  am  not 
afraid  but  that  there  is  sound  matter  enough  in 
Massachusetts  to  prevent  an  opposition  of  the 
laws  by  force. — To  ROBERT  SMITH,  v,  335. 
(M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

2573.  EMBARGO,  Peace  and.— An  Em 
bargo  had,  by  the  course  of  events,  become  the 
only  peaceable  card  we  had  to  play. — To  JAMES 
BOWDOIN.  v,  299.  (M.,  May  1808.) 


2574. .     There  never  has  been  a 

situation  of  the  world  before,  in  which  such 
endeavors  as  we  have  made  would  not  have  se 
cured  our  peace.  It  is  probable  there  never  will 
be  such  another.  If  we  go  to  war  now,  I  fear 
we  may  renounce  forever  the  hope  of  seeing  an 
end  of  our  national  debt.  If  we  can  keep  at 
peace  eight  years  longer,  our  income,  liberated 
from  debt,  will  be  adequate  to  any  war,  without 
new  taxes  or  loans,  and  our  position  and 
increasing  strength  put  us  hors  d'insulte  from 
any  nation. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  420.  FORD 
LD.,  ix,  243.  (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

2575.  EMBARGO,     Political     effects.— 

Our  Embargo  has  worked  hard.  It  has  in  fact 
federalized  three  of  the  New  England  States. — 
To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  v,  436.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  249. 
(W.,  March  1809.) 

2576.  EMBARGO,     Proclamation     sus 
pending. — I  never  doubted  the  chicanery  of 
the  Anglomen  on  whatever  measures  you  should 
take  in  consequence  of  the  disavowal  of  Ers- 
kine ;    yet  I  am  satisfied  that  both  the  proclama 
tions    have    been    sound.     The    first    has    been 
sanctioned   by   universal    approbation;     and   al 
though  it  was  not  literally  the  case  foreseen  by 
the  Legislature,  yet  it  was  a  proper  extension 
of  their  provision  to  a  case  similar,  though  not 
the   same.     It  proved   to   the  whole   world   our 
desire  of  accommodation,  and  must  have  satis 
fied   every  candid   federalist   on   that   head.     It 
was  not  only  proper  on  the  well-grounded  con 
fidence  that  the  arrangement  would  be  honestly 
executed,   but  ought  to  have  taken  place  even 
had    the    perfidy    of    England    been    foreseen. 
Their  dirty  gain  is  richly  remunerated  to  us  by 
our  placing  them  so  shamefully  in  the  wrong, 
and  by  the  union  it  must  produce  among  our 
selves.     The  last  proclamation  admits  of  quib 
bles,  of  which  advantage  will  doubtless  be  en 
deavored  to  be  taken,  by  those  for  whom  gain  is 
their  God,  and  their  country  nothing.     But  it  is 
soundly    defensible.     The    British   minister   as 
sured  us,  that  the  orders  of  council  would  be 
revoked  before  the  loth  of  June.     The  Execu 
tive,    trusting    in    that    assurance,    declared    by 
proclamation   that   the   revocation   was   to   take 
place,  and  on  that  event  the  law  was  to  be  sus 
pended.    But  the  event  did  not  take  place,  and 
the    consequence,   of   course,   could   not   follow. 
This  view  is  derived  from  the  former  non-inter 
course  law  only,   having  never  read  the  latter 
one.     I  had  doubted  whether  Congress  must  not 
be  called  ;    but  that  arose  from  another  doubt, 
whether  their  second  law  had  not  changed  the 
ground,   so  as  to   require  their  agency  to  give 
operation  to  the  law. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON 
v,  463.     (M.,  Aug.  1809.) 

2577.  EMBARGO,     Repeal.— I     thought 
Congress  had  taken  their  ground  firmly  for  con 
tinuing  their  Embargo  until  June  and  then  war. 
But  a  sudden  and  unaccountable  revolution  of 
opinion  took  place  the  last  week,  chiefly  among 
the    New    England    and    New    York    members, 
and  in  a  kind  of  panic  they  voted  the  4th   of 
March  for  removing  the  Embargo,  and  by  such 
a  majority  as  gave  all  reason  to  believe   they 
would    not    agree    either   to   war   or   non-inter 
course.     This,  too,  after  we  had  become  satis 
fied  that  the  Essex  Junto  had  found  their  ex 
pectation    desperate,    of    inducing    the    people 
there  to  either  separation  or  forcible  opposition. 
The   majority   of   Congress,    however,   has   now 
rallied  to  the  removing  the  Embargo  on  the  4th 
of    March,    non-intercourse    with    France    and 
Great  Britain,  trade  everywhere  else,  and  con 
tinued  war  preparations. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH. 
v,  424.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  244.     (W.,  Feb.  7,  1809.) 


Embargo 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


294 


2578. .  The  House  of  Represent 
atives  passed  yesterday,  by  a  vote  of  81  to 
40,  the  bill  from  the  Senate  repealing  the  Em 
bargo  the  4th  of  March,  except  against  Great 
Britain  and  France  and  their  dependencies,  es 
tablishing  a  non-intercourse  with  them,  and 
having  struck  out  the  clause  for  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal,  which  it  is  thought  the 
Senate  will  still  endeavor  to  reinstate. — To  T. 
M.  RANDOLPH,  v,  430.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  248.  (W., 
Feb.  28,  1809.) 

2579. .     We  have  taken  off  the 

Embargo,  except  as  to  France  and  England  and 
their  territories,  because  fifty  millions  of  ex 
ports,  annually  sacrificed,  are  the  treble  of  what 
war  would  cost  us :  besides,  that  by  war  we 
should  take  something,  and  lose  less  than  at 
present. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  432.  (W., 
March  2,  1809.) 

2580. .  The  repeal  of  the  Em 
bargo  is  the  immediate  parent  of  all  our  present 
evils,  and  has  reduced  us  to  a  low  standing  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world.  I  should  think  that  even 
the  federalists  themselves  must  now  be  made, 
by  their  feelings,  sensible  of  their  error.  The 
wealth  which  the  Embargo  brought  home  safely, 
has  now  been  thrown  back  into  the  laps  of  our 
enemies,  and  our  navigation  completely  crushed, 
and  by  the  unwise  and  unpatriotic  conduct  of 
those  engaged  in  it. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  v, 
529.  FORD  EDV  ix,  277.  (M.,  July  1810.) 

2581. .     Our    business    certainly 

was  to  be  still.  '  But  a  part  of  our  nation  chose 
to  declare  against  this,  in  such  a  way  as  to  con 
trol  the  wisdom  of  the  government.  I  yielded 
with  others,  to  avoid  a  greater  evil.  But  from 
that  moment,  I  have  seen  no  system  which  could 
keep  us  entirely  aloof  from  these  agents  of  de 
struction.  [France  and  England.] — To  DR. 
WALTER  JONES,  v,  511.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  274. 
(M.,  1810.) 

2582.  EMBARGO,    Salutary.— That    the 
Embargo  laws  were  salutary  and  indispensably 
necessary  to  meet  the  obstructions  [of  our  com 
merce],   are  truths  as  evident  to  every  candid 
man,  as  it  is  worthy  of  every  good  citizen  to  de 
clare  his  reprobation  of  that  system  of  opposi 
tion  which  goes  to  an  avowed  and  practical  re 
sistance  of  these  laws. — R.  TO  A.     ANNAPOLIS 
CITIZENS,     viii,  150.       (1809.) 

2583.  EMBARGO,     Seamen     and.— The 
difficulties  of  the  crisis  will  certainly  fall  with 
greater  pressure  on  some  descriptions  of  citizens 
than    on    others ;    and    on    none    perhaps    with 
greater   than    our   seafaring   brethren.      Should 
any  means  of  alleviation  occur  within  the  range 
of  my  duties,  I  shall  with  certainty  advert  to  the 
situation  of  the  petitioners,  and,  in  availing  the 
nation  of  their  services,  aid  them  with  a  substi 
tute  for  their  former  occupations. — To  CAPTAIN 
MCGREGOR,     v,  357.     (M.,  1808.) 

2584.  EMBARGO,  Submission,  or  War? 
— The  questions  of  submission,  of  war,  or  Em 
bargo,    are   now   before   our   country   as   unem 
barrassed  as  at  first.     Submission  and  tribute,  if 
they  be  our  choice,  will  be  no  baser  now  than 
at  the  date  of  the  Embargo.     But  if,  as  I  trust, 
that   idea  be  spurned,  we  may  now  decide   on 
the    other    alternatives    of    war    and    Embargo, 
with  the  advantage  of  possessing  all  the  means 
which    have   been    rescued    from    the   grasp    of 
capture. — R.  TO  A.    CONNECTICUT  REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  141.     (Nov.  1808.) 

2585. .     The  congressional  cam 
paign  is  just  opening.     Three  alternatives  alone 


are  to  be  chosen  from.  i.  Embargo.  2.  War. 
3.  Submission  and  tribute.  And,  wonderful  to 
tell,  the  last  will  not  want  advocates.  The  real 
question,  however,  will  lie  between  the  two  first, 
on  which  there  is  considerable  division.  As  yet, 
the  first  seems  most  to  prevail ;  but  opinions 
are  by  no  means  yet  settled  down.  Perhaps  the 
advocates  of  the  second  may,  to  a  formal  dec 
laration  of  war,  prefer  general  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal,  because,  on  a  repeal  of  their  edicts 
by  the  belligerent,  a  revocation  of  the  letters 
of  marque  restores  peace  without  the  delay,  diffi 
culties,  and  ceremonies  of  a  treaty.  On  this  oc 
casion,  I  think  it  is  fair  to  leave  to  those  who 
are  to  act  on  them,  the  decisions  they  prefer, 
being  to  be  myself  but  a  spectator.  I  should  not 
feel  justified  in  directing  measures  which  those 
who  are  to  execute  them  would  disapprove.  Our 
situation  is  truly  difficult.  We  have  been  pressed 
by  the  belligerents  to  the  very  wall,  and  all  fur 
ther  retreat  is  impracticable. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN. 
v,  387.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  227.  (W.,  Nov.  1808.) 

2586. .     Under  a  continuance  of 

the  belligerent  measures  which,  in  defiance  of 
laws  which  consecrate  the  rights  of  neutrals, 
overspread  the  ocean  with  danger,  it  will  rest 
with  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  decide  on  the 
course  best  adapted  to  such  a  state  of  things  ; 
and  bringing  with  them,  as  they  do,  from  every 
part  of  the  Union,  the  sentiments  of  our  con 
stituents,  my  confidence  is  strengthened,  that  in 
forming  this  decision  they  will,  with  an  uner 
ring  regard  to  the  essential  rights  and  interests 
of  the  nation,  weigh  and  compare  the  painful 
alternatives  out  of  which  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 
Nor  should  I  do  justice  to  the  virtues  which  on 
other  occasions  have  marked  the  character  of 
our  fellow  citizens,  if  I  did  not  cherish  an  equal 
confidence  that  the  alternative  chosen,  whatever 
it  may  be,  will  be  maintained  with  all  the  forti 
tude  and  patriotism  which  the  crisis  ought  to  in 
spire. — EIGHTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  105. 
FORD  EDV  ix,  220.  (Nov.  1808.) 

2587.  EMBARGO,  The  Union  and.— Mr. 

John  Quincy  Adams  called  on  me  pending  the 
Embargo,  and  while  endeavors  were  making  to 
obtain  its  repeal.  He  made  some  apologies  for 
the  call,  on  the  ground  of  our  not  being  then  in 
the  habit  of  confidential  communications,  but 
that  that  which  he  had  then  to  make,  involved 
too  seriously  the  interest  of  our  country  not  to 
overrule  all  other  considerations  with  him,  and 
make  it  his  duty  to  reveal  it  to  myself  particu 
larly.  I  assured  him  there  was  no  occasion  for 
any  apology  for  his  visit ;  that,  on  the  contrary, 
his  communications  would  be  thankfully  re 
ceived,  and  would  add  a  confirmation  the  more 
to  my  entire  confidence  in  the  rectitude  and 
patriotism  of  his  conduct  and  principles.  He 
spoke  then  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Eastern 
portion  of  our  confederacy  with  the  restraints 
of  the  Embargo  then  existing,  and  their  rest 
lessness  under  it ;  that  there  was  nothing  which 
might  not  be  attempted,  to  rid  themselves  of  it. 
That  he  had  information  of  the  most  unques 
tionable  certainty,  that  certain  citizens  of  the 
Eastern  States  (I  think  he  named  Massachusetts 
particularly)  were  in  negotiation  with  agents  of 
the  British  government,  the  object  of  which  was 
an  agreement  that  the  New  England  States 
should  take  no  further  part  in  the  war  then 
going  on  ;  that,  without  formally  declaring  their 
separation  from  the  Union  of  the  States,  they 
should  withdraw  from  all  aid  and  obedience  to 
them  ;  that  their  navigation  and  commerce  should 
be  free  from  restraint  and  interruption  by  the 
British ;  that  they  should  be  considered  and 
treated  by  them  as  neutrals,  and  as  such  might 
conduct  themselves  towards  both  parties ;  and, 


295 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Embargo 


at  the  close  of  the  war,  be  at  liberty  to  rejoin 
the  confederacy.  He  assured  me  that  there  was 
imminent  danger  that  the  convention  would  take 
place ;  that  the  temptations  were  such  as  might 
debauch  many  from  their  fidelity  to  the  Union  ; 
and  that,  to  enable  its  friends  to  make  head 
against  it,  the  repeal  of  the  Embargo  was  abso 
lutely  necessary.  I  expressed  a  just  sense  of 
the  merit  of  this  information,  and  of  the  im 
portance  of  the  disclosure  to  the  safety  and  even 
the  salvation  of  our  country ;  and  however  re 
luctant  I  was  to  abandon  the  measure  (a  meas 
ure  which  persevered  in  a  little  longer,  we 
had  subsequent  and  satisfactory  assurance 
would  have  effected  its  object  completely); 
from  that  moment,  and  influenced  by  that  in 
formation,  I  saw  the  necessity  of  abandoning 
it,  and  instead  of  effecting  our  purpose  by 
this  peaceable  weapon,  we  must  fight  it  out, 
or  break  the  Union.  I  then  recommended  to 
yield  to  the  necessity  of  a  repeal  of  the  Em 
bargo,  and  to  endeavor  to  supply  its  place  by 
the  best  substitute,  in  which  they  could  pro 
cure  a  general  concurrence. — To  WILLIAM  B. 
GILES,  vii,  424.  FORD  ED.,  x,  353.  (M.,  Dec. 
1825.) 

2588. .  Far  advanced  in  my  eighty- 
third  year,  worn  down  with  infirmities  which 
have  confined  me  almost  entirely  to  the  house 
for  seven  or  eight  months  past,  it  afflicts  me 
much  to  receive  appeals  to  my  memory  for 
transactions  so  far  back  as  that  which  is  the 
subject  of  your  letter.  My  memory  is,  indeed, 
become  almost  a  blank,  of  which  no  better  proof 
can  probably  be  given  you  than  by  my  solemn 
protestation,  that  I  have  not  the  least  recollec 
tion  of  your  intervention  between  Mr.  John  Q. 
Adams  and  myself,  in  what  passed  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  Embargo.  Not  the  slightest  trace  of 
it  remains  in  my  mind.  Yet  I  have  no  doubt  of 
the  exactitude  of  the  statement  in  your  letter. 
And  the  less,  as  I  recollect  the  interview  with 
Mr.  Adams,  to  which  the  previous  communica 
tions  which  had  passed  between  him  and  your 
self  were  probably  and  naturally  the  preliminary. 
That  interview  I  remember  well ;  not,  indeed,, 
in  the  very  words  which  passed  between  us, 
but  in  their  substance,  which  was  of  a  character 
too  awful,  too  deeply  engraved  in  my  mind, 
and  influencing  too  materially  the  course  I  had 
to  pursue,  ever  to  be  forgotten.  *  *  *  I  cannot 
too  often  repeat  that  this  statement  is  not  pre 
tended  to  be  in  the  very  words  which  passed ; 
that  it  only  gives  faithfully  the  impression  re 
maining  on  my  mind.  The  very  words  of  a  con 
versation  are  too  transient  and  fugitive  to  be  so 
long  retained  in  remembrance.  But  the  substance 
was  too  important  to  be  forgotten,  not  only 
from  the  revolution  of  measures  it  obliged  me 
to  adopt,  but  also  from  the  renewals  of  it  in 
my  memory  on  the  frequent  occasions  I  have 
had  of  doing  justice  to  Mr.  Adams,  by  repeat 
ing  this  proof  of  his  fidelity  to  his  country, 
and  of  his  superiority  over  all  ordinary  con 
siderations  when  the  safety  of  that  was  brought 
into  question. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  vii, 
424.  FORD  ED.,  x,  351.  (M.,  1825.) 

2589. .     You  ask  my  opinion  of 

the  propriety  of  giving  publicity  to  what  is 
stated  in  your  letter,  as  having  passed  between 
Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  and  yourself.  Of 
this  no  one  can  judge  but  yourself.  It  is  one 
of  those  questions  which  belong  to  the  forum 
of  feeling.  This  alone  can  decide  on  the  de 
gree  of  confidence  implied  in  the  disclosure ; 
whether  under  no  circumstances  it  was  to  be 
communicated  to  others?  It  does  not  seem  to 
be  of  that  character,  or  at  all  to  wear  that  as 
pect.  They  are  historical  facts  which  belong 


to  the  present,  as  well  as  future  times.  I 
doubt  whether  a  single  fact,  known  to  the 
world,  will  carry  as  clear  conviction  to  it,  of 
the  correctness  of  our  knowledge  of  the  trea 
sonable  views  of  the  federal  party  of  that  day, 
as  that  disclosed  by  this,  the  most  nefarious 
and  daring  attempt  to  dissever  the  Union,  of 
which  the  Hartford  Convention  was  a  subse 
quent  chapter  ;  and  both  of  these  having  failed, 
consolidation  becomes  the  fourth  chapter  of 
the  next  book  of  their  history.  But  this  opens 
with  a  vast  accession  of  strength  from  their 
younger  recruits,  who,  having  nothing  in  them 
of  the  feelings  or  principles  of  '76,  now  look 
to  a  single  and  splendid  government  of  an 
aristocracy,  founded  on  banking  institutions, 
and  moneyed  incorporations  under  the  guise 
and  cloak  of  their  favored  branches  of  manu 
factures,  commerce  and  navigation,  riding  and 
ruling  over  the  plundered  ploughman  and  beg 
gared  yeomanry.  This  will  be  to  them  a  next 
best  blessing  to  the  monarchy  of  their  first 
aim,  and  perhaps  the  surest  stepping-stone  to 
it. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  vii,  428.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  356.  (M.,  1825.) 

2590. .     During  the  continuance 

of  the  Embargo  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  informed 
me  of  a  combination  (without  naming  any  one 
concerned  in  it),  which  had  for  its  object  a  sev 
erance  of  the  Union,  for  a  time  at  least.  Mr. 
Adams  and  myself  not  being  then  in  the  habit 
of  mutual  consultation  and  confidence,  I  con 
sidered  it  as  the  stronger  proof  of  the  purity 
of  his  patriotism,  which  was  able  to  lift  him 
above  all  party  passions  when  the  safety  of 

his    country    was    endangered. — To    . 

vii,    431.     (M.,    1826.) 

2591.  EMBARGO,    War    preferable.— If 

peace  does  not  take  place  in  Europe,  and  if 
France  and  England  will  not  consent  to  with 
draw  the  operation  of  their  decrees  and  orders 
from  us,  when  Congress  shall  meet  in  Decem 
ber,  they  will  have  to  consider  at  what  point 
of  time  the  Embargo,  continued,  becomes  a 
greater  evil  than  war. — LEVI  LINCOLN,  v,  265. 
(W.,  March  1808.) 

2592. .      Should    neither    peace, 

nor  a  revocation  of  the  decrees  and  orders  in 
Europe  take  place,  the  day  cannot  be  distant 
when  the  Embargo  will  cease  to  be  preferable 
to  open  hostility.  Nothing  just  or  temperate 
has  been  omitted  on  our  part,  to  retard  or  avoid 
this  unprofitable  alternative. — To  JAMES  Bow- 
DOIN.  v,  299.  (M.,  May  1808.) 

2593. .  How  long  the  continu 
ance  of  the  Embargo  may  be  preferable  to 
war,  is  a  question  we  shall  have  to  meet,  if 
the  decrees  and  orders  and  war  continue. — To 
BENJAMIN  SMITH,  vii,  293.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  195. 
(M.,  May  1808.) 

2594.  EMBARGO,  War  of  1812  and.— 

That  a  continuance  of  the  Embargo  for  two 
months  longer  would  have  prevented  our  war, 
*  *  *  I  have  constantly  maintained. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  465.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  521. 
(M.,  1815.) 

2595.  EMBARGO  (Virginian),  Power  to 
lay. — The  Administrator  [of  Virginia]  shall 
not   possess   the   prerogative     *     *     *     of   lay 
ing   embargoes,    or  prohibiting   the   exportation 
of  any  commodity  for  a  longer  space  than  forty 
days. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED., 
ii,    19.     (June   1776.) 

2596.  EMBARGO    (Virginian),    Procla 
mation    of. — Whereas,   the    exportation    of 


Emigration 
Knemy  goods 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


296 


provisions  from  the  State  [of  Virginia]  will  be 
attended  with  manifest  injury  to  the  United 
States,  by  supplying  the  enemy,  and  by  render 
ing  it  difficult  for  the  public  agents  and  con 
tractors  to  procure  supplies  for  the  American 
troops,  and  will,  moreover,  give  encourage 
ment  to  engrossers  and  monopolizers  to  prose 
cute  their  baneful  practices,  I  have  thought  fit 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Coun 
cil  of  State,  to  issue  this,  my  proclamation,, 
for  laying  an  embargo  on  provisions  : 
to  continue  until  the  first  of  May  next. — 
EMBARGO  PROCLAMATION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  281. 
(Nov.  I779-) 

2597.  EMIGRATION,  The  Colonies  and. 
— These    [emigration    and    settlement]    were 
effected  at  the  expense  of  our  own  blood  and 
treasure,    unassisted    by    the    wealth    or   the 
strength  of  Great  Britain.*— DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

2598.  .     Our    emigration     from 

England  to  this  country  gave  her  no  more 
rights  over  us,  than  the  emigrations  of  the 
Danes  and  Saxons  gave  to  the  present  author 
ities  of  the  mother  country  over  England. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.      i,    8.      FORD    ED.,    i,     12. 
(1774.)     See  EXPATRIATION. 

2599.  EMIGRATION,   Eastern.— The 
emigrations  from  the  Eastern  States  are  what 
I  have  long  counted  on.     The  religious  and 
political  tyranny  of  those  in  power  with  you, 
cannot  fail  to  drive  the  oppressed  to  milder 
associations  of  men,  where  freedom  of  mind 
is  allowed  in  fact  as  well  as  in  pretense. — To 
DR.  B.  WATERHOUSE.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  533.    (M., 
1815.) 

_  EMIGRATION  (European).— See  IM 
MIGRATION. 

2600.  ENEMIES,    Bias    of.— An    enemy 
generally  says  and  believes  what  he  wishes. — 
To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,     ii,  367-     (A.,  1788.) 

2601.  ENEMIES,      Distinction      and.— 
That  you  have  enemies,  you  must  not  doubt, 
when  you  reflect  that  you  have  made  yourself 
eminent.— To  JAMES  STEPTOE.     i,  324.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  63.     (1782.) 

2602.  ENEMIES,  Injured  friends  as.— 
An  injured  friend  is  the  bitterest  of  foes. — 
FRENCH  TREATIES  OPINION,     vii,  618.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  225.     (I793-) 

2603.  ENEMIES,    National.— We    must 
endeavor  to  forget  our  former  love  for  them, 
[the  English  people],  and  hold  them  as  we 
hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in 
peace    friends. — DECLARATION    OF    INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

2604.  ENEMIES,  Official  and  private. 
—I  hail  the  day  which  is  to  relieve  me  from 
being  viewed  as  an  official  enemy.     In  private 
life,    I    never   had    above   one    or    two. — To 
WILLIAM    SHORT.     FORD    ED.,    ix,    51.     (W., 
May  1807.) 

2605.  ENEMIES,   Patronage   and.— We 

do  not  mean  to  leave  arms  in  the  hands  of 
active   enemies. — To   ALBERT   GALLATIN.      iv, 
544.     (FORD  ED.,  viii,  304.     (1804.) 
*  Congress  struck  it  out. — EDITOR. 


2606.  ENEMIES,  Political.— Men  of  en 
ergy  of  character  must  have  enemies;  be 
cause  there  are  two  sides  to  every  question, 
and  taking  one  with  decision,  and  acting  on 
it  with  effect,  those  who  take  the  other  will 
of  course  be  hostile  in  proportion  as  they  feel 
that  effect— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  62.  (M., 
1817.) 

2607. .     Dr.  Franklin  had  many 

political  enemies,  as  every  character  must, 
which,  with  decision  enough  to  have  opinions, 
has  energy  and  talent  to  give  them  effect  on 
the  feelings  of  the  adversary  opinion. — To 
ROBERT  WALSH,  vii,  108.  FORD  ED.,  x,  116. 
(M.,  1818.) 

2608. .     in    public    life,    a    pan 

whose  political  principles  have  any  decided 
character,  and  who  has  energy  enough  to  give 
them  effect,  must  always  expect  to  encounter 
political  hostility  from  those  of  adverse  prin 
ciples. — To  RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON,  v,  256. 
(W.,  1808.) 

2609.  ENEMY  GOODS,  Right  to  seize. 

— I  believe  it  cannot  be  doubted,  but  that  by 
the  general  laws  of  nations,  the  goods  of  a 
friend  found  in  the  vessel  of  an  enemy  are 
free,  and  the  goods  of  an  enemy  found  in  the 
vessel  of  a  friend  are  lawful  prize.  Upon 
this  principle,  I  presume,  the  British  armed 
vessels  have  taken  the  property  of  French 
citizens  found  in  our  vessels,  in  the  cases 
mentioned,*  and  I  confess  I  should  be  at  a 
loss  on  what  principle  to  reclaim  it.  It  is 
true  that  sundry  nations,  desirous  of  avoiding 
the  inconveniences  of  having  their  vessels 
stopped  at  sea,  ransacked,  carried  into  port, 
and  detained,  under  pretense  of  having  enemy 
goods  aboard,  have,  in  many  instances,  intro 
duced  by  their  special  treaties  another  prin 
ciple  between  them,  that  enemy  bottoms  shall 
make  enemy  goods,  and  friendly  bottoms 
friendly  goods;  a  principle  much  less  em 
barrassing  to  commerce,  and  equal  to  all 
parties  in  point  of  gain  and  loss.  But  this 
is  altogether  the  effect  of  particular  treaty, 
controlling  in  special  cases  the  general  prin 
ciple  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  therefore 
taking  effect  between  such  nations  only  as 
have  so  agreed  to  control  it.  England  has 
generally  determined  to  adhere  to  the  rigor 
ous  principle,  having,  in  no  instance,  as  far 
as  I  can  recollect,  agreed  to  the  modification  of 
letting  the  property  of  the  goods  follow  that 
of  the  vessel,  except  in  the  single  one  of  her 
treaty  with  France.  We  have  adopted  this 
modification  in  our  treaties  with  France,  the 
United  Netherlands  and  Russia;  and  there 
fore,  as  to  them,  our  vessels  cover  the  goods 
of  their  enemies,  and  we  lose  our  goods  w^en 
in  the  vessels  of  their  enemies.  *  *  *  With 
England,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Austria,  we 
have  no  treaties;  therefore,  we  have  nothing 
to  oppose  to  their  acting  according  to  the 
general  law  of  nations,  that  enemy  goods  are 
lawful  prize  though  found  in  the  bottom  of 

*  The  capture  of  French  citizens,  with  their  slaves 
and  merchandise,  while  on  their  way,  in  merchant 
vessels  of  the  United  States,  from  the  French  West 
Indies  to  the  United  States.— EDITOR. 


297 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Enemy  g 
England 


oods 


a  friend.— To  E.  C.  GENET,  iv,  24.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  356.  (Pa.,  July  1793.) 

2610. .     I   believe   I   may   safely 

affirm  *  *  *  that  France  is  the  gainer, 
and  we  the  loser  bvthe  principle  of  our  treaty. 
Indeed,  we  are  the  losers  in  every  direction  of 
that  principle ;  for  when  it  works  in  our  favor, 
it  is  to  save  the  goods  of  our  friends;  when 
it  works  against  us,  it  is  to  lose  our  own; 
and  we  shall  continue  to  lose  while  the  rule 
is  only  partially  established.  When  we  shall 
have  established  it  with  all  nations,  we  shall 
be  in  a  condition  neither  to  gain  nor  lose, 
but  shall  be  less  exposed  to  vexatious  searches 
at  sea.  To  this  condition  we  are  endeavor 
ing  to  advance ;  but  as  it  depends  on  the 
will  of  other  nations  as  well  as  our  own,  we 
can  only  obtain  it  when  they  shall  be  ready  to 
concur.— To  E.  C.  GENET,  iv,  25.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  357.  (Pa.,  July  1793.)  See  FREE  SHIPS, 
FREE  GOODS. 

_  ENERGY  OF  GOVERNMENT.— See 
GOVERNMENT. 

_-  ENGINE,  The  Steam.— See  STEAM. 
2611.  ENGLAND,  American  antago 
nism. — The  war  between  France  and  Eng 
land  seems  to  be  producing  an  effect  not 
contemplated.  All  the  old  spirit  of  1776,  re 
kindling  the  newspapers  from  Boston  to 
Charleston,  proves  this;  and  even  the  mon- 
ocrat  papers  are  obliged  to  publish  the  most 
furious  philippics  against  England.  A  French 
frigate  took  a  British  prize  off  the  capes  of 
Delaware  the  other  day,  and  sent  her  up  here 
[Philadelphia].  Upon  her  coming  into  sight, 
thousands  and  thousands  of  the  yeomanry  of 
the  city  crowded  and  covered  the  wharves. 
Never  before  was  such  a  crowd  seen  there; 
and  when  the  British  colors  were  seen  re 
versed,  and  the  French  flying  above  them, 
they  burst  into  peals  of  exultation.  To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iii,  548.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  238. 
(Pa.,  May  1793.) 

_  ENGLAND,  American  colonies  and. 
—See  COLONIES. 

2612.  ENGLAND,  Amity  with.— No  two 
nations  on  earth  can  be  so  helpful  to  each 
other  as  friends,  nor  so  hurtful  as  enemies 
And  in  spite  of  their  insolence,  I  have  ever 
wished  for  an  honorable  and  cordial  amity 
with  them  as  a  nation.— To  ROBERT  WALSH 
FORD  ED.,  x,  155.     (M.,  1820.) 

_  ENGLAND,  Anglo-Saxon  language. 
— See  LANGUAGES. 

2613.  ENGLAND,      Aristocratic      Gov 
ernment. — The    English    government    never 
dies  because  their  King  is  no  part  of  it ;  he  is 
a  mere  formality  and  the  real  government  is 
the  aristocracy  of  the  country,  for  the  House 
of   Commons   is   of   that   class. — To   DOCTOR 
SAMUEL  BROWN,     vi,   165.     (M.,  1813.) 

2614.  ENGLAND,  Bonaparte  and.— Th 

events  which  have  taken  place  in  France  hav 
lessened  in  the  American  mind  the  motive 
of  interest  which  it  felt  in  that  Revolution 
and  its  amity  towards  that  country  now  rest 


>n  its  love  of  peace  and  commerce.  We  see, 
t  the  same  time,  with  g«*eat  concern,  the  po- 
ition  in  which  Great 'Britain  is  placed,  and 
hould  be  sincerely  afflicted  were  any  disaster 
o  deprive  mankind  of  the  benefit  of  such  a 
mlwark  against  the  torrent  which  has  for 
ome  time  been  bearing  down  all  before  it. 
But  her  power  and  powers  at  sea  seem  to 
render  everything  safe  in  the  end. — To  SIR 
[OHN  SINCLAIR,  iv,  491.  (W.,  June  1803.) 
See  BONAPARTE. 

_  ENGLAND,  Burning  of  U.  S.  Capitol 

by. — See  CAPITOL. 

—  ENGLAND,  Canada  and.— See  CAN 
ADA. 
2615.  ENGLAND,     Commerce     with.— 

Our  people  and  merchants  must  consider 
their  business  as  not  yet  settled  with  Eng- 
and.  After  exercising  the  self  denial  which 
was  requisite  to  carry  us  through  the  war, 
they  must  push  it  a  little  further  to  obtain 
proper  peace  arrangements  with  them.  They 
can  do  it  the  better  as  all  the  world  is  open  to 
them ;  and  it  is  very  extraordinary  if  the 
whole  world  besides  cannot  supply  them  with 
what  they  may  want.— To  JAMES  MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  40.  (P.,  1785.) 

2616. .     If  we  can  obtain   from 

Great  Britain  reasonable  conditions  of  com 
merce  (which,  in  my  idea,  must  forever  in 
clude  an  admission  into  her  [West  India] 
islands),  the  freest  ground  between  these  two 
nations  would  seem  to  be  the  best.  But  if 
we  can  obtain  no  equal  terms  from  her,  per 
haps  Congress  might  think  it  prudent,  as  Hol 
land  has  done,  to  connect  us  unequivocally 
with  France.  Holland  has  purchased  the  pro 
tection  of  France.  The  price  she  pays,  is  aid 
in  time  of  war.  It  is  interesting  for  us  to  pur 
chase  a  free  commerce  with  the  French  is 
lands.  But  whether  it  is  best  to  pay  for  it 
by  aids  in  war,  or  by  privileges  in  commerce, 
or  not  to  purchase  it  at  all,  is  the  question. — 
REPORT  TO  CONGRESS,  ix,  244.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
130.  (P.,  1785.) 

2617. .     Nothing  will   bring  the 

British  to  reason  but  physical  obstruction,  ap 
plied  to  their  bodily  senses.  We  must  show 
that  we  are  capable  of  foregoing  commerce 
with  them,  before  they  will  be  capable  of  con 
senting  to  an  equal  commerce.  We  have  all 
the  world  besides  open  to  supply  us  with  gew- 
.gaws,  and  all  the  world  to  buy  our  tobacco. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  36.  (P., 
1785.) 

2618. .     I   know   nothing   which 

would  act  more  powerfully  as  a  sumptuary 
law  with  our  people  than  an  inhibition  of 
commerce  with  England.  They  are  habituated 
to  the  luxuries  of  that  country  and  will  have 
them  while  they  can  get  them.  They  are  un 
acquainted  with  those  of  other  countries;  and 
therefore  will  not  very  soon  bring  them  so 
far  into  fashion  as  that  it  shall  bethought 
disreputable  not  to  have  them  in  one's  house, 
or  on  their  table.— To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  37.  (P-,  1785.) 


England 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


298 


2619. .  England  declines  all  ar 
rangements  with  us.  They  say  their  com 
merce  is  so  necessary  to  us,  that  we  shall  not 
deny  it  to  ourselves  for  the  sake  of  the  carry 
ing  business,  as  the  only  trade  they  leave  us 
is  that  with  Great  Britain  immediately,  and 
that  is  a  losing  one.  I  hope  we  shall  show 
them  we  have  sense  and  spirit  enough  to  sup 
press  that,  or  at  least  to  exclude  them  from 
any  share  in  the  carriage  of  our  commodities. 
Their  spirit  towards  us  is  deeply  hostile  and 
they  seem  as  if  they  did  not  fear  a  war  with 
us.— To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  i,  559.  (P.,  1786.) 

2620. .  With  respect  to  a  com 
mercial  treaty  with  this  country,  be  assured 
that  the  government  not  only  has  it  not  in 
contemplation  at  present  to  make  any,  but  that 
they  do  not  conceive  that  any  circumstances 
will  arise  which  shall  render  it  expedient  for 
them  to  have  any  political  connection  with  us. 
They  think  we  shall  be  glad  of  their  com 
merce  on  their  own  terms. — To  RICHARD 
HENRY  LEE.  i,  541.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  206.  (L., 
April  1786.) 

2621. .  The  English  think  we 

cannot  prevent  our  countrymen  from  bringing 
our  trade  into  their  laps.  A  conviction  of 
this  determines  them  to  make  no  terms  of 
commerce  with  us.  They  say  they  will 
pocket  our  carrying  trade  as  well  as  their 
own.  Our  overtures  of  commercial  arrange 
ments  have  been  treated  with  a  derision, 
which  shows  their  firm  persuasion  that  we 
shall  never  unite  to  suppress  their  commerce, 
or  even  to  impede  it. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i, 
550.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.  (P.,  1786.) 

2622. .  That  no  commercial  ar 
rangements  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  have  taken  place,  cannot  be 
imputed  to  us.  The  proposition  has  surely 
been  often  enough  made,  perhaps  too  often. — 
To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,  iii,  283.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

2623. .  The  bill  lately  passed  in 

England,  prohibiting  the  business  of  this 
country  with  France  from  passing  through 
the  medium  of  England,  is  a  temporary  em 
barrassment  to  our  commerce,  from  the  un 
happy  predicament  of  its  all  hanging  on  the 
pivot  of  London.  It  will  be  happy  for  us, 
should  it  be  continued  till  our  merchants  may 
establish  connections  in  the  countries  in 
which  our  produce  is  consumed,  and  to 
which  it  should  go  directly.— To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS,  iii,  580.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  300.  (Pa., 
June  I793-) 

2624. .  My  opinion  of  the  Brit 
ish  government  is,  that  nothing  will  force 
them  to  do  us  justice  but  the  loud  voice  of 
their  people,  and  that  this  can  never  be  ex 
cited  but  by  distressing  their  commerce. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iv,  106.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  510.  (M.,  1794.)  See  DUTIES,  EMBARGO, 
NAVIGATION  and  TREATIES. 

2625.  ENGLAND,  Conciliation  with.— 
I  look  upon  all  cordial  conciliation  with  Eng 
land  as  desperate  during  the  life  of  the  present 
King.— To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  465.  (M., 
Aug.  1809.) 


2626.  ENGLAND,    Corruption    of    gov 
ernment. — We  know  that  the  government  of 
England,  maintaining  itself  by  corruption  at 
home,  uses  the  same  means  in  other  countries 
of  which  she  has  any  jealousy,  by  subsidizing 
agitators   and   traitors   among   themselves   to 
distract  and  paralyze  them.     She  sufficiently 
manifests  that  she  has  no  disposition  to  spare 
ours. — To  GOVERNOR  PLUMER.  vi,  415.   (1815.) 
See  HARTFORD  CONVENTION. 

2627.  ENGLAND,    Crisis   in.— I   believe 
with  you  that  the  crisis  of  England  is  come. 
What  will  be  its  issue  it  is  vain  to  prophesy ; 
so  many  thousand  contingencies  may  turn  up 
to  affect  its  direction.     Were  I  to  hazard  a 
guess,  it  would  be  that  they  will  become  a 
military  despotism.    Their  recollections  of  the 
portion  of  liberty  they  have  enjoyed  will  ren 
der    force    necessary    to    retain    them    under 
pure  monarchy.     Their  pressure  upon  us  has 
been  so  severe  and  so  unprincipled,  that  we 
cannot  deprecate  their  fate,  though  we  might 
wish  to  see  their  naval  power  kept  up  to  the 
level  of  that  of  the  other  principal  powers 
separately  taken. — To   WILLIAM    DUANE.      v, 
552.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  286.     (M.,  1810.) 

2628. .  What  England  is  to  be 
come  on  the  crush  of  her  internal  structure, 
now  seeming  to  be  begun,  I  cannot  foresee. 
Her  moneyed  interests,  created  by  her  paper 
system,  and  now  constituting  a  baseless  mass 
of  wealth  equal  to  that  of  the  owners  of  the 
soil,  must  disappear  with  that  system,  and  the 
medium  for  paying  great  taxes  thus  failing, 
her  navy  must  be  without  support.  That  it 
shall  be  supported  by  permitting  her  to  claim 
dominion  of  the  ocean,  and  to  levy  tribute  on 
every  flag  traversing  that,  as  lately  attempted 
and  not  yet  relinquished,  every  nation  must 
contest,  even  ad  internecionem.  And  yet, 
that  retiring  from  this  enormity,  she  should 
continue  able  to  take  a  fair  share  in  the 
necessary  equilibrium  of  power  on  that  ele 
ment,  would  be  the  desire  of  every  nation. — 
To  THOMAS  LAW.  v,  557.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  293. 
(M.,  1811.) 

2629. .  The  approach  of  this 

crisis  is,  I  think,  visible,  in  the  departure  of 
her  precious  metals,  and  depreciation  of  her 
paper  medium.  We,  who  have  gone  through 
that  operation,  know  its  symptoms,  its  course, 
and  consequences.  In  England,  they  will  be 
more  serious  than  elsewhere,  because  half  the 
wealth  of  her  people  is  now  in  that  medium, 
the  private  revenue  of  her  money-holders,  or 
rather  of  her  paper-holders,  being,  I  believe, 
greater  than  that  of  her  land-holders.  Such 
a  proportion  of  property,  imaginary  and 
baseless  as  it  is,  cannot  be  reduced  to  vapor 
but  with  great  explosion.  She  will  rise  out 
of  its  ruins,  however,  because  her  lands,  her 
houses,  her  arts  will  remain,  and  the  greater 
part  of  her  men.  And  these  will  give  her 
again  that  place  among  nations  which  is  pro 
portioned  to  her  natural  means,  and  which  we 
all  wish  her  to  hold. — To  JAMES  MAURY.  vi, 
52.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  349.  (M.,  April  1812.) 

—  ENGLAND,  Debts  to  citizens  of.— 
See  DEBTS  DUE  BRITISH. 


299 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


England 


2630.  ENGLAND,  Detested.— The  Count 
de  Moustier  [French  Minister]   will  find  the 
affections  of  the  Americans  with  France,  but 
their  habits  with  England.     Chained  to  that 
country    by    circumstances,    embracing    what 
they  loathe,  they  realize  the  fable  of  the  liv 
ing  and  the  dead  bound  together. — To  COMTE 
DE  MOUSTIER.     ii,  295.     (P.,  178?-) 

2631.  ENGLAND,     Dread     of     United 
States. — Great  Britain,  in  her  pride  and  as 
cendency,  has  certainly  hated  and  despised  us 
beyond  every  earthly  object.     Her  hatred  may 
remain,  but  the  hour  of  her  contempt  is  passed 
and  is  succeeded  by  dread ;  not  a  present,  but 
a  distant  and  deep  one.     It  is  the  greater  as 
she   feels   herself  plunged   into   an   abyss  of 
ruin  from  which  no  human  means  point  out 
an  issue.     We  also  have  more  reason  to  hate 
her   than   any   nation    on   earth. — To   JAMES 
MONROE,     vii,   41.      FORD  ED.,   x,   66.      (M., 
1816.)     See  HARTFORD  CONVENTION. 

—  ENGLAND,  Embargo  and. — See  EM 
BARGO. 

2632.  ENGLAND,    Flagitious    govern 
ment. — The  regeneration  of  the  British  gov 
ernment  will  take  a  longer  time  than  I  have 
to  live.     *    *    *     I  shall  make  my  exit  with 
a  bow  to  it,  as  the  most  flagitious  of  govern 
ments    I    leave    among    men. — To    WILLIAM 
DUANE.     vi,    77.      FORD   ED.,   ix,   367.      (M., 
Aug.  1812.) 

2633.  — .     I  consider  [the  British] 

government  as  the  most  flagitious  which  has 
existed  since  the  days  of  Philip  of  Macedon, 
whom  they  make  their  model.     It  is  not  only 
founded   in   corruption   itself,   but   insinuates 
the   same   poison   into   the   bowels   of   every 
other,    corrupts   its    councils,    nourishes    fac 
tions,  stirs  up  revolutions,  and  places  its  own 
happiness  in  fomenting  commotions  and  civil 
wars  among  others,  thus  rendering  itself  truly 
the  hostis  humani  generis. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  46.     (P.  F.,  1816.) 

2634.  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE,  Ban 
ditti. — Our  lot  happens  to  have  been  cast  in 
an  age  when  two  nations  to  whom  circum 
stances  have  given   a  temporary   superiority 
over  others,  the  one  by  land,  the  other  by  sea, 
throwing   off   all    restraints   of   morality,    all 
pride    of    national    character,    forgetting    the 
mutability  of  fortune,  and  the  inevitable  doom 
which  the  laws  of  nature  pronounce  against 
departure  from  justice,  individual  or  national, 
have  declared  to  treat  her  reclamations  with 
derision,  and  to  set  up  force  instead  of  reason 
as  the  umpire  of  nations.     Degrading  them 
selves  thus  from  the  character  of  lawful  so 
cieties    into    lawless    bands    of    robbers    and 
pirates,  they  are  abusing  their  brief  ascend 
ency  by  desolating  the  world  with  blood  and 
rapine.    Against  such  a  banditti,  war  had  be 
come  less  ruinous  than  peace,  for  then  peace 
was  a  war  on  one  side  only. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
vi,  195.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  396.     (P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

2635. .     How    much    to    be    la 
mented  that  the  world  cannot  unite  and  de 
stroy  these  two  land  and  sea  monsters.     The 
one  drenching  the  earth  with  human  gore,  the 


other  ravaging  the  ocean  with  lawless  pi 
racies  and  plunder. — To  DR.  SAMUEL  BROWN. 
vi,  165.  (M.,  July  1813.) 

2636.  ENGLAND,    Friendly     advances 
of. — Our   successors   have   deserved   well   of 
their  country  in  meeting  so  readily  the  first 
friendly  advance  ever  made  to  us  by  England. 
I  hope  it  is  the  harbinger  of  a  return  to  the 
exercise  of  common  sense  and  common  good 
humor,    with   a   country   with   which   mutual 
interests  would  urge  a  mutual  and  affection 
ate  intercourse.  But  her  conduct  hitherto  has 
been  towards   us   so   insulting,    so   tyrannical 
and  so  malicious,  as  to  indicate  a  contempt 
for   our   opinions   or   dispositions   respecting 
her.     I  hope  she  is  now  coming  over  to  a 
wiser   conduct,    and   becoming   sensible   how 
much  better  it  is  to  cultivate  the  good  will 
of  the  government  itself,  than  of  a  faction 
hostile  to  it ;  to  obtain  its  friendship  gratis 
than  to  purchase  its  enmity  by  nourishing  at 
great  expense  a  faction  to  embarrass  it,  to 
receive  the  reward  of  an  honest  policy  rather 
than  of  a  corrupt  and  vexatious  one.     I  trust 
she  has  at  length  opened  her  eyes  to  federal 
falsehood  and  misinformation,  and  learned,  in 
the  issue  of  the  Presidential  election,  the  folly 
of  believing  them.     Such  a  reconciliation  to 
the  government,  if  real  and  permanent,  will 
secure  the  tranquillity  of  our  country,  and 
render  the  management  of  our  affairs  easy 
and   delightful   to  our  successors,   for  whom 
I  feel  as  much  interest  as  if  I  were  still  in 
their   place.     Certainly   all   the   troubles   and 
difficulties    in    the    government    during    our 
time  proceeded  from  England;    at  least  all 
others  were  trifling  in  comparison  with  them. 
— To  HENRY  DEARBORN,    v,  455.     (M.,  June 
1809.) 

—  ENGLAND,   Friendship  with  United 
States. — See  FRIENDSHIP. 

—  ENGLAND,  George  III.— See  GEORGE 
III. 

2637.  ENGLAND,     Governing     princi 
ples. — Great    Britain's    governing    principles 
are  conquest,  colonization,  commerce,  monop 
oly. — To    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.      ix,    414. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  229.     (1790.) 

2638.  ENGLAND,    Growth    of    United 
States  and. — Have  you  no  statesmen  who  can 
look  forward  two  or  three  score  years?     It 
is  but  forty  years  since  the  battle  of  Lexing 
ton.     One-third  of  those  now  living  saw  that 
day,  when  we  were  about  two  millions  of  peo 
ple,  and  have  lived  to  see  this,  when  we  are 
ten  millions.     One-third  of  those  now  living 
who  see  us  at  ten  millions,  will  live  another 
forty  years,  and  see  us  forty  millions ;    and 
looking  forward  only  through  such  a  portion 
of  time  as  has  passed  since  you  and  I  were 
scanning    Virgil    together    (which    I    believe 
is  near  three  score  years),  we  shall  be  seen  to 
have  a  population  of  eighty  millions,  and  of 
not  more  than  double  the  average  density  of 
the  present.     What  may  not  such  a  people  be 
worth  to  England  as  customers  and  friends? 
And    what    might    she    not    apprehend    from 
such  a  nation  as  enemies  ? — To  JAMES  MAURY. 
vi,  467.     (M.,  1815.) 


England 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


300 


2639. .     Our  growth  is  now  so 

well  established  *  *  *  that  we  may  safely 
call  ourselves  *  *  *  forty  millions  in 
forty  years.  *  *  *  Of  what  importance 
then  to  Great  Britain  must  such  a  nation  be, 
whether  as  friends  or  foes?  To  SIR  JOHN 
SINCLAIR,  vii,  22.  (M.,  1816.) 

2640.  ENGLAND,  Hatred  of  United 
States. — In  spite  of  treaties,  England  is  still 
our  enemy.  Her  hatred  is  deep  rooted  and 
cordial,  and  nothing  is  wanting  with  her 
but  the  power,  to  wipe  us  and  the  land  we 
live  in  out  of  existence.  Her  interest,  how 
ever,  is  her  ruling  passion ;  and  the  late 
American  measures  have  struck  at  that  so 
vitally,  and  with  an  energy,  too,  of  which  she 
had  thought  us  quite  incapable,  that  a  possi 
bility  seems  to  open  of  forming  some  arrange 
ment  with  her.  When  they  shall  see  de 
cidedly,  that,  without  it,  we  shall  suppress 
their  commerce  with  us,  they  will  be  agitated 
by  their  avarice  on  the  one  hand,  and  their 
hatred  and  their  fear  of  us,  on  the  other. 
The  result  of  this  conflict  of  dirty  passions  is 
yet  to  be  awaited.— To  JOHN  LANGDON.  i, 
429.  (R,  1785.) 

2641. .  That  nation  [England] 

hates  us,  their  ministers  hate  us,  and  their 
King,  more  than  all  other  men,  hates  us. 
They  have  the  impudence  to  avow  this; 
though  they  acknowledge  our  trade  impor 
tant  to  them  *  *  *  I  think  their  hostility 
towards  us  is  much  more  deeply  rooted  at 
present,  than  during  the  war. — To  JOHN  PAGE. 
i,  550.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.  (P.,  1786.) 

2642. .  The  English  hate  us  be 
cause  they  think  our  prosperity  niched  from 
theirs.— To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  553.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  287.  (M.,  1810.) 

2643. .     England    would    prefer 

losing  an  advantage  over  her  enemy  to  giving 
one  to  us  It  is  an  unhappy  state  of  mind  for 
her,  but  I  am  afraid  it  is  the  true  one. — To 
JAMES  RONALDSON.  v,  553.  (M.,  1810.) 

2644. .  A  friendly,  a  just,  and  a 

reasonable  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  British 
might  make  us  the  main  pillar  of  their  pros 
perity  and  existence.  But  their  deep-rooted 
hatred  to  us  seems  to  be  the  means  which 
Providence  permits  to  lead  them  to  their  final 
catastrophe.  "  Nullam  enim  in  terns  gentem 
esse,  nullum  infestiorem  populum,  nomini 
Romani"  said  the  General  who  erased  Capua 
from  the  list  of  powers.  What  nourishment 
and  support  would  not  England  receive  from 
an  hundred  millions  of  industrious  descend 
ants,  whom  some  of  her  people  now  born  will 
live  to  see  here?  What  their  energies  are, 
she  has  lately  tried.  And  what  has  she  not 
to  fear  from  an  hundred  millions  of  such  men, 
if  she  continues  her  maniac  course  of  hatred 
and  hostility  to  them  ?  I  hope  in  God  she  will 
change. — To  OESAR  A.  RODNEY,  vi,  448. 
(M.,  March  1815.) 

2645.  ENGLAND,  Hostility  of  .—I  think 
the  King,  ministers,  and  nation  are  more  bit 
terly  hostile  to  us  at  present,  than  at  any 
period  of  the  late  war.  A  like  disposition 


on  our  part  has  been  rising  for  some  time. 
In  what  events  these  things  will  end,  we 
cannot  foresee.  Our  countrymen  are  eager  in 
their  passions  and  enterprises,  and  not  dis 
posed  to  calculate  their  interests  against  these. 
Our  enemies  (for  such  they  are,  in  fact), 
have  for  twelve  years  past  followed  but  one 
uniform  rule,  that  of  doing  exactly  the  con 
trary  of  what  reason  points  out.  Having, 
early  during  our  contest,  observed  this  in  the 
British  conduct,  I  governed  myself  by  it  in 
all  prognostications  of  their  measures ;  and  I 
can  say,  with  truth,  it  never  failed  me  but 
in  the  circumstance  of  their  making  peace 
with  us.* — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  i,  552. 
(P.,  May  1786.)  See  TREATIES. 

2646. .  The  spirit  of  hostility  to 

us  has  always  existed  in  the  mind  of  the 
King,  but  it  has  now  extended  itself  through 
the  whole  mass  of  the  people,  and  the  major 
ity  in  the  public  councils.  In  a  country, 
where  the  voice  of  the  people  influences  so 
much  the  measures  of  administration,  and 
where  it  coincides  with  the  private  temper  of 
the  Kinsr,  there  is  no  pronouncing  on 
future  events.  It  is  true  they  have  nothing 
to  gain,  and  much  to  lose  by  a  war  with  us. 
But  interest  is  not  the  strongest  passion  in 
the  human  breast.— To  JAMES  Ross,  i,  561. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  217.  (P.,  1786.) 

2647. .  The  Marquis  of  Lans- 

downe  is  thoroughly  sensible  of  the  folly 
of  the  present  measures  of  this  country,  as 
are  a  few  other  characters  about  him.  Dr. 
Price  is  among  these,  and  is  particularly  dis 
turbed  at  the  present  prospect.  He  acknowl 
edges,  however,  that  all  change  is  desperate; 
which  weighs  more,  as  he  is  intimate  with 
Mr.  Pitt.  This  small  band  of  friends,  favor 
able  as  it  is,  does  not  pretend  to  say  one  word 
in  public  on  our  subject.— To  JOHN  JAY.  i, 
544-  (L.,  1786.) 

2648. .  There  is  no  party  in  our 

favor  here  [London]  either  in  power  or  out 
of  power.  Even  the  opposition  concur  with 
the  ministry  and  the  nation  in  this.  I  can 
scarcely  consider  as  a  party  the  Marquis  of 
Landsdowne,  and  a  half  dozen  characters 
about  him,  such  as  Dr.  Price,  &c.,  who  are 
impressed  with  the  utility  of  a  friendly  con 
nection  with  us.  The  former  does  not  ven 
ture  this  sentiment  in  parliament,  and  the  lat 
ter  are  not  in  situations  to  be  heard.  *  *  * 
Were  the  Marquis  to  come  into  the  ministry 
(of  which  there  is  not  the  most  distant  pros 
pect),  he  must  adopt  the  King's  system,  or 
go  out  again,  as  he  did  before,  for  daring  to 
depart  from  it. — To  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 
i,  541.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  206.  (L.,  1786.) 

2649. _.   The  English  are  still  our 

enemies.  The  spirit  existing  there,  and  rising 
in  America,  has  a  very  lowering  aspect.  To 
what  events  it  may  give  birth,  I  cannot  fore 
see.  We  are  young  and  can  survive  them; 
but  their  rotten  machine  must  crush  under 
the  trial.— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  i,  553.  (P., 
1786.) 

*  This  was  written  immediately  after  Adams  and 
Jefferson  had  reported  to  Congress  their  failure  to  ne 
gotiate  a  commercial  treaty  with  England.— EDITOR. 


3oi 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


England 


_  ENGLAND,  Impressment  of  Ameri 
can  sailors. — See  IMPRESSMENT. 

2650.  ENGLAND,  Influence  in  United 
States. — The  English  can  do  us,  as  enemies, 
more   harm   than   any  other   nation;   and   in 
peace  and  in  war,  they  have  more  means  of 
disturbing    us    internally.      Their    merchants 
established   among   us,    the   bonds   by   which 
our  own  are  chained  to  their  feet,  and  the 
banking    combinations    interwoven    with    the 
whole,  have  shown  the  extent  of  their  control, 
even  during  a  war  with  her.     They  are  the 
workers  of  all  the  embarrassments  our  finan 
ces  have   experienced   during  the   war.      De 
claring  themselves  bankrupt,  they  have  been 
able  still  to  chain  the  government  to  a  de 
pendence  on  them,  and  had  the  war  continued, 
they  would  have  reduced  us  to  the  inability 
to  command  a  single  dollar.     They  dared  to 
proclaim  that  they  would  not  pay  their  ob 
ligations,  yet  our  government  could  not  ven 
ture  to  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity 
of  sweeping  their  paper  from  the  circulation, 
and  substituting  their  own  notes  bottomed  on 
specific  taxes  for  redemption,  which  every  one 
would  have  eagerly  taken  and  trusted,  rather 
than    the    baseless    trash    of   bankrupt    com 
panies  ;  our  government,  I  say,  have  still  been 
overawed  from  a  contest  with  them,  and  has 
even  countenanced  and  strengthened  their  in 
fluence,  by  proposing  new  establishments,  with 
authority  to  swindle  yet  greater  sums  from 
our  citizens.     This  is  the  British  influence  to 
which  I  am  an  enemy,  and  which  we  must 
subject  to  our  government,  or  it  will  subject 
us  to  that  of  Britain.— To  CESAR  A.  RODNEY. 
vi,  449.     (M.,  March  1815.) 

2651.  ENGLAND,  Insolence.— Of  all  na 
tions    on    earth,    the    British    require    to    be 
treated  with  the  most  hauteur.     They  require 
to  be  kicked  into  common  good  manners. — To 
COLONEL  W.  S.  SMITH,     ii,  284.     (P.,  1787.) 

_  ENGLAND,     Intrigues     to     destroy 
U.  S.  Government. — See  1097. 

_  ENGLAND,    Jay's    treaty.— See  JAY 

TREATY. 

2652.  ENGLAND,  Jefferson  and.— As  a 

political  man,  the  English  shall  never  find  any 
passion  in  me  either  for  or  against  them. 
Whenever  their  avarice  of  commerce  will  let 
them  meet  us  fairly  half  way,  I  should  meet 
them  with  satisfaction,  because  it  would  be 
for  our  benefit. — To  FRANCIS  KINLOCH.  iii, 
197.  FORD  ED.,  v,  248.  (Pa.,  1790-) 

2653. .     I  told   [Mr.  Erskine]  I 

was  going  out  of  the  Administration  and, 
therefore,  might  say  to  him  things  which  I 
would  not  do  were  I  to  remain  in.  I  wished 
to  correct  an  error  which  I,  at  first,  thought 
his  Government  above  being  led  into  from 
newspapers,  but  I  apprehend  they  had 
adopted  it.  This  was  the  supposed  partiality 
of  the  Administration  and  particularly  myself 
in  favor  of  France  and  against  England.  I 
observed  that  when  I  came  into  the  Adminis 
tration,  there  was  nothing  I  so  much  desired 
as  to  be  on  a  footing  of  intimate  friendship 
with  England;  that  I  knew  as  long  as  she 


was  our  friend  no  enemy  could  hurt ;  that 
I  would  have  sacrificed  much  to  have  effected 
it,  and,  therefore,  wished  Mr.  King  to  have 
continued  there  as  a  favorable  instrument; 
that  if  there  had  been  an  equal  disposition  on 
their  part,  I  thought  it  might  have  been  ef 
fected  :  for  although  the  question  of  impress 
ments  was  difficult  on  their  side  and  insuper 
able  with  us,  yet  had  that  been  the  sole  ques 
tion,  we  might  have  shoved  along  in  the  hope 
of  some  compromise ;  that  indeed  there  was  a 
ground  of  accommodation  which  his  ministry 
had  on  two  occasions  yielded  to  for  a  short 
time,  but  retracted ;  that  during  the  adminis 
tration  of  Mr.  Addington  and  the  short  one 
of  Mr.  Fox,  I  had  hoped  such  a  friendship 
practicable,  but  that  during  all  other  admin 
istrations,  I  had  seen  a  spirit  so  adverse  to  us 
that  I  now  despaired  of  any  change.  That  he 
might  judge  from  the  communications  now 
before  Congress  whether  there  had  been  any 
partiality  to  France  to  whom,  he  would  see, 
we  had  never  made  the  proposition  to  revoke 
the  Embargo  immediately,  which  we  did  to 
England,  and,  again,  that  we  had  remon 
strated  strongly  to  them  on  the  style  of  Mr. 
Champagny's  letter,  but  had  not  to  England 
on  that  of  Canning,  equally  offensive;  that 
the  letter  of  Canning,  now  reading  to  Con 
gress,  was  written  in  the  high  ropes  and 
would  be  stinging  to  every  American  breast 
—ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  336.  (Nov.  1808.) 

2654.  —  — .  With  respect  to  myself 
I  saw  great  reason  to  believe  their  ministers 
were  weak  enough  to  credit  the  newspaper 
trash  about  a  supposed  personal  enmity  in 
myself  towards  England.  This  wretched  party 
imputation  was  beneath  the  notice  of  wise 
men.  England  never  did  me  a  personal  in 
jury,  other  than  in  open  war;  and  for  numer 
ous  individuals  there,  I  have  great  esteem 
and  friendship.  And  I  must  have  had  a  mind 
far  below  the  duties  of  my  station,  to  have 
felt  either  national  partialities  or  antipa 
thies  in  conducting  the  affairs  confided  to  me. 
My  affections  were  first  for  my  own  country, 
and  then,  generally,  for  all  mankind ;  and 
nothing  but  minds  placing  themselves  above 
the  passions,  in  the  functionaries  of  this  coun 
try,  could  have  preserved  us  from  the  war  to 
which  their  provocations  have  been  constantly 
urging  us. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  v,  556.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  292.  (M.,  1811.) 

2655.  .  The  English  newspa 
pers  suppose  me  the  personal  enemy  of  their 
nation.  I  am  not  so.  I  am  the  enemy  to  its 
injuries,  as  I  am  to  those  of  France.  If  I 
could  permit  myself  to  have  national  partial 
ities,  and  if  the  conduct  of  England  would 
have  permitted  them  to  be  directed  towards 
her,  they  would  have  been  so.  *  *  Had 
I  been  personally  hostile  to  England,  and 
biased  in  favor  of  either  the  character  or 
views  of  her  great  antagonist,  the  affair  of 
the  Chesapeake  put  war  into  my  hand.  I 
had  only  to  open  it  and  let  havoc  loose.  But 
if  ever  I  was  gratified  with  the  possession  of 
power,  and  of  the  confidence  of  those  who  had 
entrusted  me  with  it,  it  was  on  that  occasion 
when  I  was  enabled  to  use  both  for  the  pre- 


England 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


302 


vention  of  war,  towards  which  the  torrent  of 
passion  here  was  directed  almost  irresistibly, 
and  when  not  another  person  in  the  United 
States,  less  supported  by  authority  and  favor, 
could  have  resisted  it.  And  now  that  a  defin 
itive  adherence  to  her  impressments  and  Or 
ders  of  Council  renders  war  no  loneer  un 
avoidable,  my  earnest  prayer  is  that  our  gov 
ernment  may  enter  into  no  compact  of  com 
mon  cause  with  the  other  belligerent,  but  keep 
us  free  to  make  a  separate  peace,  whenever 
England  will  separately  give  us  peace  and  fu 
ture  security.  But  Lord  Liverpool  is  our  wit 
ness  that  this  can  never  be  but  by  her  re 
moval  from  our  neighborhood. — To  JAMES 
MAURY.  vi,  53.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  349.  (M., 
April,  1812.) 

2656.  ENGLAND,  Kindred  ties.— Were 
the  English  people  under  a  government  which 
should   treat   us   with   justice   and   equity,    I 
should  myself  feel  with  great  strength  the  ties 
which  bind  us  together,  of  origin,  language, 
laws,  and  manners;  and  I  am  persuaded  the 
two  people  would  become  in  future,  as  it  was 
with  the  ancient  Greeks,  among  whom  it  was 
reproachful   for  Greek  to  be  found  fighting 
against  Greek  in  a  foreign  army.* — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,     vii,  45.     (M.,  1816.) 

2657.  ENGLAND,    Loss    of   America.— 

The  object  of  the  present  ministry  is  to  buoy 
up  the  nation  with  flattering  calculations  of 
their  present  prosperity,  and  to  make  them 
believe  they  are  better  without  us  than  with 
us.  This  they  seriously  believe:  for  what 
is  it  men  cannot  be  made  to  believe !  *  *  * 
The  other  day  *  *  *  a  General  Clark,  a 
Scotchman  and  ministerialist  *  *  *  in 
troduced  the  subject  of  American  affairs,  and 
in  the  course  of  the  conversation  told  me  that 
were  America  to  petition  Parliament  to  be 
again  received  on  their  former  footing,  the 
petition  would  be  very  generally  rejected. 
He  was  serious  in  this,  and  I  think  it  *  *  * 
is  the  sentiment  perhaps  of  the  nation.  In 
this  they  are  wise,  but  for  a  foolish  reason. 
They  think  they  lost  more  by  suffering  us 
to  participate  of  their  commercial  privileges, 
at  home  and  abroad,  than  they  lose  by  our  po 
litical  severance.  The  true  reason,  however, 
why  such  an  application  should  be  rejected 
is.  that  in  a  very  short  time,  we  should  oblige 
them  to  add  another  hundred  millions  to  their 
debt  in  unsuccessful  attempts  to  retain  the 
subjection  offered  to  them.  They  are  at  pres 
ent  in  a  frenzy,  and  will  not  be  recovered 
from  it  till  they  shall  have  leaped  the  preci 
pice  they  are  now  so  boldly  advancing  to. — 
To  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.  i,  541.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  207.  (L.,  1786.) 

2658.  ENGLAND,    Madison,    Jefferson 

and. — Her  ministers  have  been  weak  enough 
to  believe  from  the  newspapers  that  Mr. 
Madison  and  myself  are  personally  her  ene 
mies.  Such  an  idea  is  unworthy  a  man  of 
sense;  as  we  should  have  been  unworthy  our 

*  Adams  wrote  in  reply:  "Britain  will  never  be 
our  friend  until  we  are  her  master.  This  will  happen 
in  less  time  than  you  and  I  have  been  struggling 
with  her  power,  provided  we  remain  united." — 
EDITOR. 


trusts  could  we  have  felt  such  a  motive  of 
public  action.  No  two  men  in  the  United 
States  have  more  sincerely  wished  for  cordial 
friendship  with  her;  not  as  her  vassals  or 
dirty  partisans,  but  as  members  of  coequal 
States,  respecting  each  other,  and  sensible  of 
the  good  as  well  as  the  harm  each  is  capable 
of  doing  the  other.  On  this  ground,  there 
was  never  a  moment  we  did  not  wish  to  em 
brace  her.  But  repelled  by  their  aversions, 
feeling  their  hatred  at  every  point  of  contact, 
and  justly  indignant  at  its  supercilious  mani 
festations,  that  happened  which  has  happened, 
that  will  follow  which  must  follow,  in  pro 
gressive  ratio,  while  such  dispositions  con 
tinue  to  be  indulged.  I  hope  they  will  see 
this,  and  do  their  part  towards  healing  the 
minds  and  cooling  the  temper  of  both  na 
tions. — To  MR.  MAURY.  vi,  468.  (M.,  1815.) 
See  FRIENDSHIP  WITH  ENGLAND. 

2659.  ENGLAND,    Maritime   rivalry.— 

The  only  rivalry  that  can  arise  is  on  the  ocean. 
England  may,  by  petty  larceny,  thwartings, 
check  us  on  that  element  a  little,  but  nothing 
she  can  do  will  retard  us  one  year's  growth. 
We  shall  be  supported  there  by  other  nations, 
and  thrown  into  their  scale  to  make  a  part 
of  the  great  counterpoise  to  her  navy.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  she  is  just  to  us,  concilia 
tory,  and  encourages  the  sentiment  of  family 
feelings  and  conduct,  it  cannot  fail  to  befriend 
the  security  of  both.  We  have  the  seamen 
and  materials  for  fifty  ships  of  the  line,  and 
half  that  number  of  frigates  ;  and  were  France 
to  give  us  the  money  and  England  the  dis 
positions  to  equip  them,  they  would  give  to 
England  serious  proofs  of  the  stock  from 
which  they  are  sprung,  and  the  school  in 
which  they  have  been  taught;  and  added  to 
the  efforts  of  the  immensity  of  seacoast  lately 
united  under  one  power,  would  leave  the  state 
of  the  ocean  no  longer  problematical.  Were, 
on  the  other  hand,  England  to  give  the 
money,  and  France  the  dispositions  to  place 
us  on  the  sea  in  all  pur  force,  the  whole 
world,  put  of  the  continent  of  Europe,  might 
be  our  joint  monopoly.  We  wish  for  neither 
of  these  scenes.  We  ask  for  peace  and  jus 
tice  from  all  nations;  and  we  will  remain 
uprightly  neutral  in  fact,  though  leaning  in 
belief  to  the  opinion  that  an  English  ascend 
ency  on  the  ocean  is  safer  for  us  than  that 
of  France. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  12.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  449.  (W.,  May  1806.) 

2660.  ENGLAND,  Mendacity  of  Press. 
— The  British  government    *    *    *    have  it 
much   at   heart   to   reconcile   their  nation   to 
the  loss  of  America.     This  is  essential  to  the 
repose,  perhaps  even  to  the  safety  of  the  King 
and  his  ministers.    The  most  effectual  engines 
for  this  purpose  are  the  public  papers.     You 
know  well  that  that  government  always  kept 
a    kind    of    standing    army   of   news-writers, 
who,  without  any  regard  to  truth,  or  to  what 
should  be  like  truth,  invented  and  put  into  the 
papers   whatever   might   serve   the   ministers. 
This  suffices  with  the  mass  of  the  people,  who 
have   no    means   of   distinguishing   the    false 
from   the   true  paragraphs   of  a   newspaper. 


303 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


England 


When  forced  to  acknowledge  our  independ 
ence,  they  were  forced  to  redouble  their  ef 
forts  to  keep  the  nation  quiet.  Instead  of  a 
few  of  the  papers  formerly  engaged,  they 
now  engage  every  one.  No  paper,  therefore, 
comes  out  without  a  dose  of  paragraphs 
against  America.  These  are  calculated  for 
a  secondary  purpose  also,  that  of  preventing 
the  emigrations  of  their  people  to  America. 
— To  COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP.  i.  464.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  103.  (P.,  1785.) 

2661.  ENGLAND,  Morality  of  govern 
ment. — It  may  be  asked,  what,  in  the  nature 
of  her  government,  unfits  England  for  the  ob 
servation  of  moral  duties?  In  the  first  place, 
her  King  is  a  cipher ;  his  only  function  being 
to  name  the  oligarchy  which  is  to  govern  her. 
The  parliament  is,  by  corruption,  the  mere 
instrument  of  the  will  of  the  administration. 
The  real  power  and  property  in  the  govern 
ment  is  in  the  great  aristocratical  families  of 
the  nation.  The  nest  of  office  being  too  small 
for  all  of  them  to  cuddle  into  at  once,  the 
contest  is  eternal,  which  shall  crowd  the 
other  out.  For  this  purpose,  they  are  divided 
into  two  parties,  the  "  Ins  "  and  the  "  Outs," 
so  equal  in  weight  that  a  small  matter  turns 
the  balance.  To  keep  themselves  in,  when 
they  are  in,  every  stratagem  must  be  prac 
ticed,  every  artifice  used  which  may  flatter 
the  pride,  the  passions  or  power  of  the  na 
tion.  Justice,  honor,  faith,  must  yield  to  the 
necessity  of  keeping  themselves  in  place.  The 
question  whether  a  measure  is  moral,  is  never 
asked ;  but  whether  it  will  nourish  the  avarice 
of  their  merchants,  or  the  piratical  spirit  of 
their  navy,  or  produce  any  other  effect  which 
may  strengthen  them  in  their  places.  As  to 
engagements,  however  positive,  entered  by 
the  predecessors  of  the  "  Ins,"  why,  they 
were  their  enemies :  they  did  everything 
which  was  wrong ;  and  to  reverse  everything 
which  they  did,  must,  therefore,  be  right. 
This  is  the  true  character  of  the  English  gov 
ernment  in  practice,  however  different  its 
theory ;  and  it  presents  the  singular  phenom 
enon  of  a  nation,  the  individuals  of  which 
are  as  faithful  to  their  private  engagements 
and  duties,  as  honorable,  as  worthy,  as  those 
of  any  nation  on  earth,  and  whose  govern 
ment  is  yet  the  most  unprincipled  at  this  day 
known.  In  an  absolute  government  there  can 
be  no  such  equiponderant  parties.  The  des 
pot  is  the  government.  His  power  suppress 
ing  all  opposition,  maintains  his  ministers 
firm  in  their  places.  What  he  has  contracted, 
therefore,  through  them,  he  has  the  power  to 
observe  with  good  faith ;  and  he  identifies  his 
own  honor  and  faith  with  that  of  his  nation. 
— To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v.  513.  CM..  March 
1810.) 

2662. .  England  presents  a  sin 
gular  phenomenon  of  an  honest  people  whose 
constitution,  from  its  nature,  must  render 
their  government  forever  dishonest ;  and  ac 
cordingly,  from  the  time  that  Sir  Robert 
WalpoTe  gave  the  constitution  that  direction 
which  its  defects  permitted,  morality  has  been 
expunged  from  their  political  code. — To 
JAMES  RONALDSON.  v,  554.  (M.,  1810.) 


2663. .  I  consider  the  govern 
ment  of  England  as  totally  without  morality, 
insolent  beyond  bearing,  inflated  with  vanity 
and  ambition,  aiming  at  the  exclusive  do 
minion  of  the  sea,  lost  in  corruption,  of  deep- 
rooted  hatred  towards  us,  hostile  to  liberty 
wherever  it  endeavors  to  show  its  head,  and 
the  eternal  disturber  of  the  peace  of  the 
world. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  463.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  510.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

2664.  ENGLAND,  National  debt.— 
George  the  Third  and  his  minister,  Pitt,  and 
successors,  have  spent  the  fee  simple  of  the 
kingdom  under  pretense  of  governing  it; 
their  sinecures,  salaries,  pensions,  priests, 
prelates,  princes  and  eternal  wars,  have  mort 
gaged  to  its  full  value  the  last  foot  of  their 
soil.  They  are  reduced  to  the  dilemma  of  a 
bankrupt  spendthrift,  who,  having  run 
through  his  whole  fortune,  now  asks  himself 
what  he  is  to  do?  It  is  in  vain  he  dismisses 
his  coaches  and  horses,  his  grooms,  liveries, 
cooks  and  butlers.  This  done,  he  still  finds 
he  has  nothing  to  eat.  What  was  his  prop 
erty  is  now  that  of  his  creditors;  if  still  in 
his  hands,  it  is  only  as  their  trustee.  To 
them  it  belongs,  and  to  them  every  farthing 
of  its  profits  must  go.  The  reformation  of 
extravagance  comes  too  late.  All  is  gone. 
Nothing  is  left  for  retrenchment  or  frugality 
to  go  on.  The  debts  of  England,  however, 
being  due  from  the  whole  nation  to  one-half 
of  it,  being  as  much  the  debt  of  the  creditor 
as  debtor,  if  it  could  be  referred  to  a  court  of 
equity,  principles  might  be  devised  to  adjust 
it  peaceably.  Dismiss  their  parasites,  ship 
off  their  paupers  to  this  country,  let  the  land 
holders  give  half  their  lands  to  the  money 
lenders,  and  these  last  relinquish  one-half  of 
their  debts.  They  would  still  have  a  fertile 
island,  a  sound  and  effective  population  to 
labor  it,  and  would  hold  that  station  among 
political  powers,  to  which  their  natural  re 
sources  and  faculties  entitle  them.  They 
would  no  longer,  indeed,  be  the  lords  of  the 
ocean  and  paymasters  of  all  the  princes  of  the 
earth.  They  would  no  longer  enjoy  the  lux 
uries  of  pirating  and  plundering  everything 
by  sea,  and  of  bribing  and  corrupting  every 
thing  by  land;  but  they  might  enjoy  the  more 
safe  and  lasting  luxury  of  living  on  terms  of 
equality,  justice  and  good  neighborhood  with 
all  nations.  As  it  is,  their  first  efforts  will 
probably  be  to  quiet  things  awhile  by  the 
palliatives  of  reformation;  to  nibble  a  little 
at  pensions  and  sinecures,  to  bite  off  a  bit 
here,  and  a  bit  there  to  amuse  the  people; 
and  to  keep  the  government  agoin?  by  en 
croachments  on  the  interest  of  the  public  debt, 
one  per  cent,  of  which,  for  instance,  withheld, 
gives  them  a  spare  re  'enue  of  ten  millions  for 
present  subsistence,  and  spunges,  in  fact,  two 
hundred  millions  of  the  debt.  This  remedy 
they  may  endeavor  to  administer  in  broken 
doses  of  a  small  pill  at  a  time.  The  first  may 
not  occasion  more  than  a  strong  nausea  in  the 
money  lenders;  but  the  second  will  probably 
produce  a  revulsion  of  the  stomach,  barba 
risms,  and  spasmodic  calls  for  fair  settlement 
and  compromise.  But  it  is  not  in  the  char- 


England 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


304 


acter  of  man  to  come  to  any  peaceable  com 
promise  of  such  a  state  of  things.  The 
princes  and  priests  will  hold  to  the  flesh-pots, 
the  empty  bellies  will  seize  on  them,  and 
these  being  the  multitude,  the  issue  is  ob 
vious,  civil  war,  massacre,  exile  as  in  France, 
until  the  stage  is  cleared  of  everything  but 
the  multitude,  and  the  lands  get  into  their 
hands  by  such  processes  as  the  revolution  will 
engender.* — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  43.  (M., 
1816.) 

2665. .  I  have  long  considered 

the  present  crises  of  England,  and  the  origin 
of  the  evils  which  are  lowering  over  her.  as 
produced  by  enormous  excess  of  her  expendi 
tures  beyond  her  income.  To  pay  even  the 
interest  of  the  debt  contracted,  she  is  obliged 
to  take  from  the  industrious  so  much  of  their 
earnings  as  not  to  leave  them  enough  for 
their  backs  and  bellies.  They  are  daily, 
therefore,  passing  over  to  the  pauper-list,  to 
subsist  on  the  declining  means  of  those  still 
holding  up,  and  when  these  shall  also  be  ex 
hausted,  what  next?  Reformation  cannot 
remedy  this.  It  could  only  prevent  its  recur 
rence  when  once  relieved  from  the  debt.  To 
effect  that  relief  I  see  but  one  possible  and 
just  course.  Considering  the  funded  and  real 
property  as  equal,  and  the  debt  as  much  of  the 
one  as  the  other,  for  the  holder  of  property 
to  give  up  one-half  to  those  of  the  funds,  and 
the  latter  to  the  nation  the  whole  of  what 
it  owes  them.  But  this  the  nature  of  man 
forbids  us  to  expect  without  blows,  and  blows 
will  decide  it  by  a  promiscuous  sacrifice  of 
life  and  property.  The  debt  thus,  or  other 
wise  extinguished,  a  real  representation  in 
troduced  into  the  government  of  either  prop 
erty  or  people,  or  of  both,  renouncing  eter 
nal  war,  restraining  future  expenses  to  future 
income,  and  breaking  up  forever  the  consu 
ming  circle  of  extravagance,  debt,  insolvency, 
and  revolution,  the  island  would  then  again 
be  in  the  degree  of  force  which  nature  has 
measured  out  to  it  in  the  scale  of  nations, 
but  not  at  their  head.  I  sincerely  wish  she 
could  peaceably  get  into  this  state  of  being, 
as  the  present  prospects  of  southern  Europe 
seem  to  need  the  acquisition  of  new  weights 
in  their  balance,  rather  than  the  loss  of  old 
ones. — To  EDWARD  EVERETT,  vii,  232.  (M., 
1822.) 

2666.  ENGLAND,  Natural  enemies  of 
United  States.— I  consider  the  British  as  our 
natural  enemies,  and  as  the  only  nation  on 
earth  who  wish  us  ill  from  the  bottom  of  their 
souls.  And  I  am  satisfied  that,  were  our  con 
tinent  to  be  swallowed  up  by  the  ocean,  Great 
Britain  would  be  in  a  bonfire  from  one  end 
to  the  other. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii, 
323.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  469.  (P.,  1787.) 

_  ENGLAND,  Neutral  rights  and.— 
See  NEUTRALITY. 

—  ENGLAND,  Parliament  of.— See 
PARLIAMENT. 

*The  debt  of  Great  Britain  amounted  at  this  period 
to  eight  hundred  millions  of  pounds  sterling.  "  It 
was  in  truth,"  says-  Macaulay  (Hist,  of  England, 
c.  19)  "  a  gigantic,  a  fabulous,  debt ;  and  we  can 
hardly  wonder  that  the  cry  of  despair  should  have 
been  louder  than  ever." — EDITOR. 


2667.  ENGLAND,  People  of.— The  indi 
viduals  of  the   [British]    nation  I  have  ever 
honored  and  esteemed,  the  basis  of  their  char 
acter    being    essentially    worthy. — To    JOHN 
ADAMS,    vii,  46.     (P.F.,  1816.) 

2668.  ENGLAND,  Perversity  of  Court. 
— The    British    conduct,    hitherto,    has    been 
most  successfully  prognosticated  by  reversing 
the   conclusions   of   right   reason. — To   GEN 
ERAL  WASHINGTON,    i,  237.     (1779.) 

2669. .     Ever  since  the  accession 

of  the  present  King  of  England,  that  court 
has  unerringly  done  what  common  sense 
would  have  dictated  not  to  do. — To  WILLIAM 
CARMICHAEL.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  453.  (P.,  1787.) 

2670. .     I   never  yet  found  any 

other  general  rule  for  foretelling  what  the 
British  will  do,  but  that  of  examining  what 
they  ought  not  to  do. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
ii,  283.  FORD  EDV  iv,  456.  (P.,  1787.) 

2671.  — - .    We,  I  hope,  shall  be  left 

free  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  advantages  of 
neutrality ;  and  yet,  much  I  fear  the  English, 
or   rather   their   stupid   King,   will   force  us 
out  of  it.     For  thus  I  reason.     By  forcing  us 
into  the  war  against  them,  they  will  be  en 
gaged  in  an  expensive  land  war,  as  well  as 
a  sea  war.     Common   sense  dictates,   there 
fore,  that  they  should  let  us  remain  neuter: 
ergo,  they  will  not  let  us  remain  neuter. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,    ii,  283.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  456. 
(P.,  1787.) 

2672.  ENGLAND,  Piratical  policy  of.— 
A  pirate  spreading  misery  and  ruin  over  the 
face  of  the  ocean. — To  DR.  WALTER  JONES. 
v,  511.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  274.     (M.,  1810.) 

2673. .  As  for  France  and  Eng 
land,  with  all  their  preeminence  in  science, 
the  one  is  a  den  of  robbers,  and  the  other  of 
pirates. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi.  37.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  333.  (M.,  1812.) 

2674. .     A  nation  of  buccaneers, 

urged  by  sordid  avarice,  and  embarked  in  the 
flagitious  enterprise  of  seizing  to  itself  the 
maritime  resources  and  rights  of  all  other  na 
tions.— To  HENRY  MIDDLETON.  vi,  91.  (M., 
Jan.  1813.) 

2675. .    The  principle  that  force 

is  right,  is  become  the  principle  of  the  nation 
itself.  They  would  not  permit  an  honest 
minister,  were  accident  to  bring  such  an  one 
into  power,  to  relax  their  system  of  lawless 
piracy. — To  CESAR  A.  RODNEY,  v,  501.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  272.  (M.,  1810.) 

2676.  ENGLAND,  Policy  towards  United 
States. — England  has  steadily  endeavored  to 
make   us    her    natural    enemies. — To    JOHN 
ADAMS,     vi,  459.     (M.,  1815.) 

2677.  ENGLAND,    Prototype    of.— The 

modern  Carthage. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
v,  552.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  287.  (M.,  1810.) 

2678.  ENGLAND,  Punic  faith  of  .—What 
is  to  be  our  security,  that  when  embarked  for 
her  [Great  Britain!  in  the  war  [with  Bona 
parte],  she  will  not  make  a  separate  peace, 


305 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


England 


and  leave  us  in  the  lurch  ?  Her  good  faith ! 
The  faith  of  a  nation  of  merchants!  The 
Punica  fides  of  modern  Carthage!  Of  the 
friend  and  protectress  of  Copenhagen!  Of 
the  nation  who  never  admitted  a  chapter  of 
morality  into  her  political  code !  And  is  now 
boldly  avowing  that  whatever  power  can 
make  hers,  is  her's  of  right.  Money,  and 
not  morality,  is  the  principle  of  commerce  and 
commercial  nations. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v, 
513.  (M.,  March  1810.) 

2679.  ENGLAND,     Punished.— England 
is  now  a  living  example  that  no  nation  how 
ever  powerful,  any  more  than  an  individual, 
can  be  unjust  with  impunity.     Sooner  or  later 
public  opinion,  an  instrument  merely  moral 
in  the  beginning,  will  find  occasion  physically 
to  inflict  its  sentences  on  the  unjust.  Nothing 
else   could   have   kept   the   other   nations   of 
Europe  from  relieving  her  under  her  present 
crisis.    The  lesson  is  useful  to  the  weak  as 
well    as    the    strong. — To    JAMES    MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,   300.      (M.,   April    1804.) 

2680.  ENGLAND,  Beconquest  of  United 
States. — Monroe's  letter  is  of  an  awful  com 
plexion,  and  I  do  not  wonder  the  communica 
tion  it   contains   made   some   impression   on 
him.     To  a  person  placed   in   Europe,   sur 
rounded  by  the  immense  resources  of  the  na 
tions  there,   and  the  greater  wickedness  of 
their   courts,   even   the   limits   which   nature 
imposes    on    their    enterprises    are    scarcely 
sensible.     It  is  impossible  that   France  and 
England   should   combine   for   any  purpose; 
their  mutual   distrust  and   deadly  hatred  of 
each  other  admit  no  cooperation.    It  is  impos 
sible  that  England  should  be  willing  to  see 
France  repossess  Louisiana,  or  get  a  footing 
on   our   continent,    and   that    France    should 
willingly  see  the  United  States  reannexed  to 
the  British  dominions.     That  the   Bourbons 
should  be  replaced  on  their  throne  and  agree 
to  any  terms  of  restitution,  is  possible;  but 
that  they  and  England  joined,  could  recover 
us    to    British    dominion,    is    impossible.      If 
these  things  are  not  so.  then  human  reason  is 
of  no  aid  in  conjecturing  the  conduct  of  na 
tions.     Still,  however,  it  is  our  unquestion 
able  interest  and  duty  to  conduct  ourselves 
with  such  sincere  friendship  and  impartiality 
towards  both  nations,  as  that  each  may  see 
unequivocally,    what    is   unquestionably   true, 
that  we  may  be  very  possibly  driven  into  her 
scale   by  unjust   conduct   in   the   other. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  557.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  314. 
(M.,  Aug.  1804.) 

2681.  ENGLAND,  Reduction  of.— If,  in 
deed.  Europe  has  matters  to  settle  which  may 
reduce  this  hostis  humani  generis  to  a  state 
of  peace  and  moral  order,  I  shall   see  that 
with  pleasure,  and  then  sing,  with  old  Sim 
eon,   mine   dimittas    Domine. — To    M.    COR- 
REA.     vi,  407.     (M.,  1814.) 

2682. .  While  it  is  much  our  in 
terest  to  see  this  power  reduced  from  its 
towering  and  borrowed  height,  to  within  the 
limits  of  its  natural  resources,  it  is  by  no 
means  our  interest  that  she  should  be  brought 


below  that,  or  lose  her  competent  place  among 
the  nations  of  Europe.— To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  45.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

2683.  ENGLAND,    Reform.— I    am    in 
hopes  a  purer  nation  will  result,  and  a  purer 
government  be   instituted,  one  which,  instead 
of  endeavoring  to  make  us  their  natural  ene 
mies,  will  see  in  us,  what  we  really  are,  their 
natural   friends  and  brethren,  and  more  in 
terested  in  a  fraternal  connection  with  them 
than   with   any   other   nation   on   earth. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  46.     (P.F.,  1816.) 

2684.  ENGLAND,     As     a     republic.— 

Probably  the  old  hive  will  be  broken  up  by 
a  revolution,  and  a  regeneration  of  its  prin 
ciples  render  intercourse  with  it  no  longer 
contaminating.  A  republic  there  like  ours, 
and  a  reduction  of  their  naval  power  within 
the  limits  of  their  annual  facilities  of  pay 
ment,  might  render  their  existence  even  in 
teresting  to  us.  It  is  the  construction  of  their 
government,  and  its  principles  and  means  of 
corruption,  which  make  its  continuance  in 
consistent  with  the  safety  of  other  nations. 
A  change  in  its  form  might  make  it  an  honest 
one,  and  justify  a  confidence  in  its  faith  and 
friendship. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  76. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  366.  (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

2685.  ENGLAND,  Reunion  witK.— I  am 

sincerely  one  of  those  who  still  wish  for  re 
union  with  their  parent  country,  and  would 
rather  be  in  dependence  on  Great  Britain, 
properly  limited,  than  on  any  nation  on  earth, 
or  than  on  no  nation. — To  JOHN  RANDOLPH. 
i,  201.  FORD  ED.,  i,  484.  (M.,  August  1775.) 

2686.  ENGLAND,    Self-interest    and.— 

England  is  a  nation  which  nothing  but  views 
of  interest  can  govern. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
i,  414-  (P-,  1785.) 

2687. .  Her  interest  is  her  rul 
ing  passion ;  and  the  late  American  measures 
have  struck  at  that  so  vitally,  and  with  an 
energy,  too,  of  which  she  had  thought  us 
quite  incapable,  that  a  possibility  seems  to 
open  of  forming  some  arrangement  with 
her.  When  they  shall  see  decidedly,  that 
without  it,  we  shall  suppress  their  commerce 
with  us,  they  will  be  agitated  by  their  ava 
rice,  on  the  one  hand,  and  their  hatred  and 
their  fear  of  us  on  the  other.  The  result  of 
this  conflict  of  dirty  passions  is  yet  to  be 
awaited. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  i,  429.  (P., 
1785.) 

2688. .  The  administration  of 

Great  Britain  are  governed  by  the  people, 
and  the  people  by  their  own  interested  wishes 
without  calculating  whether  they  are  just  or 
capable  of  being  effected. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  36.  (P.,  1785.) 

2689.  ENGLAND,  Selfishness  of.— Eng 
land's  selfish  principles  render  her  incapable 
of  honorable  patronage  or  disinterested  co 
operation. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,    vii,  68. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  85.     (M..  1817.) 

2690.  ENGLAND,     Subjugation     of.— 
The  subjugation  of  England  would,  indeed, 


England 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


306 


be  a  general  calamity.  But  happily  it  is  im 
possible.  Should  it  end  in  her  being  only  re- 
publicanized,  I  know  not  on  what  principle 
a  true  republican  of  our  country  could  la 
ment  it,  whether  he  considers  it  as  extending 
the  blessings  of  a  purer  government  to  other 
portions  of  mankind,  or  strengthening  the 
cause  of  liberty  in  our  own  country  by  the 
influence  of  that  example.  I  do  not,  indeed, 
wish  to  see  any  nation  have  a  form  of  gov 
ernment  forced  on  them ;  but  if  it  is  to  be 
done,  I  should  rejoice  at  its  being  a  freer 
one.* — To  PEREGRINE  FITZHUGH.  iv,  217. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  211.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

2691.  ENGLAND,  Tory  principles  of.— 

To  judge  from  what  we  see  published  [in 
England],  we  must  believe  that  the  spirit  of 
toryism  has  gained  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
nation ;  that  the  whig  principles  are  utterly 
extinguished  except  in  the  breasts  of  certain 
descriptions  of  dissenters.  This  sudden  change 
in  the  principles  of  a  nation  would  be  a 
curious  morsel  in  the  history  of  man. — To 
BENJAMIN  VAUGHAN.  FORD  ED.,  v,  333. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

2692.  ENGLAND,    Tyrant    of    ocean. — 
Great    Britain    has    certainly    *    *    *    de 
clared    to    our    government    by    an    official 
paper,   that  the  conduct  of   France   towards 
her  during  this  war  has  obliged  her  to  take 
possession   of  the   ocean,   and   to   determine 
that  no  commerce  shall  be  carried  on  with  the 
nations   connected   with   France ;   that,   how 
ever,  she  is  disposed  to  relax  in  this  deter 
mination  so  far  as  to  permit  the  commerce 
which  may  be  carried  on  through  the  British 
ports.     I  have,  for  three  or  four  years  been 
confident   that,  knowing  that  he/    own    re 
sources  were  not  adequate  to  the  maintenance 
of  her  present  navy,   she  meant  with  it   to 
claim  the  conquest  of  the  ocean,  and  to  per 
mit  no  nation  to  navigate  it,  but  on  payment 
of  a  tribute  for  the  maintenance  of  the  fleet 
necessary  to  secure  that  dominion.     A  thou 
sand  circumstances  brought  together  left  me 
without  a  doubt  that  that  policy  directed  all 
her  conduct,  although  not  avowed.     This  is 
the  first  time  she  has  thrown  of!  the  mask. — 
To  ARCHIBALD  STUART,     v,  606.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  326.     (M.,  Aug.  1811.) 

2693.  -  I  own,  that  while  I  re 
joice,  for  the  good  of  mankind,  in  the  deliv 
erance  of  Europe  from  the  havoc  which  would 
never   have   ceased   while   Bonaparte   should 
have  lived  in  power,  I  see  with  anxiety  the 
tyrant  of  the  ocean  remaining  in  vigor,  and 
even  participating  in  the  merit  of  crushing 
his  brother  tyrant.— To    JOHN    ADAMS,      vi, 
353.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  461.     (M.,  July  1814.)   See 
OCEAN. 

2694.  ENGLAND,    Unfaithful    to    alli 
ances. — The  nature   of  the   English  govern 
ment  forbids,  of  itself,   reliance  on  her  en 
gagements  ;  and  it  is  well  known  she  has  been 
the  least  faithful  to  her  alliances  of  any  na 
tion  of  Europe,  since  the  period  of  her  his 
tory  wherein  she  has  been  distinguished  for 

•Jefferson  was  writing  on  the  meditated  invasion 
of  England  by  France.— EDITOR. 


her  commerce  and  corruption,  that  is  to  say, 
under  the  houses  of  Stuart  and  Brunswick. 
To  Portugal  alone  she  has  steadily  adhered, 
because,  by  her  Methuin  treaty,  she  had  made 
it  a  colony,  and  one  of  the  most  valuable  to 
her.— To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v,  313.  (M.,  1810.) 

2695.  ENGLAND,  United  States  and.— 

These  two  nations  [the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain],  holding  cordially  together, 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  united  world. 
They  will  be  the  models  for  regenerating  the 
condition  of  man,  the  sources  from  which 
representative  government  is  to  flow  over  the 
whole  earth. — To  J.  EVELYN  DENISON.  vii, 
415.  (M.,  1825.) 

2696.  ENGLAND,    United    States    and 
Colonies  of.— It  is  the  policy  of  Great  Britain 
to  give  aliment  to  that  bitter  enmity  between 
her  States  [in  America]  and  ours,  which  may 
secure  her  against  their  ever  joining  us.     But 
would  not  the  existence  of  a  cordial  friend 
ship  between  us  and  them,  be  the  best  bridle 
we  could  possibly  put  into  the  mouth  of  Eng 
land? — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    i,  489.     (P.,  1785.) 

2697.  ENGLAND,  United  States,  France 
and. — We  learn  that  Thornton  thinks  we  are 
not  as  friendly  now  to  Great  Britain  as  be 
fore  our  acquisition  of  Louisiana.     This   is 
totally  without   foundation.     Our   friendship 
to  that  nation  is  cordial  and  sincere.     So  is 
that   with   France.     We   are   anxious  to   see 
England  maintain  her   standing,   only  wish 
ing  she  would  use  her  power  on  the  ocean 
with  justice.     If  she  had   done  this  hereto 
fore,    other    nations    would    not    have    stood 
by  and  looked  on  with  unconcern  on  a  con 
flict  which  endangers  her  existence.     We  are 
not  indifferent  to   its   issue,   nor  should  we 
be  so  on  a  conflict  on  which  the  existence  of 
France  should  be  in  danger.   We  consider  each 
as  a  necessary  instrument  to  hold  in  check 
the  disposition  of  the  other  to  tyrannize  over 
other    nations. — To    JAMES    MONROE.      FORD 
ED.,  viii,  291.      (W.,  Jan.   1804.) 

_  ENGLAND,  War  of  1812.— See  WAR. 

2698.  ENGLAND,  War  with.— England 
is  not  likJy  to  offer  war  to  any  nation,  un 
less  perhaps  to  ours.    This  would  cost  us  our 
whole  shipping,  but  in  every  other  respect  we 
might    flatter    ourselves    with    success. — To 
EDMUND  RANDOLPH,     i,  435.     (P.,  1785.) 

2699. .  I  judge  that  a  war  with 

America  would  be  a  popular  war  in  England. 
Perhaps  the  situation  of  Ireland  may  deter 
the  ministry  from  hastening  it  on. — To  R. 
IZARD.  i,  442.  (P.,  1785.) 

2700. .  I  observed  to  Mr.  Ers- 

kine  [British  Minister]  that  if  we  wished 
war  with  England,  as  the  federalists  charged 
us,  and  I  feared  his  government  might  be 
lieve,  nothing  would  have  been  so  easy  when 
the  Chesapeake  was  attacked,  and  when  even 
the  federalists  themselves  would  have  con 
curred  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  our  en 
deavors  had  been  to  cool  down  our  country 
men,  and  carry  it  before  their  government. — 
ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  337.  (Nov.  1808.) 


307 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


England 
Epicurus 


2701.  -       .     During  the  eight  years 

of  my  administration,  there  was  not  a  year 
that  England  did  not  give  us  such  cause  as 
would  have  provoked  a  war  from  any  Euro 
pean  government.    But   I   always  hoped  that 
time  and  friendly  remonstrances  would  bring 
her  to  a  sounder  view  of  her  own  interests, 
and  convince  her  that  these  would  be  pro 
moted  by  a  return  to  justice  and  friendship 
towards  us. — To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN,    vi,  215. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  421.     (M.,  Oct.  1813.) 

_  ENGLAND,  Western  Posts.— See 
POSTS. 

2702.  ENGRAVING,     New     method.— 

One  new  invention  in  the  arts  is  worth  men 
tioning.  It  is  a  mixture  of  the  arts  of  engra 
ving  and  printing,  rendering  both  cheaper. 
Write  or  draw  anything  on  a  plate  of  brass 
with  the  ink  of  the  inventor,  and  in  half  an 
hour  he  gives  you  engraved  copies  of  it,  so 
perfectly  like  the  original  that  they  could  not 
be  suspected  to  be  copies.  His  types  for  print 
ing  a  whole  page  are  all  in  one  solid  piece.  An 
author,  therefore,  only  prints  a  few  copies  of  his 
work,  from  time  to  time,  as  they  are  called  for. 
This  saves  the  loss  of  printing  more  copies 
than  may  possibly  be  sold,  and  prevents  an 
edition  from  being  ever  exhausted. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  i,  534.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  197.  (P., 
1786.) 

2703. .     There  is  a  person  here 

[Paris]  who  has  hit  on  a  new  method  of  en- 
graying.  He  gives  you  an  ink  of  his  own  com 
position.  Write  on  copper  plates  anything  of 
which  you  would  wish  to  take  several  copies, 
and,  in  an  hour,  the  plate  will  be  ready  to  strike 
them  off ;  so  of  plans,  engravings,  &c.  This 
art  will  be  amusing  to  individuals,  if  he  should 
make  it  known. — To  DAVID  KITTEN  HOUSE,  i. 
516.  (P.,  1786.) 

2704.  ENTAIL  IN  VIRGINIA,  Aboli 
tion.— -On  the  1 2th  of  October,  1776,  I  ob 
tained  leave  (in  the  Virginia  Legislature)  to 
bring  in  a  bill  declaring  tenants  in  tail  to 
hold  their  lands  in  fee-simple.  In  the  earlier 
times  of  the  colony,  when  lands  were  to  be 
obtained  for  little  or  nothing,  some  provident 
individuals  procured  large  grants;  and,  de 
sirous  of  founding  great  families  for  them 
selves,  settled  them  on  their  descendants  in 
fee-tail.  The  transmission  of  this  property 
from  generation  to  generation,  in  the  same 
name,  raised  up  a  distinct  set  of  families,  who, 
being  privileged  by  law  in  the  perpetuation 
of  their  wealth,  were  thus  formed  into  a 
Patrician  order,  distinguished  by  the  splen 
dor  and  luxury  of  their  establishments.  From 
this  order,  too.  the  King  habitually  selected 
his  Counsellors  of  State ;  the  hope  of  which 
distinction  devoted  the  whole  corps  to  the 
interests  and  will  of  the  crown.  To  annul 
this  privilege,  and  instead  of  an  aristocracy  of 
wealth,  of  more  harm  and  danger,  than  bene 
fit,  to  society,  to  make  an  opening  for  the  ar 
istocracy  of  virtue  and  talent,  which  nature 
has  wisely  provided  for  the  direction  of  the 
interests  of  Society,  and  scattered  with  equal 
hand  through  all  its  conditions,  was  deemed 
essential  to  a  well-ordered  republic.  To  ef 
fect  it,  no  violence  was  necessary,  no  depriva 
tion  of  natural  right,  but  rather  an  enlarge 


ment  of  it  by  a  repeal  of  the  law.  For  this 
would  authorize  the  present  holder  to  divide 
the  property  among  his  children  equally,  as 
his  affections  were  divided ;  and  would  place 
them,  by  natural  generation  on  the  level  of 
their  fellow  citizens.  But  this  repeal  was 
strongly  opposed  by  Mr.  Pendleton,  who  was 
zealously  attached  to  ancient  establishments. 
*  *  *  Finding  that  the  general  principle 
of  entails  could  not  be  maintained,  he  took 
his  stand  on  an  amendment  which  he  pro 
posed,  instead  of  an  absolute  abolition,  to 
permit  the  tenant  in  tail  to  convey  in  fee- 
simple,  if  he  chose  it ;  and  he  was  within  a 
few  votes  of  saving  so  much  of  the  old  law. 
But  the  bill  passed  finally  for  entire  abolition. 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  36.  FORD  ED.,  i,  49. 
(1821.) 

2705. .    The  repeal  of  the  laws 

of  entail  would  prevent  the  accumulation  and 
perpetuation  of  wealth,  in  select  families,  and 
preserve  the  soil  of  the  country  from  being 
daily  more  and  more  absorbed  in  mortmain.* 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  49.  FORD  ED.,  i,  69. 
(1821.) 

2706.  ENTAIL    IN    VIRGINIA,    Pre 
amble  to  Bill.— Whereas  the  perpetuation  of 
property  in  certain  families  by  means  of  gifts 
made    to    them    in    fee-simple    is    contrary    to 
good  policy,  tends  to  deceive  fair  traders  who 
give   credit   on   the   visible   possession   of   such 
estates,    discourages    the    holder    thereof    from 
taking  care  and  improving  the  same,  and  some 
times   does   injury  to   the   morals   of  youth   by 
rendering  them  independent  of,  and  disobedient 
to,    their    parents ;    and    whereas    the    former 
method  of  docking  such  estates  tail  by  special 
act   of   assembly,    formed    for   every   particular 
case,    employed    very    much    the    time    of    the 
legislature,  was  burthensome  to  the  public,  and 
also    to    the    individual    who    made    application 
for    such    acts,    Be    it    enacted    &c.t — BILL    TO 
ABOLISH  ENTAILS.     FORD  ED.,  ii,   103.     (1776.) 
See  477,  478,  479,  480. 

_  ENTANGLING     ALLIANCES.— See 

ALLIANCES. 

2707.  ENTHUSIASM     vs.     MONEY.— 

The  glow  of  one  warm  thought  is  to  me 
worth  more  than  money. — To  CHARLES  Mc- 
PHERSON.  i,  196.  FORD  ED.,  i,  414.  (A., 
I773-) 

2708.  EPICURUS,    Doctrines    of.— The 
doctrines  of  Epicurus,  notwithstanding  the  cal 
umnies  of  the  Stoics  and  caricatures  of  Cicero., 
is   the   most  rational   system   remaining  of  the 

*The  bill  for  the  abolition  of  entails  was  one  of  the 
measures  of  which  Jefferson  wrote  in  his  Autobiog 
raphy  (i,  4Q,)  as  follows  :  "  I  considered  four  of  these 
bills  [of  the  Revised  Code  of  Va.],  passed  or  re 
ported,  as  forming  a  system  by  which  every  fibre 
would  be  eradicated  of  ancient  or  future  aristoc 
racy  ;  and  a  foundation  laid  for  a  government 
truly  republican  ;  and  all  this  would  be  effected  with- 
out  the  violation  of  a  single  natural  right  of  any  one 
individual  citizen."  The  other  three  bills  were  those 
abrogating  the  right  of  Primogeniture,  establishing 
Religious  Freedom,  and  providing  a  system  of 
general  education. — EDITOR. 

tin  his  Life  of  Jefferson,  Parton,  (210)  says:  "It 
was  the  earliest  and  quickest  of  Jefferson's  triumphs, 
though  he  did  not  live  long  enough  to  outlast  the 
enmity  his  victory  engendered.  Some  of  the  old 
Tories  found  it  in  their  hearts  to  exult  that  he,  who 
had  disappointed  so  many  fathers,  lost  his  only  son 
before  it  was  a  month  old."— EDITOR. 


Epicurus 
Equal  Bights 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


308 


philosophy  of  the  ancients,  as  frugal  of  vicious 
indulgence,  and  fruitful  of  virtue  as  the  hy 
perbolical  extravagances  of  his  rival  sects. — To 
CHARLES  THOMPSON,  vi,  518.  FORD  ED.,  x,  6. 
(M.,  1816.) 

2709. .     I   am   an   Epicurean.     I 

consider  the  genuine  (not  the  imputed)  doc 
trines  of  Epicurus  as  containing  everything  ra 
tional  in  moral  philosophy  which  Greece  and 
Rome  have  left  us.  Epictetus  indeed,  has 
given  us  what  was  good  of  the  Stoics ;  all  be 
yond,  of  their  dogmas,  being  hypocrisy  and 
grimace.  Their  great  crime  was  in  their  cal 
umnies  of  Epicurus  and  misrepresentations  of 
his  doctrines ;  in  which  we  lament  to  see  the 
candid  character  of  Cicero  engaging  as  an  ac 
complice. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  vii,  138. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  143.  (M.,  1819.) 

2710.  EPICURUS,     Syllabus     of     Doc 
trines.— [I  send  you]  a  syllabus  of  the  doc 
trines  of  Epicurus : 

Physical. — The    Universe    eternal. 

Its  parts,  great  and  small,  interchangeable. 

Matter  and  Void  alone. 

Motion  inherent  in  matter  which  is  weighty 
and  declining. 

Eternal  circulation  of  the  elements  of  bodies. 

Gods,  an  order  of  beings  next  superior  to 
man,  enjoying  in  their  sphere,  their  own  fe 
licities  ;  but  not  meddling  with  the  concerns 
of  the  scale  of  beings  below  them. 

Moral. — Happiness  the  aim  of  life. 

Virtue  the  foundation  of  happiness. 

Utility  the  test  of  virtue. 

Pleasure   active  and   In-do-lent. 

In-do-lence  is  the  absence  of  pain,  the  true 
felicity. 

Active,  consists  in  agreeable  motion;  it  is 
not  happiness,  but  the  means  to  produce  it. 

Thus  the  absence  of  hunger  is  an  article  of 
felicity ;  eating  the  means  to  obtain  it. 

The  summum  bonum  is  to  be  not  pained  in 
body,  nor  troubled  in  mind. — i.  e.  In-do-lence 
of  body,  tranquillity  of  mind. 

To  procure  tranquillity  of  mind  we  must 
avoid  desire  and  fear,  the  two  principal  dis 
eases  of  the  mind. 

Man  is  a  free  agent. 

Virtue  consists  in,  i.  Prudence.  2.  Temper 
ance.  3.  Fortitude.  4.  Justice. 

To  which  are  opposed,  i.  Folly.  2.  Desire. 
3.  Fear.  4.  Deceit. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii, 
141.  FORD  ED.,  x,  146.  (M.,  1819.)  See 
SHORT. 

2711.  EPITAPH,    Written    by    Jeffer 
son. — 

HERE  WAS  BURIED 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

AUTHOR 

OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF 
AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE, 

OF 

THE  STATUTE  OF  VIRGINIA 

FOR  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM,  AND 

FATHER  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  VIRGINIA. 

BORN  APRIL  zd 

1743.  O.  S. 
DIED   [JULY  4] 
[1826] 

FORD  ED.,  x,  396. 

2712.  EQUALITY,     America     and.— In 
America   no   other   distinction   between    man 
and  man  had  ever  been  known  but  that  of 


persons  in  office,  exercising  powers  by  au 
thority  of  the  laws,  and  private  individuals. 
Among  these  last,  the  poorest  laborer  stood 
on  equal  ground  with  the  wealthiest  million 
aire,  and  generally  on  a  more  favored  one 
whenever  their  rights  seemed  to  jar.  It  has 
been  seen  that  a  shoemaker,  or  other  ar 
tisan,  removed  by  the  voice  of  his  country 
from  his  work  bench  into  a  chair  of  office, 
has  instantly  commanded  all  the  respect  and 
obedience  which  the  laws  ascribe  to  his  of 
fice.  But  of  distinction  by  birth  or  badge, 
they  had  no  more  idea  than  they  had  of 
the  mode  of  existence  in  the  moon  or  planets. 
They  had  heard  only  that  there  were  such, 
and  knew  that  they  must  be  wrong. — To  M. 
DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  270.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  174. 
(P.,  1786.)  See  ARISTOCRACY. 

2713.  EQUALITY,  Constitutions  and.— 
The  foundation  on  which  all    [our  constitu 
tions]    are   built    is    the   natural    equality   of 
man,    the    denial    of   every    preeminence    but 
that    annexed    to    legal    office,    and    particu 
larly  the  denial  of  a  preeminence  by  birth. — 
To   GENERAL   WASHINGTON,     i,    334.      FORD 
ED.,  iii,  466.     (A.,  1784.)     See  GOVERNMENT. 

2714.  EQUALITY,  Law  and.— An  equal 
application  of  law  to  every  condition  of  man 
is  fundamental. — To  GEORGE  HAY.     vii,   175. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  62.     (M.,  1807.) 

2715.  EQUALITY,    Political.— All    men 

are  created  equal. — DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON.  See 
EQUAL  RIGHTS  and  RIGHTS  OF  MAN. 

2716.  EQUALITY,   Privileges.— To  un 
equal  privileges  among  members  of  the  same 
society  the  spirit  of  our  nation  is,  with  one 

accord,    adverse. — REPLY    TO    ADDRESS. 

iv,  394-     (W.,  May  1801.)      See  PRIVILEGES. 

2717.  EQUAL  BIGHTS,  Aggression  on. 

— No  man  has  a  natural  right  to  commit  ag 
gression  on  the  equal  rights  of  another ;  and 
this  is  all  from  which  the  laws  ought  to  re 
strain  him. — To  F.  W.  GILMER.  vii,  3.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  32.  (M.,  1816.) 

2718.  EQUAL     BIGHTS,     Government 
and. — The  true  foundation  of  republican  gov 
ernment  is  in  the  equal  right  of  every  citizen, 
in  his  person  and  property,  and  in  their  man 
agement. — To   SAMUEL   KERCHIVAL.     vii,    n. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  39.     (M.,  1816.) 

2719. .     The  equal  rights  of  man, 

and  the  happiness  of  every  individual,  are 
now  acknowledged  to  be  the  only  legitimate 
objects  of  government. — To  M.  CORAY.  vii, 
319.  (M.,  1823.) 

2720.  EQUAL  BIGHTS,   Immovable.— 

The  immovable  basis  of  equal  rights  and  rea 
son. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  iv,  169.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  118.  (M.,  1797.) 

2721.  EQUAL  BIGHTS,  Perversion  of. 
— To    special    legislation    we    are    generally 
averse,  lest  a  principle  of  favoritism  should 
creep  in  and  pervert  that  of  equal   rights. — 
To  GEORGE  FLOWER,     vii,  83.     (P.F.,  1817.) 


309 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Equal  Bights 
Error 


2722.  EQUAL  BIGHTS,  Political.— The 
basis  of  our  [Virginia]  Constitution  is  in  op 
position  to  the  principle  of  equal  political 
rights,  refusing  to  all  but  freeholders  any 
participation  in  the  natural  right  of  self- 
government.  *  *  *  However  nature  may 
by  mental  or  physical  disqualifications  have 
marked  infants  and  the  weaker  sex  for  the 
protection  rather  than  the  direction  of  gov 
ernment,  yet  among  the  men  who  either  pay 
or  fight  for  their  country,  no  line  of  right 
can  be  drawn. — To  JOHN  HAMBDEN  PLEAS- 
ANTS,  vii,  345.  FORD  ED.,  x,  303.  (M., 
1824.) 

2723. .  Even  among  our  citizens 

who  participate  in  the  representative  priv 
ilege,  the  equality  of  political  rights  is  en 
tirely  prostrated  by  our  [Virginia]  Consti 
tution.  Upon  which  principle  of  right  or 
reason  can  any  one  justify  the  giving  to 
every  citizen  of  Warwick  as  much  weight 
in  the  government  as  to  twenty-two  equal 
citizens  in  London,  and  similar  inequalities 
among  the  other  counties?  If  these  funda 
mental  principles  are  of  no  importance  in 
actual  government,  then  no  principles  are 
important,  and  it  is  as  well  to  rely  on  the 
dispositions  of  administration,  good  or  evil, 
as  on  the  provisions  of  a  constitution. — To 
JOHN  HAMBDEN  PLEASANTS.  vii,  344.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  303.  (M.,  1821.)  See  RIGHTS. 

_  EQUITY.— See  CHANCELLORS. 

2724.  ERROR,  Correcting.— There  is 
more  honor  and  magnanimity  in  correcting 
than  persevering  in  an  error. — BATTURE 
CASE,  viii,  598.  (1812.) 

2725. .  We  have  always  a  right 

to  correct  ancient  errors,  and  to  establish 
what  is  more  conformable  to  reason  and  con 
venience.  This  is  the  ground  we  must  take. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  82. 
(M.,  1801.) 

2726. .  It  is  better  to  correct 

error  while  new,  and  before  it  becomes  in 
veterate  by  habit  and  custom. — CONGRESS 
REPORT.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  136.  (1777.) 

2727.  ERROR,  Deplored.—- When  I  em 
barked   in    the   government,    it   was    with    a 
determination  to  intermeddle  not  at  all  with 
the  Legislature,  and  as  little  as  possible  with 
my  co-departments.     The  first  and  only  in 
stance  of  variance  from  the  former  part  of 
my  resolution,  I  was  duped  into  by  the  Sec 
retary    of    the    Treasury     [Hamilton]     and 
made  a  tool  for  forwarding  his  schemes,  not 
then  sufficiently  understood  by  me ;   and  of 
all  the  errors  of  my  political  life,  this  has  oc 
casioned  me  the  deepest  regret.* — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  460.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
102.     (M.,  1792.)     See  ASSUMPTION. 

2728.  ERROR,  Evils  of.— Error  bewilders 
us    in    one    false    consequence    after    another 
in    endless    succession. — To    JOHN    ADAMS. 
vii,  149.    FORD  ED.,  x.  153.     (M.,  1819.) 

2729.  ERROR,    Human    Nature    and.— 
The  weakness   of   human   nature,     and     the 

*  The  assumption  of  the  State  debts.— EDITOR. 


limits  of  my  own  understanding,  will  pro 
duce  errors  of  judgment  sometimes  injurious 
to  your  interests. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  45.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  347.  (1805.) 

2730. .     I  have  no  pretensions  to 

exemption  from  error.  In  a  long  course  of 
public  duties,  I  must  have  committed  many. 
And  I  have  reason  to  be  thankful  that,  pass 
ing  over  these,  an  act  of  duty  has  been  se 
lected  as  a  subject  of  complaint,  which  the 
delusions  of  self  interest  alone  could  have 
classed  among  them,  and  in  which,  were 
there  error,  it  has  been  hallowed  by  the  bene 
dictions  of  an  entire  province,  an  interest 
ing  member  of  our  national  family,  threat 
ened  with  destruction  by  the  bold  enterprise 
of  one  individual.* — THE  BATTURE  CASE. 
viii,  601.  (1812.) 

2731. .     I    cannot  have  escaped 

error.  It  is  incident  to  our  imperfect  nature. 
But  I  may  say  with  truth,  my  errors  have 
been  of  the  understanding,  not  of  intention; 
and  that  the  advancement  of  [the  people's] 
rights  and  interests  has  been  the  constant 
motive  of  every  measure. — EIGHTH  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE.  viii,  no.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  225. 
(1808.) 

2732. .     I    may    have    erred    at 

times.  No  doubt  I  have  erred.  This  is  the 
law  of  human  nature.f — SPEECH  TO  THE  U. 
S.  SENATE,  iv,  362.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  501. 
(1801.) 

2733.  ERROR,     Ignorance    and. — Igno 
rance   is    preferable    to    error ;     and    he    is 
less  remote  from  the  truth  who  believes  noth 
ing,  than  he  who  believes  what  is  wrong. — 
NOTES   ON   VIRGINIA,     viii,   277.      FORD   ED., 
iii,  119.     (1782.) 

2734.  ERROR,  Indulgence  to  honest.— 

For  honest  errors,  indulgence  may  be  hoped. 
— SPEECH  TO  THE  U.  S.  SENATE,  iv,  362. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  501.  (1801.) 

2735. .     I  shall  often  go  wrong, 

through  defect  of  judgment.  When  right, 
I  shall  often  be  thought  wrong  by  those 
whose  positions  will  not  command  a  view  of 
the  whole  ground.  I  ask  your  indulgence 
for  my  own  errors,  which  will  never  be  in 
tentional  ;  and  your  support  against  the  er 
rors  of  others,  who  may  condemn  what  they 
would  not  if  seen  in  all  its  parts. — FIRST  IN- 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  5.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
5.  (1801.) 

2736.  ERROR,  Judges  and.— If,  indeed, 
a  judge  goes  against  law  so  grossly,  so  pal 
pably,  as  no  imputable  degree  of  folly  can 
account  for.  and  nothing  but  corruption,  mal 
ice  or  wilful  wrong  can  explain,  and  espe 
cially  if  circumstances  prove  such  motives,  he 
may  be  punished  for  the  corruption,  the  mal 
ice,  the  wilful  wrong;  but  not  for  the  error. 
— THE  BATTURE  CASE,  viii,  602.  (1812.) 

*  Edward  Livingston  in  the  New  Orleans  Batture 
suit  against  Jefferson. — EDITOR. 

+  From  a  short  speech  read  to  the  Senate  on  retir 
ing  from  the  Vice-Presidency. — EDITOR. 


Error 

ISrskine  (William) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


310 


2737. .     I   repeat  that  I  dp  not 

charge  the  judges  with  wilful  and  ill-inten 
tioned  error,  but  honest  error  must  be  ar 
rested  where  its  toleration  leads  to  public 
ruin. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
113.  (1821.) 

2738.  ERROR,  Officials  and.— Our  Con 
stitution  has  wisely  distributed  the  admin 
istration  of  the  Government  into  three  dis 
tinct  and  independent  departments.  To  each 
of  these  it  lelongs  to  administer  law  within 
its  separate  jurisdiction.  The  judiciary  in 
cases  of  meum  and  tuum,  and  of  public 
crimes;  the  Executive,  as  to  laws  executive 
in  their  nature ;  the  Legislature  in  various 
cases  which  belong  to  itself,  and  in  the  im 
portant  function  of  amending  and  adding  to 
the  system.  Perfection  in  wisdom,  as  well 
as  in  integrity,  is  neither  required,  nor  ex 
pected  in  these  agents.  It  belongs  not  to 
man.  Were  the  judge  who,  deluded  by  soph 
istry,  takes  the  life  of  an  innocent  man,  to 
repay  it  with  his  own ;  were  he  to  replace, 
with  his  own  fortune,  that  which  his  judg 
ment  has  taken  from  another,  under  the  be- 
guilement  of  false  deductions ;  were  the  Ex 
ecutive,  in  the  vast  mass  of  concerns  of  first 
magnitude,  which  he  must  direct,  to  place 
his  whole  fortune  on  the  hazard  of  every 
opinion ;  were  the  members  of  the  Legislature 
to  make  good'  from  their  private  substance 
every  law  productive  of  public  or  private  in 
jury  ;  in  short,  were  every  man  engaged  in 
rendering  service  to  the  public  bound  in  his 
body  and  goods  to  indemnification  for  all  his 
errors,  we  must  commit  our  public  affairs 
to  the  paupers  of  the  nation,  to  the  sweep 
ings  of  hospitals  and  poor  houses,  who,  hav 
ing  nothing  to  lose,  would  have  nothing  to 
risk.  The  wise  know  their  weakness  too 
-well  to  assume  infallibility ;  and  he  who 
knows  most,  knows  how  little  he  knows. 
The  vine  and  the  fig  tree  must  withdraw, 
and  the  brier  and  bramble  assume  their 
places.  But  this  is  not  the  spirit  of  our  law. 
It  expects  not  impossibilities.  It  has  con 
secrated  the  principle  that  its  servants  are  not 
answerable  for  honest  error  of  judgment. — 
BATTURE  CASE,  viii,  602.  (1812.) 

2739. .  If  a  functionary  of  the 

highest  trust,  acting  under  every  sanction 
which  the  Constitution  has  provided  for  his 
aid  and  guide,  and  with  the  approbation,  ex 
pressed  or  implied,  of  its  highest  councils, 
still  acts  on  his  own  peril,  the  honors  and 
offices  of  his  country  would  be  but  snares  to 
ruin  him.* — BATTURE  CASE,  viii,  603.  (1812.) 

2740.  ERROR,   The  people   and. — The 

people  will  err  sometimes  and  accidentally, 
but  never  designedlv  and  with  a  systematic 
and  persevering  purpose  of  overthrowing  the 
free  principles  of  the  government. — To  M. 
CORAY.  vii,  319.  (M.,  1823.) 

2741. .     Do    not   be   too    severe 

upon  the  errors  of  the  people,   but  reclaim 

*  Jefferson  for  his  action  in  the  New  Orleans  Bat- 
ture  Case,  while  President,  was  sued  by  Edward 
Livingston,  who  asked  damages  in  the  sum  of  $100,- 
TOO.— EDITOR. 


them  by  enlightening  them. — To  EDWARD 
CARRINGTON.  ii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  360.  (P., 
1787.) 

2742.  ERROR,   Pointing   out.— I   would 
be  glad  to  know  when  any  individual  member 
[of  Congress]  thinks  I  have  gone  wrong  in 
any  instance.     If  I  know  myself,   it  would 
not  excite  ill  blood  in  me,   while  it  would 
assist  to  guide  my  conduct,  perhaps  to  jus 
tify  it,  and  to  keep  me  to  my  duty,  alert. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  327.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
474-     (P.,   1787-) 

2743.  ERROR,  Political  enemies  and.— 
The  best  indication  of  error  which  my  ex 
perience  has  tested,  is  the  approbation  of  the 
federalists.  Their  conclusions  necessarily  fol 
low   the   false   bias   of   their   principles. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.    v,  592.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  316. 
(M.,  1811.) 

2744.  ERROR,  Reason  and.— The  same 
facts  impress  us  differently.     This  is  enough 
to  make  me  suspect  an  error  in  my  process  of 
reasoning,   though   I   am  not  able  to  detect 
it— To  JOHN   ADAMS,     i,  593.      (P.,   1786.) 

2745.  ERROR,     Reason    vs.— Error    of 
opinion    may    be    tolerated    where    reason    is 
left  free  to  combat  it. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,     viii,  3.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  3.     (1801.) 

2746.  ERROR,    Suppression    of.— It    Is 

safer  to  suppress  an  error  in  its  first  con 
ception  than  to  trust  to  any  after-correction. 
— CIRCULAR  TO  FOREIGN  MINISTERS,  iii,  509. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  180.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

2747.  ERROR,  Time,  truth  and.— Time 
and  truth  will   at  length  correct  error. — To 
C.  F.  VOLNEY.     iv,  572.     (W.,  1805.) 

2748.  ERROR,      Toleration     of.— Here, 
[the    University    of    Virginia]    we    are    not 
afraid  to  follow  truth  wherever  it  may  lead, 
nor  to  tolerate  any  error  so  long  as  reason 
is  left  free  to  combat  it. — To  MR.   ROSCOE. 
vii,  196.     (M.,  1820.") 

2749.  ERROR,  Triumphant.— Error  has 

often  prevailed  by  the  assistance  of  power 
or  force.  Truth  is  the  proper  and  sufficent 
antagonist  to  error. — NOTES  ON  RELIGION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  102.  (1776?) 

2750.  ERROR,  Truth  vs. — Truth  is  the 
proper  and  sufficient  antagonist  to  error,  and 
has  nothing  to  fear  from  the  conflict,  unless, 
by  human  interposition,  disarmed  of  her  nat 
ural  weapons,  free  argument  and  debate,  er 
rors  ceasing  to  be  dangerous  when  it  is  per 
mitted   freely  to   contradict  them. — STATUTE 
OF  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM,    viii,  455.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
239.     (I779-) 

2751. .  It  is  error  alone  which 

needs  the  support  of  government.  Truth  can 
stand  by  itself. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii, 
401.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  264.  (1782.) 

2752.  ERSKINE  (William),  Charac 
ter. — I  hope  and  doubt  not  that  Erskine  will 
justify  himself.  My  confidence  is  founded  in 

a  belief  of  his  integrity,  and  in  the of 

Canning. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  465. 
(M.,  Aug.  1809.) 


311 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Escheat 
Etiquette 


2753.  ESCHEAT,  Bank  charter  and.— 

The  bill  for  establishing  a  National  Bank 
undertakes  *  *  *  to  form  the  subscri 
bers  into  a  corporation  [and]  to  enable  them 
in  their  corporate  capacities,  to  put  the  lands 
[they  are  authorized  to  hold]  out  of  the 
reach  of  forfeiture  or  escheat;  and  so  far  is 
against  the  laws  of  Forfeiture  and  Escheat. 
—NATIONAL  BANK  OPINION,  vii,  .555-  FORD 
ED.,  v,  284.  (1791.) 

2754. .  All  the  property,  real 

and  personal,  within  the  Commonwealth  [of 
Virginia],  belonging  *  *  *  to  any  British 
subject,  *  *  *  shall  be  deemed  to  be 
vested  in  the  Commonwealth,  the  real  estate 
by  way  of  escheat,  and  the  personal  estate  by 
forfeiture. — ESCHEATS  AND  FORFEITURES  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  184.  (May  I779-) 

2755.  ESCHEAT,  Bill  concerning.— 
During  the  connection  which  subsisted  be 
tween  the  now  United  States  of  America  and 
the  other  parts  of  the  British  empire,  and  their 
subjection  to  one  common  Prince  the  inhabit 
ants  of  either  part  had  all  the  rights  of  nat 
ural  born  subjects  in  the  other,  and  so  might 
lawfully  take  and  hold  real  property,  and  trans 
mit  the  same  by  descent  to  their  heirs  in  fee- 
simple,  which  could  not  be  done  by  mere 
aliens ;  *  *  *  and,  in  like  manner,  had  ac 
quired  personal  property  which,  by  their  com 
mon  laws,  might  be  possessed  by  any  other 
than  an  alien  enemy,  and  transmitted  to  ex 
ecutors  and  administrators ;  but  when,  by  the 
tyrannies  of  that  Prince,  and  the  open  hostili 
ties  committed  by  his  armies  and  subjects,  in 
habitants  of  the  other  parts  of  his  dominions, 
on  the  good  people  of  the  United  States,  they 
are  obliged  to  wage  war  in  defence  of  their 
rights,  and  finally  to  separate  themselves  from 
the  rest  of  the  British  empire,  to  renounce  all 
subjection  to  their  common  Prince,  and  to 
become  sovereign  and  independent  States,  the 
said  inhabitants  of  the  other  parts  of  the 
British  empire  become  aliens  and  enemies  to 
the  said  States,  and  as  such  incapable  of  hold 
ing  the  property,  real  or  personal,  so  acquired 
therein,  and  so  much  thereof  as  was  within 
this  Commonwealth  became  by  the  laws  vested 
in  the  Commonwealth. — ESCHEATS  AND  FOR 
FEITURES  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  182.  (May 
I779-) 

2756. .  The  General  Assembly 

[of  Virginia],  though  provoked  by  the  example 
of  their  enemies  to  a  departure  from  that  gen 
erosity  which  so  honorably  distinguishes  the 
civilized  nations  of  the  present  age,  yet  desirous 
to  conduct  themselves  with  moderation  and  tem 
per,  by  an  act  passed  *  *  in  1777,  took 
measures  for  preventing  the  property 
of  British  subjects  in  this  Commonwealth  from 
waste  and  destruction,  by  putting  *  *  *  [it] 
into  the  hands  and  under  the  management  of 
commissioners,  *  *  *  so  that  it  might  be 
in  their  power,  if  reasonable  at  some  future  day, 
to  restore  to  the  former  proprietors  *  *  * 
[its]  full  value. — ESCHEATS  AND  FORFEITURES 
BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  183.  (May  1779.) 

-  ESQUIRE.— See  TITLES. 
2757.  ESTAING  (Count  d>),  Land-grant 

t°- — The  State  of  Georgia  has  given  twenty 
thousand  acres  of  land  to  the  Count  d'Estaing. 
This  gift  is  considered  here  [France]  as  very 
honorable  to  him,  and  it  has  gratified  him  much. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  i,  533.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
195-  (P.,  1786.) 


2758.  ESTEEM,    Basis   of. — Integrity  of 
views  more  than  their  soundness,  is  the  basis 
of    esteem.-t-To    ELBRIDGE    GERRY,     iv,    273. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  335.     (Pa.,  1799.) 

2759.  ETHICS,     Law    and.— I    consider 
ethics,    as    well    as    religion,    as    supplements 
to  law  in  the  government  of  man.— To  MR. 
WOODWARD,     vii,  339.     (M.,  1824.) 

2760.  ETHICS,  System  of.— -I  have  but 
one   system   of   ethics    for  men   and   for   na 
tions,— to  be  grateful,  to  be  faithful  to  all  en 
gagements   and   under   all   circumstances,   to 
be  open  and  generous,  promoting  in  the  long 
run   even   the   interests   of  both:   and   I   am 
sure   it  promotes    their    happiness. — To    LA 
DUCHESSE   D'AUVILLE.      iii,    135.      FORD   ED., 
v,  153.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

—  ETHNOLOGY.— See    ABORIGINES    and 
INDIANS. 

2761.  ETIQUETTE,  Disputed  points.— 

I  am  sorry  that  your  first  impressions  [of  the 
United  States]  have  been  disturbed  by  matters  of 
etiquette.  *  These  disputes  are  the  most 

insusceptible  of  determination,  because  they  have 
no  foundation  in  reason.  Arbitrary  and  sense 
less  in  their  nature,  they  are  arbitrarily  decided 
by  every  nation  for  itself.  These  decisions  are 
meant  to  prevent  disputes,  but  they  produce  ten 
where  they  prevent  one.  It  would  have  been 
better,  therefore,  in  a  new  country  to  have  ex 
cluded  etiquette  altogether;  or  if  it  must  be 
admitted  in  some  form  or  other,  to  have  it 
depend  on  some  circumstance  founded  in  nature, 
such  as  the  age  or  stature  of  the  parties. — To 

COMTE   DE   MOUSTIER.       ii,    388.       FORD   ED.,   V,    IO. 

(P.,  1788.) 

2762.  ETIQUETTE,  Liberation  from.— 

The  distance  of  our  nation  [from  Europe]  and 
difference  of  circumstances  liberate  [it],  in  some 
degree,  from  an  etiquette,  to  which  it  is  a 
stranger  at  home  as  well  as  abroad. — To  M.  DE 
PINTO,  iii,  175.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

2763.  ETIQUETTE,  Rules  of.— I.  In  or 
der  to  bring  the  members  of  society  together  in 
the  first  instance,  the  custom  of  the  country  has 
established  that  residents  shall  pay  the  first  visit 
to  strangers,  and,  among  strangers,  first  comers 
to  later  comers,  foreign  and  domestic ;   the  char 
acter  of  stranger  ceasing  after  the  first  visits. 
To  this  rule  there  is  a  single  exception.     For 
eign    ministers,    from    the   necessity   of   making 
themselves    known,    pay    the    first    visit    to    the 
ministers  of  the  nation,  which  is  returned.     II. 
When  brought  together  in  society,  all  are  per 
fectly  equal,  whether  foreign  or  domestic,  titled 
or  untitled,   in  or  out  of  office.     All  other  ob 
servances  are  but  exemplifications  of  these  two 
principles.     I.   ist.  The  families  of  foreign  min 
isters,   arriving  at  the  seat  of  government,  re 
ceive  the  first  visit  from  those  of  the  national 
ministers,    as    from    all    other    residents,     zd. 
Members   of  the   Legislature   and   of  the   Judi 
ciary,  independent  of  their  offices,  have  a  right 
as  strangers  to  receive  the  first  visit.     II.   ist. 
No  title  being  admitted  here,  those  of  foreigners 
give   no   precedence.     2d.  Differences  of  grade 
among  diplomatic  members,  give  no  precedence. 
3d.  At  public  ceremonies,  to  which  the  Govern 
ment  invites  the  presence  of  foreign  ministers 
and  their  families,  a  convenient  seat  or  station 
will    be    provided    for    them,    with    any    other 
strangers   invited   and   the   families   of   the   na 
tional  ministers,  each  taking  place  as  they  ar 
rive,     and     without     any    precedence.     4th.  To 


Europe 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


312 


maintain  the  principle  of  equality,  or  of  pele 
mele,  and  prevent  the  growth  of  precedence  out 
of  courtesy,  the  members  of  the  Executive  will 
practice  at  their  own  houses,  and  recommend  an 
adherence  to  the  ancient  usage  of  the  country, 
of  gentlemen  in  mass  giving  precedence  to  the 
ladies  in  mass,  in  passing  from  one  apartment 
*  *  *  into  another.* — JEFFERSON  PAPERS,  ix, 
454.  FORD  EDV  viii,  276.  (1803.) 

2764.  EUROPE,     America     and.— With 
all  the  defects  of  our  constitutions,  whether 
general  or  particular,  the  comparison  of  our 
governments  with  those  of  Europe,  are  like 
a  comparison  of  heaven  and  hell.     England, 
like  the  earth,   may  be  allowed  to  take  the 
intermediate  station. — To  JOSEPH  JONES,     ii, 
249.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  438.     (P.,  1787.) 

2765.  EUROPE,  Antagonism  to  Amer 
ica. — What  is  the  whole  system  of  Europe 
towards   America   but   an   atrocious   and   in 
sulting    tyranny?     One    hemisphere    of    the 
earth,  separated  from  the  other  by  wide  seas 
on  both  sides,  having  a  different  system  of  in 
terests  flowing  from  different  climates,  differ 
ent     soils,    different     productions,     different 
modes  of  existence,  and  its  own  local  rela 
tions  and  duties,  is  made  subservient  to  all 
the  petty  interests  of  the  other,  to  their  laws, 
their  regulations,  their  passions  and  wars,  and 
interdicted  from  social  intercourse,  from  the 
interchange   of   miitual   duties   and   comforts 
with  their  neighbors,  enjoined  on  all  men  by 
the  laws  of  nature.     Happily  these  abuses  of 
human  rights  are  drawing  to  a  close  on  both 
our  continents,  and  are  not  likely  to  survive 
the  present  mad  contest  of  the  lions  and  tigers 
of  the   other. — To   CLEMENT   CAINE.     yi,  13. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  329.     (M.,  1811.) 

2766.  EUROPE,  Balance  of  power  in.— 
We  especially  ought  to  pray  that  the  powers 
of   Europe  may  be   so  poised   and   counter 
poised    among    themselves,    that    their    own 
safety  may  require  the  presence  of  all  their 
force  at  home,  leaving  the  other  quarters  of 
the  globe  in  undisturbed  tranquillity. — To  DR. 
CRAWFORD,    vi,  33.     (M.,  Jan.  1812.) 

2767.  EUROPE,     Estimate    of.— Behold 
me  at  length  on  the  vaunted  scene  of  Europe ! 

*  You  are  curious  perhaps  to  know 
how  this  new  scene  has  struck  a  savage  of 
the  mountains  of  America.  Not  advanta 
geously,  I  assure  you.  I  find  the  general  fate 
of  humanity  here  most  deplorable.  The 
truth  of  Voltaire's  observation  offers  itself 
perpetually,  that  every  man  here  must  be 
either  the  hammer  or  the  anvil.  It  is  a  true 
picture  of  that  country  to  which  they  say  we 
shall  pass  hereafter,  and  where  we  are  to  see 
God  and  his  angels  in  splendor,  and  crowds 
of  the  damned  trampled  under  their  feet. 
While  the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  thus 
suffering  under  physical  and  moral  oppres 
sion,  I  have  endeavored  to  examine  more 
nearly  the  condition  of  the  great,  to  appre 
ciate  the  true  value  of  the  circumstances  in 
their  situation,  which  dazzle  the  bulk  of 
spectators,  and,  especially,  to  compare  it  with 

*  Jefferson  indorsed  this  paper  as  follows:  "This 
rough  paper  contains  what  was  agreed  upon."  That 
is  by  the  cabinet.— EDITOR. 


that  degree  of  happiness  which  is  enjoyed  in 
America  by  every  class  of  people.  Intrigues 
of  love  occupy  the  younger,  and  those  of 
ambition,  the  elder  part  of  the  great.  Con 
jugal  love  having  no  existence  among  them, 
domestic  happiness,  of  which  that  is  the  basis, 
is  utterly  unknown.  In  lieu  of  this,  are  sub 
stituted  pursuits  which  nourish  and  invig 
orate  all  our  bad  passions,  and  which  offer 
only  moments  of  ecstacy  amidst  days  and 
months  of  restlessness  and  torment.  Much, 
very  much  inferior,  this,  to  the  tranquil, 
permanent  felicity  with  which  domestic  so 
ciety  in  America  blesses  most  of  its  inhabit 
ants  ;  leaving  them  to  follow  steadily  those 
pursuits  which  health  and  reason  approve, 
and  rendering  truly  delicious  the  intervals  of 
those  pursuits.  In  Science,  the  mass  of  the 
people  are  two  centuries  behind  ours;  their 
literati,  half  a  dozen  years  before  us.  Books, 
really  good,  acquire  just  reputation  in  that 
time,  and  so  become  known  to  us,  and  com 
municate  to  us  all  their  advances  in  knowl 
edge.  Is  not  this  delay  compensated  by  our 
being  placed  out  of  the  reach  of  that  swarm 
of  nonsensical  publications  which  issue  daily 
from  a  thousand  presses,  and  perish  almost 
in  issuing?  With  respect  to  what  are  termed 
polite  manners,  without  sacrificing  too  much 
the  sincerity  of  language,  I  would  wish  my 
countrymen  to  adopt  just  so  much  of  Eu 
ropean  politeness,  as  to  be  ready  to  make 
all  those  little  sacrifices  of  self,  which  really 
render  European  manners  amiable,  and  re 
lieve  society  from  the  disagreeable  scenes  to 
which  rudeness  often  subjects  it.  Here,  it 
seems  that  a  man  might  pass  a  life  without 
encountering  a  single  rudeness.  In  the 
pleasures  of  the  table,  they  are  far  before  us, 
because,  with  good  taste  they  unite  temper 
ance.  They  do  not  terminate  the  most  so 
ciable  meals  by  transforming  themselves  into 
brutes.  I  have  never  yet  seen  a  man  drunk 
in  France,  even  among  the  lowest  of  the  peo 
ple.  Were  I  to  proceed  to  tell  you  how 
much  I  enjoy  their  architecture,  sculpture, 
painting,  music,  I  should  want  words.  It  is 
in  these  arts  they  shine.  The  last  of  them, 
particularly,  is  an  enjoyment,  the  deprivation 
of  which  with  us,  cannot  be  calculated. — To 
MR.  BELLINI,  i,  444.  (P.,  1785.) 

2768.  EUROPE,  Exclusion  from  Amer 
ica. — We    consider    the    interests    of    Cuba, 
Mexico  and  ours  as  the  same,  and  that  the 
object  of  both  must  be  to  exclude  all  Euro 
pean    influence    from    this    hemisphere. — To 
GOVERNOR     CLAIBORNE.    v,     381.     (W.,    Oct. 
1808.)     See   MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

2769.  EUROPE,   Governments  of. — Ex 
perience     declares     that     man     is     the     only 
animal   which  devours  his   own  kind,    for   I 
cap  apply  no  milder  term  to  the  governments 
of  Europe,  and  to  the  general  prey  of  the  rich 
on   the   poor. — To   EDWARD   CARRINGTON.     ii, 
100.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  360.     (P.,  1787.) 

2770.  EUROPE,     Ignorance    in.— Igno 
rance,  superstition,  poverty,  and  oppression  of 
body  and  mind,  in  every  form,  are  so  firmly 
settled  on  the  mass  of  the  people,  that  their 


313 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Kurope 
Excise  JLaw 


redemption  from  them  can  never  be  hoped. 
If  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  were  to  set 
themselves  to  work  to  emancipate  the  minds 
of  their  subjects  from  their  present  igno 
rance  and  prejudices,  and  that,  as  zealously 
as  they,  now  endeavor  the  contrary,  a  thou 
sand  years  would  not  place  them  on  that  high 
ground,  on  which  our  common  people  are  now 
setting  out.  Ours  could  not  have  been  so 
fairly  placed  under  the  control  of  the  common 
sense  of  the  people  had  they  not  been  sep 
arated  from  their  parent  stock,  and  kept  from 
contamination,  either  from  them,  or  the  other 
people  of  the  old  world,  by  the  intervention 
of  so  wide  an  ocean.  To  know  the  worth 
of  this,  one  must  see  the  want  of  it  here. — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.  ii,  7.  (P.,  1786.) 

2771.  EUROPE,      Intercourse      with.— 
During  the  present  paroxysm  of  the  insanity 
of    Europe,    we    have    thought    it    wisest    to 
break  off  all  the  intercourse  with  her. — To 
GENERAL  ARMSTRONG,    v,  280.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
194-     (W.,  1808.) 

—  EUROPE,  Kings  of.— See  KINGS. 

2772.  EUROPE,  Pretensions  of.— In  Eu 
rope,   nothing  but   Europe   is   seen,   or   sup 
posed   to   have   any   right   in   the   affairs   of 
nations. — To   M.   DUPONT  DE   NEMOURS,     iv, 
436.     (W.,  April  1802.) 

2773.  EUROPE,     Republican     Govern 
ment    in. — Whether  the  state  of  society  in 
Europe  can  bear  a  republican  government,  I 
doubted,   you  know,   when   with  you,   and   I 
do  now.     A  hereditary  chief,  strictly  limited, 
the  right  of  war  vested  in  the  legislative  body, 
a  rigid  economy  of  the  public  contributions, 
and  absolute  interdiction  of  all  useless  ex 
penses,  will  go  far  towards  keeping  the  gov 
ernment  honest  and  unoppressive. — To  MAR 
QUIS  LAFAYETTE,     vii,  325.     FORD  ED.,  x,  280. 
(M.,   1823.) 

2774.  EUROPE,  A  world  apart.— I  con 
sider  Europe,   at  present,   as  a   world  apart 
from  ys,  about  which  it  is  improper  for  us 
even   to   form   opinions,    or   to    indulge   any 
wishes  but  the  general  one,  that  whatever  is 
to  take  place  in  it,  may  be  for  its  happiness.* 
— To  JULIAN  V.  NIEMCEWIEZ.    v,  69.     (M., 
Aoril  1807.) 

2775.  EUSTIS  (William),   Character.— 

Whether  the  head  of  the  War  Department  is 
equal  to  his  charge,  I  am  not  qualified  to  de 
cide.  I  knew  him  only  as  a  pleasant  gentle 
manly  man  in  Society ;  and  the  indecision  of  his 
character  added  to  the  amenity  of  his  conversa 
tion. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  81.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  368.  (M.,  Oct.  1812.) 

2776.  EVILS,  Choice  of  .—It  is  the  melan 
choly   law    of    human    societies    to  be    com 
pelled  sometimes  to  choose  a  great  evil  in 
order  to  ward  off  a  greater.— To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,    vi,  399.     (M.,   1814.) 

2777.  EVILS,  Cure  of  .—It  is  a  happy  cir 
cumstance  in  human  affairs  that  evils  which 
are  not  cured  in  one  way  will  cure  themselves 

*  Niemcewiez  was  the  assumed  name  of  Kosciusko 
Em          left  the  United  States  for  Europe  in  1807.— 


in  some  other. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,  iii, 
283.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

2778.  EVILS,  Good  from.— When  great 
evils  happen,   I  am  in  the  habit  of  looking 
out  for  what  good  may  arise  from  them  as 
consolations  to  us,  and  Providence  has  in  fact 
so  established  the  order  of  things,  as  that  most 
evils  are  the  means  of  producing  some  good. — 
To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,    iv,  335.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  458.     (M.,  1800.) 

2779.  EXAMPLE,     Good    and    bad.— I 

have  ever  deemed  it  more  honorable  and  more 
profitable,  too,  to  set  a  good  example  than  to 
follow  a  bad  one. — To  M.  CORREA.  vi,  405. 
(M.,  1814.) 

2780.  EXCISE,    Defined.— Impost    is    a 

duty  paid  on  an  imported  article,  in  the  mo 
ment  of  its  importation,  and  of  course  it  is 
collected  in  the  seaports  only.  Excise  is  a 
duty  on  an  article,  whether  imported  or  raised 
at  home,  and  paid  in  the  hands  of  the  con 
sumer  or  retailer.  *  *  *  These  are  the 
true  definitions  of  these  words  as  used  in 
England,  and  in  the  greater  part  of  the  United 
States.  But  in  Massachusetts,  they  have 
perverted  the  word  excise  to  mean  a  tax  on 
all  liquors,  whether  paid  in  the  moment  of 
importation  or  at  a  later  moment,  and  on 
nothing  else.  So  that  on  reading  the  debates 
of  the  Massachusetts  convention,  you  must 
give  this  last  meaning  to  the  word  excise. — 
To  J.  SARSFIELD.  iii,  17.  (P.,  1798.) 

2781.  EXCISE  LAW,  Enactment.— It  is 
proposed    to    provide    additional    funds,    to 
meet    the    additional    debt    [created    by    the 
Assumption],  by  a  tax  on  spirituous  liquors, 
foreign  and  home-made,   so  that  the   whole 
interest  will  be  paid  by  taxes  on  consump 
tion. — TO  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.     V,   198.     FORD 

ED.,  v,  250.     (Pa.,  Nov.  1790.) 

2782.  EXCISE  LAW,  Infernal.— The  ex 
cise  law  is  an  infernal  one.     The  first  error 
was  to  admit  it  by  the  Constitution ;  the  sec 
ond,  to  act  on  that  admission;  the  third  and 
last  will  be,  to  make  it  the  instrument  of  dis 
membering    the    Union,    and    setting    us    all 
afloat  to  choose  which  part  of  it  we  will  ad 
here  to. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  112.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  518.     (M.,  Dec.  1794.) 

2783.  EXCISE    LAW,    Objectionable.— 

Congress  *  *  *  have  passed  an  excise 
bill,  which,  considering  the  present  circum 
stances  of  the  Union,  is  not  without  objec 
tion. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  282. 
(Feb.  1791.) 

2784.  -  — .     The  excise  law   I  have 
condemned  uniformly  from  its  first  concep 
tion. — To  JAMES   MADISON,      iii,   563.      FORD 
ED.,  vi,  261.     (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

2785.  EXCISE  LAW,   Odious.— The  ac 
cumulation   of  debt      *      *      *      [created   by 
the  Assumption]  has  obliged  [us]      *      *      * 
to  resort  to  an  excise  law,  of  odious  character 
with  the  people,  partial  in  its  operation,  unpro 
ductive  unless  enforced  by  arbitrary  and  vex 
atious  means,  and  committing  the  authority 


Excise  !Law 
JExecutive 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


of  the  government  in  parts  where  resistance 
is  most  probable,  and  coercion  least  prac 
ticable. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  iii, 
361.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  2.  (Pa.,  May  1702.) 

2786.  EXCISE     LAW,     Resisted.— The 
people   in    the    western    parts    of   this    State 
[Pennsylvania]   have  been  to  the  excise  of 
ficer,  and  threatened  to  burn  his  house,  &c. 
They  were  blackened  and  otherwise  disguised, 
so  as  to  be  unknown.     He  has  resigned,  and 
H    [amilton]    says  there  is  no  possibility  of 
getting  the  law  executed  there,  and  that  prob 
ably  the  evil  will  spread.     A  proclamation  is 
to  be  issued,  and  another  instance  of  my  be 
ing  forced  to  appear  to  approve  what  I  have 
condemned  uniformly  from  its  first  concep 
tion.— To  JAMES   MADISON,     iii,   563.      FORD 
ED.,  vi,  261.     (Pa.,  May  I793-) 

2787.  EXCISE  LAW,  Riots  and.— With 
respect  to  the  transactions  against  the  excise 
law,  it  appears  to  me  that  you  are  all  swept 
away  in  the  torrent  of  governmental  opinions, 
or  that  we  do  not  know  what  these  transac 
tions  have  been.     We  know  of  none  which, 
according  to  the  definitions  of  the  law,  have 
been  anything  more  than  riotous.     There  was 
indeed  a  meeting  to  consult  about  a  separa 
tion.     But  to  consult  on  a  question  does  not 
amount  to  a  determination  of  that  question 
in  the  affirmative,  still  less  to  the  acting  on 
such   a  determination;    but   we   shall   see,   I 
suppose,  what  the  court  lawyers,  and  courtly 
judges  and  would-be  ambassadors  will  make 
Of  it— To  JAMES  MADISON,      iv,  in.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  517.     (M.,  Dec.  1794.) 

2788.  EXCISE    LAW     Tea-act    and.— 
Make    friends    with    the    trans-Alleganians. 
They  are  gone  if  you  do  not.     Do  not  let 
false  pride  make  a  tea-act  of  your  excise  law. 
—To  W.  B.  GILES.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  516.     (Dec. 
I794-) 

2789.  EXCISE     LAW,     Unnecessary.— 
The  excise  system,  which  I  considered  as  pre 
maturely  and  unnecessarily  introduced,  I  was 
*    *    *    glad  to  see  fall.     It  was  evident  that 
our  existing  taxes   were   then  equal  to  our 
existing  debts.     It  was  clearly  foreseen  also 
that  the  surplus  from  excise  would  only  be 
come  aliment  for  useless  offices,  and  would 
be  swallowed  in  idleness  by  those  whom  it 
would   withdraw   from   useful   industry. — To 
SAMUEL  SMITH,     vii,  284.     FORD  ED.,  x,  251. 
(M.,  1823.) 

2790.  EXCISE  LAW,  Unpopular.— The 
excessive  unpopularity  of  the  excise  and  bank 
bills  in  the  South  I  apprehend  will  produce  a 
stand  against  the  Federal  Government. — To 
WILLIAM    SHORT.     FORD  ED.,   v,   296.     (May 
1791.) 

2791.  EXECUTIVE,  Appointment  of.— 
The  Executive  powers  shall  be  exercised  in 
manner  following:  One  person,  to  be  called 
the    [Administrator],    shall    be    annually    ap 
pointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  on 
the  second  day  of  their  first  session,   who, 
after  having  acted    [one]   year,  shall  be  in 
capable  of  being  again  appointed  to  that  office 
until   he    shall   have  been   out   of   the    same 


[three]  years.*— PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  17.  (June  1776.) 

2792. .     The    Executive    powers 

shall  be  exercised  by  a  Governor,  who  shall 
be  chosen  by  joint  ballot  of  both  houses  of 
Assembly,  and  *  *  *  shall  remain  in 
office  five  years,  and  be  ineligible  a  second 
time. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION,  viii,  446. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  325.  (1783.) 

2793.  —  _.  Render  the  Executive 
[of  Virginia]  a  more  desirable  post  to  men  of 
abilities  by  making  it  more  independent  of 
the  Legislature.  To  wit,  let  him  be  chosen 
by  other  electors,  for  a  longer  time,  and  in 
eligible  forever  after.  Responsibility  is  a  tre 
mendous  engine  in  a  free  government.  Let 
him  feel  the  whole  weight  of  it  then,  by  taking 
away  the  shelter  of  his  Executive  Council. 
Experience  both  ways  has  already  established 
the  superiority  of  this  measure. — To  ARCHI 
BALD  STUART,  iii,  315.  FORD  ED.,  v,  410. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

2794. .  Submit  the  members  of 

the  Legislature  to  approbation  or  rejection  at 
short  intervals.  Let  the  Executive  be  chosen 
in  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same  term, 
by  those  whose  agent  he  is  to  be;  and  leave 
no  screen  of  a  Council  behind  which  to  skulk 
from  responsibility. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHI- 
VAL.  vii,  ii.  FORD  ED.,  x,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 

2795. .  Under  the  Administra 
tor  shall  be  appointed  by  the  same  House 
[Representatives]  and  at  the  same  time,  a 
Deputy-Administrator,  to  assist  his  principal 
in  the  discharge  of  his  office,  and  to  succeed, 
in  case  of  his  death  before  the  year  shall  have 
expired,  to  the  whole  powers  thereof  during 
the  residue  of  the  year. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  18.  (June  1776.) 

2796. .  The  Deputy- Administra 
tor  shall  have  session  and  suffrage  with  the 
Privy  Council. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  20.  (June  1776.) 

2797.  EXECUTIVE,  Authority  of  .—The 
Administrator  shall  possess  the  power  for 
merly  held  by  the  King;  save  only  that  he 
shall  be  bound  by  acts  of  the  legislature, 
though  not  expressly  named. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  18.  (June 
1776.) 

2798. .     The  Administrator  shall 

not  possess  the  prerogative  *  *  *  of  rais 
ing  or  introducing  armed  forces,  building 
armed  vessels,  forts  or  strongholds. — PRO 
POSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  19. 
(June  1776.) 

2799.  The    Administrator    [of 

Virginia]  shall  not  possess  the  prerogative 
*  *  *  of  retaining  or  recalling  a  member 
of  the  State,  but  by  legal  process  pro  delicto 
vel  contractu. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  19.  (June  1776.) 

*  The  brackets  are  in  the  text  of  the  instrument  as 
drawn  by  Jefferson.  The  quotation,  with  those  that 
immediately  follow  it,  marks  the  development  of 
Jefferson's  ideas  on  the  subject  of  State  executive 
power. — EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Executive 


2800. .     All  other*  officers,  civil 

and  military,  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Ad 
ministrator;  but  such  appointment  shall  be 
subject  to  the  negative  of  the  Privy  Council, 
saving,  however,  to  the  Legislature  a  power 
of  transferring  to  any  other  persons  the  ap 
pointment  of  such  officers,  or  any  of  them. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  21. 
June  1776.) 

2801.  EXECUTIVE,   Authority  over.—* 
The  Administrator  shall  be  liable  to  action, 
though  not  to  personal  restraint,  for  private 
duties   or   wrongs. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.     FORD  EDV  ii,  18.     (June  1776.) 

2802.  EXECUTIVE,  The  Confederation 
and. — As    the    Confederation    had    made   no 
provision   for  a  visible  head  of  the  govern 
ment  during  vacations  of  Congress,  and  such 
a  one  was  necessary  to  superintend  the  ex 
ecutive  business,  to  receive  and  communicate 
with  foreign  ministers  and  nations,  and  to  as 
semble  Congress  on  sudden  and  extraordinary 
emergencies,  I  proposed  early  in  April,  1784, 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  be  called 
the   "  Committee   of  the    States,"    to   consist 
of  a  member  from  each   State,   who  should 
remain  in  session  during  the  recess  of  Con 
gress  :  that  the  functions  of  Congress  should 
be  divided  into  Executive  and  Legislative,  the 
latter  to  be  reserved,  and  the  former,  by  a 
general    resolution,   to   be   delegated   to   that 
Committee.     This  proposition  was  afterwards 
agreed  to ;  a  Committee  appointed,  who  en 
tered    on    duty   on    the    subsequent   adjourn 
ment  of  Congress,  quarrelled  very  soon,  split 
into  two  parties,   abandoned  their  post,   and 
left  the  government  without  any  visible  head 
until  the  next  meeting  in  Congress.     We  have 
since  seen  the  same  thing  take  place  in  the 
Directory  of  France ;  and  I  believe  it  will  for 
ever  take  place  in  any  Executive  consisting  of 
a  plurality.     Our  plan,  best,  I  believe,  com 
bines  wisdom  and  practicability,  by  providing 
a  plurality  of  counsellors,  but  a  single  Arbiter 
for   ultimate    decision. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY.       i, 
54.     FORD  ED.,  i,  75.     (1820.) 

2803. .     I   was   in   France  when 

we  heard  of  this  schism  and  separation  of  our 
Committee,  and,  speaking  with  Dr.  Franklin  of 
this  singular  disposition  of  men  to  quarrel  and 
divide  into  parties,  he  gave  his  sentiments,  as 
usual,  by  way  of  apologue.  He  mentioned  the 
Eddystone  lighthouse  in  the  British  channel,  as 
being  built  on  a  rock  in  the  mid-channel,  totally 
inaccessible  in  winter  from  the  boisterous  char 
acter  of  that  sea,  in  that  season  ;  that,  therefore, 
for  the  two  keepers,  employed  to  keep  up  the 
lights,  all  provisions  for  the  winter  were  neces 
sarily  carried  to  them  in  autumn,  as  they  could 
never  be  visited  again  till  the  return  of  the 
milder  season  ;  that,  on  the  first  practicable  day 
in  the  spring  a  boat  put  off  to  them  with  fresh 
supplies.  The  boatmen  met  at  the  door  one  of 
the  keepers  and  accosted  him  with  a  "  How 
goes  it,  friend  "?  "  Very  well  ''.  "  How  is  your 
companion"?  "I  do  not  know".  "Don't 
know  ?  Is  he  not  here  "  ?  "I  can't  tell  ".  "  Have 
not  you  seen  him  to-day"?  "No".  "When 
did  you  see  him  "  ?  "  Not  since  last  fall ". 

*  Except  members  of  the  Privy  Council,  delegates 
to  Congress,  treasurer  of  the  Colony,  attorney- 
general,  high  sheriffs  and  coroners.— EDITOR. 


"  You  have  killed  him  "  ?  "  Not  I,  indeed  ". 
They  were  about  to  lay  hold  of  him,  as  having 
certainly  murdered  his  companion :  but  he  de 
sired  them  to  go  upstairs  and  examine  for  them 
selves.  They  went  up,  and  there  found  the 
other  keeper.  They  had  quarrelled,  it  seems, 
soon  after  being  left  there,  had  divided  into  two 
parties,  assigned  the  cares  below  to  one,  and 
those  above  to  the  other,  and  had  never  spoken 
to,  or  seen  one  another  since. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  54.  FORD  ED.,  i,  76.  (1820.) 

2804. .     The   idea  of  separating 

the  executive  business  of  the  Confederacy 
from  Congress,  as  the  Judiciary  is  already  in 
some  degree,  is  just  and  necessary.  I  had 
frequently  pressed  on  the  members  individ 
ually,  while  in.  Congress,  the  doing  this  by 
a  resolution  of  Congress  for  appointing  an 
Executive  committee  to  act  during  the  ses 
sions  of  Congress,  as  the  Committee  of  the 
States  was  to  act  during  their  vacations.  But 
the  Deferring  to  this  Committee  all  executive 
business,  as  it  should  present  itself,  would  re 
quire  a  more  persevering  self-denial  than  I 
suppose  Congress  to  possess.  It  will  be  much 
better  to  make  that  separation  by  a  Federal 
act. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  152.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  390.  (P.,  June  1787.) 

2805.  EXECUTIVE,  Control  over.— The 
Executive  [branch  of  the  government],  pos 
sessing  the  rights  of   self-government   from 
nature,   cannot  be  controlled  in  the  exercise 
of  them  but  by  a  law,  passed  in  the  forms 
of  the  Constitution. — OFFICIAL  OPINION,     vii, 
499.     FORD  ED.,  v,  209.     (1790.) 

2806.  EXECUTIVE,     Corruption    of    a 
plural.— All     executive     directories    become 
mere    sinks    of   corruption    and    faction. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,     vii,  190.     FORD  ED.,  x,  169. 
(P.F.,  1820.) 

2807.  EXECUTIVE,  French  Consulate. 
— Without  much  faith  in  Bonaparte's  heart,  I 
have  so  much  in  his  head,  as  to  indulge  an 
other    train    of    reflection.      The    republican 
world  has  been  long  looking  with  anxiety  on 
the   two   experiments   going   on    of   a   single 
elective  Executive  here,  and  a  plurality  there. 
Opinions  have  been  considerably  divided  on 
the   event   in   both   countries.       The   greater 
opinion    there   has   seemed   to   be   heretofore 
in  favor  of  a  plurality;  here  it  has  been  very 
generally,  though  not  universally,  in  favor  of 
a  single  elective  Executive.     After  eight  or 
nine  years'  experience  of  perpetual  broils  and 
factions  in  their  Directory,  a  standing  divi 
sion  (under  all  changes)  of  three  against  two, 
which   results   in  a   government   by   a   single 
opinion,  it  is  possible  they  may  think  the  ex 
periment  decided  in  favor  of  our  form,  and 
that  Bonaparte  may  be  for  a  single  executive, 
limited  in  time  and  power,  and  flatter  him 
self  with  the  election  to  that  office;  and  that 
to  this  change  the  nation  may  rally  itself ;  per 
haps  it  is  the  only  one  to  which  all  parties 
could  be  rallied.       In  every  case  it  is  to  be 
feared  and  deplored  that  that  nation  has  yet 
to  wade  through  half  a  century  of  disorder 
and  convulsions. — To  HENRY  INNES.     iv,  315. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  412.     (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 


Executive 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


316 


2808.  EXECUTIVE,  French  Directory. 
— I  fear  the  oligarchical  Executive  of  the 
French  will  not  do.  We  have  always  seen  a 
small  council  get  into  cabals  and  quarrels, 
the  more  bitter  and  relentless  the  fewer  they 
are.  We  saw  this  in  our  Committee  of  the 
States;  and  that  they  were  from  their  bad 
passions,  incapable  of  doing  the  business  of 
their  country.  I  think  that  for  the  prompt, 
clear  and  consistent  action  so  necessary  in 
an  Executive,  unity  of  person  is  necessary  as 
with  us.  I  am  aware  of  the  objection  to 
this,  that  the  office  becoming  more  important 
may  bring  on  serious  discord  in  elections.  In 
our  country,  I  think  it  will  be  long  first;  not 
within  our  day,  and  we  may  safely  trust  to 
the  wisdom  of  our  successors  the  remedies  of 
the  evils  to  arise  in  theirs.— To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  56.  (M.,  Feb.  1796.) 

2809. .     I    had    formerly   looked 

with  great  interest  to  the  experiment  which 
was  going  on  in  France  of  an  Executive  Di 
rectory,  while  that  of  a  single  elective  Exec 
utive  was  under  trial  here.  I  thought  the  issue 
of  them  might  fairly  decide  the  question  be 
tween  the  two  modes.  But  the  untimely  fate 
of  that  establishment  cut  short  the  experi 
ment.  I  have  not,  however,  been  satisfied 
whether  the  dissensions  of  that  Directory 
(and  which  I  fear  are  incident  to  a  plurality) 
were  not  the  most  effective  cause  of  the  suc 
cessful  usurpations'  which  overthrew  them. 
It  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  interesting 
questions  to  a  republican,  and  worthy  of  great 
consideration.— To  JUDGE  WOODWARD,  v,  449. 
(M.,  May  1809.) 

2810.  EXECUTIVE,  Jealousy  of  the.— 
The  Executive  in  our  governments  is  not  the 
sole,  it  is  scarcely  the  principal  object  of  my 
jealousy.     The  tyranny  of  the  legislatures  is 
the  most  formidable  dread  at  present  and  will 
be  for  many  years.     That  of  the  Executive 
will   come   in   its   turn,   but   it   will   be   at   a 
remote  period.— To  JAMES  MADISON,     iii,  5. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  83.     (P.,  1789-) 

2811.  EXECUTIVE,  The  people  and.— 
The  people  are  not  qualified  to  exercise  them 
selves  the  Executive  department ;  but  they  are 
qualified  to  name  the  person  who  shall  ex 
ercise    it.     With    us,    therefore,    they    choose 
this  officer  every  four  years. — To  M.  L'ABBE 
ARNOND.      iii,   81.      FORD   ED.,   v,    103.      (P., 
1789.) 

2812. .  In  times  of  peace  the 

people  look  most  to  their  representatives ;  but 
in  war,  to  the  Executive  solely. — To  CESAR 
A.  RODNEY,  v,  501.  FORD  EDV  ix,  272.  (M., 
1810.) 

2813.  EXECUTIVE,  Republican  and 
monarchical. — A  monarchical  head  should 
confide  the  execution  of  its  will  to  depart 
ments  consisting  each  of  a  plurality  of  hands, 
who  would  warp  that  will  as  much  as  possible 
towards  wisdom  and  moderation,  the  two 
qualities  it  generally  wants.  But  a  republican 
head,  founding  its  decrees,  originally,  in  these 
two  qualities,  should  commit  them  to  a  single 
hand  for  execution,  giving  them,  thereby,  a. 


promptitude  which  republican  proceedings 
generally  want. — ANSWERS  TO  M.  DE  MEU- 
NIER.  ix,  247.  FORD  EDV  iv,  151.  (P.,  1786.) 

2814.  EXECUTIVE,  Single  and  plural. 

— When  our  present  government  was  first  es 
tablished,  we  had  many  doubts  on  this  ques 
tion,  and  many  leanings  towards  a  supreme 
executive  council.  It  happened  that  at  that 
time  the  experiment  of  such  an  one  was  com 
menced  in  France,  while  a  single  Executive 
was  under  trial  here.  We  watched  the 
motions  and  effects  of  these  two  rival  plans, 
with  an  interest  and  anxiety  proportioned  to 
the  importance  of  a  choice  between  them. 
The  experiment  in  France  failed  after  a  short 
course,  and  not  from  any  circumstances  pe 
culiar  to  the  times  or  nation,  but  from  those 
internal  jealousies  and  dissensions  in  the 
Directory,  which  will  ever  arise  among  men 
equal  in  power,  without  a  principal  to  decide 
and  control  their  differences.  We  had  tried 
a  similar  experiment  in  1784,  by  establishing 
a  Committee  of  the  States,  composed  of  a 
member  from  every  State,  then  thirteen,  to 
exercise  the  executive  functions  during  the 
recess  of  Congress.  They  fell  immediately 
into  schisms  and  dissensions,  which  became  at 
length  so  inveterate  as  to  render  all  coopera 
tion  among  them  impracticable ;  they  dis 
solved  themselves,  abandoning  the  helm  of 
government,  and  it  continued  without  a  head, 
until  Congress  met  the  ensuing  winter.  This 
was  then  imputed  to  the  temper  of  two  or 
three  individuals ;  but  the  wise  ascribed  it  to 
the  nature  of  man.  The  failure  of  the  French 
Directory,  and  from  the  same  cause,  seems  to 
have  authorized  a  belief  that  the  form  of  a 
plurality,  however  promising  in  theory,  is  im 
practicable  with  men  constituted  with  the  or 
dinary  passions.  While  the  tranquil  and 
steady  tenor  of  our  single  Executive,  during 
a  course  of  twenty-two  years  of  the  most 
tempestuous  times  the  history  of  the  world 
has  ever  presented,  gives  a  rational  hope  that 
this  important  problem  is  at  length  solved. 
Aided  by  the  counsels  of  a  cabinet  of  heads  of 
departments,  originally  four,  but  now  five,  with 
whom  the  President  consults,  either  singly  or 
altogether,  he  has  the  benefit  of  their  wisdom 
and  information,  brings  their  views  to  one 
centre,  and  produces  an  unity  of  action  and 
direction  in  all  the  branches  of  the  govern 
ment.  The  excellence  of  this  construction  of 
the  executive  power  has  already  manifested 
itself  here  under  very  opposite  circumstances. 
During  the  administration  of  our  first  Presi 
dent,  his  cabinet  of  four  members  was  equally 
divided  by  as  marked  an  opposition  of  princi 
ple  as  monarchism  and  republicanism  could 
bring  into  conflict.  Had  that  cabinet  been  a 
Directory,  like  positive  and  negative  quanti 
ties  in  algebra,  the  opposing  wills  would  have 
balanced  each  other  and  produced  a  state  of 
absolute  inaction.  But  the  President  heard 
with  calmness  the  opinions  and  reasons  of 
each,  decided  the  course  to  be  pursued,  and 
kept  the  government  steadily  in  it,  unaffected 
by  the  agitation.  The  public  knew  well  the 
dissensions  of  the  cabinet,  but  never  had  an 
uneasy  thought  on  their  account,  because  they 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Executive 


knew  also  they  had  provided  a  regulating 
power  which  would  keep  the  machine  in 
steady  movement.  I  speak  with  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  these  scenes,  quorum  pars  fui; 
as  I  may  of  others  of  a  character  entirely 
opposite.  The  third  administration,  which 
was  of  eight  years,  presented  an  example  of 
harmony  in  a  cabinet  of  six  persons,  to  which 
perhaps  history  has  furnished  no  parallel. 
There  never  arose,  during  the  whole  time,  an 
instance  of  an  unpleasant  thought  or  word 
between  the  members.  We  sometimes  met 
under  differences  of  opinion,  but  scarcely  ever 
failed,  by  conversing  and  reasoning,  so  to 
modify  each  other's  ideas,  as  to  produce  an 
unanimous  result.  Yet,  able  and  amicable  as 
these  members  were,  I  am  not  certain  this 
would  have  been  the  case,  had  each  possessed 
equal  and  independent  powers.  Ill-defined 
limits  of  their  respective  departments,  jeal 
ousies,  trifHing  at  first,  but  nourished  and 
strengthened  by  repetition  of  occasions,  in 
trigues  without  doors  of  designing  persons  to 
build  an  importance  to  themselves  on  the 
divisions  of  others,  might  from  small  begin 
nings,  have  produced  persevering  oppositions, 
But  the  power  of  decision  in  the  President 
left  no  object  for  internal  dissension,  and  ex 
ternal  intrigue  was  stifled  in  embryo  by  the 
knowledge  which  incendiaries  possessed,  that 
no  division  they  could  foment  would  change 
the  course  of  the  executive  power.  I  am  not 
conscious  that  my  participations  in  executive 
authority  have  produced  any  bias  in  favor  of 
the  single  Executive;  because  the  parts  I 
have  acted  have  been  in  the  subordinate,  as 
well  as  superior  stations,  and  because,  if  I 
know  myself,  what  I  have  felt,  and  what  I 
have  wished,  I  know  that  I  have  never  been 
so  well  pleased,  as  when  I  could  shift  power 
from  my  own,  on  the  shoulders  of  others ;  nor 
have  I  ever  been  able  to  conceive  how  any 
rational  being  could  propose  happiness  to 
himself  from  the  exercise  of  power  over 
others.  I  am  still,  however,  sensible  of  the 
solidity  of  your  principle,  that,  to  insure  the 
safety  of  the  public  liberty,  its  depository 
should  be  subject  to  be  changed  with  the 
greatest  ease  possible,  and  without  suspend 
ing  or  disturbing  for  a  moment  the  move 
ments  of  the  machine  of  government.  You 
apprehend  that  a  single  Executive,  with  emi 
nence  of  talent,  and  destitution  of  principle, 
equal  to  the  object,  might,  by  usurpation,  ren 
der  his  powers  hereditary.  Yet  I  think  his 
tory  furnishes  as  many  examples  of  a  single 
usurper  arising  out  of  a  government  by  a 
plurality,  as  of  temporary  trusts  of  power 
in  a  single  hand  rendered  permanent  by  usur 
pation.  I  do  not  believe,  therefore,  that  this 
danger  is  lessened  in  the  hands  of  a  plural 
Executive.  Perhaps  it  is  greatly  increased, 
by  the  state  of  inefficiency  to  which  they  are 
liable  from  feuds  and  divisions  among  them 
selves.  The  conservative  body  you  propose 
might  be  so  constituted,  as,  while  it  would  be 
an  admirable  sedative  in  a  variety  of  smaller 
cases,  might  also  be  a  valuable  sentinel  and 
check  on  the  liberticide  views  of  an  ambitious 
individual.  I  am  friendly  to  this  idea.  But 


the  true  barriers  of  our  liberty  in  this  country 
are  our  State  governments;  and  the  wisest 
conservative  power  ever  contrived  by  man.  is 
that  of  which  our  Revolution  and  present 
government  found  us  possessed.  Seventeen 
distinct  States,  amalgamated  into  one  as  to 
their  foreign  concerns,  but  single  and  inde 
pendent  as  to  their  internal  administration, 
regularly  organized  with  a  legislature  and 
governor  resting  on  the  choice  of  the  people, 
and  enlightened  by  a  free  press,  can  never  be 
so  fascinated  by  the  arts  of  one  man,  as  to 
submit  voluntarily  to  his  usurpation.  Nor 
can  they  be  constrained  to  it  by  any  force  he 
can  possess.  While  that  may  paralyze  the 
single  State  in  which  it  happens  to  be  en 
camped,  sixteen  others,  spread  over  a  country 
of  two  thousand  miles  diameter,  rise  up  on 
every  side,  ready  organized  for  deliberation  by 
a  constitutional  legislature,  and  for  action  by 
their  governor,  constitutionally  the  com 
mander  of  the  militia  of  the  State,  that  is  to 
say,  of  every  man  in  it  able  to  bear  arms ;  and 
that  militia,  too,  regularly  formed  into  regi 
ments  and  battalions,  into  infantry,  cavalry 
and  artillery,  trained  under  officers  general 
and  subordinate,  legally  appointed,  always  in 
readiness,  and  to  whom  they  are  already  in 
habits  of  obedience.  The  republican  govern 
ment  of  France  was  lost  without  a  struggle 
because  the  party  of  "  un  et  indivisible  "  had 
prevailed;  no  provisional  organization  exist 
ed  to  which  the  people  might  rally  under 
authority  of  the  laws,  the  seats  of  the  Di 
rectory  were  virtually  vacant,  and  a  small 
force  sufficed  to  turn  the  legislature  out  of 
their  chamber,  and  to  salute  its  leader  chief 
of  the  nation.  But  with  us,  sixteen  out  of 
seventeen  States  rising  in  mass,  under  regu 
lar  organization,  and  legal  commanders, 
united  in  object  and  action  by  their  Congress, 
or,  if  that  be  in  duresse,  by  a  Special  Conven 
tion,  present  such  obstacles  to  an  usurper  as 
forever  to  stifle  ambition  in  the  first  con 
ception  of  that  object.  Dangers  of  another 
kind  might  more  reasonably  be  apprehended 
from  this  perfect  and  distinct  organization, 
civil  and  military,  of  the  States ;  to  wit,  that 
certain  States  from  local  and  occasional  dis 
contents,  might  attempt  to  secede  from  the 
Union.  This  is  certainly  possible ;  and  would 
be  befriended  by  this  regular  organization. 
But  it  is  not  probable  that  local  discon 
tents  can  spread  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  be 
able  to  face  the  sound  parts  of  so  extensive 
an  Union ;  and  if  ever  they  should  reach  the 
majority,  they  would  then  become  the  regu 
lar  government,  acquire  the  ascendency  in 
Congress,  and  be  able  to  redress  their  own 
grievances  by  laws  peaceably  and  constitu 
tionally  passed.  And  even  the  States  in 
which  local  discontents  might  engender  a 
commencement  of  fermentation,  would  be 
paralyzed  and  self-checked  by  that  very  divi 
sion  into  parties  into  which  we  have  fallen, 
into  which  all  States  must  fall  wherein  men 
are  at  liberty  to  think,  speak,  and  act  freely, 
according  to  the  diversities  of  their  individ 
ual  conformations,  and  which  are,  perhaps, 
essential  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the  gov- 


Executive 
Exercise 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


318 


eminent,  by  the  censorship  which  these 
parties  habitually  exercise  over  each  other. — 
To  M.  DESTUTT  TRACY,  v,  567.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  306.  (M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

2815. .     If   experience   has   ever 

taught  a  truth,  it  is  that  a  plurality  in  the 
Supreme  Executive  will  forever  split  in  the 
discordant  factions,  distract  the  nation,  an 
nihilate  its  energies,  and  force  the  nation,  to 
rally  under  a  single  head,  generally  an  usurp 
er.  We  have,  I  think,  fallen  on  the  hap 
piest  of  all  modes  of  constituting  the  Execu 
tive,  that  of  easing  and  aiding  our  President, 
by  permitting  him  to  choose  Secretaries  of 
State,  of  Finance,  of  War,  and  of  the  Navy, 
with  whom  he  may  advise,  either  separately 
or  all  together,  and  remedy  their  divisions 
by  adopting  or  controlling  their  opinions  at 
his  discretion ;  this  saves  the  nation  from  the 
evils  of  a  divided  will,  and  secures  to  it  a 
steady  march  in  the  systematic  course  which 
the  President  may  have  adopted  for  that  of 
his  administration. — To  M.  CORAY.  vii,  321. 
(M.,  1823.)  See  PRESIDENT. 

2816.  EXERCISE,  Amount  of.— Not  less 
than  two  hours  a  day  should  be  devoted  to  ex 
ercise. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
294.  (P.,  1786.) 

2817. .     Give    about    two    hours 

every  day,  to  exercise ;  for  health  must  not  be 
sacrificed  to  learning.  A  strong  body  makes 
the  mind  strong.* — To  PETER  CARR.  i,  397.  (P., 
17850 

2818. .  I  give  more  time  to  ex 
ercise  of  the  body  than  of  the  mind,  believing  it 
wholesome  to  both. — To  DAVID  HOWELL.  v,  535. 
(M.,  1810.) 

2819.  EXERCISE,  Carriage.— A  carriage 
is  no  better  than  a  cradle. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH, 
JR.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  293.     (P.,  1786.) 

2820.  EXERCISE,  The  gun  and.— As  to 

the  species  of  exerc;se,  I  advise  the  gun.  While 
this  gives  a  moderate  exercise  to  the  body,  it 
gives  boldness,  enterprise,  and  independence  to 
the  mind.  Games  played  with  ball,  and  others 
of  that  nature,  are  too  violent  for  the  body, 
and  stamp  no  character  on  the  mind.  Let  your 
gun,  therefore,  be  the  constant  companion  of 
your  walks. — To  PETER  CARR.  i,  397.  (P., 
1785-) 

2821.  EXERCISE,  Health  and.— You 

are  not  to  consider  yourself  as  unemployed  while 
taking  exercise.  That  is  necessary  for  your 
health,  and  health  is  the  first  of  all  objects. — To 
MARTHA  JEFFERSON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  372.  (1787.) 

2822. .     Exercise  and  recreation 

are  as  necessary  as  reading :  I  will  say  rather 
more  necessary,  because  health  is  worth  more 
than  learning. — To  JOHN  GARLAND  JEFFERSON. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  180.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

2823.  EXERCISE,  Horseback.— A  horse 
gives  but  a  kind  of  half  exercise. — To   T.   M. 
RANDOLPH,  JR.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  293.     (P.,  1786.) 
See  HORSES. 

2824.  EXERCISE,    Invigoration    by.— 

The  sovereign  invigorator  of  the  body  is  exer 
cise. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
293-     (P.,  1786.) 
*  Peter  Carr  was  Jefferson's  nephew.— EDITOR. 


2825.  EXERCISE,  Love  of.— The  loss  of 
the  power  of  taking  exercise  would  be  a  sore 
affliction  to  me.     It  has  been  the  delight  of  my 
retirement    to    be    in    constant    bodily    activity, 
looking  after  my  affairs.     It  was  never  damped 
as  the  pleasures  of  reading  are,  by  the  question 
cui  bono?     *     *     *     Your  works  show  that  of 
your  mind.     The  habits  of  exercise  which  your 
calling  has  given  to  both,  will  tend  long  to  pre 
serve    them.     The    sedentary    character    of   my 
occupations     sapped    a     constitution     naturally 
strong  and  vigorous,  and  draws  it  to  an  earlier 
close. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,     vi,  4.      FORD 
ED.,  ix,  328.     (P.P.,   1811.) 

2826.  EXERCISE,  Reading  and.— Never 
think  of  taking  a  book  with  you.     The  object  of 
walking  is  to  relax  the  mind.  You  should,  there 
fore,  not  permit  yourself  even  to  think  while  you 
walk ;    but  divert  yourself  by  the  objects   sur 
rounding  you. — To   PETER  CARR.     i,   398.      (P., 
1785-) 

2827.  EXERCISE,    Time   for.— I    would 
advise  you  to  take  your  exercise  in  the  after 
noon  ;    not  because  it  is  the  best  time  for  exer 
cise,  for  certainly  it  is  not,  but  because  it  is  the 
best  time  to  spare  from  your  studies ;    and  habit 
will  soon  reconcile  it  to  health,  and  render  it 
nearly  as  useful  as  if  you  gave  to  that  the  more 
precious  hours  of  the  day. — To  PETER  CARR.     i, 
398.     (P.,  1785.) 

2828. .     When    you    shall    find 

yourself  strong,*  you  may  venture  to  take  your 
walks  in  the  evening,  after  the  digestion  of  the 
dinner  is  pretty  well  over.  This  is  making  a 
compromise  between  health  and  study.  The  lat 
ter  would  be  too  much  interrupted  were  you  to 
take  from  it  the  early  hours  of  the  day,  and 
habit  will  soon  render  the  evening's  exercise  as 
salutary  as  that  of  the  morning.  I  speak  this 
from  my  own  experience,  having,  from  an  early 
attachment  to  study,  very  early  in  life,  made  this 
arrangement  of  my  time,  having  ever  observed 
it,  and  still  observing  it,  and  always  with  perfect 
success. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  294.  (P.,  1786.) 

2829.  EXERCISE,  Walking.— Of  all  ex 
ercises  walking  is  the  best.  *  *  *  No  one 
knows,  till  he  tries,  how  easily  a  habit,  of  walk 
ing  is  acquired.  A  person  who  never  walked 
three  miles  will  in  the  course  of  a  month  be 
come  able  to  walk  fifteen  or  twenty  without 
fatigue.  I  have  known  some  great  walkers,  and 
had  particular  accounts  of  many  more;  and  I 
never  knew  or  heard  of  one  who  was  not  healthy 
and  long  lived. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  293.  (P.,  1786.) 

2830. .  Walking  is  the  best  pos 
sible  exercise.  Habituate  yourself  to  walk  very 
far.  The  Europeans  value  themselves  on  hav 
ing  subdued  the  horse  to  the  uses  of  man  ;  but  I 
doubt  whether  we  have  not  lost  more  than  we 
have  gained,  by  the  use  of  this  animal.  No  one 
has  occasioned  so  much  the  degeneracy  of  the 
human  body.  An  Indian  goes  on  foot  nearly  as 
far  in  a  day,  for  a  long  journey,  as  an  enfeebled 
white  does  on  his  horse  :  and  he  will  tire  the 
best  horses.  There  is  no  habit  you  will  value  so 
much  as  that  of  walking  far  without  fatigue. — 
To  PETER  CARR.  i,  398.  (P.,  1785.) 

2831. .  Take  a  great  deal  of  ex 
ercise  and  on  foot. — To  PETER  CARR.  ii,  241. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  433.  (P.,  1787-) 

*  Randolph  was  in  feeble  health,  and  while  in  that 
condition  Jefferson  recommended  the  middle  of  the 
day  for  walking.— EDITOR. 


319 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Exercise 
Expatriation 


2832.  EXERCISE,    Weather    and.— The 
weather  should  be  little  regarded.     A  person  not 
sick  will  not  be  injured  by  getting  wet.     It  is 
but   taking   a   cold   bath    which    never   gives    a 
cold  to  any  one.     Brute  animals  are  the  most 
healthy,   and   they   are   exposed   to   all   weather 
and,  of  men,  those  are  healthiest  who  are  the 
most  exposed.     The  recipe  of  these  two  descrip 
tions  of  beings  is  simple  diet,  exercise  and  the 
open  air,  be  its  state  what  it  will :    and  we  may 
venture  to  say  that  this  recipe  will  give  health 
and   vigor   to   every   other   description. — To    T. 
M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.   FORD  ED.,  iv,  294.  (P.,  1786.) 

2833.  EXILE,    Punishment    by.— Exile 
[isl  the  most  rational  of  all  punishments  for 
meditated  treason. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,    vi,  8. 
(M.,  1811.) 

2834.  EXPANSION,  Safety  in.— I  know 
that  the  acquisition   of   Louisiana  has   been 
disapproved  by  some,  from  a  candid  appre 
hension    that    the    enlargement    of    territory 
would   endanger   its   Union.      But   who   can 
limit  the  extent  to  which  the  federative  prin 
ciple    may   operate   effectively?      The    larger 
our   association,   the   less   will   it  be   shaken 
by  local  passions. — SECOND    INAUGURAL    AD 
DRESS,     viii,  41.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  344.     (1805.) 
See  TERRITORY. 

2835.  EXPATRIATION,    Assertion    of 
the  right. — Our  ancestors,  before  their  emi 
gration  to  America,  were  the  free  inhabitants 
of  the  British  dominions  in  Europe,  and  pos 
sessed  a  right,  which  nature  has  given  to  all 
men,  of  departing  from  the  country  in  which 
chance,  not  choice,  has  placed  them,  of  going 
in  quest  of  new  habitations,  and  of  there  es 
tablishing  new  societies,  under  such  laws  and 
regulations   as,    to   them,    shall     seem     most 
likely   to   promote   public   happiness.      Their 
Saxon    ancestors   had,    under   this   universal 
law,  in  like  manner,  left  their  native  wilds 
and  woods  in  the  North  of  Europe,  had  pos 
sessed  themselves  of  the   Island   of   Britain, 
then  less  charged  with  inhabitants,  and  had 
established  there  that  system  of  laws  which 
has  so  long  been  the  glory  and  protection  of 
that  country.     Nor   was   ever  any  claim  of 
superiority  or  dependence  asserted  over  them 
by  that  mother  country  from  which  they  had 
migrated;    and  were  such  a  claim  made,  it 
is   believed   his   Majesty's   subjects   in   Great 
Britain  have  too  firm  a  feeling  of  the  rights 
derived    to    them    from    their    ancestors,    to 
bow  down  the  sovereignty  of  their  State  be 
fore   such   visionary   pretensions.     And   it   is 
thought  that  no   circumstance   has   occurred 
to   distinguish,    materially,   the   British   from 
the  Saxon  emigration.* — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,     i,  125.     FORD  ED.,  i,  429.     (1774.) 

*  Rayner  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson  (c.  3)  says  :  u  The 
correct  definition  and  answer  of  the  great  question 
which  formed  the  hinge  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion,  to  wit,  of  the  right  of  taxation  without  repre 
sentation,  were  original  with  Mr.  Jefferson.  lie, 
following  out  the  right  of  expatriation  into  all  its 
legitimate  consequences,  advanced  at  once,  to  the 
necessary  conclusion,  and  the  only  one  which  he 
deemed  orthodox  or  tenable — that  there  was  no 
political  connection  whatever  between  the  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  :  and  conse 
quently,  that  it  had  no  right  to  tax  them  in  any  case 
— not  e'ven  for  the  regulation  of  commerce.  The 
other  patriots,  either  not  admitting  the  right  of  ex 
patriation,  or,  which  is  most  likely,  not  having  pur- 


2836.  EXPATRIATION,  Great  Britain 
and. — Every  attempt  of  Great  Britain  to  en 
force  her  principle  of  "  Once  a  subject,  al 
ways  a  subject",  beyond  the  case  of  her  own 
subjects   ought   to   be    repelled. — To    ALBERT 
GALLATIN.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  251.     (1803.) 

2837.  EXPATRIATION,     A    natural 
right. — I  hold  the  right  of  expatriation  to  be 
inherent  in  every  man  by  the  laws  of  nature, 
and  incapable  of  being  rightfully  taken  from 
him  even  by  the  united  will  of  every  other  per 
son  in  the  nation.     If  the  laws  have  provided 
no  particular  mode  by  which  the  right  of  ex 
patriation   may   be  exercised,   the   individual 
may  do  it  by  any  effectual  and  unequivocal 
act   or   declaration.      The   laws    of   Virginia 
have  provided  a  mode;    Mr.  Cooper  is  said 
to    have    exercised    his    right    solemnly    and 
exactly  according  to  that  mode,  and  to  have 
departed    from    the    commonwealth ;    where 
upon  the  law  declares  that  "  he  shall  hence 
forth  be  deemed  no  citizen  ".     Returning  af 
terwards  he  returns  an  alien,  and  must  pro 
ceed  to  make  himself  a  citizen  if  he  desires 
it,  as  every  other  alien  does.     At  present,  he 
can  hold  no  lands,  receive  nor  transmit  any 
inheritance,    nor   enjoy   any   other    right   pe 
culiar  to  a  citizen.    The  General  Government 
has  nothing  to  do  with  this  question.     Con 
gress   may,   by   the    Constitution,    "  establish 
an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization  ",  that  is, 
by  what  rule  an  alien  may  become  a  citizen; 
but  they  cannot  take  from  a  citizen  his  nat 
ural   right  of  divesting  himself  of  the  char 
acter  of  a  citizen  by  expatriation. — To  AL 
BERT   GALLATIN.     FORD   ED.,   viii,    458.     (W., 
June  1806.) 

2838. .     My  opinion  on  the  right 

of  expatriation  has  been,  so  long  ago  as  the 
year  1776,  consigned  to  record  in  the  act 
of  the  Virginia  code,  drawn  by  myself,  rec 
ognizing  the  right  expressly,  and  prescribing 
the  mode  of  exercising  it.  The  evidence 
of  this  natural  right,  like  that  of  our  right 
to  life,  liberty,  the  use  of  our  faculties,  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  is  not  left  to  the  feeble 
and  sophistical  investigations  of  reason,  but 
is  impressed  on  the  sense  of  every  man.  We 
dp  not  claim  these  under  the  charters  of 
kings  or  legislators,  but  under  the  King  of 
kings.  If  he  has  made  it  a  law  in  the  nature 
of  man  to  pursue  his  own  happiness,  he  has 
left  him  free  in  the  choice  of  place  as  well  as 
mode;  and  we  may  safely  call  on  the  whole 
body  of  English  jurists  to  produce  the  map 
on  which  nature  has  traced,  for  each  indi 
vidual,  the  geographical  line  which  she  for 
bids  him  to  cross  in  pursuit  of  happiness. 
It  certainly  does  not  exist  in  his  mind. 
Where,  then,  is  it?  I  believe,  too,  I  might 
safely  affirm,  that  there  is  not  another  nation, 
civilized  or  savage,  which  has  ever  denied 
this  natural  right.  I  doubt  if  there  is  an 
other  which  refuses  its  exercise.  I  know  it 
is  allowed  in  some  of  the  most  respectable 
countries  of  continental  Europe,  nor  have  I 

sued  to  the  same  extent,  its  necessary  results,  con 
ceded  the  authority  of  Parliament  over  the  Colonies, 
for  the  purposes  of  commercial  regulation,  though 
not  of  raising  revenue."  -EDITOR. 


Expatriation 
Faction 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


320 


ever  heard  of  one  in  which  it  was  not.  How 
it  is  among  our  savage  neighbors,  who  have 
no  law  but  that  of  Nature,  we  all  know. — 
To  DR.  JOHN  MANNERS,  vii,  73.  FORD  ED., 
x,  87.  (M.,  1817.) 

2839. .  Expatriation  [is]  a  natu 
ral  right,*  *  *  acted  on  as  such  by  all 
nations,  in  all  ages. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  8. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  13.  (1821.) 

2840. .     Early  in  the  session  [of 

the  Virginia  Assembly]  of  May,  1799,  I  pre 
pared  and  obtained  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill 
declaring  who  should  be  deemed  citizens, 
asserting  the  natural  right  of  expatriation, 
and  prescribing  the  mode  of  exercising  it. 
This,  when  I  withdrew  from  the  House,  on 
the  ist  of  June  following,  I  left  in  the  hands 
of  George  Mason,  and  it  was  passed  on  the 
26th  of  that  month.* — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 
40.  FORD  ED.,  i,  55.  (1821.) 

2841.  EXPERIENCE,   Governmental.— 

Forty  years  of  experience  in  government  is 
worth  a  century  of  book-reading. — To  SAM 
UEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  15.  FORD  ED.,  x,  42. 
(M.,  1816.) 

2842.  EXPERIMENT,      Trying.— The 

precept  is  wise  which  directs  us  to  try  all 
things,  and  hold  fast  that  which  is  good. — 
To  WILLIAM  DRAYTON.  ii,  347.  (P.,  1788.) 

—  EXPLORATION,  Lewis  and  Clark.— 
See  LEWIS  AND  CLARK,  and  LEDYARD. 

2843.  EXPORTS,   Taxation  of.— Your 

pamphlet  is  replete  with  sound  views,  some 
of  which  will  doubtless  be  adopted.  Some 
may  be  checked  by  difficulties.  None  more 
likely  to  be  so  than  the  proposition  to  amend 
the  Constitution,  so  as  to  authorize  Congress 
to  tax  exports.  The  provision  against  this 
in  the  framing  of  that  instrument,  was  a 
sine  qua  non  with  the  States  of  peculiar  pro 
ductions,  as  rice,  indigo,  cotton  and  tobacco, 
to  which  may  now  be  added  sugar.  A  jealousy 
prevailing  that  to  the  few  States  producing 
these  articles,  the  justice  of  the  others  might 
not  be  a  sufficient  protection  in  opposition  to 
their  interest,  they  moored  themselves  to  this 
anchor.  Since  the  hostile  dispositions  lately 
manifested  by  the  Eastern  States,  they  would 
be  less  willing  than  before  to  place  them 
selves  at  their  mercy;  and  the  rather,  as 
the  Eastern  States  have  no  exports  which 
can  be  taxed  equivalently.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  this  difficulty  might  be  got 
over;  but  the  subject  looking  forward  be 
yond  my  time,  I  leave  it  to  those  to  whom 
its  burdens  and  benefits  will  belong,  adding 
only  my  prayers  for  whatever  may  be  best 
for  our  country. — To  ANDREW  G.  MITCHELL. 
vi,  483-  (M.,  1815.) 

2844.  EXTRAVAGANCE,     Deplored.— 
All  my  letters  [from  America]  are  filled  with 
details  of  our  extravagance.    From  these  ac 
counts,  I  look  back  to  the  time  of  the  war 
as  a  time  of  happiness  and  enjoyment,  when 

*This  act  is  of  constitutional  and  historical  im 
portance  as  the  first  enactment  placing  the  doctrine 
of  expatriation  on  a  legal  basis. — EDITOR. 


amidst  the  privation  of  many  things  not  es 
sential  to  happiness,  we  could  not  run  in  debt, 
because  nobody  would  trust  us ;  when  we 
practiced  by  necessity  the  maxim  of  buying 
nothing  but  what  we  had  money  in  our  pock 
ets  to  pay  for ;  a  maxim  which,  of  all  others, 
lays  the  broadest  foundation  for  happiness. 
—To  MR.  SHIPWITH.  ii,  191.  (P.,  1787.) 

2845.  EXTRAVAGANCE,       Discontent 
and. — A    continuation    of    inconsiderate    ex 
pense   seems   to   have   raised    the     [French] 
nation  to  the  highest  pitch  of  discontent. — 
To  M.  DE  CREVECCEUR.     ii,  234.     (P.,  1787.) 

2846.  EXTRAVAGANCE,     Evil    of.— I 
consider  the  extravagance  which  has  seized 
[my  countrymen]  as  a  more  baneful  evil  than 
toryism  was  during  the  war.     It  is  the  more 
so,   as  the  example  is   set  by  the  best  and 
most     amiable     characters     among     us. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,    i,  550.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.     (P., 
1786.) 

2847.  EXTRAVAGANCE,         Govern 
mental. — If  we  can  prevent  the  government 
from  wasting  the  labors  of  the  people,  under 
the   pretence   of   taking   care   of  them,   they 
must  become  happy.— To    THOMAS    COOPER. 
iv,  453.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  178.     (W.,  1802.) 

2848. .  Private  fortunes  are  de 
stroyed  by  public  as  well  as  by  private  ex 
travagance. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii, 
14.  FORD  ED.,  x,  42.  (M.,  j8i6.) 

2849. .     The  increase  of  expense 

beyond  income  is  an  indication  soliciting  the 
employment  of  the  pruning  knife. — To  SPEN 
CER  ROANE.  vii,  212.  FORD  ED.,  x,  188.  (M., 
1821.) 

2850.  EXTRAVAGANCE,       Wanton.— 

Our  predecessors,  in  order  to  increase  ex 
pense,  debt,  taxation,  and  patronage,  tried 
always  how  much  they  could  give. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  445.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  191. 
(W.,  1803.) 

2851.  FACTION,  Baleful.— In  the  pres 
ent  factions  division  of  your  State  [Pennsyl 
vania]    an   angel    from   heaven   could   do   no 
good.— To   W.   T.   FRANKLIN,     i,   555.     (P., 
1786.) 

2852.  FACTION,    Government    and.— 

With  respect  to  the  schism  among  the  repub 
licans  of  your  State  [Pennsylvania]  I  have 
ever  declared  to  both  parties  that  I  consider 
the  General  Government  as  bound  to  take  no 
part  in  it,  and  I  have  carefully  kept  both  my 
judgment,  my  affections,  and  my  conduct, 
clear  of  all  bias  to  either. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,  v,  182.  (M.,  1807.) 

2853.  FACTION,   Violent.— I  have   seen 
with  regret  the  violence  of  the  dissensions 
in  your  quarter  [Mississippi].     We  have  the 
same    in    the    Territories    of    Louisiana    and 
Michigan.     It  seems  that  the  smaller  the  so 
ciety  the  bitterer  the  dissensions  into  which 
it  breaks.     Perhaps  this  observation  answers 
all  the  objections  drawn  by  Mr.  [John]  Adams 
from  the  small  republics  of  Italy.     I  believe 


321 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Faith  (Good) 
Family 


ours  is  to  owe  its  permanence  to  its  great  ex 
tent,  and  the  smaller  portion  comparatively, 
which  can  ever  be  convulsed  at  one  time  by 
local  passions. — To  GOVERNOR  ROBERT  WILL 
IAMS,  v,  209.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  1 66.  (Nov.  1807.) 

2854.  FAITH  (Good),  Adherence  to.— It 

is  a  great  consolation  to  me  that  our  govern 
ment,  as  it  cherishes  most  its  duties  to  its 
own  citizens,  so  is  it  the  most  exact  in  its 
moral  conduct  towards  other  nations.  I  do 
not  believe  that  in  the  four  Administrations 
which  have  taken  place,  there  has  been  a 
single  instance  of  departure  from  good  faith 
towards  other  nations.  We  may  sometimes 
have  mistaken  our  rights,  or  made  an  erro 
neous  estimate  of  the  actions  of  others,  but 
no  voluntary  wrong  can  be  imputed  to  us. — 
To  GEORGE  LOGAN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  68.  (P.F., 
Nov.  1816.) 

2855.  FAITH    (Good),    Rule    of.— Good 
faith  ought  ever  to  be  the  rule  of  action  in 
public  as   well  as   in  private   transactions. — 
SIXTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  64.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  489.     (1806.) 

2856.  FAITH  (Good),  The  surest  guide. 

— Good  faith  is  every  man's  surest  guide.* — 
PEACE  PROCLAMATION.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  377. 
(1784.) 

2857.  FAITH   (Public),  Breach  of  im 
possible. — The    separation    of    these    troops 
(British  prisoners  in  Virginia)    would  be  a 
breach  of  public  faith,  therefore,  I  suppose  it 
is  impossible. — To  GOVERNOR  HENRY,     i,  221. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  179.     (1779.) 

2858.  FAITH    (Public),    Cherishing.— I 

think  it  very  certain  that  a  decided  majority 
of  the  next  Congress  will  be  actuated  by  a 
very  different  spirit  from  that  which  governed 
the  two  preceding  Congresses.  Public  faith 
will  be  cherished  equally,  I  would  say  more, 
because  it  will  be  on  purer  principles;  and 
the  tone  and  proceedings  of  the  government 
will  be  brought  back  to  the  true  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  without  disorganizing  the  ma 
chine  in  its  essential  parts. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  214.  (Pa.,  April 
I793-) 

2859.  FAITH  (Public),  Preservation  of. 
— [The]    sacred    preservation    of   the    public 
faith,  I  deem  [one  of  the]  essential  principles 
of  our  government  and,   consequently    [one] 
which   ought   to   shape   its   administration. — 
FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  4.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  5.     (1801.) 

2860. .     To  preserve  the  faith  of 

the  nation  by  an  exact  discharge  of  its  debts 
and  contracts  *  *  *  [is  one  of]  the  land 
marks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves  in 
all  our  proceedings. — SECOND  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  21.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  187.  (Dec. 
1802.) 

2861. .     There   can    never   be    a 

fear  but  that  the  paper  which  represents  the 

*The  proclamation  announcing  the  ratification  of 
the  definitive  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain. — 
EDITOR. 


public  debt  will  be  ever  sacredly  good.  The 
public  faith  is  bound  for  this,  and  no  change 
of  system  will  ever  be  permitted  to  touch  this ; 
but  no  other  paper  stands  on  ground  equally 
sure. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  343.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  460.  (Pa.,  March  1792.) 

2862.  FAITH  (Public),  Respect  for.— A 

respect  for  public  faith,  though  it  was  engaged 
by  false  brethren,  must  protect  the  funding 
phalanx. — To  C.  D.  EBELING.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
47-  (1795.) 

2863.  FALSEHOOD,     Truth     and.— He 
who  knows  nothing  is  nearer  the  truth  than 
he  whose  mind  is  filled  with  falsehoods  and 
errors. — To  JOHN  NORVELL.    v,  92.    FORD  ED., 
ix,  73.     (W.,  1807.) 

2864.  FAMILY,    Affection.— The    circle 

of  pur  nearest  connections  is  the  only  one  in 
which  a  faithful  and  lasting  affection  can  be 
found,  one  which  will  adhere  to  us  under  all 
changes  and  chances.  It  is,  therefore,  the 
only  soil  on  which  it  is  worth  while  to  bestow 
much  culture.  Of  this  truth  you  will  become 
more  convinced  every  day  you  advance  into 
life. — To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES.  D.  L.  J. 
255.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

2865.  FAMILY,    Complications    in.— If 

the  lady  has  anything  difficult  in  her  dispo 
sition,  avoid  what  is  rough,  and  attach  her 
good  qualities  to  you.*  Consider  what  are 
otherwise  as  a  bad  stop  in  your  harpsichord, 
and  do  not  touch  on  it,  but  make  yourself 
happy  with  the  good  ones.  Every  human 
being  must  thus  be  viewed,  according  to  what 
it  is  good  for;  for  none  of  us,  no  not  one,  is 
perfect;  and  were  we  to  love  none  who  had 
imperfections,  this  world  would  be  a  desert 
for  our  love.  All  we  can  do  is  to  make  the 
best  of  pur  friends,  love  and  cherish  what 
is  good  in  them,  and  keep  out  of  the  way  of 
what  is  bad;  but  no  more  think  of  rejecting 
them  for  it,  than  of  throwing  away  a  piece  of 
music  for  a  flat  passage  or  two.  Your  situ 
ation  will  require  peculiar  attentions  and  re 
spect  to  both  parties.  Let  no  proof  be  too 
much  for  either  your  patience  or  acquiescence. 
Be  you  the  link  of  love,  union,  and  peace 
for  the  whole  family.  The  world  will  give 
you  the  more  credit  for  it,  in  proportion  to 
the  difficulty  of  the  task,  and  your  own  hap 
piness  will  be  the  greater  as  you  perceive  that 
you  promote  that  of  others. — To  MARTHA 
JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  D.  L.  J.  187.  (N.Y., 
1790.) 

2866.  FAMILY,   A   happy.— I    now    see 

our  fireside  formed  into  a  group  no  one  mem 
ber  of  which  has  a  fibre  in  their  composition 
which  can  ever  produce  any  jarring  or  jeal 
ousies  among  us.  No  irregular  passions,  no 
dangerous  bias,  which  may  render  problemat 
ical  the  future  fortunes  and  happiness  of 
our  descendants.  We  are  quieted  as  to  their 
condition  for  at  least  one  generation  more. — 
To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  D.  L.  J. 
245.  (Pa.,  1797.) 

*  Jefferson  was  advising  his  daughter  respecting 
her  demeanor  towards  a  young  wife  whom  her 
father-in-law  had  married. — EDITOR. 


Family 
Farmers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


2867.  FAMILY,   Love   of.— It   is   in   the 

love  of  one's  family  only  that  heartfelt  hap 
piness  is  known.— To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES. 
D.  L.  J.  281.  (W.,  1801.) 

2868.  FAMILY,   Society.— When   I   look 
to  the  ineffable  pleasure  of  my  family  society. 
I  become  more  and  more  disgusted  with  the 
jealousies,  the  hatred,  and  the  rancorous  and 
malignant  passions  of  this  scene  [the  Capital], 
and  lament  my  having  ever  again  been  drawn 
into  public  view.    Tranquillity  is  now  my  ob 
ject. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  D. 
L.  J.    245-     (Pa.,  1797.) 

2869.  FAMILY,     Thoughts     of.— Envi 
roned   here    in    scenes   of   constant   torment, 
malice,  and  obloquy,  worn  down  in  a  station 
where  no  effort  to  render  service  can  avail 
anything,  I  feel  not  that  existence  is  a  bless 
ing,    but    when    something    recalls    my    mind 
to  my  family  or  farm.— To  MARY  JEFFERSON 
EPPES.    D.  L.  J.    256.     (Feb.  I799-) 

2870.  FAMILY  TIES.— I  find  myself  de 
taching    very    fast,    perhaps    too    fast,    from 
everything  but  yourself,  your  sister,  and  those 
who  are  identified  with  you.    These  form  the 
last  hold  the  world  will  have  on  me,  the  cords 
which  will  be  cut  only  when  I  am  loosened 
from  this  state  of  being.— To  MARTHA  JEF 
FERSON    RANDOLPH.      D.  L.  J.     248.      (Pa., 
1798.) 

2871. .     My   attachments   to   the 

world,  and  whatever  it  can  offer,  are  daily 
wearing  off;  but  you  are  one  of  the  links 
which  hold  to  my  existence,  and  can  only 
break  off  with  that.— To  MARY  JEFFERSON 
EPPES.  D.  L.  J.  263.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

2872.  FAMILY,  Unhappiness  without. 
— By    a    law    of    our    nature,    we    cannot   be 
happy  without  the  endearing  connections  of  a 
family.— To  W.  CLARKE,    v,  468.     (M.,  1809.) 

2873.  FAMINE,  Anarchy  and.— The  first 

thing  to  be  feared  for  the  French  Republic 
is  famine.  This  will  infallibly  produce  an 
archy.  Indeed,  that  joined  to  a  draft  of  sol 
diers,  has  already  produced  some  serious  in 
surrections.— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  570. 
(Pa.,  June  1793.) 

2874.  FAMINE,  Insurrection  and.— We 
are  in  danger  of  hourly  insurrection  [in  Paris] 
for  want  of  bread ;  and  an  insurrection  once 
begun   for   that   cause,    may   associate    itself 
with  those  discontented  for  other  causes,  and 
produce  incalculable  events. — To  E.  RUTLEDGE. 
iii,  in.     (P.,  Sep.  1789-) 

2875.  FANATICISM,  Education  and.— 
The  atmosphere  of  our  countrv  is  unquestion 
ably  charged  with  a  threatening  cloud  of  fa 
naticism,    lighter    in    some    parts,    denser    in 
others,  but  too  heavy  in  all.     *     *     *     The 
diffusion  of  instruction     *    *    *    will  be  the 
*    *    *    remedy  for  this  fever  of  fanaticism. 
— To  THOMAS  COOPER,     vii,  266.     FORD  ED., 
x,  242.     (M.,  1822.) 

2876.  FANATICISM,    Growth   and   de 
cline. — I  hope  and  believe  you  are  mistaken 
in  supposing  the  reign  of  fanaticism  to  be  on 


the  advance.  I  think  it  certainly  declining. 
It  was  first  excited  artificially  by  the  sover 
eigns  of  Europe  as  an  engine  of  opoosition  to 
Bonaparte  and  to  France.  It  rose  to  a  great 
height  there,  and  became,  indeed,  a  powerful 
engine  of  loyalism,  and  of  support  to  their 
governments.  But  that  loyalism  is  giving  way 
to  very  different  dispositions,  and  its 
prompter,  fanaticism,  is  vanishing  with  it.  In 
the  meantime,  it  had  been  waf  ed  across  the 
Atlantic,  and  chiefly  from  England,  with  their 
other  fashions,  but  it  is  here  also  on  the  wane. 
— To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vii,  170.  (M.,  1820.) 

2877.  FANEUIL  HALL,  Sedition  and. 

— What  mischief  is  this  which  is  brewing 
anew  between  Faneuil  Hall  and  the  nation  of 
God-dem-mees?  Will  that  focus  of  sedition 
be  never  extinguished? — To  MRS.  JOHN 
ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  68.  (P.,  July  1785.) 

2878.  FARMER,  Jefferson  as  a.— When 
I  first  entered  on  the  stage  of  public  life  (now 
twenty-four  years  ago),  I  came  to  a  resolu 
tion  never    "    *    *    to  wear  any  other  char 
acter  than  that  of  a  farmer. — To 

iii,  527.    '(Pa.,   1793.) 

2879. .  To  keep  a  Virginia  es 
tate  together  requires  in  the  owner  both  skill 
and  attention.  Skill,  I  never  had,  and  atten 
tion  I  could  not  have ;  and,  really,  when  I  re 
flect  on  all  circumstances,  my  wonder  is  that 
I  should  have  been  so  long  as  sixty  years  in 
reaching  the  result  to  which  I  am  now  re 
duced. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  x. 
383.  (M.,  1826.) 

2880.  FARMERS,     Americanism     of. — 
[Farmers,  whose  interests  are  entirely  agricul 
tural,  are  the  true  representatives  of  the  great 
American  interests,  and  are  alone  to  be  re 
lied  on   for  expressing  the  proper  American 
sentiments. — To  ARTHUR  CAMPBELL,     iv,  198. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  170.     (M.,  1797.) 

2881.  FARMERS,  Barter  and. — The  truth 
is    that    farmers,    as    we    all    are,    have    no 
command  of  money.     Our  necessaries  are  all 
supplied,  either  from  oui*  farms,  or  a  neigh 
boring  store.    Our  produce,  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  is  delivered  to  the  merchant,  and  thus 
the  business  of  the  year  is  done  by  barter, 
without  the  intervention  of  scarcely  a  dollar ; 
and  thus,  also,  we  live  with  a  plenty  of  every 
thing  except  money. — To    WILLIAM    DUANE. 
v,  576.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  312.     (M.,  1811.) 

2882.  FARMERS,    As    citizens.— Cul 
tivators  of  the  earth  are  the  most  valuable 
citizens.      They   are   the   most   vigorous,    the 
most  independent,  the  most  virtuous,  and  they 
are  tied  to  their  country,  and  wedded  to  its 
liberty    and    interests,    by   the     most     lasting 
bonds.     As  long,  therefore,  as  they  can  find 
employment  in  this  line,  I  would  not  convert 
them  into  mariners,  artisans,  or  anything  else. 
—To  JOHN  JAY.    1,403.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  88. -(P., 
1785.) 

2883. .     Cultivators  of  the  earth 

are  the  most  virtuous  citizens  and  possess 
most  of  the  amor  patria. — To  M.  DE  MEU- 
NIER.  ix,  288.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  143.  (P.,  1786.) 


323 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Farmers 
Fast-day 


2884. .  The  proportion  which  the 

aggregate  of  the  other  classes  of  citizens  bears 
in  any  State  to  that  of  its  husbandmen,  is, 
generally  speaking,  the  proportion  of  its  un 
sound  to  its  healthy  parts,  and  is  a  good 
enough  barometer  whereby  to  measure  its 
degree  of  corruption. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  269.  (1782.) 

2885. .     Cultivators  of  the  earth 

are  the  most  virtuous  and  independent  citi 
zens. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  413.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  279.  (1782.) 

2886.  FARMERS,    Education    of.— The 
agriculturist  needs  ethics,  mathematics,  chem 
istry  and  natural  philosophy.    To  them  the  lan 
guages  are  but  ornament  and  comfort. — To 
JOHN  BRAZIER,     vii,  133.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

2887.  FARMERS,    Happiness    of    Vir 
ginia. — I    know    no    condition    happier   than 
that  of  a  Virginia  farmer  might  be,  conduct 
ing  himself  as  he  did  during  the  war  [of  the 
Revolution].    His  estate  supplies  a  good  table, 
clothes  himself  and  his  family  with  their  or 
dinary  apparel,  furnishes  a  small  surplus  to 
buy  salt,  sugar,  coffee,  and  a  little  'finery  for 
his  wife  and  daughters,  enables  him  to  re 
ceive  and  to  visit  his  friends  and  furnishes 
him  pleasing  and  healthy  occupation.    To  se 
cure  all  this,  he  needs  the  one  act  of  self-de 
nial,  to  put  off  buying  anything  till  he  has  the 
money  to  pay  for  it. — To  DR.  CURRIE.    ii,  219. 
(P.,  1787.) 

2888.  FARMERS,    Morals    of.— Corrup 
tion  of  morals  in  the  mass  of  cultivators  is  a 
phenomenon  of  which  no  age  nor  nation  has 
furnished  an  example.     It  is  the  mark  set  on 
those,  who,  not  looking  up  to  heaven,  to  their 
own  soil  and  industry,  as  does  the  husband 
man,  for  their  subsistence,  depend  for  it  on 
casualties  and  caprice  of  customers. — NOTES 
ON   VIRGINIA,     viii,   405.     FORD  ED.,   iii,   268. 
(1782.) 

2889.  FARMERS,       Neglected.— Here 
[Philadelphia,   the   seat   of  government],  the 
unmoneyed    farmer,  as  he  is  termed,  his    cattle 
and  crops,  are  no  more  thought  of  than  if 
they  did  not  feed  us.     Scrip  and  stock  are 
food  and  raiment  here. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  455.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

—  FARMERS,  Plundered.— See  2589. 

2890.  FARMERS,      Prices      and.— Our 

farmers  are  cheerful  in  the  expectation  of  a 
good  price  for  wheat  in  autumn.  Their  pulse 
will  be  regulated  by  this,  and  not  by  the  suc 
cesses  or  disasters  of  the  war. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON,  vi,  78.  (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

2891.  FARMERS,  Sacrificing.— Shall  the 
whole  mass  of  our  farmers  be  sacrificed  to 
the  class  of  shipwrights? — OPINION  ON   SHIP 
PASSPORTS,    vii,  625.     (May,  1793.) 

2892.  FARMERS,     Virtues     of.— Those 
who  labor  in  the  earth  are  the  chosen  people 
ol    God,    if    He   ever   had   a   chosen   people, 
whose  breasts  He  has  made  His  peculiar  de 
posit  for  substantial  and  genuine  virtue.     It 
is  the  focus  in  which  he  keeps  alive  that  sa 


cred  fire,  which  otherwise  might  escape  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  268.  (1782.) 

—  FARMERS  GENERAL  OF  FRANCE. 

— See  MONOPOLY. 

2893.  FARMING,  Absorbed  in.— If  you 
visit  me  as  a  farmer,  it  must  be  as  a  co-dis 
ciple;  for  I  am  but  a  learner;  an  eager  one 
indeed,  but  yet  desperate,  being  too  old  now  to 
learn  a  new  art.    However,  I  am  as  much  de 
lighted  and  occupied  with  it,  as  if  I  was  the 

?reatest  adept.  I  shall  talk  with  you  about  it 
rom  morning  till  night,  and  out  you  on  very 
short  allowance  as  to  political  aliment.  Now 
and  then  a  pious  ejaculation  for  the  French 
and  Dutch  republicans,  returning  with  due 
dispatch  to  clover,  potatoes,  wheat,  &c. — To 
W.  B.  GILES,  iv,  118.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  12.  (M., 
I795-) 

2894.  FARMING,  Ardor    for.— I  return 
to  farming  with  an  ardor  which  I  scarcely 
knew  in  my  youth,  and  which  has  got  the 
better  entirely  of  my  love  of  study. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,     iv,    103.     FORD    ED.,    vi,    505.     (M., 
April  1794.) 

2895.  FARMING,  Beauty  and.— In  Vir 
ginia  we  are  all  farmers,  but  not  in  a  pleas 
ing  style.     We  have  so  little  labor  in  propor 
tion  to  our  land  that,  although  perhaps  we 
make  more  profit  from  the  same  labor,  we  can 
not  give  to  our  grounds  that  style  of  beauty 
which  satisfies  the  eye  of  the  amateur. — To  C. 
W.  PEALE.    vi,  6.     (P.F.,  1811.) 

2896.  FARMING,    Delight   in.— No   oc 
cupation  is  so  delightful  to  me  as  the  cul 
ture  of  the  earth.— To  C.  W.  PEALE.     vi,  6. 
(P.F.,  1811.) 

2897.  FARMING,       Management.— A 

farm,  however  large,  is  not  more  difficult  to 
direct  than  a  garden,  and  does  not  call  for 
more  attention  or  skill. — To  J.  B.  STUART. 
vii,  64.  (M.,  1817.) 

2898.  FARMING,  Theory  and  practice. 

— Attached  to  agriculture  by  inclination,  as 
well  as  by  a  conviction  that  it  is  the  most 
useful  of  the  occupations  of  man,  my  course 
of  life  has  not  permitted  me  to  add  to  its 
theories  the  lessons  of  practice. — To  M.  SIL- 
VESTRE.  v,  83.  (W.,  1807.) 

2899.  FASHION,     Revolution     and.— I 

have  hopes  that  the  majority  of  the  nobles 
are  already  disposed  to  join  the  Tiers  Etat  in 
deciding  that  the  vote  [in  the  States  General] 
shall  be  by  persons.  This  is  the  opinion  a 
la  mode  at  present,  and  mode  has  acted  a 
wonderful  part  in  the  present  instance.  All 
the  handsome  young  women,  for  example, 
are  for  the  Tiers  Etat,  and  this  is  an  army 
more  powerful  in  France,  than  the  200,000 
men  of  the  King. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 
iii,  ii.  FORD  ED.,  v,  87.  (1789.) 

2900.  FAST-DAY,  Appointment  of  a.— 
[After   the   promulgation   of   the   Boston    Port- 
bill    in    1774]    we    [the    young    leaders    in    the 
Virginia  House  of  Burgesses]    were  under  the 
conviction  of  the  necessity  of  arousing  our  peo- 


Fast-days 
Favors 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


324 


pie  from  the  lethargy  into  which  they  had  fallen 
as  to  passing  events ;  and  thought  that  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  day  of  general  fasting  and 
prayer  would  be  most  likely  to  call  up  and  alarm 
their  attention.  No  example  of  such  a  solem 
nity  had  existed  since  the  days  of  our  dis 
tresses  in  the  war  of  1755,  since  which  a  new 
feneration  had  grown  up.  With  the  help,  there- 
ore,  of  Rushworth,  whom  we  rummaged  over 
for  the  revolutionary  precedents  and  forms  of 
the  Puritans  of  that  day,  preserved  by  him, 
we  cooked  up  a  resolution,  somewhat  modern 
izing  their  phrases,  for  appointing  the  ist 
day  of  June,  on  which  the  Port-bill  was  to  com 
mence,  for  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation  and 
prayer,  to  implore  Heaven  to  avert  from  us  the 
evils  of  civil  war,  to  inspire  us  with  firmness  in 
support  of  our  rights,  and  to  turn  the  hearts  of 
the  King  and  Parliament  to  moderation  and 
justice.  To  give  greater  emphasis  to  our  prop 
osition,  we  agreed  to  wait  the  next  morning 
on  Mr.  [Robert  Carter]  Nicholas,  whose 
grave  and  religious  character  was  more  in 
unison  with  the  tone  of  our  resolution,  and  to 
solicit  him  to  move  it.  We  accordingly  went 
to  him  in  the  morning.  He  moved  it  the  same 
day;  the  ist  of  June  was  proposed;  and  it 
passed  without  opposition.  The  Governor  dis 
solved  us  as  usual.  *  *  *  We  returned 
home,  and  in  our  several  counties  invited  the 
clergy  to  meet  assemblies  of  the  people  on  the 
ist  of  June,  to  perform  the  ceremonies  of  the 
day,  and  to  address  to  them  discourses  suited  to 
the  occasion.  The  people  met  generally,  with 
anxiety  and  alarm  in  their  countenances.,  and 
the  effect  of  the  day  through  the  whole  Colony, 
was  like  a  shock  of  electricity,  arousing  every 
man,  and  placing  him  erect  and  solidly  on  his 
centre. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  6.  FORD  ED.,  i,  9. 
(1820.) 

2901.  FAST-DAYS,  Federal  Government 
and. — I  consider  the  government  of  the 
United  States  as  interdicted  by  the  Constitu 
tion  from  intermeddling  in  religious  institu 
tions,  their  doctrines,  discipline,  or  exercises. 
This  results  not  only  from  the  provision  that 
no  law  shall  be  made  respecting  the  estab 
lishment  or  free  exercise  of  religion,  but  from 
that  also  which  reserves  to  the  States  the 
powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States. 
Certainly,  no  power  to  prescribe  any  religious 
exercise,  or  to  assume  authority  in  religious 
discipline,  has  been  delegated  to  the  General 
Government.  It-  must,  then,  rest  with  the 
States,  so  far  as  it  can  be  in  any  human  au 
thority.  But  it  is  only  proposed  that  I  should 
recommend,  not  prescribe,  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer.  That  is,  that  I  should  indirectly 
assume  to  the  United  States  an  authority  over 
religious  exercises,  which  the  Constitution 
has  directly  precluded  them  from.  It  must 
be  meant,  too,  that  this  recommendation  is  to 
carry  some  authority,  and  to  be  sanctioned 
by  some  penalty  on  those  who  disregard  it; 
not  indeed  of  fine  and  imprisonment,  but  of 
some  degree  of  proscription  perhaps  in  public 
opinion.  And  does  the  change  in  the  nature 
of  the  penalty  make  the  recommendation  less 
a  law  of  conduct  for  those  to  whom  it  is  di 
rected?  I  do  not  believe  it  is  for  the  interest 
of  religion  to  invite  the  civil  magistrate  to  di 
rect  its  exercises,  its  discipline,  or  its  doc 
trines  ;  nor  of  the  religious  societies,  that  the 
General  Government  should  be  invested  with 
the  power  of  effecting  any  uniformity  of  time 


or  matter  among  them.  Fasting  and  prayer 
are  religious  exercises;  the  enjoining  them  an 
act  of  discipline.  Every  religious  society  has 
a  right  to  determine  for  itself  the  times  for 
these  exercises,  and  the  objects  proper  for 
them,  according  to  their  own  particular  tenets ; 
and  this  right  can  never  be  safer  than  in  their 
own  hands,  where  the  Constitution  has  de 
posited  it.  I  am  aware  that  the  practice  of 
my  predecessors  may  be  quoted.  But  I  have 
ever  believed  that  the  example  of  State  ex 
ecutives  led  to  the  assumption  of  that  author 
ity  by  the  General  Government,  without  due 
examination,  which  would  have  discovered 
that  what  might  be  a  right  in  a  State  govern 
ment,  was  a  violation  of  that  right  when  as 
sumed  by  another.  Be  this  as  it  may,  every 
one  must  act  according  to  the  dictates  of  his 
own  reason,  and  mine  tells  me  that  civil 
powers  alone  have  been  given  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  no  authority  to  di 
rect  the  religious  exercises  of  his  constituents. 
— To  REV.  SAMUEL  MILLER,  v,  236.  FORD 
ED.,  ix2  174.  (W.,  1808.) 

2902. .     In  matters  of  religion,  I 

have  considered  that  its  free  exercise  is  placed 
by  the  Constitution  independent  of  the  power 
of  the  General  Government.  I  have,  there 
fore,  undertaken  on  no  occasion  to  prescribe 
the  religious  exercises  suited  to  it ;  but  have 
left  them  as  the  Constitution  found  them, 
under  the  direction  and  discipline  of  State  or 
Church  authorities  acknowledged  by  the  sev 
eral  religious  societies. — SECOND  INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS,  viii,  42.  FORD  ED.,  vm,  344.  (1805.) 

2903.  FAUQUIER  (Francis),  Ability.— 

The  ablest  man  who  had  ever  filled  that  of 
fice  [Governor  of  Virginia].* — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,  i,  3.  FORD  ED.,  i,  4.  (1821.) 

2904.  FAVORITISM,    Equal    rights 

vs. — To  special  legislation  we  are  generally 
averse,  lest  a  principle  of  favoritism  should 
creep  in  and  pervert  that  of  equal  rights. — To 
GEORGE  FLOWER,  vii,  83.  (1817.) 

2905.  FAVORITISM,  Justice  and.— Deal 

out  justice  without  partiality  or  favoritism. — To 
HUGH  WILLIAMSON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  492.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

2906.  FAVORITISM,   Regal.— The   sin 
gle  interposition  of  an  interested  individual 
against  a  law  was  scarcely  ever  known  to  fail 
of  success,  though  in  the  opposite  scale  were 
placed   the   interests   of  a   whole   country. — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,     i,  135.     FORD 
ED.,  i,  440.     (I774-) 

2907.  FAVORS,  Personal.— In  these  coun 
tries    [France    and    Holland]     personal    fa 
vors    weigh   more   than   public   interest. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,     i,  569.     FORD  ED.,    iv,    226. 
(P.,  1786.) 

2908.  FAVORS,  Solicitation  of.— Those 
who  have  had,  and  who  may  yet  have,  occa- 

*  Jefferson,  while  a  student  at  William  and  Mary 
College,  was  introduced  to  Governor  Fauquier. 
"  With  him,  and  at  his  table,"  says  Jefferson  (Auto 
biography,  i,  3),  "  Dr.  Small  and  Mr.  Wythe,  his 
amtci  omnium  horarum,  and  myself,  formed  a 
par  tie  quarrel,  and  to  the  habitual  conversations  on 
these  occasions  lowed  much  instruction.'1 — EDITOR. 


325 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Federal  City 
Federal  Government 


sion  to  ask  great  favors,  should  never  ask 
small  ones.— To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE,  i,  579. 
(P,  1786.) 

_  FEDERAL  CITY.— See  WASHINGTON 
CITY. 

_  FEDERAL  COURTS.— See  JUDICIARY 
and  SUPREME  COURT. 

2909.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Birth 
of. — The  new  government  has  ushered  itself 
to  the  world,  as  honest,  »masculine  and  dig 
nified. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iii,  100.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  112.     (P.,  1789.) 

—  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Central 
ization. — See  CENTRALIZATION. 

2910.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Ex 
pansion  and. — Who  can  limit  the  extent  to 
which    the    federative   principle   may   operate 
effectively?     The  larger  our  association,  the 
less   will   it  be   shaken   by   local   passions. — 
SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  41.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  344.     (1805.) 

2911.  -  — .     I    still   believe   that  the 
Western  extension  of  our  confederacy  will  en 
sure  its  duration,  by  overruling  local  factions, 
which  might  shake  a   smaller  association. — 
To    HENRY    DEARBORN,    vii,   215.    FORD   ED., 
x,  192.     (M.,  1821.)     See  TERRITORY. 

2912.  FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT, 

Formation  of.— I  find  by  the  public  papers, 
that  your  commercial  convention  [at  Annap 
olis]  failed  in  point  of  representation.  If  it 
should  produce  a  full  meeting  in  May,  and  a 
broader  reformation,  it  will  still  be  well.  To 
make  us  one  nation,  as  to  foreign  concerns, 
and  keep  us  distinct  in  domestic  ones,  gives 
the  outline  of  the  proper  division  of  powers 
between  the  general  and  particular  govern 
ments.  But,  to  enable  the  federal  head  to  ex 
ercise  the  powers  given  it  to  best  advantage, 
it  should  be  organized,  as  the  particular  ones 
are,  into  legislative,  executive  and  judiciary. 
The  first  and  last  are  already  separated.  The 
second  should  also  be.  When  last  with  Con 
gress,  I  often  proposed  to  members  to  do 
this,  by  making  of  the  Committee  of  the 
States,  an  Executive  Committee  during  the 
recess,  of  Congress,  and,  during  its  sessions, 
to  appoint  a  committee  to  receive  and  despatch 
all  executive  business,  so  that  Congress  itself 
should  meddle  only  with  what  should  be  legis 
lative.  But  I  question  if  any  Congress  (much 
less  all  successively)  can  have  self-denial 
enough  to  go  through  with  this  distribution. 
The  distribution,  then,  should  be  imposed  on 
them.* — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  65.  FORD 
EDv  iv,  332.  (P.,  Dec.  1 6,  1786.) 

2913.  -  — .     I  think  it  very  material 
to  separate  in  the  hands  of  Congress  the  ex- 

*  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  in  commenting  on  this 
passage  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  page 
278,  says  :  "  This,  as  far  as  the  author  has  been  able 
to  discover,  after  no  inconsiderable  research,  is  the 
first  embodied  conception  of  the  general  outline  of 
those  proper  changes  of  the  old  Constitution,  or 
Articles  or  Confederation,  which  were  subsequently 
actually  and  in  fact  ingrafted  on  the  old  system  of 
confederations ;  and  which  make  the  most  marked 
difference  between  ours,  and  all  other  like  systems." 
—EDITOR. 


ecutive  and  legislative  powers,  as  the  judiciary 
already  are  in  some  degree.  *  *  *  The 
want  of  it  has  been  the  source  of  more  evil 
than  we  have  experienced  from  any  other 
cause.  Nothing  is  so  embarrassing  nor  so 
mischievous  in  a  great  assembly  as  the  de 
tails  of  execution.  The  smallest  trifle  of  that 
kind  occupies  as  long  as  the  most  important 
act  of  legislation,  and  takes  place  of  every 
thing  else.  Let  any  man  recollect,  or  look  over 
the  files  of  [the  Confederation]  Congress; 
he  will  observe  the  most  important  proposi 
tions  hanging  over,  from  week  to  week,  and 
month  to  month,  till  the  occasions  have  passed 
them,  and  the  thing  never  done.  I  have  ever 
viewed  the  executive  details  as  the  greatest 
cause  of  evil  to  us,  because  they,  in  fact,  place 
us  as  if  we  had  no  federal  head,  by  diverting 
the  attention  of  that  head  from  great  to  small 
objects;  and  should  this  division  of  power 
not  be  recommended  by  the  convention,  it  is 
my  opinion  Congress  should  make  it  itself, 
by  establishing  an  Executive  Committee. — 
To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  218.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  424. 
(P.,  Aug.  1787.) 

2914.  —  _.  To  give  the  Federal  head 
some  peaceable  mode  of  enforcing  its  just  au 
thority,  [and]  to  organize  that  head  into  legis 
lative,  executive  and  judiciary  departments, 
are  great  desiderata  in  our  Federal  constitu 
tion. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  250. 
(P.,  Aug.  1787.) 

2915. .  To  make  our  States  one 

as  to  all  foreign  concerns,  [and]  preserve 
them  several  as  to  all  merely  domestic  *  *  * 
are  great  desiderata  in  our  Federal  constitu 
tion. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON.  ii,  250. 
(P.,  Aug.  1787.) 

2916.  -         .      You      ask     me     what 

amelioration  I  think  necessary  in  our  Federal 
constitution.     *    *          My  own  general  idea 
is  that  the  States  should  severally  preserve 
their  sovereignty  in  whatever  concerns  them 
selves  alone,  and  that  whatever  may  concern 
another  State,  or  any  foreign  nation,  should 
be  made  a  part  of  the  Federal  sovereignty ; 
that  the  exercise  of  the  Federal  sovereignty 
should  be  divided  among  three  several  bodies, 
legislative,   executive   and   judiciary,   as    the 
State   sovereignties  are;   and   that  peaceable 
means  should  be  contrived  for  the   Federal 
head  to  enforce  compliance  on  the  part  of  the 
State. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.    ii,  267.    FORD  ED., 
iv,  445.     (P.,  Sep.  1787.) 

2917.  -  — .     My     idea     is     that     we 
should  be  made  one  nation  in  every  case  con 
cerning  foreign  affairs,  and  separate  ones  in 
whatever  is  merely  domestic. — To  J.  BLAIR. 
ii,  249.     (P.,  1787.) 

2918.  -  My  idea  is  that  the  Fed 
eral   government   should   be    organized    into 
legislative,    executive,   and    judiciary,    as   are 
the   State  governments,  and   some  peaceable 
means  of  enforcement  devised  for  the  Federal 
head  over  the  States. — To  J.  BLAIR,     ii,  249. 
(P.,  1787.) 

2919.  .     My  general  plan  would 

be  to  make  the  States  one  as  to  everything 


Federal  Government  THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


326 


connected  with  foreign  nations,  and  several  as 
to  everything  purely  domestic. — To  E.  CAR- 
RINGTON.  ii,  217.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  424.  (P., 
1787-) 

2920.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  A 
frugal. — I  am  for  a  government  rigorously 
frugal. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  327.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

2921. .  Kindly  separated  by  na 
ture  and  a  wide  ocean  from  the  extermi 
nating  havoc  of  one  quarter  of  the  globe; 
too  high-minded  to  endure  the  degrada 
tions  of  the  others;  possessing  a  chosen 
country,  with  room  enough  for  our  descend 
ants  to  the  hundredth  and  thousandth  genera 
tion;  entertaining  a  due  sense  of  our  equal 
right  to  the  use  of  our  own  faculties,  to  the 
acquisitions  of  our  industry,  to  honor  and 
confidence  from  our  fellow  citizens,  resulting, 
not  from  birth,  but  from  our  actions,  and 
their  sense  of  them ;  enlightened  by  a  benign 
religion,  professed,  indeed,  and  practiced  in 
various  forms,  yet  all  of  them  inculcating 
honesty,  truth,  temperance,  gratitude,  and  the 
love  of  man ;  acknowledging  and  adoring  an 
overruling  Providence,  which,  by  all  its  dis 
pensations,  proves  that  it  delights  in  the  happi 
ness  of  man  here  and  his  greater  happiness 
hereafter, — with  all  these  blessings,  what  more 
is  necessary  to  make  us  a  happy  and  prosper 
ous  people?  Still  one  thing  more,  fellow-citi 
zens — a  wise  and  frugal  government,  which 
shall  restrain  men  from  injuring  one  another, 
which  shall  leave  them  otherwise  free  to  regu 
late  their  own  pursuits  of  industry  and  im 
provement,  and  shall  not  take  from  the  mouth 
of  labor  the  bread  it  has  earned.  This  is  the 
sum  of  good  government,  and  this  is  neces 
sary  to  close  the  circle  of  our  felicities. — 
FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  3.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  3.  (1801.) 

2922.  FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT, 
Functions. — To  draw  around  the  whole  na 
tion  the  strength    of    the    General    Govern 
ment,   as   a  barrier   against   foreign    foes,   to 
watch  the  borders  of  every  State,  that  no  ex 
ternal  hand  may  intrude,  or  disturb  the  exer 
cise  of  self-government  reserved  to  itself,  to 
equalize   and   moderate   the   public   contribu 
tions,   that   while   the   requisite   services    are 
invited  by  due  remuneration,  nothing  beyond 
this  may  exist  to  attract  the  attention  of  our 
citizens  from  the  pursuits  of  useful  industry, 
nor  unjustly  to  burthen  those  who  continue 
in  those  pursuits — these  are  functions  of  the 
General   Government   on   which   you   have   a 
right  to  call     *    *    *    These  shall  be  faith 
fully  pursued  according  to  the  plain  and  can 
did  import  of  the  expressions  in  which  they 
were  announced    [in  the  first  inaugural   ad 
dress]. — REPLY  TO  VERMONT  ADDRESS,    iv,  418. 
(W.,  1801.) 

2923.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Hap 
piness  under. — That  the    [Federal]   Govern 
ment  is  calculated  to   produce   general   hap 
piness,  when  administered  in  its  true  repub 
lican  spirit,  I  am  thoroughly  persuaded. — To 
DAVID  CAMPBELL.     FORD  ED.,   v,  489.      (Pa., 
1792.) 


—  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Ju 
diciary. — See  JUDICIARY  and  SUPREME  COURT. 

_  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Offices. 
— See  OFFICES. 

2924.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Pow 
ers  of. — If  the  three  powers  [of  our  govern 
ment]  maintain  their  mutual  independence  on 
each  other  it  may  last  long,  but  not  so  if 
either  can  assume  the  authorities  of  the  other. 
— To  WILLIAM  C.  JA^VIS.    vii,  179.    FORD  ED., 
x,  161.     (M.,  1820.)     See  POWER. 

2925.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Pres 
ervation    of.— The    fate    of    this    country, 
whether  it  shall  be  irretrievably  plunged  into 
a  form  of  government  rejected  by  the  makers 
of  the  Constitution,  or  shall  get  back  to  the 
true  principles  of  that  instrument,  depends  on 
the    turn    which    things    may    take    within    a 
short  period  of  time  ensuing  the  present  mo 
ment. — To    EDMUND    PENDLETON.       iv,     287. 
FORD    ED.,  vii,  355.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

2926. .     The  preservation  of  the 

General  Government  in  its  whole  constitution 
al  vigor,  as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace  at 
home  and  safety  abroad,  I  deem  [one  of  the] 
essential  principles  of  our  government,  con 
sequently  [one]  which  ought  to  shape  its  ad 
ministration. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.  (1801.) 

2927.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Prin 
ciples  of. — About  to  enter,  fellow  citizens,  on 
the  exercise  of  duties  which  comprehend 
everything  dear  and  valuable  to  you,  it  is 
proper  that  you  should  understand  what  I 
deem  the  essential  principles  of  our  govern 
ment,  and  consequently  those  which  ought 
to  shape  its  administration.  I  will  compress 
them  within  the  narrowest  compass  they  will 
bear,  stating  the  general  principle,  but  not 
all  its  limitations.  Equal  and  exact  justice 
to  all  men,  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion, 
religious  or  political ;  peace,  commerce  and 
honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling 
alliances  with  none ;  the  support  of  the  State 
governments  in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most 
competent  administrations  for  our  domestic 
concerns,  and  the  surest  bulwark  against  anti- 
republican  tendencies ;  the  preservation  of  the 
General  Government  in  its  whole  constitu 
tional  vigor,  as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace 
at  home  and  safety  abroad;  a  jealous  care  of 
the  right  of  election  by  the  people — a  mild 
and  safe  corrective  of  abuses,  which  are  lopped 
by  the  sword  of  revolution,  where  peaceable 
remedies  are  unprovided ;  absolute  acquies 
cence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority — the 
vital  principle  of  republics,  from  which  there 
is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital  principle 
and  immediate  parent  of  despotism ;  a  well- 
disciplined  militia — our  best  reliance  in  peace 
and  for  the  first  moments  of  war,  till  regulars 
may  relieve  them ;  the  supremacy  of  the  civil 
over  the  military  authority;  economy  in  the 
public  expense,  that  labor  may  be  lightly 
burdened;  the  honest  payment  of  our  debts 
and  sacred  preservation  of  the  public  faith  ; 
encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of  com 
merce  as  its  handmaid :  the  diffusion  of  infor- 


327 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  Federal  Government 


mation,  and  the  arraignment  of  all  abuses 
at  the  bar  of  public  reason;  freedom  of  re 
ligion  ;  freedom  of  the  press :  freedom  of  per 
son,  under  the  protection  of  the  habeas  cor 
pus;  and  trial  by  juries  impartially  selected. 
These  principles  form  the  bright  constellation 
which  has  gone  before  us,  and  guided  our 
steps  through  an  age  of  revolution  and  ref 
ormation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages  and  the 
blood  of  our  heroes  have  been  devoted  to  their 
attainment.  They  should  be  the  creed  of  our 
political  faith;  the  text  of  civil  instruction; 
the  touchstone  by  which  to  try  trje  services 
of  those  we  trust;  and  should  we  wander 
from  them  in  moments  of  error  or  alarm,  let 
us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps,  and  to  regain 
the  road  which  alone  leads  to  peace,  liberty, 
and  safety. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii, 
4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.  (1801.) 

2928.  -  — .     The    fundamental    prin 
ciple  of  the  government  is  that  the  will  of  the 
majority  is  to  prevail. — To  WILLIAM  EUSTIS. 
v,  411.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  236.     (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

2929.  FEDERAL    GOVERNMENT, 
Safety    under. — The    national    government 
constitutes  the  safety  of  every  part,  by  uniting 
for  its  protection  the  powers  of  the  whole. — 
To  DR.  WILLIAM  EUSTIS.    v,  410.    FORD  ED., 
ix,  235.     (W.,  1809.) 

2930.  FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT, 
Shield  of. — Although  under  the  pressure  of 
serious  evils  at  this  moment,  the  governments 
of  the  other  hemisphere  cannot  boast  a  more 
favorable  situation.    We  certainly  do  not  wish 
to  exchange  our  difficulties  for  the  sanguinary 
distresses   of   our   fellow    men    beyond    the 
water.    In  a  state  of  the  world  unparalleled  in 
times  past,  and  never  again  to  be  expected, 
according  to  human  probabilities,  no  form  of 
government   has,    so   far,   better   shielded    its 
citizens  from  the  prevailing  afflictions. — R.  To 
A.    CONNECTICUT    REPUBLICANS.      viii,     140. 
(Nov.  1808.) 

2931.  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT,  Sim 
plicity. — I  am   for  a  government  rigorously 
*    *    *     simple. — To    ELBRIDGE    GERRY.      iv, 
268.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  327.     (Pa.,  1799.) 

2932.  FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT, 
Strength    of.— I    know,    indeed,    that    some 
honest  men  fear  that  a  republican  government 
cannot  be  strong ;  that  this  government  is  not 
strong  enough.     But  would  the  honest  pa 
triot,  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  experiment, 
abandon  a  government  which  has  so  far  kept 
us  free  and  firm,  on  the  theoretic  and  vision 
ary   fear   that   this   government,    the   world's 
best   hope,    may   by   possibility   want   energy 
to   preserve   itself?     I   trust   not.      I    believe 
this,  on  the  contrary,  the  strongest  govern 
ment  on    earth.      I    believe    it    is    the    only 
one  where  every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  laws, 
would   fly  to   the    standard   of   the  law,   and 
would  meet  invasions  of  the  public  order  as 
his  own  personal  concern. — FIRST  INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS,     viii,  3.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  3.     (1801.) 

2933.  FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT, 
State  Governments  and. — It  is  the  duty  of 
the  General  Government  to  guard  its  subor 


dinate  members  from  the  encroachments  of 
each  other,  even  when  they  are  made  through 
error  or  inadvertence,  and  to  cover  its  citizens 
from  the  exercise  of  powers  not  authorized  by 
the  law. — OFFICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  515.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  260.  (1790.) 

2934.  -  _  The  several  States  com 

posing  the  United  States  of  America,  are  not 
united  on  the  principle  of  unlimited  submis 
sion  to  their  General  Government ;  but  *  *  * 
by  a  compact  under  the  style  and  title  of  a 
Constitution  for  the  United  States,  and  of 
Amendments  thereto,  they  constituted  a  Gen 
eral  Government  for  special  purposes, — dele 
gated  to  that  government  certain  definite 
powers,  reserving,  each  State  to  itself,  the 
residuary  mass  of  right  to  their  own  self-gov 
ernment  ;  and  *  *  *  whensoever  the  Gen 
eral  Government  assumes  undelegated  powers, 
its  acts  are  unauthoritative,  void,  and  of  no 
force.  *  *  *  To  this  compact  each  State 
acceded  as  a  State  and  is  an  integral  party,  its 
co- States  forming,  as  to  itself,  the  other  party. 
*  *  *  The  Government  created  by  this  compact 
was  not  made  the  exclusive  or  final  judge  of 
the  extent  of  the  powers  delegated  to  itself; 
since  that  would  have  made  its  discretion,  and 
not  the  Constitution  the  measure  of  its  pow 
ers,  but  *  *  as  in  all  cases  of  compact 
among  powers  having  no  common  judge,  each 
party  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself, 
as  well  of  infractions  as  of  the  mode  and 
measure  of  redress. — KENTUCKY  RESOLU 
TIONS,  ix,  464.  FORD  ED.,  vii.  289.  (1798.) 

2935. Foreign  relations  are  our 

province ;  domestic  regulations  and  institu 
tions  belong  in  every  State,  to  itself. — To 
CESAR  RODNEY.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  473.  (W., 
Dec.  1800.) 

2936. pur  citizens  have  wisely 

formed  themselves  into  one  nation  as  to 
others,  and  several  States  as  among  them 
selves.  To  the  united  nation  belong  our  ex 
ternal  and  mutual  relations ;  to  each  State, 
severally,  the  care  of  our  persons,  our  prop 
erty,  our  reputation  and  religious  freedom. 
This  wise  distribution,  if  carefully  preserved, 
will  prove,  I  trust  from  example,  that  while 
smaller  governments  are  better  adapted  to 
the  ordinary  objects  of  society,  larger  con 
federations  more  effectually  secure  independ 
ence,  and  the  preservation  of  republican  gov 
ernment. — To  THE  RHODE  ISLAND  ASSEMBLY. 
iv,  398.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

2937.  -  — .  It  is  a  fatal  heresy  to  sup 

pose  that  either  our  State  governments  are 
superior  to  the  Federal,  or  the  Federal  to  the 
States.  The  people,  to  whom  all  authority 
belongs,  have  divided  the  powers  of  govern 
ment  into  two  distinct  departments,  the  lead 
ing  characters  of  which  are  foreign  and  do 
mestic  ;  and  they  have  appointed  for  each  a 
distinct  set  of  functionaries.  These  they  have 
made  coordinate,  checking  and  balancing  each 
other,  like  the  three  cardinal  departments  in 
the  individual  States ;  each  equally  supreme  as 
to  the  powers  delegated  to  itself,  and  neither 
authorized  ultimately  to  decide  what  belongs 
to  itself,  or  to  its  coparcener  in  government. 


Federal  Government 
Federalism 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


328 


As  independent,  in  fact,  as  different  nations, 
a  spirit  of  forbearance  and  compromise,  there 
fore,  and  not  of  encroachment  and  usurpation, 
is  the  healing  balm  of  such  a  Constitution ; 
and  each  party  should  prudently  shrink  from 
all  approach  to  the  line  of  demarcation,  in 
stead  of  rashly  overleaping  it,  or  throwing 
grapples  ahead  to  haul  to  hereafter.  But, 
finally,  the  peculiar  happiness  of  our  blessed 
system  is,  that  in  differences  of  opinion  be 
tween  these  different  sets  of  servants,  the  ap 
peal  is  to  neither,  but  to  their  employers 
peaceably  assembled  by  their  representatives 
in  convention.  This  is  more  rational  than  the 
jus  fortioris,  or  the  cannon's  mouth,  the  ul 
tima  et  sola  ratio  regum. — To  SPENCER 
ROANE.  vii,  213.  FORD  ED.,  x,  190.  (M., 
1821.) 

2938. Maintain  the  line  of  power 

marked  by  the  Constitution  between  the  two 
coordinate  governments,  each  sovereign  and 
independent  in  its  department;  the  States  as 
to  everything  relating  to  themselves  and  their 
State;  the  General  Government  as  to  every 
thing  relating  to  things  or  persons  out  of  a 
particular  State.  The  one  may  be  strictly 
called  the  domestic  branch  of  government, 
which  is  sectional  but  sovereign;  the  other, 
the  foreign  branch  of  government,  coordinate 
with  the  other  domestic,  and  equally  sover 
eign  on  its  own  side  of  the  line. — To  SAMUEL 
H.  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  x,  263.  (M.,  1823.) 

2939. The  best  general  key  for 

the  solution  of  questions  of  power  between  our 
governments,  is  the  fact  that  "  every  foreign 
and  federal  power  is  given  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  to  the  States  every  power 
purely  domestic."  I  recollect  but  one  in 
stance  of  control  vested  in  the  Federal,  over 
the  State  authorities,  in  a  matter  purely  do 
mestic,  which  is  that  of  metallic  tenders.  The 
Federal  is,  in  truth,  our  foreign  government, 
which  department  alone  is  taken  from  the  sov 
ereignty  of  the  separate  States. — To  ROBERT 
J.  GARNETT.  vii,  336.  FORD  ED.,  x,  295.  (M., 
1824.) 

2940. The  radical  idea  of  the 

character  of  the  Constitution  of  our  govern 
ment,  which  I  have  adopted  as  a  key  in  cases 
of  doubtful  construction,  is,  that  the  whole 
field  of  government  is  divided  into  two  de 
partments,  domestic  and  foreign  (the  States 
in  their  mutual  relations  being  of  the  latter)  ; 
that  the  former  department  is  reserved  exclu 
sively  to  the  respective  States  within  their 
own  limits,  and  the  latter  assigned  to  a  sep 
arate  set  of  functionaries,  constituting  what 
may  be  called  the  foreign  branch,  which,  in 
stead  of  a  federal  basis,  is  established  as  a 
distinct  government  quoad  hoc,  acting  as  the 
domestic  branch  does  on  the  citizens  directly 
and  coercively ;  that  these  departments  have 
distinct  directories,  coordinate  and  equally 
independent  and  supreme,  each  in  its  own 
sphere  of  action.  Whenever  a  doubt  arises 
to  which  of  these  branches  a  power  belongs, 
I  try  it  by  this  test.  I  recollect  no  case  where 
a  question  simply  between  citizens  of  the 
same  State,  has  been  transferred  to  the  foreign 


department,  except  that  of  inhibiting  tenders 
but  of  metallic  money,  and  ex  post  facto  legis 
lation. — To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii,  342. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  300.  (M.,  1824.) 

2941. With  respect  to  our  State 

and  Federal  governments,  I  do  not  think 
their  relations  correctly  understood  by  for 
eigners.*  They  generally  suppose  the  former 
subordinate  to  the  latter.  But  this  is  not  the 
case.  They  are  coordinate  departments  of 
one  simple  and  integral  whole.  To  the  State 
governments  are  reserved  all  legislation  and 
administration,  in  affairs  which  concern  their 
own  citizens  only,  and  to  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  is  given  whatever  concerns  foreigners, 
or  the  citizens  of  other  States;  these  func 
tions  alone  being  made  Federal.  The  one  is 
the  domestic,  the  other  the  foreign  branch  of 
the  same  government;  neither  having  control 
over  the  other,  but  within  its  own  department. 
There  are  one  or  two  exceptions  only  to  this 
partition  of  power. — To  JOHN  CARTWRIGHT. 
vii,  358.  (M.,  1824.) 

2942.  FEDEBAL  GOVERNMENT,  Suc 
cess  of. — Our  experience  so  far,  has  satisfac 
torily  manifested  the  competence  of  a  repub 
lican  government  to  maintain  and  promote  the 
best  interests  of  its  citizens ;   and  every  future 
year,  I  doubt  not,  will  contribute  to  settle  a 
question  on  which  reason,  and  a  knowledge  of 
the  character  and  circumstances  of  our  fellow 
citizens,  could  never  admit  a  doubt,  and  much 
less  condemn  them  as  fit  subjects  to  be  con 
signed  to  the  dominion  of  wealth  and  force. 
— R.  To  A.  CONNECTICUT  REPUBLICANS,    viii, 
140.     (1808.) 

2943.  FEDEBAL   GOVERNMENT, 
Watchfulness  over.— Our  political  machine 
is  now  pretty  well   wound  up,   but  are  the 
spirits  of  our  people  sufficiently  wound  down 
to  let  it  work  glibly.     I  trust  it  is  too  soon 
for  that,  and  that  we  have  many  centuries 
to  come  yet  before  my  countrymen  cease  to 
bear  their  government  hard  in  hand. — To  W. 
S.  SMITH,    ii,  448.     (P.,  1788.) 

2944 We,    I   hope,    shall   adhere 

to  our  republican  government,  and  keep  it  to 
its  original  principles  by  narrowly  watching 
it.— To .  iii,  527.  (Pa.,  1793. ) 

2945.  FEDEBALISM,    Consolidation.— 
Consolidation  is  the  form  in  which  federalism 
now  arrays  itself,  and  is  the  present  principle 
of   distinction   between   republicans    and   the 
pseudo-republicans  but    real    federalists. — To 
WILLIAM  JOHNSON,     vii,  278.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
248.     (M.,  1823.)     See  CENTRALIZATION. 

2946.  FEDEBALISM,    Dead.— Excepting 
in  the  north-eastern  and  your  south-western 
corner  of  the  Union,  monarchism,  which  has 
been  so  falsely  miscalled  federalism,  is  dead 
and  buried,  and  no  dav  of  resurrection  will 
ever  dawn  upon  it.     It  has  retired  to  the  two 
extreme    and    opposite    angles    of    our    land, 
whence  it  will  have  ultimately  and  shortly  to 
take  its  final  flight. — To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE. 
iv,  488.     (W.,  1803.) 

*  Cartwright  was  an  Englishman.— EDITOR. 


329 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Federalism 
Federalists 


2947.  —     Federalism  is  dead,  with 
out  even  the  hope  of  a  day  of  resurrection. 
The  quondam  leaders,  indeed,  retain  their  ran 
cor  and  principles ;  but  their    followers    are 
amalgamated  with  us  in  sentiment,  if  not  in 
name. — To  RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON,      v,    257. 
(W.,  March  1808.) 

2948.  FEDERALISM,  Judiciary  and.— 

It  is  unfortunate  that  federalism  is  still 
predominant  in  our  Judiciary  department, 
which  is  consequently  in  opposition  to  the 
Legislative  and  Executive  branches,  and  is 
able  to  baffle  their  measures  often. — To  JAMES 
BOWDOIN.  v,  65.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  41.  (W., 
1807.) 

2949.  FEDERALISM,  Monarchism  and, 
— Federalism,    stripped   as    it  now   nearly   is, 
of  its  landed  and  laboring  support,  is  mon- 
archism    and    Anglicism,    and    whenever   our 
own  dissensions  shall  let  these  in  upon  us, 
the  last  ray  of  free  government  closes  on  the 
horizon  of  the  world. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
v,  602.     (M.,  1811.)     See  MONARCHY. 

2950.  FEDERALISM,        0  d  i  o  u  s.— The 

name  of  federalism  is  become  so  odious  that 
no  party  can  rise  under  it. — To  JOEL  BARLOW. 
iv,  438.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  150.  (W.,  May  1802.) 

2951.  FEDERALISM,  Prostrated.— The 
Hartford  Convention,  the  victory  of  Orleans, 
the  peace  of  Ghent,  prostrated  the  name  of 
federalism.    Its  votaries  abandoned  it  through 
shame  and  mortification  and  now  call  them 
selves   republicans.     But   the  name   alone  is 
changed,  the  principles  are  the  same.     *    *    * 
The  line  of  division  now,  is  the  preservation 
of  State  rights  as  reserved  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  or  by  strained  constructions  of  that  in 
strument,   to   merge   all   into   a   consolidated 
government. — To   MARQUIS   LAFAYETTE,     vii, 
325.    FORD  ED.,  x,  281.     (M.,  1823.) 

2952.  FEDERALISM,    Virginia   and.— 

There  is  so  little  federalism  in  Virginia  that  it 
is  not  feared,  nor  attended  to,  nor  a  principle 
of  voting.  What  little  we  have  is  in  the  string 
of  Presbyterian  counties  in  the  valley  between 
the  Blue  Ridge  and  North  Mountain,  where 
the  clergy  are  as  bitter  as  they  are  in  Con 
necticut. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  233.  (W.,  May  1803.) 

2953.  FEDERALISTS,    Anglomaniacs. 
— A  party  has  risen  among  us,  or  rather  has 
come  among  us,  which  is  endeavoring  to  sep 
arate   us    from   all   friendly   connection   with 
France,  to  unite  our  destinies  with  those  of 
Great  Britain,  and  to  assimilate  our  govern 
ment  to  theirs.     Our  lenity  in  permitting  the 
return  of  the  old  tories,  gave  the  first  body  to 
this  party ;  they  have  increased  by  large  im 
portations  of  British  merchants  and  factors, 
by  American  merchants  dealing    on    British 
capital,  and  by  stock  dealers  and  banking  com 
panies,  who.   by  the  aid  of  a  paper  system, 
are  enriching  themselves  to  the  ruin  of  the 
country,    and    swaying    the    government    by 
their  possession  of  the  printing  presses,  which 
their  wealth  commands,  and  by  other  means, 
not  always  honorable  to  the  character  of  our 


countrymen.  Hitherto,  their  influence  and 
their  system  have  been  irresistible,  and  they 
have  raised  up  an  Executive  power  which  is 
too  strong  for  the  Legislature.  But  I  flatter 
myself  they  have  passed  their  zenith.  The 
people,  while  these  things  were  doing,  were 
lulled  into  rest  and  security  from  a  cause 
which  no  longer  exists.  No  prepossessions 
now  will  shut  their  ears  to  truth.  They  begin 
to  see  to  what  part  their  leaders  were  steering 
during  their  slumbers,  and  there  is  yet  time 
to  haul  in,  if  we  can  avoid  a  war  with  France. 
— To  ARTHUR  CAMPBELL,  iv,  197.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  169.  (M.,  Sep.  1797.) 

—  FEDERALISTS,  Callender  and.— See 
1063. 

2954.  FEDERALISTS,       Centralization 
and. — Consolidation  becomes  the  fourth  chap 
ter  of  the  next  book  of  their  history.     But 
this  opens  with  a  vast  accession  of  strength 
from  their  younger    recruits,    who,    having 
nothing  in  them  of  the  feelings  or  principles, 
of  '76,  now  look  to  a  single  and  splendid  gov 
ernment  of  an  aristocracy,  founded  on  bank 
ing  institutions,  and  moneyed  incorporations 
under  the  guise  and  cloak  of  their  favored 
branches    of    manufactures,     commerce     and 
navigation,  riding  and  ruling  over  the  plun 
dered  ploughman  and    beggared    yeomanry. 
This  will  be  to  them  a  next  best  blessing  to  the 
monarchy  of  their  first  aim,  and  perhaps  the 
surest  stepping  stone  to  it. — To  WILLIAM  B. 
GILES,    vii,  428.    FORD  ED.,  x,  356.     (M.,  Dec. 
1825.)     See  CENTRALIZATION. 

2955.  FEDERALISTS,     Defeated.— Tell 
my  old  friend,  Governor  Gerry,  that  I  give 
him  glory  for  the  rasping  with    which    he 
rubbed  down  his  herd  of  traitors.     Let  them 
have  justice  and  protection  against  personal 
violence,  but  no  favor.     Powers  and  preem 
inences  conferred  on  them  are  daggers  put 
into  the  hands  of  assassins,  to  be  plunged  into 
our  own  bosoms  in  the  moment  the  thrust  can 
go  home  to  the  heart.    Moderation  can  never 
reclaim   them.     They   deem   it   timidity,    and 
despise  without  fearing  the    tameness    from 
which  it  flows.    Backed  by  England,  they  never 
lose  the  hope  that  their  day  is  to  come,  when 
the  terrorism  of  their  earlier  power  is  to  be 
merged    in    the    more    gratifying    system    of 
deportation    and    the    guillotine. — To    HENRY 
DEARBORN,     v,  608.     (P.F.,  Aug.  1811.) 

2956.  FEDERALISTS,  Divisions  among. 
— Among  that  section  of  our  citizens  called 
federalists,  there  are  three  shades  of  opinion. 
Distinguishing  between  the  leaders  and  people 
who  compose  it,  the  leaders  consider  the  Eng 
lish  constitution  as  a  model  of  perfection,  some, 
with  a  correction  of  its  vices,  others,  with  all 
its  corruptions   and   abuses.      This   last   was 
Alexander  Hamilton's  opinion,  which  others, 
as  well  as  myself,  have  often  heard  him  de 
clare,  and  that  a  correction  of  what  are  called 
its  vices,   would  render  the  English  an  im 
practicable   government.       This     government 
they  wished  to  have  established  here,  and  only 
accepted  and  held  fast  at  first,  to  the  present 
Constitution,  as  a  stepping  stone  to  the  final 


Federalists 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


330 


establishment  of  their  favorite  model.  This 
party  has,  therefore,  always  clung  to  England 
as  their  prototype,  and  great  auxiliary  in  pro 
moting  and  effecting  this  change.  A  weighty 
MINORITY,  however,  of  these  leaders,  consider 
ing  the  voluntary  conversion  of  our  govern 
ment  into  a  monarchy  as  too  distant,  if  not 
desperate,  wish  to  break  off  from  our  Union 
its  eastern  fragment,  as  being,  in  truth,  the 
hotbed  of  American  monarchism,  with  a  view 
to  a  commencement  of  their  favorite  govern 
ment,  from  whence  the  other  States,  may 
gangrene  by  degrees,  and  the  whole  be  thus 
brought  finally  to  the  desired  point.  For 
Massachusetts,  the  prime  mover  in  this  enter 
prise,  is  the  last  State  in  the  Union  to  mean 
a  final  separation,  as  being  of  all  the  most  de 
pendent  on  the  others.  Not  raising  bread  for 
the  sustenance  of  her  own  inhabitants,  not 
having  a  stick  of  timber  for  the  construction 
of  vessels,  her  principal  occupation,  nor  an 
article  to  export  in  them,  where  would  she 
be,  excluded  from  the  ports  of  the  other 
States,  and  thrown  into  dependence  on  Eng 
land,  her  direct,  and  natural,  but  now  insid 
ious  rival?  At  the  head  of  this  MINORITY  is 
what  is  called  the  Essex  Junto  of  Massachu 
setts.  But  the  MAJORITY  of  these  leaders  do 
not  aim  at  separation.  In  this,  they  adhere  to 
the  known  principle  of  General  Hamilton, 
never,  under  any  views,  to  break  the  Union. 
Anglomany,  monarchy  and  separation,  then, 
are  the  principles  of  the  Essex  federalists. 
Anglomany  and  monarchy,  those  of  the  Ham- 
iltonians,  and  Anglomany  alone,  that  of  the 
portion  among  the  people  who  call  them 
selves  federalists.  These  last  are  as  good 
republicans  as  the  brethren  whom  they  op 
pose,  and  differ  from  them  only  in  their 
devotion  to  England  and  hatred  of  France, 
which  they  have  imbibed  from  their  leaders. 
The  moment  that  these  leaders  should  avow 
edly  propose  a  separation  of  the  Union,  or  the 
establishment  of  regal  government,  their 
popular  adherents  would  quit  them  to  a  man, 
and  join  the  republican  standard;  and  the 
partisans  of  this  change,  even  in  Masschu- 
setts,  would  thus  find  themselves  an  army  of 
officers  without  a  soldier.  The  party  called 
republican  is  steadily  for  the  support  of  the 
present  Constitution.  They  obtained  at  its 
commencement,  all  the  amendments  to  it 
they  desired.  These  reconciled  them  to  it 
perfectly,  and  if  they  have  any  ulterior  view, 
it  is  only,  perhaps,  to  popularize  it  further,  by 
shortening  the  senatorial  term,  and  devising 
a  process  for  the  responsibility  of  judges, 
more  practicable  than  that  of  impeachment. 
They  esteem  the  people  of  England  and 
France  equally,  and  equally  detest  the  gov 
erning  powers  of  both.  This  I  verily  believe, 
after  an  intimacy  of  forty  years  with  the  pub 
lic  councils  and  characters,  is  a  true  state 
ment  of  the  grounds  on  which  they  are  at 
present  divided,  and  that  it  is  not  merely  an 
ambition  for  power. — To  JOHN  MELLISH.  vi, 
95.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  374.  (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

—  FEDERALISTS,  Embargo  and.— See 

EMBARGO. 


2957.  FEDERALISTS,  Extinguishment 
of. — The  Hartford  Convention  and  the  battle 
of   New   Orleans  extinguished   the  name  of 
federalists. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN.    FORD  ED.. 
x,  237.     (M.,  Oct.  1822.) 

2958.  —     .     The  name  of  federalist 

was  extinguished  in  the  battle  of  New  Or 
leans;  and  those  who  wear  it  now  [1822]  call 
themselves  republicans.    Like  the  fox  pursued 
by  the  dogs,  they  take  shelter  in  the  midst  of 
the   sheep.    They  see   that   monarchism   is   a 
hopeless  wish  in  this  country,  and  are  rallying 
anew  to  the  next  best  point,  a  consolidated 
government.    They  are,  therefore,  endeavor 
ing  to  break  down  the  barriers  of  the  State 
rights,  provided  by  the  Constitution  against 
a    consolidation. — To    MARQUIS    LAFAYETTE. 
FORD  EDV  x,  233.    (M.,  1822.) 

2959.  FEDERALISTS,    Impotent.— The 
federalists  have  not  been  able  to  carry  a  sin 
gle  strong  measure  in  the  lower  House  the 
whole    session    [of    Congress].     When    they 
met,  it  was  believed  they  had  a  majority  of 
twenty ;   but  many  of  these   were   new   and 
moderate  men,  and  soon  saw  the  true  char 
acter  of  the  party  to  which  they  had  been  well 
disposed  while  at  a  distance.    The  tide,  too, 
of  public  opinion  sets  so  strongly  against  the 
federal    proceedings,     that    this    melted    off 
their  majority,  and  discouraged  the  heroes  of 
the  party. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  329.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  446.    (Pa.,  May  1800.) 

2960.  FEDERALISTS,      Jay's      Treaty 

and. — Though  the  Anglomen  have  in  the  end 
got  their  treaty  through,  and  so  far  tri 
umphed  over  the  cause  of  republicanism,  yet 
it  has  been  to  them  a  dear-bought  victory. 
It  has  given  the  most  radical  shock  to  their 
party  it  has  ever  received ;  and  there  is  no 
doubt,  they  would  be  glad  to  be  replaced  on 
the  ground  they  possessed  the  instant  before 
Jay's  nomination  extraordinary.  They  see 
that  nothing  can  support  them  but  the  colos 
sus  of  the  President's  merits  with  the  people, 
and  the  moment  he  retires,  that  his  successor, 
if  a  monocrat,  will  be  overborne  by  the  re 
publican  sense  of  his  constituents ;  if  a  repub 
lican,  he  will,  of  course,  give  fair  play  to 
that  sense,  and  lead  things  into  the  channel 
of  harmony  between  the  governors  and 
governed.  In  the  meantime,  patience. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  148.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  89. 
(M.,  July  1796.)  See  JAY  TREATY. 

2961.  FEDERALISTS,  Judiciary  and.— 

They  have  retired  into  the  judiciary  as  a 
stronghold.  There  the  remains  of  federalism 
are  to  be  preserved  and  fed  from  the  treas 
ury,  and  from  that  battery  all  the  works  of  re 
publicanism  are  to  be  beaten  down  and 
erased.  By  a  fraudulent  use  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  which  has  made  judges  irremovable, 
they  have  multiplied  useless  judges  merely  to 
strengthen  their  phalanx. — To  JOHN  DICKIN 
SON,  iv,  424.  (W.,  1801.)  See  JUDICIARY. 

2962.  FEDERALISTS,      Justice     to.— I 

never  did  them  an  act  of  injustice,  nor  failed 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Federalists 


in  any  duty  to  them  imposed  by  my  office. — 
To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  51.  (W., 
May  1807.) 

2963.  FEDERALISTS.  Leaders  of.— 
The  quondam  leaders  of  the  people  infuri 
ated  with  the  sense  of  their  impotence,  will 
soon  be  seen  or  heard  only  in  the  newspapers, 
which  serve  as  chimneys  to  carry  off  noxious 
vapors  and  smoke.— To  GENERAL  Kosciusco. 
iv,  430.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

2964. .  There  are  some  charac 
ters  who  have  been  too  prominent  to  retract, 
too  proud  and  impassioned  to  relent,  too 
greedy  after  office  and  profit  to  relinquish 
their  longings,  and  who  have  covered  their 
devotion  to  monarchism  under  the  mantle  of 
federalism,  who  never  can  be  cured  of  their 
enmities.  These  are  incurable  maniacs,  for 
whom  the  hospitable  doors  of  Bedlam  are 
ready  to  open,  but  they  are  permitted  to  walk 
abroad  while  they  refrain  from  personal  as 
sault. — To  TIMOTHY  BLOODWORTHY.  iv,  524. 
(W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

2965. .  Though  the  people  in 

mass  have  joined  us,  their  leaders  had  com 
mitted  themselves  too  far  to  retract.  Pride 
keeps  them  hostile;  they  brood  over  their 
angry  passions,  and  give  them  vent  in  the 
newspapers  which  they  maintain.  They  still 
make  as  much  noise  as  if  they  were  the  whole 
nation.  Unfortunately,  these  being  the  mer 
cantile  papers,  published  chiefly  in  the  sea 
ports,  are  the  only  ones  which  find  their  way 
to  Europe,  and  make  very  false  impressions 
there.— To  C.  F.  VOLNEY.  iv,  573.  (W., 
1805.) 

2966. .  I  hope  that  my  retire 
ment  will  abate  some  of  their  [federalists'] 
disaffection  to  the  government  of  their 
country. — To  RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON,  v,  257. 
(W.,  1808.) 

2967. .  Contented  with  our  gov 
ernment,  elective  as  it  is  in  three  of  its  prin 
cipal  branches,  I  wish  not,  on  Hamilton's 
plan,  to  see  two  of  them  for  life;  and  still 
less,  hereditary,  as  others  desire.  I  believe 
that  the  yeomanry  of  the  federalists  think 
on  this  subject  with  me.  They  are  substan 
tially  republican.  But  some  of  their  leaders, 
who  get  into  the  public  councils,  would  prefer 
Hamilton's  government,  and  still  more  the 
hereditary  one.  Hinc  ilia  lachryma.  I  wish 
them  no  harm,  but  that  they  may  never 
get  into  power,  not  for  their  harm,  but  for 
the  good  of  our  country. — To  W.  D.  G. 

WORTHINGTON.      V,    504.       (M.,    l8lO.) 

2968.  FEDERALISTS,    Madness    of.— I 

am  entirely  confident  that  ultimately  the  great 
body  of  the  people  are  passing  over  from  the 
federalists.  *  *  *  The  madness  and  ex 
travagance  of  their  career  are  what  ensure  it 
— To  E.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  328.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
443.  (Pa.,  April  1800.) 

2969. .     A    little   more   prudence 

and  moderation  in  those  [federal  leaders] 
who  had  mounted  themselves  on  the  fears  [of 
the  people],  and  it  would  have  been  long  and 


difficult  to  unhorse  them.  Their  madness  had 
done  in  three  years  what  reason  alone,  acting 
against  them,  would  not  have  effected  in 
many ;  and  the  more,  as  they  might  have  gone 
on  forming  new  entrenchments  for  themselves 
from  year  to  year. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON,  iv, 
424.  (W.,  1801.) 

2970.  FEDERALISTS,     Objects     of.— I 

have  been  ever  opposed  to  the  party  so  falsely 
called  federalists,  because  I  believe  them 
desirous  of  introducing  into  our  government 
authorities,  hereditary  or  otherwise,  inde 
pendent  of  the  national  will. — To  DAVID 
Ho  WELL,  v,  554.  (M.,  1810.) 

2971. .     The  original  objects  of 

the  federalists  were,  ist,  to  warp  our  govern 
ment  more  to  the  form  and  principles  of  mon 
archy  ;  and  2d,  to  weaken  the  barriers  of  the 
State  governments  as  coordinate  powers.  In 
the  first  they  have  been  so  completely  foiled 
by  the  universal  spirit  of  the  nation  that  they 
have  abandoned  the  enterprise,  shrunk  from 
the  odium  of  their  old  appellation,  taken  to 
themselves  a  participation  of  ours,  and  under 
the  pseudo-republican  mask,  are  now  aiming 
at  their  second  object,  and  strengthened  by 
unsuspecting  or  apostate  recruits  from  our 
ranks,  are  advancing  fast  towards  an  ascend 
ency. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  293.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  228.  (M.,  1823.)  See  MONARCHY. 

2972.  FEDERALISTS,  Opposition  of.— 

Though  we  may  obtain,  and  I  believe  shall 
obtain,  a  majority  in  the  Legislature  of  the 
United  States,  attached  to  the  preservation  of 
the  Federal  Constitution  according  to  its  ob 
vious  principles,  and  those  on  which  it  was 
known  to  be  received ;  attached  equally  to  the 
preservation  to  the  States  of  those  rights  un 
questionably  remaining  with  them ;  friends  to 
the  freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  the  press, 
trial  by  jury,  and  to  economical  government; 
opposed  to  standing  armies,  paper  systems, 
war,  and  all  connection,  other  than  commerce, 
with  any  foreign  nation;  in  short,  a  majority 
firm  in  all  those  principles  which  we  have 
espoused  and  the  federalists  have  opposed 
uniformly;  still,  should  the  whole  body  of 
New  England  continue  in  opposition  to  these 
principles  of  government,  either  knowingly  or 
through  delusion,  our  government  will  be  a 
very  uneasy  one.  It  can  never  be  harmonious 
and  solid,  while  so  respectable  a  portion  of  its 
citizens  support  principles  which  go  directly  to 
a  change  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  to  sink 
the  State  governments,  consolidate  them  into 
one  and  monarchize  that. — To  GIDEON  GRAN 
GER,  iv,  330.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  450.  (M.,  Aug. 
1800.) 

2973.  FEDERALISTS,    Proposed   coali 
tion. — In  our  last  conversation  you  mentioned 
a  federal  scheme  afloat,  of  forming  a  coalition 
between    the    federalists   and    republicans,    of 
what    they    called   the    seven    eastern    States. 
The  idea  was  new  to  me,  and  after  time  for 
reflection  I  had  no  opportunity  of  conversing 
with  you  again.     The  federalists  know,  that, 
eo  nomine,  they  are  gone  forever.     Their  ob 
ject,  therefore,  is,  how  to  return  into  power 


Federalists 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


332 


under  some  other  form.  Undoubtedly  they 
have  but  one  means,  which  is  to  divide  the 
republicans,  join  the  minority,  and  barter  with 
them  for  the  cloak  of  their  name.  I  say,  join 
the  minority;  because  the  majority  of  the  re 
publicans  not  needing  them,  will  not  buy 
them.  The  minority,  having  no  other  means 
of  ruling  the  majority,  will  give  a  price  for 
auxiliaries,  and  that  price  must  be  principle. 
It  is  true  that  the  federalists,  needing  their 
numbers  also,  must  also  give  a  price,  and  prin 
ciple  is  the  coin  they  must  pay  in.  Thus  a  bas 
tard  system  of  federo-republicanism  will  rise 
on  the  ruins  of  the  true  principles  of  our 
revolution.  And  when  this  party  is  formed, 
who  will  constitute  the  majority  of  it,  which 
majority  is  then  to  dictate?  Certainly  the 
federalists.  Thus  their  proposition  of  putting 
themselves  into  gear  with  the  republican 
minority,  is  exactly  like  Roger  Sherman's 
proposition  to  add  Connecticut  to  Rhode  Is 
land.  The  idea  of  forming  seven  eastern 
States  is  moreover  clearly  to  form  the  basis 
of  a  separation  of  the  Union.  Is  it  possible 
that  real  republicans  can  be  gulled  by  such  a 
bait?  And  for  what?  What  do  they  wish 
that  they  have  not?  Federal  measures? 
That  is  impossible.  Republican  measures? 
Have  they  them  not?  Can  any  one  deny,  that 
in  all  important  questions  of  principle,  re 
publicanism  prevails,?  But  do  they  want  that 
their  individual  will  shall  govern  the  major 
ity?  They  may  purchase  the  gratification  of 
this  unjust  wish,  for  a  little  time,  at  a  great 
price ;  but  the  federalists  must  not  have  the 
passions  of  other  men,  if,  after  getting  thus 
into  the  seat  of  power,  they  suffer  themselves 
to  be  governed  by  their  minority.  This 
minority  may  say,  that  whenever  they  relapse 
into  their  own  principles,  they  will  quit  them, 
and  draw  the  seat  from  under  them.  They 
may  quit  them,  indeed,  but,  in  the  meantime, 
all  the  venal  will  have  become  associated  with 
them,  and  will  give  them  a  majority  sufficient 
to  keep  them  in  place,  and  to  enable  them  to 
eject  the  heterogeneous  friends  by  whose  aid 
they  get  again  into  power.  I  cannot  believe 
any  portion  of  real  republicans  will  enter  into 
this  trap ;  and  if  they  do,  I  do  not  believe  they 
can  carry  with  them  the  mass  of  their  States, 
advancing'  so  steadily  as  we  see  them,  to  an 
union  of  principle  with  their  brethren.  It  will 
be  found  in  this,  as  in  all  other  similar  cases, 
that  crooked  schemes  will  end  by  over 
whelming  their  authors  and  coadjutors  in  dis 
grace,  and  that  he  alone  who  walks  strict  and 
upright,  and  who,  in  matters  of  opinion,  will 
be  contented  that  others  should  be  as  free 
as  himself,  and  acquiesce  when  his  opinion 
is  freely  overruled,  will  attain  his  object  in 
the  end. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER,  iv,  542.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  298.  (M.,  April  1804.) 

2974.  FEDERALISTS,     Pusillanimous. 

— The  federalists  *  *  *  wish  to  rub  through 
this  fragment  of  a  year  as  they  have  through 
the  four  preceding  ones,  opposing  patience  to 
insult,  and  interest  to  honor.  *  *  *  This 
is,  indeed,  a  most  humiliating  state  of  things, 
but  it  commenced  in  1793.  Causes  have  been 
adding  to  causes,  and  effects  accumulating  on 


effects,  from  that  time  to  this.  We  had,  in 
!/93>  the  most  respectable  character  in  the 
universe.  What  the  neutral  nations  think  of 
us  now,  I  know  not;  but  we  are  low  indeed 
with  the  belligerents.  Their  kicks  and  cuffs 
prove  their  contempt. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE. 
iv,  191.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  154.  (Pa.,  June  1797.) 

2975.  FEDERALISTS,  Republicans 
and. — My  hope  is  that  the  distinction  be 
tween  republican  and  federalist  will  be  soon 
lost,  or  at  most  that  it  will  be  only  of  repub 
lican  and  monarchist ;  that  the  body  of  the 
nation,  even  that  part  which  French  excesses 
forced  over  to  the  federal  side,  will  rejoin  the 
republicans,  leaving  only  those  who  were  pure 
monarchists,  and  who  will  be  too  few  to  form 
a  sect. — To  DR.  B.  S.  BARTON,  iv,  353.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  489.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

2976. .     I  entertain  real  hope  that 

the  whole  body  of  pur  citizens  (many  of 
whom  had  been  carried  away  by  the  X.  Y. 
Z.  business),  will  shortly  be  consolidated 
*  *  *  .  When  they  examine  the  real  prin 
ciples  of  both  parties,  I  think  they  will  find 
little  to  differ  about.  I  know,  indeed,  that 
there  are  some  of  their  leaders  who  have  so 
committed  themselves,  that  pride,  if  no  other 
passion,  will  prevent  their  coalescing:.  We 
must  be  easy  with  them.— To  MOSES  ROBIN 
SON,  iv,  379.  (March  1801.) 

2977. .     The  manoeuvres  of  the 

year  X.  Y.  Z.  carried  over  from  us  a  great 
body  of  the  people,  real  republicans,  and 
honest  men  under  virtuous  motives.  The  de 
lusion  lasted  a  while.  At  length  the  poor 
arts  of  tub  plots,  &c.,  were  repeated  till  the 
designs  of  the  party  became  suspected.  From 
that  moment  those  who  had  left  us  began  to 
come  back.  It  was  by  their  return  to  us  that 
we  gained  the  victory  in  November,  1800, 
which  we  should  not  have  gained  in  No 
vember,  1799.  But  during  the  suspension  of 
the  public  mind,  from  the  nth  to  the  i7th 
of  February  [last],  and  the  anxiety  and 
alarm  lest  there  should  be  no  election, 
and  anarchy  ensue,  a  wonderful  effect  was 
produced  on  the  mass  of  federalists  who  had 
not  before  come  over.  Those  who  had  be 
fore  become  sensible  of  their  error  in  the 
former  change,  and  only  wanted  a  decent 
excuse  for  coming  back,  seized  that  occa 
sion  for  doing  so.  Another  body,  and  a 
large  one  it  is,  who  from  timidity  of  constitu 
tion  had  gone  with  those  who  wished  for  a 
strong  executive,  were  induced  by  the  same 
timidity  to  come  over  to  us  rather  than  risk 
anarchy:  so  that,  according  to  the  evidence 
we  receive  from  every  direction,  we  may  say 
that  the  whole  of  that  portion  of  the  people 
which  were  called  federalists,  were  made  to 
desire  anxiously  the  very  event  they  had  just 
before  opposed  with  all  their  energies,  and  to 
receive  the  election  which  was  made,  as  an 
object  of  their  earnest  wishes,  a  child  of  their 
own.  These  people  (I  always  exclude  their 
leaders)  are  now  aggregated  with  us.  They 
look  with  a  certain  degree  of  affection  and 
confidence  to  the  administration,  ready  to  be 
come  attached  to  it,  if  it  avoids  in  the  outset 


333 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Federalists 


acts  which  might  revolt  and  throw  them  off. 
To  give  time  for  a  perfect  consolidation  seems 
prudent. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  367.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  9.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2978. .  The  revolutionary  move 
ments  in  Europe  had,  by  industry  and  artifice, 
been  wrought  into  objects  of  terror  even  to 
this  country,  and  had  really  involved  a  great 
portion  of  our  well-meaning  citizens  in  a  panic 
which  was  perfectly  unaccountable,  and  dur 
ing  the  prevalence  of  which  they  were  led 
to  support  measures  the  most  insane.  They 
are  now  pretty  thoroughly  recovered  from  it, 
and  sensible  of  the  mischief  which  was  done, 
and  preparing  to  be  done,  had  their  minds 
continued  a  little  longer  under  that  derange 
ment.  The  recovery  bids  fair  to  be  complete, 
and  to  obliterate  entirely  the  line  of  party 
division  which  had  been  so  strongly  drawn. 
Not  that  their  late  leaders  have  come  over, 
or  even  can  come  over.  But  they  stand,  at 
present,  almost  without  followers.  The  prin 
cipal  of  them  have  retreated  into  the  judiciary 
as  a  stronghold,  the  tenure  of  which  renders 
it  difficult  to  dislodge  them.  To  JOEL  BAR 
LOW,  iv,  369.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2979.  — .  I  was  always  satisfied  that 

the  great  body  of  those  called  federalists 
were  real  republicans  as  well  as  federalists. — 
To  GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX.  iv,  386.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  36.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2980. .  The  federal  sect  of  re 
publicans  *  *  *  differ  from  us  only  in  the 
shades  of  power  to  be  given  to  the  Executive, 
being,  with  us  attached  to  republican  govern 
ment.  The  Essex  junto  and  their  associate 
monocrats  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  wish 
to  sap  the  Republic  by  fraud,  if  they  cannot 
destroy  it  by  force,  and  to  erect  an  English 
monarchy  in  its  place;  some  of  them  (as  Mr. 
Adams)  thinking  its  corrupt  parts  should  be 
cleansed  away,  others  (as  Hamilton)  think 
ing  that  it  would  make  it  an  impracticable 
machine.— To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  398.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  67.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

2981.  -  — .     My  idea  is  that  the  mass 

of  our  countrymen,  even  of  those  who  call 
them  federalists,  are  republicans.  They  differ 
from  us  but  in  a  shade  of  more  or  less  of 
power  to  be  given  to  the  Executive  or  Legis 
lative  organ.  They  were  decoyed  into  the  net 
of  monarchists  by  the  X.  Y.  Z.  contrivance, 
but  they  are  come  or  are  coming  back.  So 
much  moderation  in  our  proceedings  as  not 
to  revolt  them,  while  doubting  or  newly 
joined  with  us,  and  they  will  coalesce  and 
grow  to  us  as  one  flesh.  But  any  violence 
against  their  quondam  leaders  before  they  are 
thoroughly  weaned  from  them,  would  carry 
them  back  again.— To  THOMAS  McKEAN. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  78.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

2982. .  I  consider  the  pure  fed 
eralist  as  a  republican  who  would  prefer  a 
somewhat  stronger  Executive ;  and  the  re 
publican  as  one  more  willing  to  trust  the 
legislature  as  a  broader  representation  of  the 
people,  and  a  safer  deposit  of  power  for  many 
reasons.  But  both  sects  are  republican,  en 


titled  to  the  confidence  of  their  fellow  citizens. 
Not  so  their  quondam  leaders,  covering  under 
the  mask  of  federalism  hearts  devoted  to 
monarchy.  The  Hamiltonians,  the  Essex- 
men,  the  Revolutionary  tories,  &c.  They  have 
a  right  to  tolerance,  but  neither  to  confidence 
nor  power. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  76.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

2983.  FEDERALISTS,       Republican 
schisms  and. — I  consider  the  federalists  as 
completely   vanquished,    and    never    more    to 
take  the  field  under  their  own  banners.     They 
will  now  reserve  themselves  to  profit  by  the 
schisms  among  republicans,  and  to  earn  favors 
from   minorities,   whom  they   will   enable  to 
triumph  over  their  more  numerous  antago 
nists.    So  long  as  republican  minorities  barely 
accept   their   votes,    no   great   harm    will    be 
done ;   because  it  will  only  place  in  power  one 
shade  of  republicanism,   instead  of  another. 
But   when    they   purchase    the   votes    of   the 
federalists,  by  giving  them  a  participation  of 
office,    trust   and   power,    it   is   a   proof   that 
anti-monarchism   is  not  their   strongest  pas 
sion. — To    JAMES    SULLIVAN,    v,    101.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  77.     (W.,  June  1807.) 

2984.  FEDERALISTS,     Self-govern 
ment   and. — The   leaders   of   federalism   say 
that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with  his  own  gov 
ernment.    We  must  do  no  act  which  shall  re 
place  them  in  the  direction  of  the  experiment. 
— To  GOVERNOR  HALL.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   157. 
(W.,  1802.) 

2985.  FEDERALISTS,     States'     rights 
and.— The  federalists,  baffled  in  their  schemes 
to  monarchize  us,  have  given  up  their  name, 
which   the   Hartford    Convention   had    made 
odious,    and    have    taken    shelter    among    us 
and  under  our  name.     But  they  have  only 
changed  the  point  of  attack.     On  every  ques 
tion  of  the  usurpation  of  State  powers  by  the 
Foreign    or   General    Government,    the    same 
men  rally  together,  force  the  line  of  demar 
cation  and  consolidate  the  government.     The 
judges  are  at  their  head  as  heretofore,  and 
are  their  entering  wedge.     The  true  old  re 
publicans  stand  to  the  line,  and  will  I  hope 
die  on  it  if  necessary. — To  SAMUEL  H.  SMITH. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  263.     (M.,  Aug.  1823.) 

2986.  FEDERALISTS,    Terrorism    and 
treason. — When    General    Washington    was 
withdrawn,    these    energumeni    of    royalism, 
[the  federal  leaders],  kept  in  check  hitherto 
by  the  dread  of  his  honesty,  his  firmness,  his 
patriotism,    and   the   authority   of   his   name, 
now  mounted  on  the  car  of  State  and  free 
from   control,   like   Phaeton   on   that   of  the 
sun,  drove  headlong  and  wild,  looking  neither 
to    right    nor    left,    nor    regarding    anything 
but  the  objects  they  were  driving  at;  until, 
displaying  these  fully,  the  eyes  of  the  nation 
were  opened,  and  a  general  disbandment  of 
them    from   the   public    councils    took   place. 
*    *    *     But  no  man  who  did  not  witness  it 
can  form  an  idea  of  their  unbridled  madness, 
and  the  terrorism  with  which  they  surrounded 
themselves.    The  horrors  of  the  French  Rev 
olution,  then  raging,  aided  them  mainly,  and 


Federalists 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


334 


using  that  as  a  rawhead  and  bloody-bones, 
they  were  enabled  by  their  stratagems  of  X. 
Y.  Z.  in  which  this  historian  [Judge  Mar 
shall]  was  a  leading  mountebank,  their  tales 
of  tub-plots,  ocean  massacres,  bloody  buoys, 
and  pulpit  lyings,  and  slanderings,  and  ma 
niacal  ravings  of  their  Gardiners,  their  Os- 
goods  and  Parishes,  to  spread  alarm  into 
all  but  the  firmest  breasts.  Their  Attorney- 
General  had  the  impudence  to  say  to  a  re 
publican  member,  that  deportation  must  be 
resorted  to,  of  which,  said  he,  "  you  repub 
licans  have  set  the  example,"  thus  daring  to 
identify  us  with  the  murderous  Jacobins  of 
France.  These  transactions,  now  [1818] 
recollected,  but  as  dreams  of  the  night,  were 
then  sad  realities;  and  nothing  rescued  us 
from  their  liberticide  effect,  but  the  unyield 
ing  opposition  of  those  firm  spirits  who  sternly 
maintained  their  post,  in  defiance  of  terror, 
until  their  fellow  citizens  could  be  aroused 
to  their  own  danger,  and  rally,  and  rescue  the 
standard  of  the  Constitution.  This  has  been 
happily  done.  Federalism  and  monarchism 
have  languished  from  that  moment  until  their 
treasonable  combinations  with  the  enemies  of 
their  country  during  the  late  war,  their  plots 
of  dismembering  the  Union,  and  their  Hart 
ford  Convention,  have  consigned  them  to  the 
tomb  of  the  dead ;  and  I  fondly  hope  we  may 
now  truly  say,  "  we  are  all  republicans,  all  fed 
eralists,"  and  that  the  motto  of  the  standard 
to  which  our  country  will  forever  rally,  will 
be  "  Federal  Union  and  Republican  Govern 
ment  " ;  and  sure  I  am  we  may  say  that,  we 
are  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  this  point 
of  ralliance,  to  that  opposition  of  which  so  in 
jurious  an  idea  is  so  artfully  insinuated 
and  excited  in  this  history  [MARSHALL'S 
LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON]. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  97. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  166.  (1818.) 

2987.  FEDERALISTS,  TJnprogressive.— 

What  a  satisfaction  have  we  in  the  contem 
plation  of  the  benevolent  effects  of  our  efforts, 
compared  with  those  of  the  leaders  on  the 
other  side,  who  have  discountenanced  all  ad 
vances  in  science  as  dangerous  innovations, 
have  endeavored  to  render  philosophy  and  re 
publicanism  terms  of  reproach,  to  persuade  us 
that  man  cannot  be  governed  but  by  the  rod. 
I  shall  have  the  happiness  of  living  and  dying 
in  the  contrary  hope.— To  JOHN  DICKINSON. 
iv,  366.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  8.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

2988.  FEDERALISTS,      Violations      of 

Constitution. — Their  usurpations  and  viola 
tions  of  the  Constitution  at  that  period  [the 
administration  of  John  Adams]  and  their  ma 
jority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  were  so 
great,  so  decided,  and  so  daring,  that  after 
combating  their  aggressions,  inch  by  inch, 
without  being  able  in  the  least  to  check  their 
career,  the  republican  leaders  thought  it  would 
be  best  for  them  to  give  up  their  useless  ef 
forts  there,  go  home,  get  into  their  respective 
Legislatures,  embody  whatever  of  resistance 
they  could  be  formed  into,  and  if  ineffectual, 
to  perish  there  as  in  the  last  ditch.  All,  there 
fore,  retired,  leaving  Mr.  Gallatin  alone  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  myself  in  the 


Senate,  where  I  then  presided  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent.  Remaining  at  our  posts,  and  bidding 
defiance  to  the  brow-beatings  and  insults  by 
which  they  endeavored  to  drive  us  off  also, 
we  kept  the  mass  of  republicans  in  phalanx 
together,  until  the  Legislature  could  be 
brought  up  to  the  charge ;  and  nothing  on 
earth  is  more  certain,  than  that  if  myself  par 
ticularly,  placed  by  my  office  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent  at  the  head  of  the  republicans,  had  given 
way  and  withdrawn  from  my  post,  the  re 
publicans  throughout  the  Union  would  have 
?iven  up  in  despair,  and  the  cause  would  have 
been  lost  forever.  By  holding  on,  we  obtained 
time  for  the  Legislatures  to  come  up  with 
their  weight;  and  those  of  Virginia  and  Ken 
tucky  particularly,  but  more  especially  the 
former,  by  their  celebrated  resolutions,  saved 
the  Constitution  at  its  last  gasp.  No  person 
who  was  not  a  witness  of  the  scenes  of  that 
gloomy  period,  can  form  any  idea  of  the  af 
flicting  persecutions  and  personal  indignities 
we  had  to  brook.  They  saved  our  country 
however.  The  spirits  of  the  people  were  so 
much  subdued  and  reduced  to  despair  by  the 
X.  Y.  Z.  imposture,  and  other  stratagems 
and  machinations,  that  they  would  have  sunk 
into  apathy  and  monarchy,  as  the  only  form 
of  government  which  could  maintain  itself.* — 
MISCELLANEOUS  PAPERS,  ix,  507.  FORD  ED., 
x,  368.  (1826.) 

2989.  FEDERALISTS,  Worthy  and  un 
worthy. — With  respect  to  the  federalists,  I 
believe  we  think  alike;  for  when  speaking  of 
them,  we  never  mean  to  include  a  worthy 
portion  of  our  fellow  citizens,  who  consider 
themselves  as  in  duty  bound  to  support  the 
constituted  authorities  of  every  branch,  and  to 
reserve  their  opposition  to  the  period  of  elec 
tion.  Those  having  acquired  the  appellation 
of  federalists,  while  a  federal  administration 
was  in  place,  have  not  cared  about  throwing 
off  their  name,  but  adhering  to  their  principle, 
are  the  supporters  of  the  present  order  of 
things.  The  other  branch  of  the  federalists, 
those  who  are  so  in  principle  as  well  as  in 
name,  disapprove  of  the  republican  principles 
and  features  of  our  Constitution,  and  would,  I 
believe,  welcome  any  public  calamity  (war 
with  England  excepted)  which  might  lessen 
the  confidence  of  our  country  in  those  prin 
ciples  and  forms.  I  have  generally  considered 
them  rather  as  subjects  for  a  madhouse.  But 
they  are  now  playing  a  game  of  the  most  mis 
chievous  tendency,  without  perhaps  being 
themselves  aware  of  it.  They  are  endeavor 
ing  to  convince  England  that  we  suffer  more 
by  the  Embargo  than  they  do,  and  that  if 
they  will  but  hold  out  awhile,  we  must  aban 
don  it.  It  is  true,  the  time  will  come  when 
we  must  abandon  it.  But  if  this  is  before  the 
repeal  of  the  orders  of  council,  we  must  aban 
don  it  only  for  a  state  of  war.  The  day  is 
not  distant,  when  that  will  be  preferable  to 
a  longer  continuance  of  the  Embargo.  But 
we  can  never  remove  that,  and  let  our  vessels 

*  Jefferson  said,  in  the  same  paper,  that  he  con 
sidered  this  action  on  his  part  "the  most  important, 
in  its  consequences,  of  any  transaction  in  any  por 
tion  of  his  life  ".—EDITOR. 


335 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Fenner  (James) 
Filibuslerisrn 


go  out  and  be  taken  under  these  orders,  with 
out  making  reprisal.  Yet  this  is  the  very 
state  of  things  which  these  federal  monarch 
ists  are  endeavoring  to  bring  about ;  and  in 
this  it  is  but  too  possible  they  may  succeed. 
But  the  fact  is,  that  if  we  have  war  with  Eng 
land  it  will  be  solely  produced  by  their 
manoeuvres. — To  DR.  THOMAS  LEIB.  v,  304. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  196.  (W.,  June  1808.)  See 
PARTIES,  REPUBLICANISM  and  REPUBLICANS. 

2990.  FENNER  ( James),  Character  of.— 

No  one  was  more  sensible  than  myself,  while 
Governor  Fenner  was  in  the  senate,  of  the 
soundness  of  his  political  principles,  and  recti 
tude  of  h's  conduct.  Among  those  of  my  fel 
low  laborers  of  whom  I  had  a  distinguished 
opinion,  he  was  one. — To  DAVID  HOWELL.  v, 
554.  (M.,  1810.) 

2991.  FENNO     (John),     Gazette     of.— 

[Fenno's  Gazette]  is  a  paper  of  pure  toryism, 
disseminating  the  doctrines  of  monarchy,  aris 
tocracy,  and  the  exclusion  of  the  influence  of 
the  people. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED., 
v,  334.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

2992. .     The  tory  paper  of  Fenno 

rarely  admits  anything  which  defends  the  pres 
ent  form  of  government  in  opposition  to  his 
desire  of  subverting  it  to  make  way  for  a 
king,  lords  and  commons. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  361.  (1791.) 

_  FEVER,.— See  YELLOW  FEVER. 

2993.  FICTION,       Education      and.— A 

great  obstacle  to  good  education  is  the  in 
ordinate  passion  prevalent  for  novels,  and  the 
time  lost  in  that  reading  which  should  be 
instructively  employed.  When  this  poison  in 
fects  the  mind,  it  destroys  its  tone  and  re 
volts  it  against  wholesome  reading.  Reason 
and  fact,  plain  and  unadorned,  are  rejected. 
Nothing  can  engage  attention  unless  dressed 
in  all  the  figments  of  fancy,  and  nothing  so 
bedecked  comes  amiss.  The  result  is  a 
bloated  imagination,  sickly  judgment,  and 
disgust  towards  all  the  real  businesses  of 
life.* — To  N.  BURWELL.  vii,  102.  FORD  ED., 
x,  104.  (M.,  1818.) 

2994.  FICTION,    Value    of    sound.— A 
little  attention  to  the  nature  of  the  human 
mind  evinces  that  the  entertainments  of  fic 
tion  are  useful  as  well  as  pleasant.    That  they 
are  pleasant  when  well  written,  every  person 
feels  who  reads.     But  wherein  is  its  utility, 
asks  the  reverend  sage,  big  with  the  notion 
that  nothing  can  be  useful  but  the   learned 
lumber   of   Greek   and    Roman   reading   with 
which  his  head  is  stored?     I  answer  every 
thing  is  useful  which  contributes  to  fix  in  the 
principles  and  practices  of  virtue.    When  any 
original   act   of   charity   or   of  gratitude,    for 
instance,  is  presented  either  to     our  sight  or 
imagination,    we   are    deeply    impressed    with 
its  beauty  and   feel   a   strong  desire  in   our 
selves  of  doing  charitable  and  grateful   acts 
also.     On  the  contrary,  when  we  see  or  read 
of  any  atrocious  deed,  we  are  disgusted  with 
its  deformity,  and  conceive  an  abhorrence  of 
vice.      Now   every   emotion   of   this   kind   is 

*  Jefferson  made  an  exception  in  favor  of  Maria 
Edgeworth  and  others  whose  works  inculcated  a 
so  and  morality. — EDITOR. 


an  exercise  of  our  virtuous  dispositions,  and 
dispositions  of  the  mind,  like  limbs  of  the 
body,  acquire  strength  by  practice.  But  ex 
ercise  produces  habit,  and  in  the  instance 
of  which  we  speak,  the  exercise  being  of  the 
moral  feelings,  produces  a  habit  of  thinking 
and  acting  virtuously.  We  never  reflect 
whether  the  story  we  read  be  truth  or  fic 
tion.  If  the  painting  be  lively,  and  a  toler 
able  picture  of  nature,  we  are  thrown  into 
a  reverie,  from  which  if  we  awaken  it  is 
the  fault  of  the  writer.  I  appeal  to  every 
reader  of  feeling  and  sentiment  whether  the 
fictitious  murder  of  Duncan  by  Macbeth,  in 
Shakespeare,  does  not  excite  in  him  as  great 
a  horror  of  villainy,  as  the  real  one  of  Henry 
IV.  by  Ravaillac.  as  related  by  Davila?  And 
whether  the  fidelity  of  Nelson  and  generosity 
of  Blandford,  in  Marmontel,  do  not  dilate  his 
breast  and  elevate  his  sentiments  as  much  as 
any  similar  incident  which  real  history  can 
furnish?  Does  he  not  in  fact  feel  himself  a 
better  man  while  reading  them,  and  privately 
covenant  to  copy  the  fair  example?  We 
neither  know  nor  care  whether  Laurence 
Sterne  really  went  to  France,  whether  he  was 
there  accosted  by  the  Franciscan,  at  first  re 
buked  him  unkindly,  and  then  gave  him  a 
peace  offering ;  or  whether  the  whole  be  not 
fiction.  In  either  case,  we  equally  are  sor 
rowful  at  the  rebuke,  and  secretly  resolve  we 
will  never  do  so:  we  are  pleased  with  the 
subsequent  atonement,  and  view  with  emula 
tion  a  soul  candidly  acknowledging  its  fault 
and  making  a  just  reparation.  Considering 
history  as  a  moral  exercise,  her  lessons  would 
be  too  infrequent  if  confined  to  real  life.  Of 
those  recorded  by  historians  few  incidents 
have  been  attended  with  such  circumstances 
as  to  excite  in  any  high  degree  this  sympa 
thetic  emotion  of  virtue.  We  are,  therefore, 
wisely  framed  to  be  as  warmly  interested  for 
a  fictitious  as  for  a  real  personage.  The  field 
of  imagination  is  thus  laid  open  to  our  use 
and  lessons  may  be  formed  to  illustrate  and 
carry  home  to  the  heart  every  moral  rule 
of  life.  Thus  a  lively  and  lasting  sense  of 
filial  duty  is  more  effectually  impressed  on 
the  mind  of  a  son  or  daughter  by  reading 
King  Lear,  than  by  all  the  dry  volumes  of 
ethics  and  divinity  that  ever  were  written. 
This  is  my  idea  of  well  written  Romance,  of 
Tragedy,  Comedy  and  Epic  poetry. — To  ROB 
ERT  SKIPWITH.  FORD  ED.,  i,  396.  (M.,  1771.) 

2995.  FILIBUSTEBJSM,   Prevention.— 
If  you  will     *     *     *    give  me  such  informa 
tion  as  to  persons  and  places  as  may  indicate 
to  what  points  the  vigilance  of  the  officers  is 
to  be  directed,  proper  measures  will  be  im 
mediately  taken  for  preventing  every  attempt 
to   make  any   hostile   expedition   from   these 
States    against    any    of    the    dominions    of 
France.      The    stronger   the    proofs    you   can 
produce,  and  the  more  pointed  as  to  persons, 
the   stronger  will   be   the  means  of  coercion 
which  the   laws   will   allow   to  be  used. — To 

E.  C.  GENET.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  426.  (Pa.,  Sep. 
I793-) 

2996.  FILIBUSTEE-ISM,      Punishment 
of. — Let  it  be  our  endeavor    *    *   '*    to  re- 


Filibusterism 

Finances 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


336 


strain  our  citizens  from  embarking  individ 
ually  in  a  war*  in  which  their  country  takes 
no  part;  to  punish  severely  those  persons, 
citizen  or  alien,  who  shall  usurp  the  coyer 
of  our  flag  for  vessels  not  entitled  to  it,  in 
fecting  thereby  with  suspicion  those  of  real 
Americans,  and  committing  us  into  contro 
versies  for  the  redress  of  wrongs  not  our 
own. — THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  28. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  272.  (1803.) 

2997. .     I  am  sorry  to  learn  that 

a  banditti  from  our  country  are  taking  part 
in  the  domestic  contests  of  the  country  ad 
joining  you;  and  the  more  so  as  from  the 
known  laxity  of  execution  in  our  laws,  they 
cannot  be  punished.  It  will  give  a  wrongful 
hue  to  a  rightful  act  of  taking  possession  of 
Mobile,  and  will  be  imputed  to  the  national 
authority,  as  Miranda's  enterprise  was,  be 
cause  not  punished  by  it. — To  DR.  SAMUEL 
BROWN,  vi,  165.  (M.,  1813.) 

2998.  FILIBUSTEHISM,  Restraining.— 
That  individuals   should  undertake  to  wage 
private  war,  independently  of  the  authority  of 
their  country,  cannot  be  permitted  in  a  well 
ordered  society.     Its  tendency  to  produce  ag 
gression    on    the   laws    and    rights    of   other 
nations,  and  to  endanger  the  peace  of  pur  own 
is  so  obvious,  that  I  doubt  not  you  will  adopt 
measures    for    restraining    it    effectually    in 
future. — FOURTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  34. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  326.     (1804.) 

2999.  FILIBUSTERISM,  Suppression.— 
Having    received    information    that    a    great 
number  of  private   individuals  were  combi 
ning  together,  arming  and  organizing  them 
selves  contrary  to  law,  to  carry  on  military 
expeditions  against  the  territories  of  Spain,  I 
thought  it  necessary,  by  proclamations,  as  well 
as  by   special  orders,   to  take  measures   for 
preventing  and  suppressing  this  enterprise,  for 
seizing  the  vessels,   arms,   and  other  means 
provided  for  it,  and  for  arresting  and  bring 
ing  to  justice  its  authors  and   abettors.     It 
was  due  to  that  good  faith  which  ought  ever 
to  be  the  rule  of  action  in  public  as  well  as 
in  private  transactions;  it  was  due  to  good 
order  and  regular  government,  that  while  the 
public  force  was  strictly  on  the  defensive  and 
merely  to  protect  our  citizens  from  aggres 
sion,  the  criminal  attempts  of  private  individ 
uals  to  decide  for  their  country  the  question 
of  peace  or  war,  by  commencing  active  and 
unauthorized   hostilities,    should  be  promptly 
and  efficaciously  suppressed.— SIXTH  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,    viii,  63.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  489.     (Dec. 
1806.) 

3000. .  The  late  piratical  depre 
dations  which  your  commerce  has  suffered  as 
well  as  ours,  and  that  of  other  nations,  seem 
to  have  been  committed  by  renegade  rovers  of 
several  nations,  French,  English,  American, 
which  they  as  well  as  we  have  not  been  care 
ful  enough  to  suppress.  I  hope  our  Congress 
*  *  *  will  strengthen  the  measures  of  sup 
pression.  Of  their  disposition  to  do  it  there 
can  be  no  doubt;  for  all  men  of  moral  prin 
ciple  must  be  shocked  at  these  atrocities.  I 

*  Between  England  and  France.— EDITOR. 


had  repeated  conversations  on  this  subject 
with  the  President  *  *  *  .  No  man  can 
abhor  these  enormities  more  deeply.  I  trust 
it  will  not  have  been  in  the  power  of  aban 
doned  rovers,  nor  yet  of  negligent  function 
aries,  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  two  nations 
so  much  disposed  to  mutual  friendship,  and 
interested  in  it. — To  J.  CORREA.  vii,  184. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  164.  (M.,  1820.) 

3001.  FINANCES,  Disordered.— I  do  not 

at  all  wonder  at  the  condition  in  which  the 
finances  of  the  United  States  are  found. 
Hamilton's  object  from  the  beginning,  was  to 
throw  them  into  forms  which  should  be  ut 
terly  undecipherable.  I  ever  said  he  did  not 
understand  their  condition  himself,  nor  was 
able  to  give  a  clear  view  of  the  excess  of  our 
debts  beyond  our  credits,  nor  whether  we 
were  diminishing  or  increasing  the  debt.  My 
own  opinion  was,  that  from  the  commence 
ment  of  this  government  to  the  time  I  ceased 
to  attend  to  the  subject,  we  had  been  increas 
ing  our  debt  about  a  million  of  dollars  an 
nually.  If  Mr.  Gallatin  would  undertake  to 
reduce  this  chaos  to  order,  present  us  with 
a  clear  view  of  our  finances,  and  put  them 
into  a  form  as  simple  as  they  will  admit,  he 
will  merit  immortal  honor.  The  accounts  of 
the  United  States  ought  to  be,  and  may  be 
made  as  simple  as  those  of  a  common  farmer, 
and  capable  of  being  understood  by  common 
farmers. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  131.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  61.  (M.,  March  1796.) 

3002.  _.     The  finances  are  said  to 

have  been  left  by  the  late  financier  in  the  ut 
most  derangement,  and  his  tools  are  urging 
the  funding  the  new  debts   they  have  con 
tracted.     Thus  posterity  is  to  be  left  to  pay 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  our  government  in 
time  of  peace. — To  JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED., 
vii,  60.     (M.,  March  1796.) 

3003. .  I  had  always  conjec 
tured,  from  such  facts  as  I  could  get  hold  of, 
that  our  public  debt  was  increasing  about  a 
million  of  dollars  a  year.  You  will  see  by 
Gallatin' s  speeches  that  the  thing  is  proved.— 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  140.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
80.  (M.,  June  1796.) 

3004.  FINANCES,     Misapplied.— The 
finances  are  now  under  such  a  course  of  ap 
plication  as  nothing  could  derange  but  war 
or  federalism.     The  gripe  of  the  latter  has 
shown  itself  as  deadly  as  have  the  jaws  of 
the  former.     Our  adversaries  say  we  are  in 
debted  to  their  providence  for  the  means  of 
paying  the  public  debt.     We  never  charged 
them  with  the  want  of  foresight  in  providing 
money,  but  with  the  misapplication  of  it  after 
they  had  levied  it.     We  say  they  raised  not 
only  enough,  but  too  much;  and  that,  after 
giving  back  the  surplus,  we  do  more  with  a 
part    than    they    did    with    the    whole. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,    iv,  453.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  178. 
(W.,  1802.) 

3005.  FINANCES,  Simplification  of.— I 
think  it  an  object  of  great  importance.    *    *    * 
to     simplify     our     system     of    finance,     and 
bring  it  within  the  comprehension  of  every 


337 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Finances 
Fisheries 


member  of  Congress. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
iv,  428.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  139.  (W.,  April 
1802.)  See  39. 

3006.  FINANCES,  Sound  system  of.— 
The  other  great  and  indispensable  object  [in 
prosecuting  the  war]  is  to  enter  on  such  a 
system  of  finance,  as  can  be  permanently  pur 
sued  to  any  length  of  time  whatever.  Let  us 
be  allured  by  no  projects  of  banks,  public  or 
private,  or  ephemeral  expedients,  which,  en 
abling  us  to  gasp  and  flounder  a  little  longer, 
only  increase,  by  protracting  the  agonies  of 
death. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  395.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  492.  (M.,  Oct.  1814.) 

3007. .     The     British     ministers 

found  some  hopes  [of  success  in  the  war] 
on  the  state  of  our  finances.  It  is  true  that 
the  excess  of  our  banking  institutions,  and 
their  present  discredit,  have  shut  us  out  from 
the  best  source  of  credit  we  could  ever  com 
mand  with  certainty.  But  the  foundations  of 
credit  still  remain  to  us,  and  need  but  skill 
which  experience  will  soon  produce,  to  mar 
shal  them  into  an  order  which  may  carry  us 
through  any  length  of  war. — To  MARQUIS  DE 
LAFAYETTE,  vi,  425.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  508.  (M., 
1815.)  See  BANKS  and  DEBT. 

3008.  FISHERIES,  British  acts  against. 
— To  show  they   [Parliament]   mean  no  dis 
continuance  of  injury,  they  pass  acts,  at  the 
very  time  of  holding  out  this  proposition,  for 
restraining    *    *    *    the  fisheries  of  the  prov 
ince     of     New     England. — REPLY    TO     LORD 
NORTH'S    PROPOSITION.      FORD    ED.,    i,    480. 
(July   1775.) 

3009.  FISHERIES,  British  rivalry  in. 
— England  fears  no  rivals  in  the  whale  fishery 
but  America ;  or  rather,  it  is  the  whale  fishery 
of  America,  of  which  she  is  endeavoring  to 
possess  herself.     It  is  for  this  object  she  is 
making  the  present  extraordinary  efforts,  by 
bounties  and  other  encouragements ;  and  her 
success,  so  far,  is  very  flattering.     Before  the 
war,  she  had  not  one  hundred  vessels  in  the 
whale  trade,  while  America  employed  three 
hundred   and   nine.     In    1786,    Great   Britain 
employed  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  vessels; 
in    1787,    two    hundred    and    eighty-six;     in 
1788,  three  hundred  and  fourteen,  nearly  the 
ancient  American  number;   while  the  latter 
has  fallen  to  about  eighty.     They  have  just 
changed  places  then;  England  having  gained 
exactly  what  America  has  lost.     France,  by 
her  ports  and  markets,  holds  the  balance  be 
tween  the  two  contending  parties,  and  gives 
the  victory,   by  opening   and   shutting  them, 
to    which    she    pleases. — To    COMTE    MONT- 
MORIN.     ii,  523.     (P.,  1788.) 

3010.  FISHERIES,     Competition    in.— 

There  is  no  other  nation  in  present  condition 
to  maintain  a  competition  with  Great  Britain 
in  the  whale  fishery.  The  expense  at  which 
it  is  supported  on  her  part  seems  enormous. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty-five  vessels,  of  seven 
ty-five  thousand  four  hundred  and  thirty-six 
tons,  employed  by  her  this  year  in  the  north 
ern  fishery,  at  forty-two  men  each ;  and  fifty- 
nine  in  the  southern  at  eighteen  men  each, 


make  eleven  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-two  men.  These  are  known  to  have 
cost  the  government  fifteen  pounds  each,  or 
one  hundred  and  seventy-six  thousand  five 
hundred  and  eighty  pounds,  in  the  whole ;  and 
that,  to  employ  the  principal  part  of  them, 
from  three  to  four  months  only.  The  north 
ern  ships  have  brought  home  twenty,  and  the 
southern  sixty  tons  of  oil,  on  an  average; 
making  eighty-six  hundred  and  forty  tons. 
Every  ton  of  oil,  then,  has  cost  the  govern 
ment  twenty  pounds  in  bounty.  Still,  if 
they  can  beat  us  out  of  the  field  and  have  it 
to  themselves,  they  will  think  their  money 
well  employed. — To  COMTE  DE  MONTMORIN 
ii,  524-  (P.,  1788.) 

3011.  FISHERIES,    Distresses    of.— Of 

the  disadvantages  opposed  to  us  [in  the  Fish 
eries]  those  which  depend  on  ourselves,  are: 
Tonnage  and  naval  duties  on  the  vessels  em 
ployed  in  the  fishery;  impost  duties  on  salt; 
on  tea,  rum,  sugar,  molasses,  hooks,  lines 
and  leads,  duck,  cordage  and  cables,  iron, 
hemp  and  twine,  used  in  the  fishery;  coarse 
woollens,  worn  by  the  fishermen,  and  the  poll 
tax  levied  by  the  State  on  their  persons. 
*  *  The  amount  of  these,  exclusive  of  the 
State  tax  and  drawback  on  the  fish  exported 
.  [is]  $5.25  per  man,  or  $57.75  per 
vessel  of  sixty-five  tons.  When  a  business  is 
so  nearly  in  equilibrio  that  one  can  hardly 
discern  whether  the  profit  be  sufficient  to  con 
tinue  it  or  not,  smaller  sums  than  these  suf 
fice  to  turn  the  scale  against  it.  To  these 
disadvantages,  add  ineffectual  duties  on  the 
importation  of  foreign  fish.  In  justification  of 
these  last,  it  is  urged  that  the  foreign  fish 
received,  is  in  exchange  for  the  produce  of 
agriculture.  To  which  it  may  be  answered, 
that  the  thing  given,  is  more  merchantable 
than  that  received  in  exchange,  and  agricul 
ture  has  too  many  markets  to  be  allowed 
to  take  away  those  of  the  fisheries.— REPORT 
ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  543.  (1791.) 

3012.  FISHERIES,     Encouragement  of . 

—The  encouragement  of  our  fishery  abridges 
that  of  a  rival  nation,  whose  power  on  the 
ocean  has  long  threatened  the  loss  of  all  bal 
ance  on  that  element. — REPORT  ON  THE  FISH 
ERIES,  vii,  541.  (1791.) 

3013.  FISHERIES,  Fostering.— To  fos 
ter  our  fisheries  and  nurseries  of  navigation 
and  for  the  nurture  of  man    *    *    *     [is  one 
of]  the  landmarks  by  which  we  are  to  guide 
ourselves  in  all  our  proceedings.— SECOND  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  21.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  187 
(Dec.   1802.) 

3014.  FISHERIES,  Massachusetts  and. 
—I   fear  there  is  foundation   for  the  design 
intimated  in  the  public  papers,   of  demand 
ing  a  cession  of  our  rights  in  the  fisheries. 
What  will  Massachusetts  say  to  this  ?    I  mean 
her  majority,   which   must  be  considered   as 
speaking  through  the  organs  it  has  appointed 
itself,  as  the  index  of  its  will.     She  chose  to 
sacrifice  the  liberties  of  our  sea-faring  citi 
zens,   in  which  we  were  all   interested,  and 
with  them  her  obligations  to  the  co-States, 


Fisheries 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


33S 


rather  than  war  with  England.  Will  she  now 
sacrifice  the  fisheries  to  the  same  partialities? 
This  question  is  interesting  to  her  alone;  for 
to  the  middle,  the  southern  and  western 
States,  they  are  of  no  direct  concern;  of  no 
more  than  the  culture  of  tobacco,  rice  and 
cotton,  to  Massachusetts.  I  am  really  at  a 
loss  to  conjecture  what  our  refractory  sister 
will  say  on  this  occasion.  I  know  what,  as  a 
citizen  of  the  Union,  I  would  say  to  her. 
"  Take  this  question  ad  referendum.  It  con 
cerns  you  alone.  If  you  would  rather  give 
up  the  fisheries  than  war  with  England, 
we  give  them  up.  If  you  had  rather  fight 
for  them,  we  will  defend  your  interests  to 
the  last  drop  of  our  blood,  choosing  rather 
to  set  a  good  example  than  follow  a  bad  one." 
And  I  hope  she  will  determine  to  fight  for 
them.—  To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  353.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  462.  (M.,  July  1814.) 

3015.  FISHERIES,    Preservation    of.  — 

As  to  the  fisheries,  England  was  urgent  to 
retain  them  exclusively,  France  neutral,  and 
I  believe,  that  had  they  been  ultimately  made 
a  sine  qua  non,  our  commissioners  (Mr. 
Adams  excepted)  would  have  relinquished 
them,  rather  than  have  broken  off  the  treaty. 
[Of  peace  with  Great  Britain.]  To  Mr. 
Adams's  perseverance  alone,  on  that  point,  I 
have  always  understood  we  were  indebted  for 
their  reservation.—  To  ROBERT  WALSH,  vii, 
108.  FORD  ED.,  x,  117.  (M.,  1818.) 

3016.  FISHERIES,   Prostrated.—  The 

fisheries  of  the  United  States,  annihilated  dur 
ing  the  war  [of  the  Revolution],  their  ves 
sels,  utensils,  and  fishermen  destroyed;  their 
markets  in  the  Mediterranean  and  British 
America  lost,  and  their  produce  dutied  in 
those  of  France  ;  their  competitors  enabled  by 
bounties  to  meet  and  undersell  them  at  the 
few  markets  remaining  open,  without  any 
public  aid,  and,  indeed  paying  aids  to  the  pub 
lic;  —  such  were  the  hopeless  auspices  under 
which  this  important  business  was  to  be  re 
sumed.  —  REPORT  ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  542. 


3017.  FISHERIES,     Protection     of.—  It 

will  rest  with  the  wisdom  of  the  Legislature 
to  decide,  whether  prohibition  should  not  be 
opposed  to  prohibition,  and  high  duty  to  high 
duty,  on  the  fish  of  other  nations  ;  whether  any, 
and  which,  of  the  naval  and  other  duties  may 
be  remitted,  or  an  equivalent  given  to  the  fish 
erman,  in  the  form  of  a  drawback,  or  bounty  ; 
and  whether  the  loss  of  markets  abroad,  may 
not,  in  some  degree.be  compensated,  by  creat 
ing  markets  at  home  ;  to  which  might  con 
tribute  the  constituting  fish  a  part  of  the 
military  ration,  in  stations  not  too  distant 
from  navigation,  a  part  of  the  necessary  sea 
stores  of  vessels,  and  the  encouraging  private 
individuals  to  let  the  fishermen  share  with 
the  cultivator,  in  furnishing  the  supplies  of  the 
table.  A  habit  introduced  from  motives  of 
patriotism,  would  soon  be  followed  from 
motives  of  taste;  and  who  will  undertake  to 
fix  the  limits  to  this  demand,  if  it  can  be 
once  excited,  with  a  nation  which  doubles, 
and  will  continue  to  double,  at  very  short 


periods.— REPORT    ON    FISHERIES,     vii,     544. 

3018. .     The  ex  parte  regulations 

which  the  English  have  begun  for  mounting 
their  navigation  on  the  ruins  of  ours,  can  only 
be  opposed  by  counter  regulations  on  our 
part.  And  the  loss  of  seamen,  the  natural 
consequence  of  lost  and  obstructed  markets 
for  our  fish  and  oil,  calls  in  the  first  place, 
for  serious  and  timely  attention.  It  will  be 
too  late  when  the  seaman  shall  have  changed 
his  vocation,  or  gone  over  to  another  in 
terest.  If  we  cannot  recover  and  secure  for 
him  these  important  branches  of  employ 
ment,  it  behooves  us  to  replace  them  by 
others  equivalent.— REPORT  ON  FISHERIES 
vii,  552.  (1791.) 

3019.  FISHERIES,  Relief  of.— What  re 
lief  does  the  condition  of  the  whale  fishery 
require?  i.  A  remission  of  duties  on  the  ar 
ticles  used  for  their  calling.  2.  A  retaliating 
duty  on  foreign  oils,  coming  to  seek  a  com 
petition  with  them  in  or  from  our  ports.  3. 
Free  markets  abroad.  *  *  *  The  only 
nation  whose  oil  is  brought  hither  for  compe 
tition  with  our  own,  makes  ours  pay  a  duty  of 
about  eighty-two  dollars  the  ton,  in  their  ports. 
Theirs  is  brought  here,  too,  to  be  reshipped 
fraudulently,  under  our  flag,  and  ought  not 
to  be  covered  by  ours,  if  we  mean  to  pre 
serve  our  own  admission  into  them. — REPORT 
ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  551.  (1791.) 

3020. .     The  historical  view  we 

have  taken  of  these  fisheries,  proves  they  are 
so  poor  in  themselves,  as  to  come  to  noth 
ing  with  distant  nations,  who  do  not  sup 
port  them  from  their  own  treasury.  We  have 
seen  that  the  advantages  of  our  position  place 
our  fisheries  on  a  ground  somewhat  higher, 
such  as  to  relieve  our  treasury  from  giving 
them  support;  but  not  to  permit  it  to  draw 
support  from  them,  nor  to  dispense  the  gov 
ernment  from  the  obligation  of  effectuating 
free  markets  for  them;  that,  from  the  great 
proportion  of  our  salted  fish,  for  our  common 
oil,  and  a  part  of  our  spermaceti  oil,  markets 
may  perhaps  be  preserved,  by  friendly  ar- 
ra-ngements  towards  those  nations  whose  ar 
rangements  are  friendly  to  us,  and  the  residue 
be  compensated  by  giving  to  the  seamen, 
thrown  out  of  business,  the  certainty  of  em 
ployment  in  another  branch,  of  which  we  have 
the  sole  disposal  (the  carrying  trade). — RE 
PORT  ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  538.  (1791.) 

3021.  FISHERIES,  Whale.— In  1715,  the 
Americans  began  their  whale  fishery.  They 
were  led  to  it  at  first  by  the  whales  which 
presented  themselves  on  their  coasts.  They 
attacked  them  there  in  small  vessels  of  forty 
tons.  As  the  whale,  being  infested,  retired 
from  the  coast,  they  followed  him  farther  and 
farther  into  the  ocean,  still  enlarging  their 
vessels  with  their  adventures,  to  sixty,  one 
hundred,  and  two  nundred  tons.  Having  ex 
tended  their  pursuit  to  the  Western  Islands, 
they  fell  in,  accidentally,  with  the  spermaceti 
whale,  of  a  different  species  from  that  of 


339 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Flag 
Florida 


Greenland,  which  alone  had  hitherto  been 
known  in  commerce;  more  fierce  and  active, 
and  whose  oil  and  head  matter  were  found  to 
be  more  valuable,  as  it  might  be  used  in  the 
interior  of  houses  without  offending  the  smell. 
The  distinction  now  first  arose  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  fisheries;  the  object  of 
the  former  being  the  Greenland  whale, 
which  frequents  the  Northern  coasts  and  seas 
of  Europe  and  America ;  that  of  the  latter 
being  the  spermaceti  whale,  which  was  found 
in  the  Southern  seas,  from  the  Western  Is 
lands  and  coast  of  Africa,  to  that  of  Brazil, 
and  still  on  to  the  Falkland  Islands.  Here, 
again,  within  soundings,  on  the  coast  of 
Brazil,  they  found  a  third  species  of  whale, 
which  they  called  the  black  or  Brazil  whale, 
smaller  than  the  Greenland,  yielding  a  still 
less  valuable  oil,  fit  only  for  summer  use,  as 
it  becomes  opaque  at  50  degrees  of  Fahren 
heit's  thermometer,  while  that  of  the  sper 
maceti  whale  is  limpid  to  41,  and  of  the  Green 
land  whale  to  36,  of  the  same  thermometer. 
It  is  only  worth  taking,  therefore,  when  it  falls 
in  the  way  of  the  fishermen,  but  not  worth 
seeking,  except  when  they  have  failed  of  suc 
cess  against  the  spermaceti  whale,  in  which 
case,  this  kind,  easily  found  and  taken,  serves 
to  moderate  their  loss.— REPORT  ON  FISH 
ERIES,  vii.  545.  (1791-) 

3022.  FLAG,    Neutrality   of.— The   neu 
trality  of  onr  flag  would  render  the  carriage 
for    belligerents    an    incalculable    source    of 
profit.— REPORT    ON     FISHERIES.        vii,     554. 
(1791.)     See  NAVIGATION  and  NEUTRALITY. 

3023.  FLAG,  Usurpation  of. — It  will  be 
necessary  for  all  our  public  agents  to  exert 
themselves  with  vigilance  *     *     to  pre 
vent  the  vessels  of  other  nations  from  usurp 
ing  our  flag.     This  usurpation  tends  to  com 
mit  us  with  the  belligerent  powers,  to  draw 
on  those  vessels  truly  ours,  vigorous  visita 
tions  to  distinguish  them  from  the  counter 
feits,  and  to  take  business  from  us. — To  C. 
W.  F.  DUMAS,    iii,  535.      (Pa.,  I793-) 

3024. .     Present    appearances    in 

Europe  render  a  general  war  there  probable. 
*  *  *  In  the  *  *  *  event  *  *  *  give 
no  countenance  to  the  usurpation  of  our  flag 
by  foreign  vessels,  but  ":  *  *  aid  in  detect 
ing  it,  as  without  bringing  to  us  any  advan 
tage,  the  usurpation  will  tend  to  commit  us 
with  the  belligerent  powers,  and  to  subject 
those  vessels,  which  are  truly  ours,  to  harass 
ing  scrutinies  in  order  to  distinguish  them 
from  the  counterfeits. — To  SAMUEL  SHAW. 
iii,  530.  (Pa.,  March  1793.) 

3025.  —    .    It  is  impossible  to  detest 

more  than  I  do  the  fraudulent  and  injurious 
practice  of  covering  foreign  vessels  and  car 
goes  under  the  American  flag ;  and  I  sincerely 
wish  a  systematic  and  severe  course  of  pun 
ishment  could  be  established. — To  MR.  GAL- 
LATIN,    v,  223.    FORD  ED .,  x,  170.     (W.,  1807.) 

3026.  FLAG,    Reception    of.— If    British 
officers  set  the  example  of  refusing  to  receive 
a  flag,  let  ours  then  follow  it  by  never  send 
ing  or  receiving  another. — To  W.  H.  CABELL. 
v,  201.     (W.,  Oct.  1807.) 


3027. .     In    answering  [Minister 

Erskine's]  last  [letter],  should  he  not  be  re 
minded  how  strange  it  is  lie  should  consider 
as  a  hostility  our  refusing  to  receive  but  un 
der  a  flag,  persons  from  vessels  remaining 
and  acting  in  our  waters  in  defiance  of  the 
authority  of  the  country? — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  v,  197.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  141.  (M.,  Sep. 
1807.) 

3028.  FLATTERY,    Un-American.— Let 

those  flatter  who  fear:  it  is  not  an  American 
art. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  141. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  446.  (1774.) 

3029. .     According   to   the   ideas 

of  our  country,  we  do  not  permit  ourselves 
to  speak  even  truths,  when  they  may  have  the 
air  of  flattery. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
ii,  136.  (1787.) 

3030.  FLETCHER  OF  SALTOUN,  Prin 
ciples   of. — The   political    principles    of   that 
patriot  were  worthy  of  the  purest  periods  of 
the  British  constitution ;  They  are  those  which 
were  in  vigor  at  the  epoch  of  the  American 
emigration.       Our    ancestors    brought    them 
here,  and  they  needed  little  strengthening  to 
make  us  what  we  are.     But  in  the  weakened 
condition  of  English  whigism  at  this  day,  it 
requires   more   firmness   to   publish   and   ad 
vocate  them  than  it  then  did  to  act  on  them. 
This  merit  is  peculiarly  your  Lordships;  and 
no  one  honors  it  more  than  myself. — To  EARL 
OF  BUCHAN.     iv,  493.     (W.,  1803.) 

3031.  FLORIDA,  Acquisition  of.— Gov 
ernor  Quesada,  by  order  of  his  court,  is  in 
viting  foreigners  to  go  and  settle  in  Florida. 
This  is  meant  for  our  people.    *    *    *    I  wish 
a  hundred  thousand  of  our  inhabitants  would 
accept  the  invitation.     It  will  be  the  means  of 
delivering  to  us  peaceably  what  may  otherwise 
cost  us  a  war.      In  the  meantime,   we  may 
complain  of  this  seduction  of  our  inhabitants 
just  enough  to  make  them  believe  we  think 
it  very  wise  policy  for  them,  and  confirm  them 
in  it. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  235. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  316.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

3032.  FLORIDA,       Buying.— It      was 

agreed  at  a  cabinet  meeting  that]  Monroe  be  in 
structed  to  endeavor  to  purchase  both  Flor- 
idas  if  he  can;  West  [Florida]  if  he  cannot 
East,  at  the  prices  before  agreed  on ;  but  if 
neither  can  be  procured,  then  to  stipulate  a 
plenary  right  to  use  all  the  rivers  rising  within 
our  limits  and  passing  through  theirs. 
We  are  more  indifferent  about  pressing  the 
purchase  of  the  Floridas,  because  of  the  money 
we  have  to  provide  for  Louisiana,  and  because 
we  think  they  cannot  fail  to  fall  into  our  hands. 
— THE  ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  300.  (Oct.  1803.) 

3033. .     The    extension    of    the 

war  in  Europe  leaving  us  without  danger  of  a 
sudden  peace,  depriving  us  of  the  chance  of 
an  ally,  I  proposed  [in  cabinet]  that  we  should 
address  ourselves  to  France,  informing  her 
it  was  a  last  effort  at  amicable  settlement  with 
Spain,  and  offer  to  her  or  through  her,  i.  a 
sum  of  money  for  the  rights  of  Spain  east  of 
Iberville,  say  the  Floridas.  2.  To  cede  the 
part  of  Louisiana  from  the  Rio  Bravo  to  the 
Guadaloupe.  3.  Spain  to  pay  within  a  certain 
time  spoliations  under  her  own  flag,  agreed  to 


Florida 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


340 


by  the  convention  (which  we  guess  to  be  one 
hundred  vessels  worth  two  million  dollars)  ; 
and  those  subsequent  (worth  as  much  more), 
and  to  hypothecate  to  us  for  those  payments 
the  country  from  Guadaloupe  to  Rio  Bravo. 
Armstrong  was  to  be  employed.  The  ist  was 
to  be  the  exciting  motive  with  France  to  whom 
Spain  is  in  arrears  for  subsidies,  and  who 
will  be  glad  also  to  secure  us  from  going  into 
the  scale  of  England.  The  2d.  the  soothing 
motive  with  Spain,  which  France  would  press 
bona  fide,  because  she  claimed  to  the  Rio 
Bravo.  The  3d.  to  quiet  our  merchants.  It 
was  agreed  to  unanimously,  and  the  sum  to  be 
offered  fixed  not  to  exceed  five  million  dollars. 
Mr.  Gallatin  did  not  like  purchasing  Florida 
under  an  apprehension  of  war,  lest  we  should 
be  thought,  in  fact,  to  purchase  peace.  We 
thought  this  over-weighed  by  taking  advantage 
of  an  opportunity,  which  might  not  occur  again, 
of  getting  a  country  essential  to  our  peace, 
and  to  the  security  of  the  commerce  of  the 
Mississippi. — ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  308.  (Nov. 
12,  1805.) 

3034. .    Since  our  [the  Cabinet's] 

last  meeting,  we  have  received  a  letter  from 
General  Armstrong,  containing  Talleyrand's 
propositions,  which  are  equivalent  to  ours 
nearly,  except  as  to  the  sum,  he  requiring  seven 
million  dollars.  He  advises  that  we  alarm  the 
fears  of  Spain  by  a  vigorous  language  and 
conduct,  in  order  to  induce  her  to  join  us  in 
appealing  to  the  interference  of  the  Emperor. 
We  now  agree  to  modify  our  propositions,  so  as 
to  accommodate  them  to  his  as  much  as  possi 
ble.  We  agree  to  pay  five  million  dollars  for  the 
Floridas  as  soon  'as  the  treaty  is  ratified  by 
Spain,  a  vote  of  credit  obtained  from  Congress, 
and  orders  delivered  us  for  the  surrender  of 
the  country.  We  agree  to  his  proposition  that 
the  Colorado  shall  be  our  Western  boundary, 
and  a  belt  of  thirty  leagues  on  each  side  of  it 
be  kept  unsettled.  We  agree  that  joint  com 
missioners  shall  settle  all  spoliations,  and  to 
take  payment  from  Spain  by  bills  on  her  col 
onies.  We  agree  to  say  nothing  about  the 
French  spoliators  in  Spanish  ports  which  broke 
off  the  former  convention.  We  propose  to  pay 
the  five  millions,  after  a  simple  vote  of  credit, 
by  stock  redeemable  in  three  years,  within 
which  time  we  can  pay  it. — ANAS.  FORD  ED., 
i,  309.  (Nov.  19,  1805.) 

3035. .  If  you  can  succeed  in  pro 
curing  us  Florida,  and  a  good  Western  bound 
ary,  it  will  fill  the  American  mind  with  joy. 
It  will  secure  to  our  fellow  citizens  one  of  their 
most  ardent  wishes,  a  long  peace  with  Spain 
and  France.  For  be  assured,  the  object  of 
war  with  them  and  alliance  with  England, 
which,  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  drew  off 
from  the  republican  band  about  half  a  dozen 
of  its  members,  is  universally  reprobated  by  our 
native  citizens  from  north  to  south.  I  have 
never  seen  the  nation  stand  more  firmly  to  its 
principles,  or  rally  so  firmly  to  its  constituted 
authorities,  and  in  reprobation  of  the  opposi 
tion  to  them. — To  TAMES  BOWDOIN.  v,  18. 
(W.,  1806.) 

3036.  FLORIDA,    England    and.— Eng 
land  will  immediately  seize  on  the  Floridas  as 
a  point  d'appui  to  annoy  us.     What  are  we  to 
do  in  that  case  ?    I  think  she  will  find  that  there 
is  no  nation  on  the  globe  which  can  gall  her  so 
much  as  we  can. — To  JOHN  ARMSTRONG,  v,  135. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  117.     (W.,  July  1807.)     See  298. 

3037.  FLORIDA,    France    and.— That 
Bonaparte  would  give  us  the  Floridas  to  with 
hold     intercourse     with     the     residue     of     the 


[Spanish]  colonies  cannot  be  doubted.  But 
that  is  no  price  ;  because  they  are  ours  in  the 
first  moment  of  the  first  war;  and  until  a  war 
they  are  of  no  particular  necessity  to  us. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  444.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

3038.  FLORID  A,  Reprisal  and.— As  soon 
as  we  have  all  the  proofs  of  the  Western  in 
trigues  [of  Spain],  let  us  make  a  remonstrance 
and  demand  of  satisfaction,  and,  if  Congress 
approves,  we  may  in  the  same  instant  make 
reprisals  on  the  Floridas,  until  satisfaction  for 
that  and  for  spoliations,  and  until  a  settlement 
of  boundary. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  v,  164.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  124.  (M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

3039. .     If    England    should    be 

disposed  to  continue  peace  with  us,  and  Spain 
gives  to  Bonaparte  the  occupation  she  prom 
ises,  will  not  the  interval  be  favorable  for  our 
reprisals  on  the  Floridas  for  the  indemnifica 
tions  withheld? — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  v,  335. 
(M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

3040. .     The    situation  of  affairs 

in  Spain  *  *  *  may  produce  a  favorable 
occasion  of  doing  ourselves  justice  in  the  South. 
WTe  must  certainly  so  dispose  of  our  southern 
recruits  and  armed  vessels  as  to  be  ready  for 
the  occasion. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  336. 
(M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

3041. .     Should   England  get  to 

rights  with  us,  while  Bonaparte  is  at  war  with 
Spain,  the  moment  may  be  favorable  to  take 
possession  of  our  own  territory  held  by  Spain, 
and  so  much  more  as  may  make  a  proper  re 
prisal  for  her  spoliations.  We  ought,  there 
fore,  to  direct  the  rendezvous  of  our  southern 
recruits  and  gunboats  so  as  to  be  in  proper 
position  for  striking  *  *  *  in  an  instant, 
when  Congress  shall  will  it. — To  ROBERT  SMITH. 
v,  337-  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

3042. .      Should    England    make 

up  with  us,  while  Bonaparte  continues  at  war 
with  Spain,  a  moment  may  occur  when  we  may 
without  danger  of  commitment  with  either 
France  or  England  seize  to  our  own  limits  of 
Louisiana  as  of  right,  and  the  residue  of  the 
Floridas  as  reprisal  for  spoliations.  It  is  our 
duty  to  have  an  eye  to  this  in  rendezvousing 
and  stationing  our  new  recruits  and  our  armed 
vessels,  so  as  to  be  ready,  if  Congress  author 
izes  it,  to  strike  in  a  moment. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,  v,  338.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

3043. .     Should    the    conference 

[with  Canning]  announced  in  Mr.  Pinckney's 
letter  of  June  sth,  settle  friendship  between 
England  and  us,  and  Bonaparte  continue  at  war 
with  Spain,  a  moment  may  occur  favorable, 
without  compromitting  us  with  either  France 
or  England,  for  seizing  our  own  from  the  Rio 
Bravo  to  Perdido,  as  of  right,  and  the  residue 
of  Florida,  as  a  reprisal  for  spoliations.  I 
have  thought  it  proper  to  suggest  this  possibility 
to  General  Dearborn  and  Mr.  Smith,  and  to  rec 
ommend  an  eye  to  it  in  their  rendezvousing  and 
stationing  the  new  southern  recruits  and  gun 
boats,  so  that  we  may  strike  in  a  moment  when 
Congress  says  so. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  v, 
339.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  204.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

3044.  FLORIDA,  Right  to.— Florida, 
moreover,  is  ours.  Every  nation  in  Europe  con 
siders  it  such  a  right.  We  need  not  care  for  its 
occupation  in  time  of  peace  and,  in  war,  the 
first  cannon  makes  it  ours  without  offence  to 
anybody.  *  *  The  cession  of  the  Floridas 

in  exchange  for  Techas  imports  an  acknowl 
edgment  of  our  right  to  it.  This  province, 
moreover,  the  Floridas  and  possibly  Cuba,  will 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Florida 
Foutaiiibleau 


join  us  on  the  acknowledgment  of  their  inde 
pendence,  a  measure  to  which  their  new  govern 
ment  will  probably  accede  voluntarily. — To 
PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  160.  FORD  ED.,  x,  159. 
(M.,  1820.) 

3045.  FLORIDA,  Seizure  of.— I  wish 
you  [Congress]  would  authorize  the  President 
to  take  possession  of  East  Florida  immediately. 
The  seizing  West  Florida  will  be  a  signal  to 
England  to  take  Pensacola  and  St.  Augustine; 
and  be  assured  it  will  be  done  as  soon  as  the 
order  can  return  after  they  hear  of  our  taking 
Baton  Rouge,  and  we  shall  never  get  it  from 
them  but  by  a  war,  which  may  be  prevented  by 
anticipation.  There  never  was  a  case  where  the 
adage  was  more  true,  "  in  for  a  penny,  in  for  a 
pound  "  ;  and  no  more  offence  will  be  taken  by 
France  and  Spain  at  our  seizure  of  both  than 
of  one. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  290. 
(M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

3046. .    The    English    will    take 

East  Florida,  pretendedly  for  Spain.  We 
should  take  it  with  a  declaration ;  i,  that  it  is 
a  reprisal  for  indemnities  Spain  has  acknowl 
edged  due  to  us ;  2,  to  keep  it  from  falling  into 
hands  in  which  it  would  essentially  endanger 
our  safety ;  3,  that  in  our  hands  it  will  still 
be  held  as  a  subject  of  negotiation.  The  lead 
ing  republican  members  should  come  to  an  un 
derstanding,  close  the  doors,  and  determine  not 
to  separate  till  the  vote  is  carried,  and  all  the 
secrecy  you  can  enjoin  should  be  aimed  at  un 
til  the  measure  is  executed. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  291.  (M.,  Jan.  1811.) 

3047.  -  — .     We    are   in   a    state   of 
semi-warfare  with  your  adjoining  colonies,  the 
Floridas.     We  do  not  consider  this  as  affecting 
our  peace  with  Spain,  or  any  other  of  her  for 
mer  possessions.     We  wish  her  and  them  well ; 
and  under  her  present  difficulties  at  home,  and 
her  doubtful  future  relations  with  her  colonies, 
both  wisdom  and  interest  will,  I  presume,  induce 
her  to  leave  them  to  settle  themselves  the  quar 
rels  they  draw  on  themselves  from  their  neigh 
bors.     The  commanding  officers  in  the  Floridas 
have  excited   and   armed  the   neighboring  sav 
ages  to  war  against  us,  and  to  murder  and  scalp 
many   of  our  women   and  children   as   well   as 
men,  taken  by  surprise — poor  creatures !     They 
have  paid  for  it  with  the  loss  of  the  flower  of 
their  strength,  and  have  given  us  the  right,  as 
we  possess  the  power,  to  exterminate  or  to  ex 
patriate  them  beyond  the  Mississippi.   This  con 
duct  of  the  Spanish  officers  will  probably  oblige 
us  to  take  possession  of  the  Floridas,  and  the 
rather    as   we   believe   the    English    will    other 
wise  seize  them,   and  use  them  as  stations  to 
distract  and  annoy  us.     But  should  we  possess 
ourselves  of  them,  and  Spain  retain  her  other 
colonies  in  this  hemisphere,  I  presume  we  shall 
consider    them    in    our    hands    as    subjects    of 
negotiation. — To  DON  V.  TORANDA  CORUNA.    vi, 
274.     (M.,  Dec.  1813.) 

3048.  FLORIDA,  Spain  and.— Some  fear 
our  envelopment  in  the  wars  engendering  from 
the  unsettled   state   of  our  affairs   with   Spain, 
and  therefore  are  anxious  for  a  ratification  of 
our  treaty  with  her.     I  fear  no  such  thing,  and 
hope  that  if  ratified  by  Spain  it  will  be  rejected 
here.    We  may  justly  say  to  Spain,  "  when  this 
negotiation  commenced,  twenty  years  ago,  your 
authority  was   acknowledged   by  those   you   are 
selling  to  us.     That  authority  is  now  renounced, 
and    their   right    of    self-disposal    asserted.     In 
buying  them  from  you,  then,  we  buy  but  a  war- 
title,   a  right  to   subdue  them,   which   you  can 
neither  convey  nor  we  acquire.     This  is  a  fam 
ily  quarrel  in  which  we  have  no  right  to  med 


dle.  Settle  it  between  yourselves,  and  we  will 
then  treat  with  the  party  whose  right  is  ac 
knowledged."  With  whom  that  will  be,  no 
doubt  can  be  entertained.  And  why  should  we 
revolt  them  by  purchasing  them  as  cattle, 
rather  than  receiving  them  as  fellow-men  ? 
Spain  has  held  off  until  she  sees  they  are  lost 
to  her,  and  now  thinks  it  better  to  get  some 
thing  than  nothing  for  them.  When  she  shall 
see  South  America  equally  desperate,  she  will 
be  wise  to  sell  that  also. — To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
vii,  194.  FORD  ED.,  x,  179.  (M.,  1820.) 

3049. .     I  am  not  Sorry  for  the 

non-ratification  of  the  Spanish  treaty.  Our  as 
sent  to  it  has  proved  our  desire  to  be  on  friendly 
terms  with  Spain  ;  their  dissent,  the  imbecility 
and  malignity  of  their  government  towards  us, 
have  placed  them  in  the  wrong  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  and  that  is  well ;  but  to  us  the  prov 
ince  of  Techas  will  be  the  richest  State  of  our 
Union,  without  any  exception.  Its  southern 
part  will  make  more  sugar  than  we  can  con 
sume,  and  the  Red  River,  on  its  North,  is  the 
most  luxuriant  country  on  earth.  Florida, 
moreover,  is  ours.  Every  nation  in  Europe 
considers  it  such  a  right.  We  need  not  care 
for  its  occupation  in  time  of  peace,  and,  in  war, 
the  first  cannon  makes  it  ours  without  offence 
to  anybody.  The  friendly  advisements,  too,  of 
Russia  and  France,  as  well  as  the  change  of 
government  in  Spain,  now  ensured,  require  a 
further  and  respectful  forbearance.  While  their 
request  will  rebut  the  plea  of  prescriptive  pos 
session,  it  will  give  us  a  right  to  their  approba 
tion  when  taken  in  the  maturity  of  circum 
stances.  I  really  think,  too,  that  neither  the 
state  of  our  finances,  the  condition  of  our  coun 
try,  nor  the  public  opinion,  urges  us  to  precip 
itation  into  war.  The  treaty  has  had  the  val 
uable  effect  of  strengthening  our  title  to  the 
Techas,  because  the  cession  of  the  Floridas  in 
exchange  for  Techas  imports  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  our  right  to  it.  This  province  more 
over,  the  Floridas  and  possibly  Cuba,  will  join 
us  on  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independ 
ence,  a  measure  to  which  their  new  govern 
ment  will  probably  accede  voluntarily. — To 
PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  160.  FORD  ED.,  x,  158. 
(M.,  May  1820.)  See  LOUISIANA,  MONROE  DOC 
TRINE,  and  SPAIN. 

3050.  FOLLY,  National.— We,  too,  shall 
encounter  follies ;  out  if  great,  they  will  be 
short;  if  long,  they  will  be  light,  and  the 
vigor  of  our  country  will  get  the  better  of 
them.— To  MR.  DIGGES.  v,  14.  (W.,  1806.) 

3051. .  We  shall  have  our  fol 
lies  without  doubt.  Some  one  or  more  of 
them  will  always  be  afloat.  But  ours  will  be 
the  follies  of  enthusiasm,  not  of  bigotry 
*  *  *  — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  27. 
(M.,  1816.) 

3052.  FONTAINBLEAU,  Description.— 

This  is  a  village  of  about  5000  inhabitants 
when  the  Court  is  not  here,  and  20.000  inhab 
itants  when  they  are ;  occupying  a  valley 
through  which  runs  a  brook,  and  on  each  side 
of  it  a  ridge  of  small  mountains  most  of  which 
are  naked  rock.  The  King  comes  here,  in  the 
fall  always,  to  hunt.  His  court  attend  him,  as 
do  also  the  foreign  diplomatic  corps.  But  as 
this  is  not  indispensably  required,  and  my  fi 
nances  do  not  admit  the  expense  of  a  continued 
residence  here,  I  propose  to  come  occasionally 
to  attend  the  King's  levees,  returning  again  to 
Paris,  distant  forty  miles. — To  REV.  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  33.  (P.,  1785.) 


Foppery 
Foreign  agents 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


342 


3053.  FOPPERY,     Admiration    of.— As 

tor  admiration,  I  am  sure  the  man  who  pow 
ders  most,  perfumes  most,  embroiders  most, 
and  talks  most  nonsense,  is  most  admired. 
Though  to  be  candid,  there  are  some  who  have 
too  much  good  sense  to  esteem  such  monkey- 
like  animals  as  these,  in  whose  formation,  as  the 
saying  is,  the  tailors  and  barbers  go  halves  with 
God  Almighty.  * — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  183.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  344-  (1762.) 

3054.  FORCE,     Despotism     and. — Force 
[is]  the  vital  principle  and  immediate  parent  of 
despotism. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii, 
4.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.     (1801.) 

3055.  FORCE,    Government    and.— That 
nature  has  formed  man  insusceptible  of  any 
other  government  than  that  of  force,  is  a  con 
clusion  not  founded  in  truth  nor  experience. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,   104.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
362.     (P.,  1787.) 

3056.  FORCE,  Money  and.— The  want  of 
money  cramps  every  effort.    This  will  be  sup 
plied  by  the  most  unpalatable  of  all  substitutes, 
force. — To    GENERAL    WASHINGTON,      i,    242. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  309.     (Wg.,  1780.) 

3057.  FORCE,  Politics  and.— Force  is  not 
the  kind  of  opposition  the  American  people 
will  permit. — To  EDMUND  PENDLETON.  iv,  287. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  356.     (Pa.,  1799.) 

3058.  FORCE,   Reason  vs. — The   friends 
of  reform,  while  they  'remain  firm,   [should] 
avoid  every  act  and  threat  against  the  peace 
of  the  Union.    That  would  check  the  favorable 
sentiments   of  the   middle    States,    and   rally 
them  again  around  the  measures  which  are 
ruining  us.    Reason,  not  rashness,  is  the  only 
means  of  bringing  our  fellow  citizens  to  their 
true  minds. — To  N.  LEWIS,    iv,  278.     (1799.) 

3059.  FORCE,  Right  and.— Force  cannot 
give  right. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,      i, 
141.    FORD  ED.,  i,  445.     (1774.) 

3060.  -  _.     With   respect  to  Amer 
ica,  Europeans  in  general,  have  been  too  long 
in  the  habit  of  confounding  force  with  right. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,    iii,  276.    FORD  ED.,  v, 
364.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

3061. .      Force     cannot     change 

right. — To  JOHN  CART  WRIGHT,  vii,  355.  (M., 
1824.) 

3062.  FORCE,   Wisdom   and. — It   is   the 
multitude  which  possesses  force,  and  wisdom 
must  yield  to  that. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS. 
vi,  592.    FORD  ED.,  x,  25.     (P.F.,  1816.) 

3063.  FOREIGN  AGENTS,  Authoriza 
tion. — The  sending  an  agent  within  our  lim 
its,  we  presume  has  been  done  without  the 
authority  or  knowledge  of  the  Spanish  gov 
ernment.      It   has   certainly   been   the   usage, 
where  one  nation  has  wished  to  employ  agents 
of  any  kind  within  the  limits  of  another,  to 
obtain  the  permission  of  that  other,  and  even 
to  regulate  by  convention,  and  on  principles 
of  reciprocity,  the  functions  to  be  exercised  by 
such  agents. f — To  THE  SPANISH  COMMISSION 
ERS.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  99.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

*  Jefferson  was  19  years  of  age  in  1762. — EDITOR. 
t  The  Goyernment  of  West  Florida  had  established 
an  agent  within  the  Creek  territory. — EDITOR. 


3064. .     I    consider   the   keeping 

by  Spain  of  an  agent  in  the  Indian  Country 
as  a  circumstance  which  requires  serious  in 
terference  on  our  part;  and  I  submit  to  your 
decision  whether  it  does  not  furnish  a  proper 
occasion  to  us  to  *  *  *  insist  on  a  mutual 
and  formal  stipulation  to  forbear  employing 
agents,  or  pensioning  any  persons,  within  each 
other's  limits;  and  if  this  be  refused,  to  pro 
pose  the  contrary  stipulation,  to  wit,  that  each 
party  may  freely  keep  agents  within  the  In 
dian  territories  of  the  other,  in  which  case  we 
might  soon  sicken  them  of  the  license. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  101. 
(M.,  1792.) 

3065. .    It  is  a  general  rule,  that 

no  nation  has  a  right  to  keep  an  agent  within 
the  limits  of  another,  without  the  consent  of 
that  other,  and  we  are  satisfied  it  would  be 
best  for  both  Spain  and  us,  to  abstain  from 
having  agents  or  other  persons  in  our  employ, 
or  pay,  among  the  savages  inhabiting  our  re 
spective  territories,  whether  as  subjects  or  in 
dependent.  You  are,  therefore,  desired  to  pro 
pose  and  press  a  stipulation  to  that  effect. 
Should  they  absolutely  decline  it,  it  may  be 
proper  to  let  them  perceive,  that  as  the  right 
of  keeping  agents  exists  on  both  sides,  or  on 
neither,  it  will  rest  with  us  to  reciprocate  their 
own  measures. — To  CARMICHAEL  AND  SHORT. 
iii,  475.  FORD  ED.,  vi.  119.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

3066.  FOREIGN  AGENTS,  Conciliation 
of. — I  think  it  of  real  value  to  produce  favor 
able    dispositions    in    the    agents    of    foreign 
nations  here.     Cordiality  among  nations  de 
pends  very  much   on  the   representations   of 
their  agents  mutually,  and  cordiality  once  es 
tablished,  is  of  immense  value,  even  counted 
in  money,  from  the  favors  it  produces  in  com 
merce,   and   the   good   understanding   it   pre 
serves  in  matters  merely  political. — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  152.     (Pa., 
1 793-) 

3067.  FOREIGN  AGENTS,   Duty  of.— 
The   President   of   the   United    States   being 
the  only  channel  of  communication  between 
this  country  and  foreign  nations,  it  is  from 
him  alone  that  foreign  nations  or  their  agents 
are  to  learn  what  is  or  has  been  the  will  of 
the  nation,  and  whatever  he  communicates  as 
such,  they  have  a  right  and  are  bound  to  con 
sider  as  the  expression  of  the  nation,  and  no 
foreign  agent  can  be  allowed  to  question  it, 
to    interpose    between    him    and    any    other 
branch  of  government,  under  the  pretext  of 
cither's  transgressing  their  functions,  nor  to 
make  himself  the  umpire  and  final  judge  be 
tween  them.     I  am,  therefore,  not  authorized 
to  enter  into  any  discussions  with  you  on  the 
meaning  of  our  Constitution  in  any  part  of  it, 
or  to  prove  to  you  that  it  has  ascribed  to  him 
alone  the  admission  or  interdiction  of  foreign 
agents.    I  inform  you  of  the  fact  by  authority 
from   the    President.— To    EDMOND    CHARLES 
GENET,    iv,  84.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  451.     (G.,  Nov. 
I793-) 

3068.  FOREIGN    AGENTS,    Intermed 
dling. — For  a  foreign  agent,  addressed  to  the 
Executive,  to  embody  himself  with  the  law- 


343 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Foreign  agents 
Foreign  influence 


yers  of  a  faction  whose  sole  object  is  to 
embarrass  and  defeat  all  the  measures  of  the 
country,  and  by  their  opinions,  known  to  be 
always  in  opposition,  to  endeavor  to  influence 
our  proceedings,  is  a  conduct  not  to  be  per 
mitted. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  368.  (M., 
1808.) 

3069.  FOREIGN  AGENTS,  Secret.— We 

want  an  intelligent,  prudent  native,  who  will 
go  to  reside  at  New  Orleans,  as  a  secret  cor 
respondent,  for  $1000  a  year.  He  might  do 
a  little  business,  merely  to  cover  his  real  office. 
Do  point  out  such  a  one.  Virginia  ought  to  of 
fer  more  loungers  equal  to  this,  and  ready  for 
it,  than  any  other  State. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  269.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

3070.  FOREIGN    INFLUENCE,    De 
plored. — I   do   sincerely  wish  that  we  could 
take  our  stand  on  a  ground  perfectly  neutral 
and  independent  towards  all  nations.     It  has 
been  my  constant  object  through  my  public 
life;    and   with    respect   to   the    English   and 
French,  particularly,  I  have  too  often  expressed 
to  the  former  my  wishes,  and  made  to  them 
propositions,  verbally  and  in  writing,  officially 
and  privately,  to  official  and  private  characters, 
for  them  to  doubt  of  my  views,  if  they  would 
be  content  with  equality.     Of  this  they  are 
in  possession  of  several  written  and  formal 
proofs,   in  my  own  hand-writing.     But  they 
have  wished  a   monopoly  of  commerce  and 
influence  with  us;  and  they  have  in  fact  ob 
tained  it.     When  we  take  notice  that  theirs 
is  the  workshop  to  which  we  go  for  all  we 
want;    that  with  them  centre  either  immedi 
ately  or  ultimately  all  the  labors  of  our  hands 
and  lands ;  that  to  them  belongs,  either  openly 
or  secretly,  the  great  mass  of  our  navigation ; 
that  even  the  factorage  of  their  affairs  here, 
is   kept   to   themselves   by    factitious   citizen 
ships;    that  these  foreign  and  false  citizens 
now  constitute   the  great  body  of  what  are 
called   our  merchants,   fill  our   seaports,   are 
planted   in 'every  little  town   and   district  of 
the  interior  country,  sway  everything  in  the 
former  places,  by  their  own  votes,  and  those 
of  their  dependents,  in  the  latter,  by  their  in 
sinuations  and  the  influence  of  their  ledgers; 
that  they  are  advancing  rapidly  to  a  monopoly 
of  our  banks  and  public  funds,  and  thereby 
placing  our  public  finances  under  their  con 
trol  ;  that  they  have  in  their  alliance  the  most 
influential   characters   in   and   out   of   office; 
when  they  have  shown  that  by  all  these  bear 
ings  on  the  different  branches  of  the  govern 
ment,  they  can  force  it  to  proceed  in  whatever 
direction  they  dictate,  and  bend  the  interests 
of  this  country  entirely  to  the  will  of  another ; 
when  all  this,  I  say,  is  attended  to,  it  is  im 
possible  for  us  to  say  we  stand  on  independent 
ground,    impossible   for   a    free   mind   not   to 
see  and  to  groan  under  the  bondage  in  which 
it    is    bound.     If    anything    after    this    could 
excite  surprise,   it  would  be  that  they  have 
been  able  so  far  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of 
our   own    citizens,    as    to    fix    on    those    who 
wish   merely   to    recover  self-government  the 
charge    of    observing    one    foreign    influence 
because    they    resist    submission    to    another. 
But    they    possess    our    printing    presses,    a 


powerful  engine  in  their  government  of  us. 
At  this  very  moment  they  would  have  drawn 
us  into  a  war  on  the  side  of  England,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  failure  of  her  bank.  Such 
was  their  open  and  loud  cry,  and  that  of 
their  gazettes,  till  this  event.  After  plunging 
us  in  all  the  broils  of  the  European  nations, 
there  would  remain  but  one  act  to  close  our 
tragedy,  that  is,  to  break  up  our  Union-  and 
even  this  they  have  ventured  seriously  and 
solemnly  to  propose  and  maintain  by  argu 
ments  in  a  Connecticut  paper.  I  have  been 
happy,  however,  in  believing  from  the  stifling 
of  this  effort,  that  that  dose  was  found  too 
strong,  and  excited  as  much  repugnance  there 
as  it  did  horror  in  other  parts  of  our  country, 
and  that  whatever  follies  we  may  be  led  into 
as  to  foreign  nations,  we  shall  never  give  up 
our  Union,  the  last  anchor  of  our  hope,  and 
that  alone  which  is  to  prevent  this  heavenly 
country  from  becoming  an  arena  of  gladi 
ators.  Much  as  I  abhor  war,  and  view  it  as 
the  greatest  scourge  of  mankind,  and  anx 
iously  as  I  wish  to  keep  out  of  the  broils  of 
Europe,  I  would  yet  go  with  my  brethren  into 
these,  rather  than  separate  from  them.  But 
I  hope  we  may  still  keep  clear  of  them,  not 
withstanding  our  present  thraldom,  and  that 
time  may  be  given  us  to  reflect  on  the  awful 
crisis  we  have  passed  through,  and  to  find 
some  means  of  shielding  ourselves  in  future 
from  foreign  influence,  political,  commercial,  or 
in  whatever  other  form  it  may  be  attempted.  I 
can  scarcely  withhold  myself  from  joining  in 
the  wish  of  Silas  Deane,  that  there  were  an 
ocean  of  fire  between  us  and  the  old  world.* — • 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  172.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
121.  (Pa.,  May  1797.) 

3071.  FOREIGN     INFLUENCE,     Eng 
lish. — The  proof  England  exhibited  on  that 
occasion    [the  repeal   of  the   Embargo]    that 
she   can   exercise   such   an   influence   in   this 
country  as  to  control  the  will  of  its  govern 
ment    and    three-fourths    of    its    people,    and 
oblige    the   three-fourths    to    submit   to    one- 
fourth,  is  to  me  the  most  mortifying  circum 
stance  which  has  occurred  since  the  establish 
ment  of  our  government.     The  only  prospect 
I  see  of  lessening  that  influence,  is  in  her  own 
conduct,  and  not  from  anything  in  our  power. 
—To  HENRY  DEARBORN,     v,  530.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  278.     (M.,  July  1810.) 

3072.  FOREIGN  INFLUENCE,   Exclu 
sion. — Our   countrymen   have   uivided   them 
selves  by  such  strong  affections,  to  the  French 
and  the  English,  that  nothing  will  secure  us 

*  In  the  draft  of  the  letter  this  paragraph  was 
changed  to  the  form  above  printed.  Before  the 
alteration  it  read  :  "  I  shall  never  forget  the  predic 
tion  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  that  we  shall  exhibit 
the  singular  phenomenon  of  a  fruit  rotten  before  it 
is  ripe,  nor  cease  to  join  in  the  wish  of  Silas  Deane, 
that  there  were  an  ocean  of  fire  between  us  and  the 
old  world.  Indeed,  my  dear  friend,  I  am  so  dis 
gusted  with  this  entire  subjection  to  a  foreign 
power,  that  if  it  were  in  the  end  to  appear  to  be  the 
wish  of  the  body  of  my  countrymen  to  remain  in 
that  vassalage,  I  should  feel  my  unfitness  to  be  an 
agent  in  their  affairs,  and  seek  in  retirement  that 
personal  independence  without  which  this  world  has 
nothing  I  value.  I  am  confident  you  set  the  same 
store  by  it  which  I  do ;  but  perhaps  your  situation 
may  not  give  you  the  same  conviction  of  its  exist 
ence."— FORD  ED.,  vii,  123. 


Foreign  influence 
Formalities 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


344 


internally  but  a  divorce  from  both  nations. — 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  188.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
149.  (Pa.,  1797.) 

3073.-  — .  We  consider  their  [Cuba's 
and  Mexico's]  interests  and  ours  as  the  same, 
and  that  the  object  of  both  must  be  to  exclude 
all  European  influence  from  this  hemisphere. 
— To  GOVERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  v,  381.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  213.  (W.,  October  1808.) 

3074.  FOREIGN  INFLUENCE,  French. 
— Foreign   influence   is  the  present  and  just 
object  of  public  hue  and  cry,  and,  as  often 
happens,   the   most  guilty   are   foremost   and 
loudest  in  the  cry.     If  those  who  are  truly 
independent,    can   so   trim   our   vessel    as   to 
beat  through  the  waves  now  agitating  us,  they 
will  merit  a  glory  the  greater  as  it  seems  less 
possible. — To   THOMAS    PINCKNEY.      iv,    176. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  128.    "(Pa.,  May  I797-) 

3075.  -  — .    Those  [members  of  Con 
gress]  who  have  no  wish  but  for  the  peace  of 
their  country,  and  its  independence  of  all  for 
eign  influence,  have  a  hard  struggle  indeed, 
overwhelmed  by  a  cry  as  loud  and  imposing 
as   if   it   were   true,    of   being   under   French 
influence,  and  this  raised  by  a  faction  com 
posed  of  English  subjects  residing  among  us, 
or  such  as  are  English  in  all  their  relations 
and  sentiments.    However,  patience  will  bring 
all  to  rights,  and  we  shall  both  live  to  see  the 
mask  taken  from  their  faces,  and  our  citizens 
sensible   on   which   side  true  liberty  and   in 
dependence  are  sought. — To  HORATIO  GATES. 
iv,  178.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  131.     (Pa.,  May  I797-) 

3076.  FOREIGN     INFLUENCE,     Mer 
cantile. — The    commerce    of    England    has 
spread  its  roots  over  the  whole  face  of  our 
country.     This  is  the  real   source  of  all  the 
obliquities   of   the   public   mind. — To     A.    H. 
ROWAN,     iv,  257.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  280.      (M., 
1798.) 

3077.  FOREIGN       INTERVENTION, 
Evils  of. — Wretched,  indeed,  is  the  nation  in 
whose   affairs   foreign  powers   are  once  per 
mitted  to  intermeddle. — To  B.  VAUGHAN.    ii, 
167.     (P.,  1787.) 

3078.  FOREIGN      INTERVENTION, 
Exclude.— What  a  crowd  of  lessons  do  the 
present  miseries  of  Holland  teach  us  ?    *    *    * 
Never  to  call  in  foreign  nations  to  settle  do 
mestic    differences;      *     *     *      . — To   JOHN 
ADAMS,      ii,    283.      FORD   ED.,   iv,    455.      (P., 
1787.)     See  ALLIANCES,  HEREDITARY  BODIES, 
WAR. 

3079.  -  — .      Our     young     Republic 

*    *    *    should  never  call  on  foreign  powers 
to     settle     their     differences. — To     COLONEL 
HUMPHREYS,     ii,  253.     (P.,  1787.) 

3080.  FOREIGN      INTERVENTION, 

United  States  and.— We  wish  not  to  meddle 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  any  country,  nor 
with  the  general  affairs  of  Europe. — To  C. 
W.  F.  DUMAS,  iii,  535.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

—  FOREIGNERS.— See  ALIEN  AND  SE 
DITION  LAWS,  ALIENS,  ASYLUM,  CITIZENS  and 
EXPATRIATION. 


3081.  FORMALITIES,  Business  and.— 
I  have  ever  thought  that  forms  should  yield 
to    whatever   should    facilitate    business.— To 
JAMES  MONROE,     iv,  401.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  59. 
(W.,  1801.) 

3082.  FORMALITIES,       Dispensing 

with. — There  are  situations  when  form  must 
be  dispensed  with.  A  man  attacked  by  as 
sassins  will  call  for  help  to  those  nearest  him, 
and  will  not  think  himself  bound  to  silence 
till  a  magistrate  may  come  to  his  aid. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  305.  FORD  ED.,  v,  306 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

3083.  FORMALITIES,  Insisting  upon. 

— I  noticed  to  you  *  *  *  that  the  com 
mission  of  consul  to  M.  Dannery  ought  to 
have  been  addressed  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  *  *  *  [As]  we  were  per 
suaded  *  *  *  that  the  error  in  the  address 
had  proceeded  from  no  intention  in  the  Exec 
utive  Council  of  France  to  question  the  func 
tions  of  the  President,  *  *  *  no  difficulty 
was  made  in  issuing  the  commission.  We  are 
still  under  the  same  persuasion.  But  in  your 
letter  of  the  I4th  instant,  you  personally  ques 
tion  the  authority  of  the  President,  and,  in 
consequence  of  that,  have  not  addressed  to 
him  the  commission  of  Messrs.  Pennevert  and 
Chervi.  Making  a  point  of  this  formality  on 
your  part,  it  becomes  necessary  to  make  a 
point  of  it  on  ours  also ;  and  I  am  therefore 
charged  to  return  you  those  commissions,  and 
to  inform  you,  that  bound  to  enforce  respect 
to  the  order  of  things  established  by  our 
Constitution,  the  President  will  issue  no 
exequatur  to  any  consul  or  vice-consul,  not 
directed  to  him  in  the  usual  form,  after  the 
party  from  whom  it  comes,  has  been  apprised 
that  such  should  be  the  address. — To  E.  C. 
GENET,  iv,  84.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  451.  (G.,  Nov. 
I793-) 

3084.  FORMALITIES,     International. 
— I  am  of  opinion  that  all   communications 
between    nations    should    pass    through    the 
channels  of  their   Executives.     However,   in 
the  instance  of  condolence  on  the  death  of 
Dr.    Franklin,    the    letter    from   our    General 
Government  was  addressed  to  the  President 
of  the  National  Assembly;    so  was  a  letter 
from   the   Legislature  of   Pennsylvania,   con 
taining   congratulations    on    the   achievement 
of  liberty  to  the  French  nation.     I  have  not 
heard  that,  in  either  instance,  their  Executive 
took  it  amiss  that  they  were  not  made  the 
channel     of    communication. — To    GOVERNOR 
LEE.    iii,  456.     (M.,  1792.) 

3085.  FORMALITIES,    Jefferson    and. 

—General  Phillips  *  *  *  having  *  *  * 
taken  great  offence  at  a  [recent]  threat  of 
retaliation  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  en 
closed  his  answer  to  my  letter  [with  respect 
to  a  passport  for  a  supply  vessel]  under  this 
address,  "  To  Thomas  Jefferson,  Esq.,  Amer 
ican  Governor  of  Virginia  ".  I  paused  on  re 
ceiving  the  letter,  and  for  some  time  would  not 
open  it ;  however,  when  the  miserable  condi 
tion  of  our  brethren  in  Charleston  occurred 
to  me,  I  could  not  determine  that  they  should 
be  left  without  the  necessaries  of  life,  while 
a  punctilio  should  be  discussing  between  the 


345 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Formalities 
Fortifications 


British  General  and  myself ;  and,  knowing  that 
I  had  an  opportunity  of  returning  the  compli 
ment  to  Mr.  Phillips  in  a  case  perfectly  cor 
responding,  I  opened  the  letter.  Very  shortly 
after,  I  received,  as  I  expected,  the  permis 
sion  of  the  Board  of  War  for  the  British  ves 
sel,  then  in  Hampton  Roads  with  clothing  and 
refreshments,  to  proceed  to  Alexandria,  I  en 
closed  and  addressed  it,  "  To  William  Phillips, 
Esq.,  commanding  the  British  forces  in  the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia  ".  Personally  know 
ing  Phillips  to  be  the  proudest  man  of  the 
proudest  nation  on  earth,  I  well  know  he  will 
not  open  this  letter ;  but  having  occasion  at 
the  same  time,  to  write  to  Captain  Gerbach.  the 
flag-master,  I  informed  him  that  the  Conven 
tion  troops  in  this  State  should  perish  for  want 
of  necessaries,  before  any  should  be  carried  to 
them  through  this  State,  till  General  Phillips 
either  swallowed  this  pill  of  retaliation,  or 
made  an  apology  for  his  rudeness.  And  in  this, 
should  the  matter  come  ultimately  to  Con 
gress,  we  hope  for  their  support.  * — To  THE 
VIRGINIA  DELEGATION  IN  CONGRESS,  i,  308.  (R., 
1781.) 

3086.  FORMALITIES,    Principles   and. 

— No  government  can  disregard  formalities 
more  than  ours.  But  when  formalities  are 
attacked  with  a  view  to  change  principles, 
*  *  *  it  becomes  material  to  defend  for 
malities.  They  would  be  no  longer  trifles, 
if  they  could,  in  defiance  of  the  national  will, 
continue  a  foreign  agent  among  us  whatever 
might  be  his  course  of  action. — To  E.  C 
GENET,  iv,  92.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  464.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

3087.  FORTIFICATIONS,  The  Admin 
istration    of   Washington   and. — [Among] 
the  heads  of  the   [President's]   speech   [con 
sidered  in  cabinet]  was  a  proposition  to  Con 
gress  to  fortify  the  principal  harbors.     I  op 
posed  the  expediency  of  the  General  Govern 
ment's  undertaking  it.  and  the  expediency  of 
the  President's  proposing  it.  It  was  amended, 
by  substituting  a  proposition  to  adopt  means' 
for   enforcing   respect   to  the  jurisdiction   of 
the  United  States  within  its  waters.    *    *    * 
The  President  acknowledged  he  had  doubted 
the   expediency  of  undertaking    it.     *    *    * 
The   clause   recommending  the   fortifications 
was  left  out  of  the  speech. — ANAS,     ix,  182. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  269.     (Nov.  1793.) 

3088.  -  — .     The  putting  the  several 
harbors  of  the  United  States  into  a  state  of 
defence,   having  never  yet  been  the   subject 
of  deliberation  and  decision  with  the  Legis 
lature,      and     consequently,      the      necessary 
moneys    not    having    been    appropriated     or 
levied,   the   President  does   not  find  himself 

*  General  Howe,  in  June  1776,  sent  a  letter  under  a 
flag  of  truce  to  General  Washington  addressed  to 
"George  Washington,  Esq."  It  was  returned,  un 
opened.  Howe  sent  a  second  letter,  and  it  also  was 
sent  back.  A  third  one  addressed  to  "George 
Washington,  Esq.,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,"  was  also  refused. 
The  fourth  one  was  addressed  to  General  George 
Washington  and  accepted.  General  Washington,  in 
writing  to  Congress  on  the  subject  said:  "I  would 
not,  on  any  occasion,  sacrifice  essentials  to  punctilio  ; 
but,  in  this  instance,  I  deemed  it  my  duty  to  my 
country,  and  to  my  appointment,  to  insist  upon  that 
respect,  which,  in  any  other  than  a  public  view,  I 
would  willingly  have  waived."  General  Howe  said 
that  he  had  adopted  this  style  of  address  to  save 
himself  from  censure  by  his  own  government.— 
EDITOR. 


in  a  situation  competent  to  comply  with  the 
proposition  on  the  subject  of  Norfolk. — To 
THE  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA,  iii,  564.  (Pa., 
May  1793.) 

3089.  FORTIFICATIONS,    Adequate.— 

Some  of  [the  injuries  of  the  belligerent 
powers]  are  of  a  nature  to  be  met  by 
force  only,  and  all  of  them  may  lead  to 
it.  I  cannot,  therefore,  but  recommend 
such  preparations  as  circumstances  call  for. 
The  first  object  is  to  place  our  seaport  towns 
out  of  the  danger  of  insult.  Measures  have 
been  already  taken  for  furnishing  them  with 
heavy  cannon  for  the  service  of  such  land  bat 
teries  as  may  make  a  part  of  their  defence 
against  armed  vessels  approaching  them.  In 
aid  of  these  it  is  desirable  that  we  should 
have  a  competent  number  of  gun-boats ;  and 
the  number,  to  be  competent,  must  be  con 
siderable. — FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  49. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  391.  (1805.) 

3090.  — .    I  think  it  would  make  an 

honorable  close  of  your  term  as  well  as  mine, 
to  leave  our  country  in  a  state  of  substantial 
defence,    which   we   found   quite   unprepared 
for  it.     Indeed,  it  would  for  me  be  a  joyful 
annunciation  to  the  next  meeting  of  Congress, 
that  the  operations  of  defence  are  all  complete. 
— To  HENRY  DEARBORN,     v,  295.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  171.     (M.,  May  1808.) 

3091.  FORTIFICATIONS,    New    York. 

— I  wish  you  would  stay  long  enough  at  New 
York  to  settle  *  *  *  the  plan  of  defence 
for  that  place ;  and  I  am  in  hopes  you  will 
also  see  Fulton's  [torpedo]  experiments  tried, 
and  see  how  far  his  means  may  enter  into 
your  plan. — To  GENERAL  DEARBORN,  v,  117. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  101.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

3092.  Among  the  objects  of  our 

care,  New  York  stands  foremost  in  the  points 
of    importance   and   exposure;     and    if   per 
mitted  we  shall  provide  such  defences  for  it 
as,    in    our    opinion,    will    render    it    secure 
against  attacks  by  sea. — To  GOVERNOR  TOMP- 
KINS.     v,  283.     (W.,  1808.) 

3093. .    The  Legislature  of  New 

York  may  be  assured  that  every  exertion  will 
be  used  to  put  the  United  States  in  the  best 
condition  of  defence,  that  we  may  be  fully 
prepared  to  meet  the  dangers  which  menace 
the   peace   of    our     country. — To     GOVERNOR 
TOMPKINS.     viii,   154.      (1809.) 

3094.  FORTIFICATIONS,      St.      Law 
rence. — Should  our  present  differences  [with 
England]    be    amicably    settled,    it    will    be 
a    question    for    consideration    whether    we 
should   not  establish    a    strong   post   on   the 
St.  Lawrence,  as  near  our  northern  bound 
ary  as  a  good  position  can  be  found.     To  do 
this  at  present  would  only  nroduce  a  greater 
accumulation  of  hostile  force  in  that  quarter. 
— To   GOVERNOR   TOMPKINS.     v,   239.      (W , 
Jan.   1808.) 

3095. .      It  appears  to  me  that  it 

would  be  well  to  have  a  post  on  the  St.  Law 
rence,  as  near  our  line  as  a  commanding  po 
sition  could  be  found,  that  it  might  afford 


Fortifications 
Fourth  of  July 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


346 


some  cover  for  our  most  advanced  inhab 
itants. — To  GOVERNOR  TOMPKINS.  v,  284. 
(W.,  1808.) 

3096.  FORTIFICATIONS,    Sites    for.— 

I  do  not  see  that  we  can  avoid  agreeing  to 
estimates  made  by  worthy  men  of  our  own 
choice  for  the  sites  of  fortifications,  or  that 
we  could  leave  an  important  place  undefended 
because  too  much  is  asked  for  the  site.  And, 
therefore,  we  must  pay  what  the  sites  at  Bos 
ton  have  been  valued  at.  At  the  same  time, 
I  do  not  know  on  what  principles  of  reason 
ing  it  is  that  good  men  think  the  public 
ought  to  pay  more  for  a  thing  than  they 
would  themselves  if  they  wanted  it. — To 
HENRY  DEARBORN,  v,  293.  (M.,  1808.) 

3097.  In   proceeding    to    carry 

into  execution  the  act  [providing  for  the  pub 
lic  defence],  it  is  found  that  the  sites  most 
advantageous  for  the  defence  of  our  harbors 
and  rivers,  and  sometimes  the  only  sites  com 
petent  to  that  defence,  are  in  some  cases  the 
property    of   minors,    incapable    of   giving    a 
valid  assent  to  their  alienation ;    in  others  be 
long  to  persons  who  on  no  terms  will  alienate  ; 
and  in  others  the  proprietors  demand  such  ex 
aggerated  compensation  as,  however  liberally 
the  public  ought  to  compensate  in  such  cases, 
would  exceed  all  bounds  of  justice  or  liberal 
ity.     From  this  cause  the  defence  of  our  sea 
board,  so  necessary  to  be  pressed  during  the 
present  session  will  in  various  parts  be  de 
feated,  unless  the  national  Legislature  can  ap 
ply  a  constitutional  remedy.   The  power  of  re 
pelling  invasions,  and  making  laws  necessary 
for  carrying  that  power  into  execution,  seem 
to    include    that    of    occupying    those   sites 
which  are  necessary  to  repel  an  enemy;  ob 
serving  only  the  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion    which    provides    that    private    property 
shall  not  be  taken  for  public  use  without  just 
compensation.      I   submit,    therefore,    to   the 
consideration  of  Congress,  where  the  neces 
sary  sites  cannot  be  obtained  by  the  joint  and 
valid   consent   of   parties,    whether   provision 
should  be  made  by  a  process  of  ad  quod  dam- 
num,  or  any  other  eligible  means  for  author 
izing  the   sites   which  are  necessary  for  the 
public  defence  to  be  appropriated  to  that  pur 
pose.     I  am  aware  that  as  the  consent  of  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  to  the  purchase  of  the 
site  moy  not,  in   some  instances  have  been 
previously  obtained,  exclusive  legislation  can 
not  be   exercised   therein   by   Congress   until 
that  consent  is  given.   But,  in  the  meantime,  it 
will  be  held  under  the  same  laws  which  pro 
tect  the  property  of  individuals  in  that  State, 
and  other  property  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  Legislatures  at  their  next  meetings  will 
have  opportunities  of  doing  what  will  be  so 
evidently  called  for  by  the  interest  of  their 
own    State. — MESSAGE  ON    PUBLIC   DEFENCE. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  187.     (March  1808.) 

3098.  FORTIFICATIONS,    System    of. 
— Whether  we  have  peace  or  war.  I  think  the 
present  Legislature  will  authorize  a  complete 
system  of  defensive  works,  on  such  a  scale 
as  they  think  they  ought  to  adopt.     The  state 


of  our  finances  now  permits  this. — To  W.  H. 
CABELL.  v,  208.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  97.  (W., 
Nov.  1807.) 

3099. The  surplus  may  partly, 

indeed,  be  applied  towards  completing  the  de 
fence  of  the  exposed  points  of  our  country, 
on  such  a  scale  as  shall  be  adapted  to  our 
principles  and  circumstances.  This  object  is 
doubtless  among  the  first  entitled  to  attention, 
in  such  a  state  of  our  finances,  and  it  is  one 
which,  whether  we  have  peace  or  war,  will 
provide  security  where  it  is  due. — SEVENTH 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  88.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
165.  (1807.) 

3100. .  I  hope,  that  this  summer 

we  shall  get  our  whole  seaports  put  into  that 
state  of  defence,  which  Congress  has  thought 
proportioned  to  our  circumstances  and  situ 
ation  ;  that  is  to  say,  put  hors  d'insulte  from  a 
maritime  attack,  by  a  moderate  squadron. — 
To  CHARLES  PINCKNEY.  v,  266.  (W.,  March 
1808.)  See  DEFENCE. 

3101.  FORTITUDE,    Virtue    of.— Forti 
tude  teaches  us  to  meet  and  surmount  diffi 
culties ;  not  to  fly  from  them,  like  cowards; 
and  to  fly,  too,  in  vain,  for  they  will  meet  and 
arrest  us  at  every  turn  of  our  road.     Forti 
tude  is  one  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues  of 
Epicurus. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  140.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  145.     (M.,  1819.) 

3102.  FORTUNE,      Injured.— I      should 
have  been  much  wealthier  had  I  remained  in 
that  private  condition  which  renders  it  law 
ful  and  even  laudable  to  use  proper  efforts 
to  better  it.— To .     iii,  527.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

3103.  FORTUNE,   Public   Service   and. 

— When  I  first  entered  on  the  stage  of  public 
life  (now  twenty-four  years  ago),  I  came  to  a 
resolution  never  to  engage  while  in  public 
office  in  any  kind  of  enterprise  for  the  im 
provement  of  my  fortune,  [and]  I  have  never 
departed  from  it  in  a  single  instance. — To 

iii,  527.      (Pa.,  I793-) 

3104. I  have  the  consolation  of 

having  added  nothing  to  my  private  fortune, 
during  my  public  service,  and  of  retiring  with 
hands  as  clean  as  they  are  empty. — To  COMTE 
DIODATI.  v,  62.  (W.,  1807.)  See  DISIN 
TERESTEDNESS. 

3105.  FORTUNES,      Imperilled.— Pri 
vate  fortunes,  in  the  present  state  of  our  cir 
culation,   are   at  the   mercy    of    those    self- 
created  money-lenders,  and  are  prostrated  by 
the  floods  of  nominal  money  with  which  their 
avarice   deluges   us. — To  J.    W.    EPPES.     vi, 
142.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  394.     (M.,  1813.) 

3106.  FORTUNES,  Pledge   of.— For  the 
support    of    this,    Declaration,*    we    mutually 
pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes, 
and  our  sacred  honor. — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3107.  FOURTH   OF   JULY,   Despotism 

and. — The  flames  kindled  on  the  Fourth  of 

*  Congress  inserted  after  Declaration,  "  with  a 
firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence." 
—EDITOR. 


347 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Fourth  of  July 
France 


July,  1776,  have  spread  over  too  much  of  the 
globe  to  be  extinguished  by  the  feeble  en 
gines  of  despotism ;  on  the  contrary,  they  will 
consume  these  engines  and  all  who  work 
them. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  218.  (M.,  Sep. 
1821.) 

3108.  FOURTH  OF  JULY,  Europe  and. 
— The  Fourth  of  July  *  *  *  divorced  us 
from  the  follies  and  crimes  of  Europe. — To 
MR.  DIGGES.  v,  14.  (W.,  1806.)  See 
BIRTHDAY  and  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE. 

3109. .    The  light  which  has  been 

shed  on  the  mind  of  man  through  the  civ 
ilized  world,  has  given  it  a  new  direction 
from  which  no  human  power  can  divert  it. 
The  sovereigns  of  Europe  who  are  wise,  or 
have  wise  counsellors,  see  this,  and  bend  to 
the  breeze  which  blows;  the  unwise  alone 
stiffen  and  meet  its  inevitable  crush. — To 
MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  193.  FORD  EDV  x, 
179.  (1820.) 

3110.  FOX  (Charles  James),  Character. 
— In  Mr.  Fox,  personally,  I  have  more  confi 
dence  than   in   any  man   in   England,   and  it  is 
founded  in  what,  through  unquestionable  chan 
nels,   I   have   had   opportunities  of  knowing  of 
his  honesty  and  his  good  sense.     While  he  shall 
be  in   the   administration,   my  reliance  on   that 
government  will  be  solid. — To  JAMES   MONROE. 
v,  ii.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  449.  (W.,  May  1806.) 

3111.  FOX     (Charles     James),     States 
manship. — His    sound    judgment    saw    that 
political    interest   could   never   be   separated   in 
the  long  run   from  moral  right,   and  his   frank 
and  great  mind  would  have  made  a  short  busi 
ness  of  a  just  treaty  with  you. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  477.     (W.,  Oct.  1806.) 

3112.  FRANCE,    Affection    for.— It    is 
very  much  our  interest  to  keep  up  the  affec 
tion  of  this  country   [France]   for  us,  which 
is  considerable. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     i,  346. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  50.     (P.,  1785.) 

3113. .  A  sincere  affection  be 
tween  the  two  peoples  is  the  broadest  basis 
on  which  their  peace  can  be  built. — To  COMTE 
DE  VERGENNES.  i,  456.  (P.,  1785.) 

3114. .  Nobody  [is]  more  sensi 
ble  than  you  are  of  the  motives,  both  moral 
and  political,  which  should  induce  us  to  bind 
the  two  countries  together  by  as  many  ties 
as  possible  of  interest  and  affection. — To  DR. 
RAMSAY,  ii,  49.  (P.,  1786.) 

3115. e  I  am  happy  in  concur 
ring  with  you  *  *  *  in  the  sentiment, 
that  as  the  principles  of  our  governments 
become  more  congenial,  the  links  of  af 
fection  are  multiplied  between  us.  It  is 
impossible  that  they  should  multiply  beyond 
our  wishes. — To  J.  B.  TERNANT.  iii,  516. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  189.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

3116.  -         .      Mutual      good      offices, 

mutual  affection,  and  similar  principles  of 
government  seem  to  destine  the  two  nations 
for  the  most  intimate  communion. — To  Gou- 
VERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii.  522.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  200. 
(Pa.,  1793.)  See  PEOPLE  (FRENCH). 


3117.  FRANCE,  Affronted    by   Adams. 

— Mr.  Adams's  speech  to  Congress  in  May 
[1798]  is  deemed  such  a  national  affront,  that 
no  explanation  on  other  topics  can  be  entered 
on  till  that,  as  a  preliminary,  is  wiped  away 
by  humiliating  disavowals  or  acknowledg 
ments.  This  working  hard  with  our  En 
voys,  and  indeed  seeming  impracticable  for 
want  of  that  sort  of  authority,  submission  to 
a  heavy  amercement  (upwards  of  a  million 
sterling)  was,  *  *  ,  suggested  as  an 

alternative,  which  might  be  admitted  if  pro 
posed  by  us.  These  overtures  had  been 
through  informal  agents;  and  both  the  al 
ternatives  bringing  the  Envoys  to  their  ne 
plus,  they  resolve  to  have  no  more  communi 
cation  through  inofficial  characters,  but  to 
address  a  letter  directly  to  the  government, 
to  bring  forward  their  pretensions. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  232.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  234. 
(Pa.,  April  1798.)  See  X.  Y.  Z.  PLOT. 

3118.  FRANCE,     The     Allied     Powers 
and. — The    sufferings  of  France,  I  sincerely 
deplore,  and  what  is  to  be  their  term?  The 
will  of  the  Allies.    There  is  no  more  moder 
ation,  forbearance,  or  even  honesty  in  theirs, 
than  in  that  of  Bonaparte.   They  have  proved 
that  their  object,  like  his,  is  plunder.     They, 
like   him,   are   shuffling   nations   together,   or 
into   their  own   hands,   as   if  all   were   right 
which  they  feel  a  power  to  do.     In  the  ex 
hausted    state    in    which    Bonaparte    has    left 
France,    I    see   no   period   to   her   sufferings, 
until    this    combination    of    robbers    fall    to 
gether  by  the  ears.     The   French  may  then 
rise  up  and  choose  their  side.     And  I  trust 
they   will   finally   establish   for   themselves   a 
government    of    rational    and    well-tempered 
liberty.     So  much  science  cannot  be  lost;  so 
much   light   shed   over   them   can   never   fail 
to  produce  to  them  some  good,  in  the  end.— 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  500.  (M.,  Oct.  1815.) 

3119.  FRANCE,  American  politics  and. 

— It  is  still  a  comfort  to  see  by  the  address  of 
Dumouriez  *  *  *  that  the  constitution 
of  1791  is  the  worst  thing  which  is  to  be 
forced  on  the  French.  But  even  the  falling 
back  to  that  would  give  wonderful  vigor  to 
our  monocrats,  and  unquestionably  affect  the 
tone  of  administering  our  government.  In 
deed.  I  fear  that  if  this  summer  should  prove 
disastrous  to  the  French,  it  will  damp  that 
energy  of  republicanism  in  our  new  Congress, 
from  which  I  had  hoped  so  much  reforma 
tion.— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  571.  (Pa., 
June  1793- ) 

3120.  FRANCE,  Attraction  of.— France, 
freed    from    that    monster,    Bonaparte,    must 
again  become  the  most  agreeable  country  on 
earth.     It  would  be  the  second  choice  of  all 
whose    ties    of    family    and    fortune    give    a 
preference  to  some  other  one,   and   the  first 
choice  of  all  not  under  those  ties. — To  WILL 
IAM  SHORT,    vi,  402.     (M.,  1814.) 

_  FRANCE,  Bill  of  Rights  for.— See 
BILL  OF  RIGHTS  (FRENCH). 

—  FRANCE,  Bonaparte  and. — See  BONA 
PARTE. 


France 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


343 


3121.  FRANCE,  Cabinet    o2    Washing 
ton  and. — The  doubts  I  entertained  that  the 
offers  of  the  French  republic  would  be  de 
clined,  will  pretty  certainly  be  realized.     One 
person     [Hamilton]     represents    them    as    a 
snare  into  which  he  hopes  we  shall  not  fall. 
His  second  [Knox]  is  of  the  same  sentiment 
of  course.     He    [Randolph]  whose   vote   for 
the  most  part,  or  say  always,  is  casting,  has 
by    two    or    three    private  conversations    or 
rather  disputes  with  me,   shown  his  opinion 
to  be  against  doing  what  would  be  a  mark 
of  predilection  to  one  of  the  parties,  though 
not  a  breach  of  neutrality  in  form.     And  an 
opinion   of   still   more   importance   is   still   in 
the  same  way.    I  do  not  know  what  line  will 
be   adopted,    but   probably   a   procrastination, 
which  will  be  immediately  seen  through. — To 
JAMES    MADISON.     FORD   ED.,   vi,   268.     (Pa., 
May  1793.)     See  NEUTRALITY. 

—  FRANCE,     Cherbourg. — See      CHER 
BOURG. 

3122.  FRANCE,    Commerce   with. — The 

mutual  extension  of  their  commerce  was 
among  the  fairest  advantages  to  be  derived 
to  France  and  the  United  States,  from  the 
independence  of  the  latter.  An  exportation 
of  eighty  millions,  chiefly  in  raw  materials,  is 
supposed  to  constitute  the  present  limits  of 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States  with  the 
nations  of  Europe ;  limits,  however,  which  ex 
tend  as  their  population  increases.  To  draw 
the  best  proportion  of  this  into  the  ports  of 
France,  rather  than  of  any  other  nation,  is 
believed  to  be  the  wish  and  interest  of  both. 
— To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii,  186.  (P., 
1787-) 

3123.  -         .     The  French  [in  their  re 
cent  treaty  with   England]    have   clearly   re 
served    a    right    of    favoring,    specially,    any 
nation  not  European ;  and  there  is  no  nation 
out  of  Europe,  who  could  so  probably  have 
been    in    their    eye    at    that    time,    as    ours. 
They  are  wise.    They  must  see  it  probable,  at 
least,  that  any  concert  with  England,  will  be 
but  of  short  duration;  and  they  could  hardly 
propose    to    sacrifice    for   that,    a    connection 
with  us,  which  may  be  perpetual. — To  JOHN 
JAY.    ii,  112.     (P.,  1787.) 

3124.  — .  The  system  of  the  United 

States    is    to    use    neither    prohibitions    nor 
premiums.     Where  a  government  finds  itself 
under  the  necessity  of  undertaking  that  regu 
lation,  it  would  seem  that  it  should  conduct 
it  as  an  intelligent  merchant  would ;  that  is 
to    say,    invite    customers    to    purchase    by 
facilitating  their  means  of  payment,   and  by 
adapting  goods   to  their  taste.     If  this   idea 
be  just,  government  here    [France]    has  two 
operations  to  attend   to   with   respect  to  the 
commerce    of    the    United    States:    I.    to    do 
away,  or  to  moderate,  as  much  as  possible, 
the  prohibitions  and  monopolies  of  their  ma 
terials  for  payment;  2.  to  encourage  the  in 
stitution     of     the     principal     manufactures, 
which  the  necessities  or  the  habits  of  their 
new  customers  call  for.— To  COUNT  DE  MONT 
MORIN.    ii,  529.     (P.,  1788.) 


3125. .  I  am  happy  to  learn  that 

the  [people  of  Alexandria,  Va.]  have  felt  a 
benefit  from  the  encouragements  to  our  com 
merce,  which  have  been  given  by  an  allied 
nation.  But  truth  and  candor  oblige  me,  at 
the  same  time,  to  declare  you  are  indebted 
for  these  encouragements  solely  to  the 
friendly  dispositions  of  that  nation,  which 
has  shown  itself  ready  on  every  occasion  to 
adopt  all  arrangements  which  might  strength 
en  our  ties  of  mutual  interest  and  friendship. 
— REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  iii,  127.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
146.  (1790.) 

3126. .  With  respect  to  the  ref 
ormation  of  the  unfriendly  restrictions  on 
our  commerce  and  navigation,  we  cannot  be 
too  pressing  for  its  attainment,  as  every 
day's  continuance  gives  it  additional  firmness, 
and  endangers  its  taking  root  in  their  habits 
and  constitution.  Indeed,  I  think  the  French 
government  should  be  told,  that  as  soon  as 
they  are  in  a  condition  to  act,  if  they  do  not 
revoke  the  late  innovations,  we  must  lay  ad 
ditional  and  equivalent  burthens  on  French 
Ships,  by  name. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 
iii,  489.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  131.  (Nov.  1792.) 

3127. .  I  cannot  too  much  press 

it  on  you,  to  improve  every  opportunity  *  *  * 
for  placing  our  commerce  with  France  and 
its  dependencies,  on  the  freest  and  most  en 
couraging  footing  possible. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS,  iii,  522.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  200.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

3128. .  I  was  a  sincere  well- 
wisher  to  the  success  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion,  *  *  *  but  I  have  not  been  insensible 
under  the  atrocious  depredations  they  have 
committed  on  our  commerce. — To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  269.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  329.  (Pa., 
I799-) 

3129. .  [In  the  negotiation  of 

commercial  treaties  with  France]  I  must  say, 
in  justice,  that  I  found  the  government 
entirely  disposed  to  befriend  us  on  all  oc 
casions,  and  to  yield  us  every  indulgence  not 
absolutely  injurious  to  themselves. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  64.  FORD  ED.,  i,  90.  (1821.) 
See  TREATIES. 

3130.  FRANCE,    The    Consulate.— They 
have  established  Bonaparte,  Sieyes,  and  Du- 
cos  into  an  executive,  or  rather  Dictatorial 
Consulate,   [and]  given  them  a  committee  of 
between  twenty  and  thirty  from  each  council. 
Thus    the    Constitution    of    the    Third    year, 
which   was  getting  consistency  and  firmness 
from  time,  is  demolished  in  an  instant,  and 
nothing  is  said  about  a  new  one.     How  the 
nation  will  bear  it  is  yet  unknown. — To  JOHN 
BRECKENRIDGE.      FORD    ED.,    vii,    417.      (Pa., 
Jan.  1800.) 

_  FRANCE,  Consuls  of.— See  CONSULS. 

3131.  FRANCE,    Debt    to.— Besides    en 
deavoring   on   all   occasions    to   multiply   the 
points     of     contact     and     connection     with 
France,      *      *      *      I  have  had  it  much  at 
heart  to  remove  from  between  us  every  sub 
ject  of  misunderstanding  or  irritation.     Our 


349 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


France 


debts  to  the  King,  to  the  Officers,  to  the 
Farmers,  are  of  this  description.  The  hav 
ing  complied  with  no  part  of  our  engage 
ments  in  these,  draws  on  us  a  great  deal  of 
censure,  and  occasioned  a  language  in  the 
Assemblee  des  Notables  very  likely  to  pro 
duce  dissatisfaction  between  us. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  ii,  163.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  398.  (P., 
1787.) 

3132. .  I  told  [President  Wash 
ington]  I  had  meant  on  that  day  to  take  his 
orders  for  removing  the  suspension  of  pay 
ments  to  France,  which  had  been  imposed  by 
my  last  letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  but  was 
meant,  as  I  supposed,  only  for  the  interval 
between  the  abolition  of  the  late  constitution 
by  the  dethronement  of  the  King,  and  the 
meeting  of  some  other  body,  invested  by  the 
will  of  the  nation  with  powers  to  transact 
their  affairs;  that  I  considered  the  National 
Convention,  then  assembled,  as  such  a  body ; 
and  that,  therefore,  we  ought  to  go  on  with 
the  payments  to  them,  or  to  any  government 
they  should  establish.* — THE  ANAS,  ix,  128. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  213.  (Dec.  27,  1792.)  See  DEBTS 
(FRENCH). 

3133.  FRANCE,    Den    of    Bobbers.— As 

for  France  and  England,  with  all  their  pre 
eminence  in  science,  the  one  is  a  den  of  rob 
bers,  and  the  other  of  pirates. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  37.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  333.  (M., 
1812.) 

-  FRANCE,  Directory.— See  EXECU 
TIVES. 

3134.  FRANCE,  Errors  of.— The  French 
have  been  guilty  of  great  errors  in  their  con 
duct  towards  other  nations,  not  only  in  in 
sulting  uselessly  all  crowned  heads,  but  in  en 
deavoring    to    force    liberty    on    their    neigh 
bors   in   their  own   form. — To   T.    M.    RAN 
DOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  318.     (Pa.,  June  1793.) 

3135.  FRANCE,     Federalist      Hostility 
to. — Nothing  less  than  the  miraculous  string 
of  events  which  have  taken  place,  to  wit,  the 
victories  of  the  Rhine  and  Italy,  peace  with 
Austria,   bankruptcy   of   England,    mutiny   in 
her  fleet,  and   King's  writing  letters   recom 
mending  peace,    could  have  cooled   the   fury 
of  the   British   faction.     Even   that   will   not 

*  There  had  been  a  consultation  at  the  President's 
(about  the  first  week  in  November)  on  the  expe 
diency  of  suspending  payments  to  France  under  her 
present  situation.  I  had  admitted  that  the  late  con 
stitution  was  dissolved  by  the  dethronement  of  the 
King ;  and  the  management  of  affairs  surviving  to 
the  National  Assembly  only,  this  was  not  an  integral 
legislature,  and,  therefore,  not  competent  to  give  a 
legitimate  discharge  for  our  payments:  that  I 
thought,  consequently,  that  none  should  be  made 
till  some  legitimate  body  came  into  place,  and  that  I 
should  consider  the  National  Convention  called,  but 
not  met  as  we  had  yet  heard,  to  be  a  legitimate 
body.  Hamilton  doubted  whether  it  would  be  a 
legitimate  body,  and  whether,  if  the  King  should  be 
reestablished,  he  might  not  disallow  such  payments 
on  good  grounds.  Knox,  for  once,  dared  to  differ 
from  Hamilton,  and  to  express,  very  submissively, 
an  opinion  that  a  convention  named  by  the  whole 
body  of  the  nation,  would  be  competent  to  do  any 
thing.  It  ended  by  agreeing  that  I  should  write  to 
Gouverneur  Morns,  to  suspend  payment  generally, 
till  further  orders.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON,  ix,  125. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  208.  (1792.) 


prevent  considerable  efforts  still  in  both 
Houses  to  show  our  teeth  to  France. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  143.  (Pa., 
June  1797.) 

3136. .  The  inflammatory  com 
position  of  the  [President's]  speech*  excited 
[in  Congress]  sensations  of  resentment  which 
had  slept  under  British  injuries,  threw  the 
wavering  into  the  war  scale,  and  produced 
the  war  address.  Bonaparte's  victories  and 
those  on  the  Rhine,  the  Austrian  peace,  Brit 
ish  bankruptcy,  mutiny  of  the  [British]  sea 
men,  and  Mr.  King's  exhortations  to  pacific 
measures  [towards  France],  have  cooled 
them  down  again,  and  the  scale  of  peace 
preponderates. — To  AARON  BURR,  iv,  185. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  146.  (Pa.,  June  1797.) 

3137. .  The  threatening  proposi 
tions  founded  in  the  address  [of  Congress 
to  the  President],  are  abandoned  one  by  one, 
and  the  cry  begins  now  to  be  that  we  have 
been  called  together  to  do  nothing.  The 
truth  is,  there  is  nothing  to  do,  the  idea  of 
war  being  scouted  by  the  events  of  Europe ; 
but  this  only  proves  that  war  was  the  ob 
ject  for  which  we  were  called.  It  proves  that 
the  Executive  temper  was  for  war;  and  that 
the  convocation  of  the  Representatives  was 
an  experiment  of  the  temper  of  the  nation, 
to  see  if  it  was  in  unison.  Efforts  at  nego 
tiation  indeed  were  promised ;  but  such  a 
promise  was  as  difficult  to  withhold,  as  easy 
to  render  nugatory.  If  negotiation  alone  had 
been  meant,  that  might  have  been  pursued 
without  so  much  delay,  and  without  calling 
the  Representatives;  and  if  strong  and  ear 
nest  negotiation  had  been  meant,  the  ad 
ditional  nomination  would  have  been  of  per 
sons  strongly  and  earnestly  attached  to  the 
alliance  of  1778.  War  then  was  intended. — 
To  AARON  BURR,  iv,  185.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  146. 
(Pa.,  June  1797.) 

3138.  -  — .     President   [Adams]   has 
appointed,    and   the    Senate   approved    Rufus 
King,  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  commerce  with 
the  Russians,  at  London,  and  William  Smith 
(Phocian)    Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minis 
ter   Plenipotentiary,  to  go  to   Constantinople 
to   make  one   with   the   Turks.      So   that   as 
soon  as  there  is  a  coalition  of  Turks,  Rus 
sians  and  English,  against  France,  we  seize 
that  moment  to  countenance  it  as  openly  as 
we  dare  by  treaties,  which  we  never  had  with 
them   before.     All   this   helps   to   fill   up   the 
measure  of  provocation  towards  France,  and 
to  get  from  them  a  declaration  of  war,  which 
we  are  afraid  to  be  the  first  in  making. — To 
EDMUND  PENDLETON.     iv,  289.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
358.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

_  FRANCE,  Free  Ports.— See  FREE 
PORTS. 

3139.  FRANCE,    Friendship. — I    cannot 
pretend  to  affirm  that  this  country  will  stand 
by  us  on  every  just  occasion,  but  I  am  sure, 
if  this  will  not,  there  is  no  other  that  will. — 
To  DR.  RAMSAY,     ii,  49.     (P.,   1786.) 

*  President  Adams's  message  to  Congress  at  the 
special  session  in  May  1797.— EDITOR. 


France 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


350 


3140. .  Nothing  should  be  spared 

on  our  part  to  attach  this  country  to  us. 
It  is  the  only  one  on  which  we  can  rely  for 
support  under  every  event.  Its  inhabitants 
love  us  more,  I  think,  than  they  do  any  other 
nation  on  earth.  This  is  very  much  the 
effect  of  the  good  dispositions  with  which 
the  French  officers  returned. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  ii,  109.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  367. 
(P.,  1787.) 

3141. .  I  consider  France  as  our 

surest  mainstay  under  every  event. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS.  ii,  163.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  398. 
(P.,  1787.) 

3142. .  Among  the  circumstan 
ces  which  will  reconcile  me  to  my  new 
position  [Secretary  of  State]  the  most  power 
ful  are  the  opportunities  it  will  give  me  of 
cementing  the  friendship  between  our  two 
nations.— To  LA  DUCHESSE  D'AUVILLE.  iii, 
135.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  153.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3143. .  May  this  union  of  inter 
ests  forever  be  the  patriot's  creed  in  both 
countries. — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  iii, 
137.  (M.,  1790.) 

3144.  —        — .  There  is  a  fund  of  friend 
ship  and  attachment  between  the  mass  of  the 
two   nations     *     *     *     .     The   present   ad 
ministration  of  this  country  have  these  feel 
ings  of  their   constituents,   and  will  be  true 
to  them.     We  shall  act  steadily  on  the  desire 
of   cementing    our    interests   and    affections ; 
and  of  this  you  cannot  go  too  far  in  assur 
ing  them. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  138.     (W.,  March  1802.) 

—  FRANCE,  Genet.— See  GENET. 

3145.  FRANCE,      Government.— France 
is  the  wealthiest  but  worst  governed  country 
on  earth.— To  JOSEPH  JONES,     i,   353.      (P., 
1785.)    See  GOVERNMENT  (FRENCH)  and  GOV 
ERNMENT  (RECOGNITION). 

3146.  FRANCE,     Gratitude     to.— Every 
American   owes    her   gratitude,    as    our    sole 
ally  during  the  war  of  Independence. — To  M. 
DE  NEUVILLE.    vii,  110.     (M.,  1818.) 

3147.  FRANCE,    Honesty    of. — A    wise 
man,  if  nature  has  not  formed  him  honest,  will 
yet  act  as  if  he  were  honest;  because  he  will 
find  it  the  most  advantageous  and  wise  part 
in  the  long  run.     I  have  believed  that  this 
Court  possesses  this  high  species  of  wisdom 
even  if  its  new  faith  be  ostensible  only.     If 
they  trip  on  any  occasion  it  will  be  warning 
to  us.     I  do  not  expect  they  will,  but  it  is 
our  business  to  be  on  the  watch. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  40.     (P.,  1785.) 

3148. .     There  are  great  numbers 

of  well  enlightened  men  in  this  nation.  The 
ministry  is  such.  The  King  has  an,  honest 
heart.  The  line  of  policy  hitherto  pursued 
by  them  has  been  such  as  virtue  would  dic 
tate  and  wisdom  approve.  Relying  on  their 
wisdom  only,  I  think  they  would  not  accept 
the  bribe  suppose  it  would  be  to  relinquish 
that  honorable  character  of  disinterestedness 
and  new  faith  which  they  have  acquired  by 


many  sacrifices  and  which  has  put  in  their 
hands  the  government,  as  it  were,  of  Europe. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  39.  (P., 
1785.) 

3149.  FRANCE,      Influence      of.— This 
summer    is    of    immense    importance    to    the 
future    condition    of    mankind    all    over    the 
earth,  and  not  a  little  so  to  ours.    For  though 
its  issue  should  not  be  marked  by  any  direct 
change  in  our  Constitution,  it  will  influence 
the  tone  and  principles  of  its  administration 
so  as  to  lead  it  to  something  very  different 
in  the  one  event  from  what  it  would  be  in 
the  other. — To  H.  INNES.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  266. 
(Pa.,  May  1793.) 

3150.  FRANCE,    Injuries    by.— Nobody 
denies  but  that  France  has  given  just  cause 
of  war,   but  so  has  Great  Britain,   and   she 
is   now    capturing   our   vessels    as    much    as 
France,  but  the  question  was  one  merely  of 
prudence,  whether  seeing  that  both  powers  in 
order    to    injure    one    another,    bear    down 
everything  in   their   way,    without   regard   to 
the     rights     of     others,     spoliating     equally 
Danes,  Swedes  and  Americans,  it  would  not 
be  more  prudent  in  us  to  bear  with  it  as  the 
Danes  and   Swedes  do,  curtailing  our  com 
merce,  and  waiting  for  the  moment  of  peace, 
when  it  is  probable  both  nations  would  for 
their  own   interest   and   honor   retribute   for 
their  wrongs. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  270.     (Pa.,  June  1798.) 

-  FRANCE,  Jacobins.— See  JACOBINS. 

—  FRANCE,  Louisiana    Purchase. — See 

LOUISIANA. 

3151.  FRANCE,  Manufactures  of.— It  is 

the  interest  of  France  as  well  a^  our  interest 
to  multiply  the  means  of  payment  [for  her 
manufactures].  These  must  be  found  in  the 
catalogue  of  our  exports,  and  among  these 
will  be  seen  neither  gold  nor  silver.  We  have 
no  mines  of  either  of  these  metals.  Produce, 
therefore,  is  all  we  can  offer.  Some  articles 
of  our  produce  will  be  found  very  convenient 
to  France  for  her  own  consumption.  Others 
will  be  convenient,  as  being  more  com- 
merciable  in  her  hands  than  those  she  will 
give  in  exchange  for  them. — To  MARQUIS 
LAFAYETTE,  i,  $96.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  256.  (P., 
1786.) 

3152. .     A    century's    experience 

has  shown  that  we  double  our  numbers  every 
twenty  or  twenty-five  years.  No  circum 
stance  can  be  foreseen,  at  this  moment,  which 
will  lessen  our  rate  of  multiplication  for  cen 
turies  to  come.  For  every  article  of  the 
productions  and  manufactures  of  France, 
then,  which  can  be  introduced  into  the  habit 
there,  the  demand  will  double  every  twenty 
or  twenty-five  years.  And  to  introduce  the 
habit,  we  have  only  to  let  the  merchants  alone. 
—To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii,  190.  (1787.) 
See  MANUFACTURES. 

_  FRANCE,     Monarchy.— See    Louis 
XVI.  and  MARIE  ANTOINETTE. 

—  FRANCE,  Monopoly  of  Tobacco.— See 

MONOPOLY. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


France 


3153.  FRANCE,     Murray's     Mission.— 
The   President    [John   Adams]    nominated   to 
the  Senate  yesterday  William  Vans  Murray, 
Minister   Plenipotentiary   to   the    French   Re 
public,  and  added,  that  he  shall  be  instructed 
not  to  go  to  France,  without  direct  and  un 
equivocal   assurances   from   the   French   gov 
ernment  that  he  shall  be  received  in  charac 
ter,  enjoy  the  due  privileges,  and  a  minister 
of  equal  rank,  title  and  power,  be  appointed 
to  discuss  and  conclude  our  controversy  by 
a  new  treaty.     This  had  evidently  been  kept 
secret  from  the  federalists  of  both   Houses, 
as   appeared   by   their   dismay.      The    Senate 
have  passed  over  this  day  without  taking  it 
up.    It  is  said  they  are  gravelled  and  divided ; 
some  are  for  opposing,  others  do  not  know 
what  to  do.     But,  in  the  meantime,  they  have 
been  permitted  to  go  on  with  all  the  measures 
of  war  and  patronage,  and  when  the  close  of 
the   session   is   at   hand,    it   is   made   known. 
However,    it    silences    all    arguments   against 
the  sincerity  of  France,  and  renders  desper 
ate    every    further    effort    towards    war. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  292.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  362. 
(Pa.,  Feb.  19,  1799.) 

3154.  -  — .     We  were  for  a  moment 
flattered  with  the  hope  of  a  friendly  accommo 
dation  of  our  differences  with  France,  by  the 
President's  nomination  of  Mr.   Murray,  our 
Minister  at  the  Hague,  to  proceed  to  Paris 
for  that  purpose.     But  our  hopes  have  been 
entirely    dashed    by    his    revoking    that,    and 
naming   Air.    Ellsworth,    Mr.    Patrick   Henry 
and  Murray.    *    *    *    The  effect  of  the  new 
nomination    is   completely   to   parry   the   ad 
vances  made  by   France  towards  a  reconcil 
iation. — To  BISHOP  JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  299. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  372.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

3155.  _  — .      The  face  the  federalists 
will  put  on  this  business   is  that   they  have 
frightened  France  into  a  respectful  treatment. 
Whereas,  in  truth,  France  has  been  sensible 
that  her  measures  to  prevent  the  scandalous 
spectacle  of  war  between  the  two  republics, 
from  the  known  impossibility  of  our  injuring 
her,    would    not    be    imputed    to    her    as    a 
humiliation. — To    EDMUND    PENDLETON.      iv, 
294.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  365.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

—  FRANCE,      Navigation     and.— See 
NAVIGATION. 

3156.  FRANCE,  Neutral  rights  and.— 
The    French    have    behaved    atrociously    to 
wards   neutral   nations,    and   us   particularly; 
and    though    we    might    be    disposed    not   to 
charge    them    with    all    the    enormities    com 
mitted  in  their  name  in  the  West  Indies,  yet 
they  are  to  be  blamed   for  not  doing  more 
to  prevent  them.     A  just  and  rational  cen 
sure  ought  to  be  expressed  on   them,   while 
we     disapprove     the     constant     billingsgate 
poured     on     them     officially. — To     EDMUND 
PENDLETON.    iv,  289.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  358.     (Pa., 
Feb.  1799.)     See  NEUTRALITY. 

3157.  -  — .     You  ha,ve  seen  that  the 
French  Directory  had  published  an  arret  de 
claring  they  would  treat  as  pirates  any  neu 
trals  they  should  take  in  the  ships  of  their 


enemies.  The  President  [Adams]  com 
municated  this  to  Congress  as  soon  as  he  re 
ceived  it.  A  bill  was  brought  into  the  Senate 
reciting  that  arret,  and  authorizing  retal 
iation.  The  President  received  information 
almost  the  same  instant  that  the  Directory 
had  suspended  the  arret  (which  fact  was 
privately  declared  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
to  two  of  the  Senate),  and,  though  it  was 
known  we  were  passing  an  act  founded  on 
that  arret,  yet  the  President  has  never  com 
municated  the  suspension. — To  ARCHIBALD 
STUART,  iv,  286.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  353.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1799.) 

3158.  FRANCE,  Peace  with.— It  was 
with  infinite  joy  to  me,  that  you  [Elbridge 
Gerry]  were  yesterday  announced  to  the  Sen 
ate,  as  Envoy  Extraordinary,  jointly  with 
General  [Charles  Cotesworth]  Pinckney  and 
Mr.  [John]  Marshall,  to  the  French  Republic. 
It  gave  me  certain  assurance  that  there  would 
be  a  preponderance  in  the  mission,  sincerely 
disposed  to  be  at  peace  with  the  French  gov 
ernment  and  nation.  Peace  is  undoubtedly  at 
present  the  first  object  of  our  nation.  Interest 
and  honor  are  also  national  considerations. 
But  interest,  duly  weighed,  is  in  favor  of  peace 
even  at  the  expense  of  spoliations  past  and 
future;  and  honor  cannot  now  be  an  object. 
The  insults  and  injuries  committed  on  us  by 
both  the  belligerent  parties,  from  the  begin 
ning  of  1793  to  this  day.  and  still  continuing, 
cannot  now  be  wiped  off  by  engaging  in  war 
with  one  of  them.  As  there  is  great  reason  to 
expect  this  is  the  last  campaign  in  Europe,  it 
would  certainly  be  better  for  us  to  rub  through 
this  year,  as  we  have  done  through  the  four 
preceding  ones,  and  hope  that  on  the  restora 
tion  of  peace,  we  may  be  able  to  establish 
some  plan  for  our  foreign  connections  more 
likely  to  secure  our  peace,  interest  and  honor 
in  future.  Our  countrymen  have  divided 
themselves  by  such  strong  affections,  to  the 
French  and  the  English,  that  nothing  will 
secure  us  internally  but  a  divorce  from  both 
nations;  and  this  must  be  the  object  of  every 
real  American,  and  its  attainment  is  practi 
cable  without  much  self-denial.  But  for  this, 
peace  is  necessary.  Be  assured  of  this,  that 
if  we  engage  in  a  war  during  our  present  pas 
sions,  and  our  present  weakness  in  some  quar 
ters,  our  Union  runs  the  greatest  risk  of 
not  coming  out  of  that  war  in  the  shape  in 
which  it  enters  it.  My  reliance  for  our  pres 
ervation  is  in  your  acceptance  of  this  mis 
sion.  I  know  the  tender  circumstances  which 
will  oppose  themselves  to  it.  But  its  dura 
tion  will  be  short,  and  its  reward  long.  You 
have  it  in  your  power,  by  accepting  and  de 
termining  the  character  of  the  mission,  to  se 
cure  the  present  peace  and  eternal  union  of 
your  country.  If  you  decline,  on  motives  of 
private  pain,  a  substitute  may  be  named  who 
has  enlisted  his  passions  in  the  present  con 
test,  and  by  the  preponderance  of  his  vote  in 
the  mission  may  entail  on  us  calamities,  your 
share  in  which,  and  your  feelings,  will  far 
outweigh  whatever  pain  a  temporary  absence 
from  your  family  could  give  you.  The  sacri 
fice  will  be  short,  the  remorse  would  be  never- 


France 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


352 


ending.  Let  me,  then,  conjure  your  accept 
ance,  and  that  you  will,  by  this  act,  seal  the 
mission  with  the  confidence  of  all  parties. 
Your  nomination  has  given  a  spring  to  hope, 
which  was  dead  before.— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 
iv,  187.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  149-  (Pa.,  June  21,  I797-) 

3159. .     I  know  that  both  France 

and  England  have  given,  and  are  daily  giving, 
sufficient  cause  of  war ;  that  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  of  nations,  they  are  every  day  trampling 
on  the  rights  of  the  neutral  powers,  whenever 
they  can  thereby  do  the  least  injury,  either  to 
the  other.  But,  as  I  view  a  peace  between 
France  and  England  the  ensuing  winter  to  be 
certain,  I  have  thought  it  would  have  been 
better  for  us  to  continue  to  bear  from  France 
through  the  present  summer,  what  we  have 
been  bearing  both  from  her  and  England 
these  four  years,  and  still  continue  to  bear 
from  England,  and  to  have  required  indemni 
fication  in  the  hour  of  peace,  when  I  verily 
believe  it  would  have  been  yielded  by  both. 
This  seems  to  have  been  the  plan  of  the  other 
neutral  nations ;  and  whether  this,  or  the  com 
mencing  war  on  one  of  them,  as  we  have 
done,  would  have  been  wiser,  time  and  events 
must  decide.— To  SAMUEL  SMITH,  iv,  254. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  277.  (M.,  Aug.  1798.) 

3160. .     All  which  the  advocates 

of  peace  can  now  .attempt,  is  to  prevent  war 
measures  externally,  consenting  to  every  ra 
tional  measure  of  internal  defence  and  prepa 
ration.  Great  expenses  will  be  incurred ;  and 
it  will  be  left  to  those  whose  measures  render 
them  necessary,  to  provide  to  meet  them.— 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  234.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
237.  (Pa.,  April  1798.) 

3161. .  I  have  not  been  insensi 
ble  under  the  atrocious  depredations  they  [the 
French]  have  committed  on  our  commerce. 
*  *  *  But  though  deeply  feeling  the  in 
juries  of  France,  I  did  not  think  war  the 
surest  means  of  redressing  them.  _  I  did  be 
lieve,  that  a  mission  sincerely  disposed  to 
preserve  peace,  would  obtain  for  us  a  peace 
able  and  honorable  settlement  and  restitution ; 
and  I  appeal  to  you  to  say,  whether  this  might 
not  have  been  obtained,  if  either  of  your  col 
leagues  had  been  of  the  same  sentiment  with 
yourself.— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  269.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  329-  (P-,  I799-) 

3162. .     The  people  now  see  that 

France  has  sincerely  wished  peace,  and  their 
seducers  [federalists]  have  wished  war,  as 
well  for  the  loaves  and  fishes  which  arise  out 
of  war  expenses,  as  for  the  chance  of  chang 
ing  the  Constitution,  while  the  people  should 
have  time  to  contemplate  nothing  but  the 
levies  of  men  and  money. — To  T.  LOMAX.  iv 
300.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.  (M.,  I799-) 

_  FRANCE,  People  of  .—See  PEOPLE. 

3163.  FRANCE,    Policy    towards.— We 

stand  completely  corrected  of  the  error,  that 
either  the  government  or  the  nation  of  France 
has  any  remains  of  friendship  for  us.  The 
portion  of  that  country  which  forms  an  ex 


ception,  though  respectable  in  weight,  is  weak 
n  numbers.  On  the  contrary,  it  appears  evi 
dent,  that  an  unfriendly  spirit  prevails  in  the 
most  important  individuals  of  the  govern 
ment,  towards  us.  In  this  state  of  things, 
we  shall  so  take  our  distance  between  the  two 
rival  nations,  as,  remaining  disengaged  till 
necessity  compels  us,  we  may  haul  finally  to 
the  enemy  of  that  which  shall  make  it  neces 
sary.  We  see  all  the  disadvantageous  con 
sequences  of  taking  a  side,  and  shall  be 
forced  into  it  only  by  a  more  disagreeable 
alternative;  in  which  event,  we  must  counter 
vail  the  disadvantages  by  measures  which  will 
give  us  splendor  and  power,  but  not  as  much 
happiness  as  our  present  system.  We  wish, 
therefore,  to  remain  well  with  France.  But 
we  see  that  no  consequences,  however  ruinous 
to  them,  can  secure  us  with  certainty  against 
the  extravagance  of  her  present  rulers.  I 
think,  therefore,  that  while  we  do  nothing 
which  the  first  nation  on  earth  would  deem 
crouching,  we  had  better  give  to  all  our  com 
munications  with  them  a  very  mild,  complais 
ant,  and  even  friendly  complexion,  but  always 
independent.  Ask  no  favors,  leave  small  and 
irritating  things  to  be  conducted  by  the  indi 
viduals  interested  in  them,  interfere  ourselves 
but  in  the  greatest  cases,  and  then  not  push 
them  to  irritation.  No  matter  at  present  ex 
isting  between  them  and  us  is  important 
enough  to  risk  a  breach  of  peace ;  peace  being 
indeed  the  most  important  of  all  things  for  us, 
except  the  preserving  an  erect  and  independ 
ent  attitude.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv, 
448.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  173.  (W.,  Oct.  1802.) 

—  FRANCE,  Privateers  of.— See  PRIVA 
TEERS. 

3164.  FRANCE,    Punishment    of.— She 
deserves  much  punishment,  and  her  successes 
and  reverses  will  be  a  wholesome  lesson  to 
the  world  hereafter;   but   she  has  now  had 
enough,   and  we  may  lawfully  pray  for  her 
resurrection,   and   I  am  confident  the  day  is 
not  distant.     No  one  who  knows  that  people, 
and  the  elasticity  of  their  character,  can  be 
lieve  they  will  long  remain  crouched  on  the 
earth  as  at  present.     They  will  rise  by  accla 
mation,  and  woe  to  their  riders.     What  havoc 
are  we  not  yet  to  see ! — To  MRS.  TRIST.     D. 
L.  J.  363-     (P.P.,  April  1816.) 

3165.  FRANCE,     Reconciliation     over 
tures. — The  event  of  events  was  announced 
in  the  Senate  yesterday.     It  is  this :     It  seems 
that  soon  after  Gerry's  departure,   overtures 
must    have    been    made    by    Pichon,    French 
Charge  d' Affaires  at  the  Hague,  to  Murray. 
They  were  so  soon  matured,  that  on  the  28th 
of     September,     1798,  Talleyrand     writes     to 
Pichon,  approving  what  had  been  done,  and 
particularly    of    his    having    assured    Murray 
that    whatever    Plenipotentiary    the    govern 
ment   of   the   United    States    should   send   to 
France  to  end  our  differences  would  undoubt 
edly  be  received  with  the  respect  due  to  the 
representative    of    a    free,    independent    and 
powerful    nation;    declaring    that    the    Presi 
dent's  instructions  to  his  envoys  at  Paris,  if 
they  contain  the  whole  of  the  American  gov- 


353 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


France 


ernment's  intentions,  announce  dispositions 
which  have  been  always  entertained  by  the 
Directory ;  and  desiring  him  to  communicate 
these  expressions  to  Murray,  in  order  to  con 
vince  him  of  the  sincerity  of  the  French  gov 
ernment,  and  to  prevail  on  him  to  transmit 
them  to  his  government.  This  is  dated  Sep 
tember  the  28th,  and  may  have  been  received 
by  Pichon  October  ist:  and  nearly  five 
months  elapse  before  it  is  communicated. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  292.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  362. 
(Pa.,  Feb.  19  I799-) 

3166. .  Mr.  Gerry's  communica 
tions,  with  other  information,  prove  *  * 
that  France  is  sincere  in  her  wishes  for  recon 
ciliation;  and  a  recent  proposition  from  that 
country,  through  Mr.  Murray,  puts  the  matter 
out  of  doubt.— To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  iv, 
294.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

3167.  FRANCE,       Reformation       of.— 
France  is  advancing  to  a  change  of  constitu 
tion.     The  young  desire  it,  the  middle-aged 
are  not  averse,  the  old  alone  oppose  it.     They 
will  die.     The  provincial  assemblies  will  chalk 
out  the  plan;  and  the  nation,  ripening  fast, 
will   execute   it.— To   M.   DE   CREVECCEUR.    ii, 
234-     (P-,  1787.) 

3168.  FRANCE,  Reliance  on.— President 
Washington  observed  [that]  there  was  no  na 
tion  on  whom  we  could  rely,  at  all  times,  but 
France;  and  that,  if  we  did  not  prepare  in 
time   some   support,   in  the  event  of  rupture 
with  Spain  and  England,  we  might  be  charged 
with    a    criminal    negligence.      I    was    much 
pleased  with  the  tone  of  these  observations. 
It  was  the  very  doctrine  which  had  been  my 
polar  star,  and  I  did  not  need  the  successes  of 
the    republican    arms    in    France,    lately    an 
nounced  to  us.  to  bring  me  to  these  sentiments 
*    *    *     I,  therefore,  expressed  to  the  Presi 
dent  my  cordial  approbation  of  these  ideas. — 
ANAS,     ix,   128.     FORD  ED.,  i,  212.     (Decem 
ber  1792.) 

3169.  FRANCE,     Republican     Govern 
ment. — I  look  with  great  anxiety  for  the  firm 
establishment    of    the    new    government    in 
France,   being  perfectly  convinced  that  if  it 
takes   place   there,   it   will   spread   sooner   or 
later  all  over   Europe.      On  the  contrary,   a 
check  there  would  retard  the  revival  of  lib 
erty  in  other  countries. — To  GEORGE  MASON. 
iii,  209.     FORD  ED.,  v,  274.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

3170. .  With  respect  to  the  French 

government,  we  are  under  no  call  to  express 
opinions  which  might  please  or  offend  any 
party,  and,  therefore,  it  will  be  best  to  avoid 
them  on  all  occasions,  public  or  private. 
Could  any  circumstances  require  unavoidably 
such  expressions,  they  would  naturally  be  in 
conformity  with  the  great  mass  of  our  coun 
trymen,  who,  having  first  in  modern  times, 
taken  the  ground  of  government  founded  on 
the  will  of  the  people,  cannot  but  be  delighted 
on  seeing  so  distinguished  and  so  esteemed 
a  nation  arrive  on  the  same  ground,  and  plant 
their  standard  by  our  side. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS,  iii.  325.  FORD  ED.,  v,  428.  (Pa., 
Jan.  1792.) 


3171.  — .  It  accords  with  our  prin 
ciples  to  acknowledge  any  government  to  be 
rightful,  which  is  formed  by  the  will  of  the 
nation  substantially  declared.  The  late  gov 
ernment  was  of  this  kind,  and  was  accord 
ingly  acknowledged  in  like  manner.  With 
such  a  government  every  kind  of  business 
may  be  done. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii, 
489.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  131.  (Pa.,  Nov.  1792.) 

3172. .     You  express  a  wish   in 

your  letter  to  be  generally  advised  as  to  the 
tenor  of  your  conduct,  in  consequence  of  the 
late  revolution  in  France,  the  questions  rela 
tive  to  which,  you  observe,  incidentally  pre 
sent  themselves  to  you.  It  is  impossible  to 
foresee  the  particular  circumstances  which 
may  require  you  to  decide  and  act  on  that 
question.  But.  principles  being  understood, 
their  application  will  be  less  embarrassing. 
We  certainly  cannot  deny  to  other  nations 
that  principle  whereon  our  government  is 
founded,  that  every  nation  has  a  right  to 
govern  itself  internally  under  what  form  it 
pleases,  and  to  change  these  forms  at  its  own 
will;  and,  externally,  to  transact  business 
with  other  nations  through  whatever  organ  it 
chooses,  whether  that  be  a  King,  Convention, 
Assembly,  Committee,  President,  or  whatever 
it  be.  The  only  thing  essential  is  the  will  of 
the  nation.  Taking  this  as  your  polar  star, 
you  can  hardly  err. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY. 
iii,  500.  (Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

3173.  FRANCE,  Republic  recognized.— 
I  have  laid  before  the  President  of  the  United 
States  your  notification  of  the  i/th  instant. 
in  the  name  of  the  Provisory  Executive 
Council,  charged  with  the  administration  of 
your  Government,  that  the  French  nation 
has  constituted  itself  into  a  Republic.  The 
President  receives,  with  great  satisfaction, 
this  attention  of  the  Executive  Council  and 
the  desire  they  have  manifested  of  making 
known  to  us  the  resolution  entered  into  by 
the  National  Convention,  even  before  a  defin 
itive  regulation  of  their  new  establishment 
could  take  place.  Be  assured,  Sir,  that  the 
Government  and  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  view  with  the  most  sincere  pleasure 
every  advance  of  your  nation  towards  its 
happiness,  an  object  essentially  connected 
with  its  liberty,  and  they  consider  the  union 
of  principles  and  pursuits  between  our  two 
countries  as  a  link  which  binds  still  closer 
their  interests  and  affections.  The  genuine 
and  general  effusions  of  joy  which  you  saw 
overspread  our  country  on  their  seeing  the 
liberties  of  yours  rise  superior  to  foreign  in 
vasion  and  domestic  trouble,  have  proved  to 
you  that  our  sympathies  are  great  and  sincere, 
and  we  earnestly  wish  on  our  part  that  these, 
our  mutual  dispositions,  may  be  improved  to 
mutual  good,  by  establishing  our  commercial 
intercourse  on  principles  as  friendly  to  nat 
ural  right  and  freedom  as  are  those  of  our 
Government.— To  J.  B.  TERNANT.  iii,  518. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  189.  (Pa.,  Feb.  23,  I793-) 

3174.  FRANCE,  Restoration  of.— It  is 
impossible  that  France  should  rest  under  her 
present  oppressions  and  humiliations.  She 


France 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


354 


will  rise  in  that  gigantic  strength  which  can 
not  be  annihilated,  and  will  fatten  her  fields 
with  the  blood  of  her  enemies.  I  only  wish 
she  may  exercise  patience  and  forbearance 
until  divisions  among  [the  Allies]  may  give 
her  a  choice  of  sides. — To  M.  DUPONT  DE 
NEMOURS,  vi,  508.  (M.,  1815.) 

3175. .  France  is  too  highminded, 

has  too  much  innate  force,  intelligence  and 
elasticity,  to  remain  under  its  present  com 
pression.  Samson  will  arise  in  his  strength, 
as  of  old,  and  as  of  old,  will  burst  asunder 
the  withes  and  the  cords,  and  the  webs  of  the 
Philistines.  But  what  are  to  be  the  scenes 
of  havoc  and  horror,  and  how  widely  they 
may  spread  between  brethren  of  the  same 
house,  our  ignorance  of  the  interior  feuds 
and  antipathies  of  the  country  places  beyond 
our  ken.  It  will  end,  nevertheless,  in  a  rep 
resentative  government,  in  a  government  in 
which  the  will  of  the  people  will  be  an  effec 
tive  ingredient. — To  BENJAMIN  AUSTIN,  vi, 
520.  FORD  EDV  x,  8.  (M.,  1816.) 

3176.  —     .     In  the  desolation  of  Eu 
rope,    to    gratify    the    atrocious    caprices    of 
Bonaparte,  France  sinned  much ;  but  she  has 
suffered    more    than    retaliation.      Once    re 
lieved  from  the  incubus  of  her  j  late  oppres 
sion,  she  will  rise  like  a  giant  from  her  slum 
bers.      Her    soil    and   climate,    her   arts    and 
eminent  sciences,  her  central  position  and  free 
constitution,  will  soon  make  her  greater  than 
she  ever  was. — To  M.  DE  NEUVILLE.     vii,  109. 
(M.,  1818.) 

—  FRANCE.,  Revolution. — See  REVOLU 
TION  (FRENCH). 

3177.  FRANCE,  Self -Government   in. — 
What  government  France  can  bear,  depends 
not  on  the  state  of  science,  however  exalted, 
in  a  select  band  of  enlightened  men,  but  on 
the  condition  of  the  general  mind.     *     *     * 
The  last  change  of  government  was  fortunate, 
inasmuch  as  the  new  will  be  less  obstructive 
to  the  effects  of  that  advancement. — To  MAR 
QUIS   LAFAYETTE,     vii,  66.     FORD  ED.,  x,  82. 
(M.,  1817.) 

3178. .  Whether  the  state  of  so 
ciety  in  Europe  can  bear  a  republican  govern 
ment,  I  doubted,  you  know,  when  with  you, 
and  I  do  now.  A  hereditary  chief,  strictly 
limited,  the  right  of  war  vested  in  the  legis 
lative  body,  a  rigid  economy  of  the  public 
contributions,  and  absolute  interdiction  of  all 
useless  expenses,  will  go  far  towards  keeping 
the  government  honest  and  unoppressive. — To 
MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  325.  FORD  EDV  x, 
280.  (M.,  1823.) 

3179.  FRANCE,   Strength.— As   long  as 
the   French   can   be   tolerably  unanimous   in 
ternally,    they    can    resist    the    whole    world. 
The  laws  of  nature  render  a  large  country 
unconquerable  if  they  adhere  firmly  together, 
and  to  their  purpose. — To  H.  INNES.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  266.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

3180.  FRANCE,  Sufferings  of.— I  grieve 
for  France ;  although  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
by   the   afflictions   with   which   she   wantonly 


and  wickedly  overwhelmed  other  nations,  she 
has  merited  severe  reprisals.  For  it  is  no  ex 
cuse  to  lay  the  enormities  to  the  wretch  who 
led  to  them. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  499. 
(M.,  Oct.  1815.) 

3181.  FRANCE,    Supplies    to    St.    Do 
mingo. — [Alexander]  Hamilton  called  on  me 
to  speak  about  our  furnishing  supplies  to  the 
French    colony    of    St.    Domingo.        He    ex 
pressed    his    opinion,    that   we    ought    to    be 
cautious,  and  not  to  go  too  far  in  our  applica 
tion  of  money  to  their  use,  lest  it  should  not 
be  recognized  by  the  mother  country.    He  did 
not  even  think  that  some  kinds  of  govern 
ment  they  might  establish  could  give  a  suf 
ficient  sanction.    I  observed  that  the  National 
Convention   was   now    met,    and   would    cer 
tainly  establish  a  form  of  government;  that 
as  we  had  recognized  the  former  government 
because   established   by  the  authority   of  the 
nation,  so  we  must  recognize  any  other  which 
should  be  established  by  the  authority  of  the 
nation.      He    said  had    recognized    the 
former,    because    it    contained    an    important 
member  of  the  ancient,  to  wit ;  the  King,  and 
wore  the  appearance  of  his  consent;    but  if, 
in    any    future    form,    they    should    omit   the 
King,   he  did  not  know  that  we  could  with 
safety  recognize  it,  or  pay  money  to  its  order. 
— THE   ANAS.      ix,    125.      FORD  ED.,   i,   208. 
(Nov.  1792.) 

3182.  FRANCE,    Sympathy  with.— The 
yeomanry   of   the   city    (not   the    fashionable 
people  nor  paper  men),  showed  prodigious  joy 
when,  flocking  to  the  wharves,  they  saw  the 
British  colors  reversed,  and  the  French  flying 
above  them. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.    FORD  EDV 
vi,  241.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

3183. .      The     [French    forces] 

have  lately  sustained  some  severe  checks. 
*  *  *  Their  defeats  are  as  sensibly  felt 
at  Philadelphia  as  at  Paris,  and  I  foresee  we 
are  to  have  a  trying  campaign  of  it. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iii,  549.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  240. 
(Pa.,  May  1793.) 

—  FRANCE,  Talleyrand's  Propositions. 
—See  X.  Y.  Z.  PLOT. 

—  FRANCE,  Treaties  with.— See  TREA 
TIES. 

3184.  FRANCE,  Union  with.— We  wish 
to   omit   no   opportunity   of   convincing    [the 
French  nation]    how  cordially  we  desire  the 
closest  union   with   them.     Mutual  good   of 
fices,  mutual  affection^  and  similar  principles 
of  government  seem  to  have  destined  the  two 
peoples    for    the    most    intimate    communion, 
and  even  for  a  complete  exchange  of  citizen 
ship  among  the  individuals  composing  them. 

—TO  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.      FORD  EDV   vi,    IS  I. 

(Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

3185.  FRANCE,    United    States,    Eng 
land  and. — Our  interest  calls   for  a  perfect 
equality   in   our   conduct   towards   these   two 
nations  [France  and  England]  ;    but  no  pref 
erence  anywhere.     If,  however,  circumstances 
should  ever  oblige  us  to  show  a  preference, 
a   respect   for  our   character,   if  we   had   no 


355 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


France 

Franklin  (Benjamin) 


better  motive,  would  decide  to  which  it  should 
be  given. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  436.  (P., 
1785.) 

3186. .      When  of    two    nations, 

the  one  has  engaged  herself  in  a  ruinous  war 
for  us,  has  spent  her  blood  and  money  to  save 
us,  has  opened  her  bosom  to  us  in  peace,  and 
received  us  almost  on  the  footing  of  her  own 
citizens,  while  the  other  has  moved  heaven, 
earth,  and  hell  to  exterminate  us  in  war,  has 
insulted  us  in  all  her  councils  in  peace,  shut 
her  doors  to  us  in  every  port  where  her  in 
terests  would  admit  it,  libelled  us  in  foreign 
nations,  endeavored  to  poison  them  against 
the  reception  of  our  most  precious  com 
modities  ;  to  place  these  two  nations  on  a 
footing,  is  to  give  a  great  deal  more  to  one 
than  to  the  other,  if  the  maxim  be  true,  that 
to  make  unequal  quantities  equal,  you  must 
add  more  to  one  than  the  other.  To  say.  in 
excuse,  that  gratitude  is  never  to  enter  into 
the  motives  of  national  conduct,  is  to  revive 
a  principle  which  has  been  buried  for  cen 
turies  with  its  kindred  principles  of  the  law 
fulness  of  assassination,  poison,  perjury,  &c. 
All  of  these  were  legitimate  principles  in  the 
dark  ages,  which  intervened  between  ancient 
and  modern  civilization,  but  exploded  and 
held  in  just  horror  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
I  know  but  one  code  of  morality  for  men. 
whether  acting  singly  or  collectively.  He 
who  says  I  will  be  a  rogue  when  I  act  in  com 
pany  with  a  hundred  others,  but  an  honest 
man  when  I  act  alone,  will  be  believed  in 
the  former  assertion,  but  not  in  the  latter. 
I  would  say  with  the  poet  "  hie  niger  est,  hunc 
til  Romane  caveto."  If  the  morality  of  one 
man  produces  a  just  line  of  conduct  in  him, 
acting  individually,  why  should  not  the  mor 
ality  of  one  hundred  men  produce  a  just  line 
of  conduct  in  them,  acting  together?  But  I 
indulge  myself  in  these  reflections,  because 
my  own  feelings  run  me  into  them ;  with 
you  they  were  always  acknowledged.  Let  us 
hope  that  our  new  government  will  take 
some  other  occasions  to  show  that  they  mean 
to  proscribe  no  virtue  from  the  canons  of 
their  conduct  with  other  nations.  In  every 
other  instance,  the  new  government  has 
ushered  itself  to  the  world  as  honest,  mascu 
line,  and  dignified. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  Hi, 
99.  FORDED.,  v,  in.  (P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

3187.  FRANCE,  War  with  England.— 
How  the  mighty  duel  is  to  end  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  is  a  momentous  question. 
The  sea  which  divides  them  makes  it  a  game 
of    chance ;    but    it    is    narrow,    and    all    the 
chances   are   not  on  one   side.     Should  they 
make  peace,  still  our  fate  is  problematical.— 
To  HORATIO  GATES,     iv,  213.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
204.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

—  TRANCE,    West    Indies.— See    WEST 

INDIES. 

—  FRANCE,  X.  Y.  Z.  Plot.— See  X.  Y.  Z. 
PLOT. 

3188.  FRANKING    PRIVILEGE,    Jef 
ferson  and. — The  law  making  my  letters  post 
free  goes  to  those  to  me  only,  not  those  from 


me.  The  bill  had  got  to  its  passage  before  this 
war  was  observed.  *  *  *  As  the  privilege 
of  freedom  was  given  to  the  letters  from  as 
well  as  to  both  my  predecessors,  I  suppose  no 
reason  exists  for  making  a  distinction.  And  in 
so  extensive  a  correspondence  as  I  am  subject 
to,  and  still  considerably  on  public  matters,  it 
would  be  a  sensible  convenience  to  myself,  as 
well  as  to  those  who  have  occasion  to  receive 
letters  from  me.  *  *  *  I  state  this  matter 
to  you  as  being  my  representative,  which  must 
apologize  for  the  trouble  of  it. — To  W.  C. 
NICHOLAS,  v,  454.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  254.  (M., 
1809.) 

3189.  FRANKLIN  (Benjamin),  Amer 
ica's  Ornament. — The  ornament  of  our  coun 
try  and,  I  may  say,  of  the  world. — To  M. 
GRAND,  iii,  140.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3190. .     The    greatest    man    and 

ornament  of  the  age  and  country  in  which  he 
lived. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH,  iv,  253.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  276.  (M.,  1798.) 

3191. .      America's     Reception 

of. — At  a  large  table  where  I  dined  the  other 
day,  a  gentleman  from  Switzerland  expressed 
his  apprehensions  for  the  fate  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
as  he  said  he  had  been  informed  that  he  would 
be  received  with  stones  by  the  people,  who  were 
generally  dissatisfied  with  the  Revolution,  and 
incensed  against  all  those  who  had  assisted  in 
bringing  it  about.  I  told  him  nis  apprehen 
sions  were  just,  and  that  the  people  of  America 
would  probably  salute  Dr.  Franklin  with  the 
same  stones  they  had  thrown  at  the  Marquis 
Lafayette.  The  reception  of  the  Doctor  is  an 
object  of  very  general  attention,  and  will 
weigh  in  Europe  as  an  evidence  of  the  satis 
faction  or  dissatisfaction  of  America  with  their 
Revolution.  To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  407.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  87.  (P.,  1785.) 

3192. .    Europe  fixes  an  attentive 

eye  on  your  reception  of  Doctor  Franklin.  He 
is  infinitely  esteemed.  Do  not  neglect  any 
mark  of  your  approbation  which  you  think 
*  *  proper.  It  will  honor  you  here. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  65.  (P.,  1785.) 

3193.  FRANKLIN      (Benjamin),      Ar- 
gand's  lamp. — A  little  before  my  arrival  in 
France,    Argand    had    invented    his    celebrated 
lamp,  in  which  the  flame  is  spread  into  a  hol 
low    cylinder,    and    thus    brought    into    contact 
with   the   air   within   as   well   as   without.     Dr. 
Franklin   had   been   on   the  point   of  the   same 
discovery.     The  idea  had  occurred  to  him  ;  but 
he  had  tried  a  bulrush  as  a  wick,  which  did  not 
succeed.     His   occupations   did  not  permit  him 
to  repeat  and  extend  his  trials  to  the  introduc 
tion  of  a  larger  column  of  air  than  could  pass 
through  the  stem  of  a  bulrush. — To  REV.  WILL 
IAM   SMITH,    iii,  213.     FORD  ED.,  v,  291.     (Pa., 
1791.) 

3194.  FRANKLIN      (Benjamin),      Be 
loved.— The  venerable  and  beloved  Franklin. 
— i,   108.     FORD  ED.,  i,   150.     (1821.) 

3195.  FRANKLIN      (Benjamin),      De 
fence  of. — I  have  seen,  with  extreme  indigna 
tion,  the  blasphemies  lately  vended  against  the 
memory  of  the  father  of  American  philosophy. — 
To   JONATHAN   WILLIAMS,     iv,    147.     FORD   ED., 
vii,  87.     (M.,  1796.) 

3196. .  As  to  the  charge  of  sub 
servience  to  France,  besides  the  evidence  of 
his  friendly  colleagues  [Silas  Deane  and  Mr. 
Laurens],  two  years  of  my  own  service  with 


Franklin  (Benjamin)  THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


356 


him  at  Paris,  daily  visits,  and  the  most  friendly 
and  confidential  conversation  convince  me  it 
had  not  a  shadow  of  foundation. — To  ROBERT 
WALSH,  vii,  109.  FORD  ED.,  x,  117.  (M., 
1818.) 

3197.  FRANKLIN    (Benjamin),    Diplo 
matic    methods. — He    possessed    the    confi 
dence  of  the  French  government  in  the  highest 
degree,  insomuch,  that  it  may  truly  be  said,  that 
they   were   more   under   his   influence,   than   he 
under  theirs.     The  fact  is,  that  his  temper  was 
so    amiable    and    conciliatory,    his    conduct    so 
rational,   never   urging   impossibilities,    or   even 
things   unreasonably   inconvenient   to   them,    in 
short,  so  moderate  and  attentive  to  their  diffi 
culties,  as  well  as  our  own,  that  what  his  ene 
mies  called  subserviency,  I   saw  was  only  that 
reasonable  disposition,  which,  sensible  that  ad 
vantages  are  not  all  to  be  on  one  side,  yielding 
what  is  just  and  liberal,  is  the  more  certain  of 
obtaining   liberality    and   justice.     Mutual   con 
fidence   produces,   of   course,   mutual   influence, 
and  this  was  all  which  subsisted  between   Dr. 
Franklin   and   the  government   of   France. — To 
ROBERT   WALSH,     vii,    109.     FORD   ED.,   x,    117. 
(M.,  1818.) 

3198.  FRANKLIN  (Benjamin),  Discov 
eries   of. — In   physics    we   have   produced   a 
Franklin,    than    whom    no    one   of   the   present 
age  has  made  more  important  discoveries,  nor 
has    enriched   philosophy   with   more,    or   more 
ingenious    solutions   of   the  phenomena   of   na 
ture. — NOTES    ON    VIRGINIA,     viii,    313.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,    168.     (1782.) 

3199.  FRANKLIN      (Benjamin),      En 
during   fame.— Time   will    be    making   him 
greater  while   it   is   spunging  us  from   its  rec 
ords. — To     REV.     WILLIAM     SMITH,      iii,     214. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  293.     (Pa.,  1791.) 


3200. 


-.     His  memory  will  be  pre- 


served  and  venerated  as  long  as  the  thunder  of 
heaven  shall  be  heard  or  feared. — To  JONATHAN 
EDWARDS,  iv,  148.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  87.  (M., 
1796.) 

3201.  FRANKLIN  (Benjamin),  French 
admiration. — No  greater  proof  of  his  es 
timation  in  France  can  be  given  than  the  late 
letters  of  condolence  on  his  death,  from  the 
National  Assembly  of  that  country,  and  the 
community  of  Paris,  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  to  Congress,  and  their  public 
mourning  on  that  event.  It  is,  I  believe,  the 
first  instance  of  that  homage  having  been  paid 
by  a  public  body  of  one  nation  to  a  private  citi 
zen  of  another. — To  REV.  WILLIAM  SMITH,  iii, 
213.  FORD  ED.,  v,  292.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3202. .     I  have  it  in  charge  from 

the  President  *  *  *  to  communicate  to  the 
National  Assembly  *  *  *  the  peculiar  sen 
sibility  of  Congress  to  the  tribute  paid  to  the 
memory  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  *  c  That 

the  loss  of  such  a  citizen  should  be  lamented 
by  us,  among  whom  he  lived,  whom  he  so 
long  and  eminently  served,  and  who  feel  their 
country  advanced  and  honored  by  his  birth, 
life  and  labors,  was  to  be  expected.  But  it 
remained  for  the  National  Assembly  of  France, 
to  set  the  first  example  of  the  representative  of 
one  nation,  doing  homage,  by  a  public  act,  to 
the  private  citizen  of  another,  and  by  with 
drawing  arbitrary  lines  of  separation,  to  reduce 
into  one  fraternity  the  good  and  the  great, 
wherever  they  have  lived  or  died.  That  these 
separations  may  disappear  between  us  in  all 
times  and  circumstances,  and  that  the  union  of 
sentiment  which  mingles  our  sorrows  on  this 


occasion  may  continue  long  to  cement  the 
friendships  of  our  two  nations,  is  our  constant 
prayer. — To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
ASSEMBLY,  iii,  218.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3203. .     When    he    left     Passy* 

[for  America],  it  seemed  as  if  the  village  had 
lost  its  patriarch.  On  taking  leave  of  the 
court,  which  he  did  by  letter,  the  King  ordered 
him  to  be  handsomely  complimented,  and  fur 
nished  him  with  a  litter  and  mules  of  his  own, 
the  only  kind  of  conveyance  the  state  of  his 
health  could  bear. — To  REV.  WILLIAM  SMITH. 
iii,  213.  FORD  ED.,  v,  292.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3204. .     There    appeared   to   me 

more  respect  and  veneration  attached  to  the 
character  of  Dr.  Franklin  in  France,  than  to 
that  of  any  other  person  in  the  same  country, 
foreign  or  native. — To  REV.  WILLIAM  SMITH. 
iii,  212.  FORD  ED.,  v,  213.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3205.  FRANKLIN   (Benjamin),    Great 
ness  of. — The  succession  to  Doctor  Franklin, 
at  the  court  of  France,  was  an  excellent  school 
of   humility.     On   being  presented   to   any   one 
as  the  minister  of  America,  the  commonplace 
question  used  in   such  cases  was  "  c'est  vous, 
Monsieur,  qui  remplace  le  Docteur  Franklin  "  ? 
"  It  is  you,  sir,  who  replace  Doctor  Franklin  "  ? 
I  generally  answered,  "  no  one  can  replace  him, 
sir ;  I  am  only  his  successor  ". — To  REV.  WIL 
LIAM  SMITH,     iii,  213.     FORD  ED.,  v,  293.    (Pa., 
1791.) 

3206.  FRANKLIN     (Benjamin),     Lon 
gevity.-— His  death  was  an  affliction  which 
was  to  happen  to  us  at  some  time  or  other.    We 
have   reason    to    be   thankful    he    was    so    long 
spared ;  that  the  most  useful  life  should  be  the 
longest  also;  that  it  was  protracted  so  far  be 
yond    the    ordinary    span    allotted    to    man,    as 
to  avail  us  of  his  wisdom  in  the  establishment 
of  our  own  freedom,  and  to  bless  him  with  a 
view    of    its    dawn    in    the    East,    where    they 
seemed,   till  now,   to   have   learned   everything, 
but  how  to  be  free. — To  REV.  WILLIAM  SMITH. 
iii,  213.     FORD  ED.,  v,  292.     (Pa.,   1791.) 

3207.  FRANKLIN     (Benjamin),     Loy 
alty. — That  Dr.  Franklin  would  have  waived 
the  formal  recognition  of  our  Independence,  I 
never  heard  on  any  authority  worthy  notice. — 
To    ROBERT    WALSH,      vii,    108.      FORD    ED.,    x, 
117.     (M.,   1818.) 

3208.  FRANKLIN     (Benjamin),     Mes 
merism  unveiled. — The  animal  magnetism  of 
the   maniac    Mesmer,  *  *  *  received    its    death 
wound  from  his  hand  in  conjunction  with  his 
brethren  of  the  learned  committee  appointed  to 
unveil  that  compound  of  fraud  and  folly. — To 
REV.   WILLIAM   SMITH,     iii,  212.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
291.     (Pa.,    1791-) 

3209.  FRANKLIN     (Benjamin),     Phil 
osophy's    loss.— [In   his   death]    Philosophy 
has  to  deplore  one  of  its  principal  luminaries 
extinguished. — To    REV.    WILLIAM    SMITH,     iii, 
212.     FORD  ED.,  v,  290.     (Pa.,   1791.) 

3210.  FRANKLIN    (Benjamin),    Presi 
dency  and.— Had  I  had  a  vote  for  the  Presi 
dentship,   I   doubt  whether  I   should  not  have 
withheld  it  from  you,  that  you  might  have  lei 
sure  to  collect  and  digest  the  papers  you  have 
written    from    time    to    time,    and    which    the 
world  will  expect  to   be  given  them. — To   DR. 
FRANKLIN,     i,   525.     (P.,  Jan.    1786.) 

*  Franklin  lived  in  Passy,  a  suburb  of  Paris.— EDI 
TOR. 


357 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Franklin  (Benjamin) 
Freedom  of  person 


3211.  FRANKLIN      (Benjamin),      Re 
spected. — Mr.  Jay,  Silas  Deane,  Mr.  Laurens, 
his    colleagues    also,    ever    maintained    towards 
him     unlimited     confidence     and     respect. — To 
ROBERT    WALSH,     vii,    108.     FORD    ED.,   x,    117. 
(M.,    1818.) 

3212.  FRANKLIN    (William    Temple), 
Diplomatic    Desires. — I    wish    with   all    my 
heart  Congress  may  call  you  into  the  diplomatic 
line,  as  that  seems^  to  have  attracted  your  own 
desires.     It   is   not*  one   in   which   you   can   do 
anything    more    than    pass    the    present    hour 
agreeably,  without  any  prospect  of  future  pro 
vision.— To    W.    T.    FRANKLIN,      i,    555.      (P., 
1786.) 

3213.  FRANKLIN    (William    Temple), 
Office-seeking.— Can   nothing   be   done   for 
young  Franklin  ?     He  is  sensible,  discreet,  po 
lite,   and  good-humored,   had   fully  qualified  as 
a    Secretaire    d'    Ambassade.     His    grandfather 
has  none  annexed  to  his  legation  at  this  Court 
[Versailles].     He  is  most  sensibly  wounded  at 
his    grandson's    being    superseded. — To    JAMES 
MONROE.     FORD  ED.,   iv,  8.     (P.,    1784.) 

3214.  FRANKLIN    (William    Temple), 
Estimate  of.— I  have  never  been  with  Master 
Franklin  enough  to  unravel  his  character  with 
certainty.     He  seems  to  be  good  in  the  main. 
I    see    sometimes    an    attempt   to    keep    himself 
unpenetrated,   which   perhaps   is   the   effect   of 
the    old    lesson    of    his    grandfather.     His    un 
derstanding   is   good    enough    for   common  use, 
but  not  great  enough   for  uncommon   ones.     * 

*  *     The    Doctor    is    extremely    wounded    by 
the  inattention   of  Congress  to  his  application 
for  him.     He  expects  something  to  be  done  as 
a    reward    for    his    service.     He    will    present 

*  *     *     a  determined  silence  on  this  subject 
in   future. — To  JAMES   MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
65.     (P.,    1785.) 

3215.  FRANKLIN,      State      of.— North 
Carolina,   by   an   act   of  their   Assembly,   ceded 
to    Congress    all    their    lands    westward    of   the 
Alleghany.     The    people    inhabiting   that   terri 
tory,  thereon  declared  themselves  independent, 
called  their  State  by  the  name  of  Franklin,  and 
solicited    Congress    to    be    received    into    the 
Union.     But  before  Congress  met,  North  Caro 
lina    (for   what   reasons    I    could    never    learn) 
resumed   their   Session.     The   people,   however, 
persist ;    Congress    recommended    the    State    to 
desist    from    their    opposition,    and    I    have    no 
doubt  they  will  do  it. — To  DAVID  HARTLEY,     i, 
424.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  93.     (P.,  1785.) 

3216.  FRANKNESS,      Complete.— My 

dispositions  are  *  *  *  against  mysteries, 
innuendos  and  half-confidences. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,  iv,  259.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  309.  (M., 
1798.) 

3217.  -  — .     Half-confidences  are  not 
in   my   character. — To   ELBRIDGE   GERRY,    iv, 
273.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  335.     (Pa.,  I799-) 

3218.  -        .     I   cannot  say  things  by 

halves. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  17.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  44.     (M.,  1816.) 

3219.  FRANKS   (David),    Office   for.— 

Franks  will  doubtless  be  asking  some  appoint 
ment.  I  wish  there  may  be  one  for  which  he 
is  fit.  He  is  light,  indiscreet,  active,  honest, 
affectionate. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  ii,  108. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  365.  (P.,  1787.) 

3220.  FREDERICK  THE  GREAT,  Pos 
thumous    influence.— His   kingdom,   like   a 


machine,  will  go  on  for  some  time  with  the 
winding  up  he  has  given  it. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
i,  587.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  245.  (P.,  July  1786.) 

3221. .     The    death  of  the  King 

of  Prussia  will  employ  the  pens,  if  not  the 
swords,  of  politicians. — To  EZRA  STILES.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  300.  (P.,  1786.) 

3222.  FREDERICK       THE       GREAT, 

Treaty  with. — Without  urging,  we*  sounded 
the  ministers  of  the  several  European  nations 
at  the  Court  of  Versailles,  on  their  dispositions 
towards  mutual  commerce,  and  the  expediency 
of  encouraging  it  by  the  protection  of  a  treaty. 
Old  Frederick,  of  Prussia,  met  us  cordially  and 
without  hesitation,  and  appointing  the  Baron 
de  Thulemeyer,  his  minister  at  the  Hague,  to 
negotiate  with  us,  we  communicated  to  him 
our  projet,  which,  with  little  alteration  by 
the  King  was  soon  concluded. — AUTOBI 
OGRAPHY,  i,  62.  FORD  ED.,  i,  87.  (1820.) 
See  TREATIES. 

3223.  FREDERICK      WILLIAM       II., 

Bulldog  of  tyranny.— If  foreign  troops 
should  be  furnished,  it  would  be  most  probably 
by  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  seems  to  offer 
himself  as  the  bulldog  of  tyranny  to  all  his 
neighbors. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii,  118.  (P.,  Sep. 
1789-) 

3224.  FREDERICK       WILLIAM      II., 

Weakness  of.— The  King  of  Prussia  does  not 
seem  to  take  into  account  the  difference  be 
tween  his  head  and  the  late  King's.  This  may 
be  equal,  perhaps,  to  half  his  army. — To  C.  W. 
F.  DUMAS,  ii,  492.  (P.,  1788.) 

3225.  FREEDOM,  Birth.— Freedom,— the 
first-born  daughter  of  science. — To  M.  D'lvER- 
NOIS.    iv,   113.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  3.     (M.,  Feb. 
I795-) 

3226.  FREEDOM,     Gaining.— It    is    un 
fortunate,  that  the  efforts  of  mankind  to  re 
cover  the  freedom  of  which  they  have  been  so 
long    deprived,    will    be    accompanied    with 
violence,  with  errors,  and  even  with  crimes. 
But  while  we  weep  over  the  means,  we  must 
pray   for  the  end. — To   M.    D'IVERNOIS.      iv, 
115.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  5.     (M.,  Feb.  1795.) 

3227.  FREEDOM,    Solicitude    for.— My 
future  solicitude  will  be     *     *     *     to  be  in 
strumental  to  the  happiness  and  freedom  of 
all. — FIRST     INAUGURAL     ADDRESS.      viii,     5. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  6.     (1801.)     See  GOVERNMENT, 
LIBERTY  and  TYRANNY. 

—  FREEDOM  OF  OPINION.— See  OPIN 
ION. 

3228.  FREEDOM  OF  PERSON,  Federal 
Constitution  and. — The  imprisonment  of  a 
person     under  the   laws  of          *     *     [Ken 
tucky],  on  his  failure  to  obey  the  simple  order 
of  the  President  to  depart  out  of  the  United 
States,  as  is  undertaken  by  the  act  entitled 
"  An  Act  concerning  Aliens  ",  is  contrary  to 
the    Constitution,    one   amendment   to    which 
has  provided   that   "  no  person   shall   be   de 
prived  of  liberty  without  due  process  of  law  " ; 
and   that   another  having  provided   that   "  in 
all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  en- 

*  Franklin,    Adams  and  Jefferson,  appointed  by 
Congress  to  negotiate  commercial  treaties. — EDITOR. 


Freedom  of  person 
Jfc'ree  ports 


THE  JEFFERSON1AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


358 


joy  the  right  to  be  tried  by  an  impartial  jury, 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of 
the  accusation,  to  be  confronted  with  the 
witnesses  against  him,  to  have  compulsory 
process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor, 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his 
defense ",  the  same  act,  undertaking  to  au 
thorize  the  President  to  remove  a  person  out 
of  the  United  States,  who  is  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  law,  on  his  own  suspicion,  with 
out  accusation,  without  jury,  without  public 
trial,  without  confrontation  of  the  witnesses 
against  him,  without  hearing  witnesses  in 
his  favor,  without  defence,  without  counsel,  is 
contrary  to  the  provision  also  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  is  therefore  not  law,  but  utterly  void, 
and  of  no  force;  *  *  *  [and  the]  trans 
ferring  the  power  of  judging  any  person,  who 
is  under  the  protection  of  the  laws,  from  the 
courts  to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
as  is  undertaken  by  the  same  act  concerning 
aliens,  is  against  the  article  of  the  Constitu 
tion  which  provides  that  "  the  judicial  power 
of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  courts, 
the  judges  of  which  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior " ;  and  *  *  *  the 
said  act  is  void  for  that  reason  also.  And 
it  is  further  to  be  noted,  that  this  transfer 
of  judiciary  power  is  to  that  magistrate  of  the 
General  Government  who  already  possesses  all 
the  executive,  and  a  negative  on  all  legislative 
powers. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  467. 
FORD  ED.,  vii.  297.  (1798-) 

3229.  FREEDOM  OF  PERSON,  Federal 
Government    and. — Freedom  of  the  person 
under  the  protection   of  the  habeas   corpus, 
I  deem    [one  of  the]    essential  principles   of 
our    government    and,     consequently,     [one] 
which    ought   to    shape    its    administration. — 
FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  4.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  5.     (1801.) 

3230.  FREEDOM    OF    PERSON,    State 
Constitutions  and. — There  are  certain  prin 
ciples  in  which  the  constitutions  of  our  sev 
eral   States  all  agree,   and  which  all  cherish 
as  vitally  essential   to  the  protection   of  the 
life,  liberty,  property  and  safety  of  the  citizen. 
[One  is]   Freedom  of  Person,  securing  every 
one  from  imprisonment,  or  other  bodily  re 
straint,  but  by  the  laws  of  the  land.     This  is 
effected   by   the   well-known   law   of  habeas 
corpus. — To  M.  CORAY.    vii,  323.     (M.,  1823.) 
See  HABEAS  CORPUS. 

—  FREEDOM     OF     THE     PRESS.— See 

PRESS. 

_  FREEDOM  OF  RELIGION.— See  RE 
LIGION. 

3231.  FREEDOM     OF     SPEECH,     The 

Constitution  and. — One  of  the  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  *  *  *  expressly  de 
clares,  that  "  Congress  shall  make  no  law  re 
specting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  pro 
hibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof,  or  abridging 
the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press " ; 
thereby  guarding  in  the  same  sentence,  and 
under  the  same  words,  the  freedom  of  re 
ligion,  of  speech,  and  of  the  press ;  insomuch, 
that  whatever  violates  either,  throws  down 


the  sanctuary  which  covers  the  others. — KEN 
TUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  466.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
295-  (1798.)  See  820. 

3232.  FREEDOM    OF    SPEECH,    Error 
and. — Truth  is  the  proper  and  sufficient  an 
tagonist   to   error,   and  has   nothing  to   fear 
from  the  conflict,  unless,  by  human  interposi 
tion,  disarmed  of  her  natural  weapons,   free 
argument  and  debate. — STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS 
FREEDOM.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  239.     (1779.) 

3233.  FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH,  Govern 
ment  invasion  of.— There  are  rights  which 
it  is  useless  to  surrender  to  the  government, 
and  which  governments  have  yet  always  been 
found    to    invade.     [Among]    these    are    the 
rights     of     thinking,     and     publishing     our 
thoughts  by  speaking  or  writing. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS,    iii,  13.    FORD  ED.,  v,  89.     (P., 
1789.) 

3234.  FREEDOM   OF   SPEECH,    Guard 
to    liberty. — The    liberty    of    speaking    and 
writing  guards  our  other  liberties. — REPLY  TO 
ADDRESS,     viii,  129.     (1808.) 

3235.  FREEDOM    OF    SPEECH,  Opin 
ion  and. — Differences  of  opinion,  when  per 
mitted     *     *     *     to  purify  themselves  by  free 
discussion,  are  but  as     *     *     *     clouds  over 
spreading  our  land  transiently,   and  leaving 
our    horizon    more    bright    and    serene. — To 
BENJAMIN    WARING.— iv,    378.     (W.,    March 
1801.) 

3236.  FREEDOM       OF       SPEECH, 
Shackled. — Nor  should  we  wonder  at  *   *   * 
[the]    pressure    [for   a   fixed   constitution   in 
1788-9]     when    we    consider    the    monstrous 
abuses  of  power  under  which    *    *    *     [the 
French]  people  were  ground  to  powder ;  when 
we  pass  in  review  the  shackles  on    : 

the  freedom  of  thought  and  of  speech. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  86.  FORD  ED.,  i,  118.  (1821.) 

3237.  FREE    PORTS,    Honfleur. — Mon 
sieur   Famin   called   on   me   on   the   subject   of 
making   Honfleur   a   free   port,   and  wished   me 
to  solicit  it.     I  told  him  it  was  for  our  interest, 
as  for  that  also  of  all  the  world,  that  every  port 
of  France,  and  of  every  other  country,  should 
be  free ;     *     *     *     but  that  I  could  not  solicit 
it,  as  I  had  no  instructions  to  do  so. — To  M.  DE 
LAFAYETTE,   i,  579.     (P.,  1786.) 

3238. .     Some  late  regulations  of 

the  King  and  Council  in  favor  of  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States  having  given  us  room  to 
hope  that  our  endeavors  may  be  successful  to 
remove  a  good  part  of  it  from  Great  Britain  to 
France,  Honfleur  presents  itself  as  a  more  im 
portant  instrument  for  this  purpose  than  it 
had  heretofore  appeared.  We  are,  therefore, 
now  pressing  more  earnestly  its  establishment 
as  a  free  port,  and  such  other  regulations  in 
its  favor  as  may  invite  the  commerce  to  it. — 
To  M.  FAMIN.  ii,  53.  (P.,  1786.) 

3239. .     The    enfranchising    the 

port  of  Honfleur  at  the  mouth  of  the  Seine  for 
multiplying  the  connections  with  us,  is  at  pres 
ent  an  object.  It  meets  with  opposition  in  the 
ministry  but  I  am  in  hopes  that  it  will  prevail. 
If  natural  causes  operate  uninfluenced  by  acci 
dental  circumstances,  Bourdeaux  and  Honfleur 
or  Havre,  must  ultimately  take  the  greatest  part 
of  our  commerce.  The  former  by  the  Garonne 


359 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Free  ports 
Free  ships 


and  canal  of  Languedoc  opens  the  Southern 
provinces  to  us ;  the  latter,  the  northern  ones 
and  Paris.  Honfleur  will  be  peculiarly  advan 
tageous  for  our  rice  and  whale  oil,  of  which 
the  principal  consumption  is  at  Paris.  Being 
free,  they  can  be  reexported  when  the  market 
here  shall  happen  to  be  overstocked. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  ii,  92.  (P.,  1787.) 

3240.  FREE  PORTS,  St.  Bartholomew. 

—The  island  of  St.  Bartholomew,  lately  ceded 
to  Sweden,  is,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  capable 
of  furnishing  little  of  its  own  productions  to 
that  country.  It  remains,  then,  to  make  it  the 
instrument  for  obtaining  through  its  interme 
diation  such  American  productions  as  Sweden 
can  consume  or  dispose  of,  and  for  finding  in 
return  a  vent  for  the  native  productions  of 
Sweden.  Let  us  suppose  it,  then,  made  a  free 
port  without  a  single  restriction.  These  conse 
quences  will  follow:  i.  It  will  draw  to  itself 
that  tide  of  commerce  which  at  present  sets 
towards  the  Dutch  and  Danish  islands,  because 
vessels  going  to  these  are  often  obliged  to  ne 
gotiate  a  part  of  their  cargoes  at  St.  Eustatius, 
and  to  go  to  St.  Thomas  to  negotiate  the  resi 
due  ;  whereas  when  they  shall  know  that  there 
is  a  port  where  all  articles  are  free  for  both  im 
portation  and  exportation,  they  will  go  to 
that  port  which  e.iables  them  to  perform  by  one 
voyage  the  exchanges  which  hitherto  they  could 
only  effect  by  two.  2.  Every  species  of  Ameri 
can  produce,  whether  of  the  precious  metals  or 
commodities,  which  Sweden  may  want  for  its 
own  consumption,  or  as  aliment  for  its  own 
commerce  with  other  nations,  will  be  collected 
either  fairly  or  by  contraband  into  the  maga 
zines  of  St.  Bartholomew.  3.  All  the  produc 
tions  which  Sweden  can  furnish  from  within 
itself,  or  obtain  to  advantage  from  other  na 
tions,  will  in  like  manner  be  deposited  in  the 
magazines  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  will  be 
carried  to  the  several  ports  of  America  in  pay 
ment  for  what  shall  be  taken  from  them. — To 
BARON  STAKE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  240.  (P.,  1786.} 

3241. .    The  interest  of  the  United 

States  is  that  St.  Bartholomew  be  made  a 
port  of  unlimited  freedom,  and  such,  too,  is 
evidently  the  interest  of  Sweden.  If  it  be 
freed  by  halves,  the  free  ports  of  other  nations, 
at  present  in  possession  of  the  commerce,  will 
retain  it  against  any  new  port  offering  no  su 
perior  advantages.  The  situation  of  St.  Bar 
tholomew  is  very  favorable  to  these  views,  as 
it  is  among  the  most  windward,  and  therefore 
the  most  accessible  of  the  West  Indian  Islands. 
— To  BARON  STAHE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  242.  (P., 
1786.) 

3242.  FREE  PORTS,  St.  Eustatius.— St. 
Eustatius  is  by  nature  a  rock,  barren  and  un 
productive  in  itself,  but  its  owners  became  sen 
sible  that  what  nature  had  denied  it,  policy 
could  more  than  supply.  It  was  conveniently 
situated  for  carrying  on  contraband  trade  with 
both  the  continents,  and  with  the  islands  of 
America.  They  made  it,  therefore,  an  entrepot 
for  all  nations.  Hither  are  brought  the  pro 
ductions  of  every  other  port  of  America,  and 
the  Dutch  give  in  exchange  such  articles  as, 
in  the  course  of  their  commerce,  they  can  most 
advantageously  gather  up.  And  it  is  a  ques 
tion,  on  which  they  will  not  enable  us  to  de 
cide,  whether  by  furnishing  American  produc 
tions  to  the  commerce  of  Holland,,  and  by 
rinding  vent  for  such  productions  of  the  old 
world  as  the  Dutch  merchants  obtain  to  advan 
tage,  the  barren  rock  of  St.  Eustatius  does  not 
give  more  activity  to  their  commerce,  and  leave 
with  them  greater  profits,  than  their  more  fer 


tile  possessions  on  the  continent  of  South 
America. — To  BARON  STAHE.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
239.  (P.,  1786.) 

3243.  FREE     PORTS,     San  Juan.— Free 
ports   in   the    Spanish   possessions   in   America, 
and  particularly  at  the  Havana,   San  Domingo, 
in   the   island   of   that   name,   and    St.   John   of 
Porto    Rico,   are   more   to   be   desired   than   ex 
pected.     It     can,     therefore,     only     be     recom 
mended  to  the  best  endeavors  of  the  commis 
sioners  to  obtain  them. — MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  IN 
STRUCTIONS,      vii,     589.      FORD     ED.,     v,     478. 
(March  1792.) 

3244.  FREE    SHIPS,    Free   goods,   his 
tory  of  principle.— When   Europe  assumed 
the  general  form  in  which  it  is  occupied  by  the 
nations   now   composing   it,   and  turned   its   at 
tention     to     maritime     commerce,     we     found 
among  its  earliest  practices,  that  of  taking  the 
goods  of  an  enemy  from  the  ship  of  a  friend ; 
and    that    into    this    practice    every    maritime 
State  went  sooner  or  later,   as  it  appeared  on 
the  theatre  of  the  ocean.     If,  therefore,  we  are 
to  consider  the  practice  of  nations  as  the  sole 
and   sufficient   evidence    of   the    law    of   nature 
among  nations,  we  should  unquestionably  place 
this  principle  among  those  of  natural  laws.     But 
its    inconveniences,    as    they    affected    neutral 
nations  peaceably  pursuing  their  commerce,  and 
its  tendency  to  embroil  them  with  the  powers 
happening  to  be  at  war,  and  thus  to  extend  the 
flames    of    war,    induced    nations    to    introduce 
by    special    compacts,    from    time    to    time,    a 
more  convenient  rule  :  "  that  free  ships  should 
make    free   goods  "  ;    and   this   latter   principle 
has  by  every  maritime  nation  of  Europe  been 
established,  to  a  greater  or  less  degree,  in  its 
treaties  with  other  nations  ;   insomuch,  that  all 
of  them  have,  more  or  less  frequently,  assented 
to   it,   as   a  rule   of   action   in  particular   cases. 
Indeed,  it  is  now  urged,  and  I  think  with  great 
appearance  of  reason,  that  this  is  the  genuine 
principle    dictated    by    national    morality ;    and 
that    the    first    practice    arose    from    accident, 
and   the   particular   convenience   of   the    States 
(Venice  and  Genoa)  which  first  figured  on  the 
water,    rather   than    from   well    digested   reflec 
tions  of  the  relations  of  friend  and  enemy,  on 
the  rights  of  territorial  jurisdiction,  and  on  the 
dictates  of  moral  law  applied  to  these.     Thus 
it  had  never  been  supposed  lawful,  in  the  terri 
tory  of  a  friend  to  seize  the  goods  of  an  enemy. 
On  an  element  which  nature  has  not  subjected 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  any  particular  nation,  but 
has   made  common   to   all   for  the  purposes  to 
which  it  is  filled,  it  would  seem  that  the  partic 
ular  portion  of  it  which  happens  to  be  occupied 
by  the  vessel  of  any  nation,  in  the  course  of  its 
voyage,  is  for  the  moment,  the  exclusive  prop 
erty    of   that   nation,    and,    with    the   vessel,    is 
exempt  from  intrusion  by  any  other,  and  from 
its  jurisdiction,  as  much  as  if  it  were  lying  in 
the  harbor  of  its  sovereign.     In  no  country,  we 
believe,    is   the   rule   otherwise,   as   to   the   sub 
jects    of    property    common    to    all.     Thus    the 
place  occupied  by  an  individual  in  a  highway,  a 
church,  a  theatre,  or  other  public  assembly,  can 
not  be  intruded  on,  while  its  occupant  holds  it 
for   the   purposes   of   its   institution.     The   per 
sons   on   board   a   vessel   traversing   the   ocean, 
carrying   with   them   the   laws   of   their   nation, 
have  among  themselves  a  jurisdiction,  a  police, 
not  established  by  their  individual  will,  but  by 
the  authority  of  their  nation,  of  whose  territory 
their  vessel   still   seems  to   compose  a  part,   so 
long  as   it   does   not  enter  the   exclusive  terri 
tory    of    another.     No    nation    ever    pretended 
a  right  to  govern  by  their  laws  the  ship  of  an 
other    nation    navigating   the    ocean.     By    what 


Free  ships 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


360 


law,  then,  can  it  enter  that  ship  while  in  peace 
able  and  orderly  use  of  the  common  element? 
We  recognize  no  natural  precept  for  submis 
sion  to  such  a  right;  and  perceive  no  distinc 
tion  between  the  movable  and  immovable  juris 
diction  of  a  friend,  which  would  authorize  the 
entering  the  one  and  not  the  other,  to  seize  the 
property  of  an  enemy.  It  may  be  objected  that 
this  proves  too  much,  as  it  proves  you  cannot 
enter  the  ship  of  a  friend  to  search  for  contra 
band  of  war.  But  this  is  not  proving  too 
much.  We  believe  the  practice  of  seizing  what 
is  called  contraband  of  war,  is  an  abusive 
practice,  not  founded  in  natural  right.  War 
between  two  nations  cannot  diminish  the  rights 
of  the  rest  of  the  world  remaining  at  peace. 
The  doctrine  that  the  rights  of  nations  remain 
ing  quietly  in  the  exercise  of  moral  and  social 
duties,  are  to  give  way  to  the  convenience  of 
those  who  prefer  plundering  and  murdering 
one  another,  is  a  monstrous  doctrine;  and 
ought  to  yield  to  the  more  rational  law,  that 
"  the  wrong  which  two  nations  endeavor  to 
inflict  on  each  other,  must  not  infringe  on  the 
rights  or  conveniences  of  those  remaining  at 
peace  ".  And  what  is  contraband,  by  the  law 
of  nature?  Either  everything  which  may  aid 
or  comfort  an  enemy,  or  nothing.  Either  all 
commerce  which  would  accommodate  him  is  un 
lawful,  or  none  is.  The  difference  between 
articles  of  one  or  another  description,  is  a  dif 
ference  in  degree  only.  No  line  between  them 
can  be  drawn.  Either  all  intercourse  must 
cease  between  neutrals  and  belligerents,  or 
all  be  permitted.  Can  the  world  hesitate  to 
say  which  shall  be  the  rule  ?  Shall  two  nations 
turning  tigers,  break  up  in  one  instant  the 
peaceable  relations  of  the  whole  world?  Rea 
son  and  nature  clearly  pronounce  that  the 
neutral  is  to  go  on  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  its 
rights,  that  its  commerce  remains  free,  not 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  another,  nor 
consequently  its  vessels  to  search,  or  to  en 
quiries  whether  their  contents  are  the  property 
of  an  enemy,  or  are  of  those  which  have  been 
called  contraband  of  war.  Nor  does  this  doc 
trine  contravene  the  right  of  preventing  ves 
sels  from  entering  a  blockaded  port.  This 
right  stands  on  other  ground.  When  the  fleet 
of  any  nation  actually  beleaguers  the  port  of  its 
enemy,  no  other  has  a  right  to  enter  their  line, 
any  more  than  their  line  of  battle  in  the  open 
sea,  or  their  lines  of  circumvallation,  or  of  en 
campment,  or  of  battle  array  on  land.  The 
space  included  within  their  lines  in  any  of  those 
cases,  is  either  the  property  of  their  enemy, 
or  it  is  common  property  assumed  and  pos 
sessed  for  the  moment,  which  cannot  be  in 
truded  on,  even  by  a  neutral,  without  com 
mitting  the  very  trespass  we  are  now  consider 
ing,  that  of  intruding  into  the  lawful  possession 
of  a  friend.* — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv, 
408.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  88.  (M.,  Sep.  1801.) 

3245.  FREE  SHIPS,  Free  goods,  Inter 
national  Law  and. — On  the  question  whether 
the  principle  of  "  free  bottoms  making  free 
goods,  and  enemy  bottoms  enemy  goods ",  is 
now  to  be  considered  as  established  in  the  law 
of  nations,  I  will  state  to  you  a  fact  within  my 
own  knowledge,  which  may  lessen  the  weight 
of  our  authority  as  having  acted  in  the  war  of 
France  and  England  on  the  ancient  principle 
"  that  the  goods  of  an  enemy  in  the  bottom  of 
a  friend  are  lawful  prize ;  while  those  of  a 
friend  in  an  enemy  bottom  are  not  so  ".  Eng- 

*These  principles  were  set  forth  by  Jefferson  in  an 
opinion  on  "  Neutral  Trade  "  in  1793.  (ix,  443.  FORD 
ED.,  485.)— EDITOR 


land  became  a  party  in  the  general  war  against 
France  on  the  ist  of  February,  1793.     We  took 
immediately  the  stand  of  neutrality.     We  were 
aware  that  our  great  intercourse  with  these  two 
maritime   nations   would   subject   us  to   harass 
ment  by  multiplied  questions  on  the  duties  of 
neutrality,  and  that  an  important  and  early  one 
would   be   which   of   the   two   principles    above 
stated   should   be  the   law   of   action   with   us? 
We  wished  to  act  on  the  new  one  of  "  free  bot 
toms,  free  goods "  ;   and  we  had  established  it 
in  our  treaties  with  other  nations,  but  not  with 
England.     We  determined,  therefore,  to  avoid, 
if  possible,  committing  ourselves  on  this  ques 
tion  until  we  could  negotiate  with  England  her 
acquiescence   in    the    new   principle.     Although 
the    cases    occurring   were    numerous,    and   the 
ministers.  Genet  and  Hammond,  eagerly  on  the 
watch,  we  were  able  to  avoid  any  declaration 
until     the     massacre     of     St.     Domingo.      The 
whites,  on  that  occasion,  took  refuge  on  board 
our   ships,   then    in   their   harbor,   with    all   the 
property  they  could  find  room  for ;  and  on  their 
passage   to   the   United    States,   many   of   them 
were  taken  by  British  cruisers,  and  their  car 
goes  seized  as  lawful  prize.     The  inflammable 
temper  of  Genet  kindled  at  once,  and  he  wrote, 
with  his  usual  passion,   a  letter  reclaiming  an 
observance  of  the  principle  of  "  free  bottoms, 
free  goods  ",  as  if  already  an  acknowledged  law 
of   neutrality.     I    pressed    him    in    conversation 
not   to   urge   this   point ;    that   although    it   had 
been    acted    on    by    convention,    by    the    armed 
neutrality,  it  was  not  yet  become  a  principle  of 
universal  admission ;  that  we  wished  indeed  to 
strengthen    it   by   our   adoption,    and   were   ne 
gotiating  an  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain :    but   if   forced   to   decide  prematurely, 
we  must  justify  ourselves  by  a  declaration  of 
the  ancient  principle,  and  that  no  general  con 
sent  of  nations  had  as  yet  changed  it.     He  was 
immovable,   and   on  the   25th   of  July   wrote   a 
letter,    so   insulting,   that   nothing  but  a   deter 
mined  system  of  justice  and  moderation  would 
have  prevented  his  being  shipped  home  in  the 
first  vessel.     I  had  the  day  before  answered  his 
of  the  Qth,  in  which  I  -  ad  been  obliged  in  our 
own   justification,   to   declare   that   the   ancient 
was  the  established  principle,  still  existing  and 
authoritative.      Our    denial,    therefore,    of    the 
new  principle,  and  action  on  the  old  one,  were 
forced  upon  us  by  the  precipitation  and  intem 
perance    of    Genet,    against    our    wishes,    and 
against  our  aim ;  and  our  involuntary  practice, 
therefore,  is  of  less  authority  against  the  new 
rule. — To    EDWARD    EVERETT,      vii,    271.      (M., 
Feb.  1823.) 

3246.  FREE  SHIPS,  Free  goods,  trea 
ties  and. — By  the  former  usage  of  nations, 
the  goods  of  a  friend  were  safe  though  taken 
in  an  enemy  bottom,  and  those  of  an  enemy 
were  lawful  prize  though  found  in  a  free  bot 
tom.  But  in  our  treaties  with  France,  &c.,  we 
have  established  the  simpler  rule,  that  a  free 
bottom  makes  free  goods,  and  an  enemy  bot 
tom,  enemy  goods.  The  same  rule  has  been 
adopted  by  the  treaty  of  armed  neutrality  be 
tween  Russia,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Holland  and 
Portugal,  and  assented  to  by  France  and  Spain. 
Contraband  goods,  however,  are  always  ex- 
cepted,  so  that  they  may  still  be  seized ;  but 
the  same  powers  have  established  that  naval 
stores  are  not  contraband  goods  ;  and  this  may 
be  considered  now  as  the  law  of  nations. 
Though  England  acquiesced  under  this  during 
the  late  war,  rather  than  draw  on  herself  the 
neutral  powers,  yet  she  never  acceded  to  the 
new  principle. — To  MR.  CAIRNES.  ii,  280.  (P., 
1787.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Free  ships 
Free  trade 


3247. .  In  our  treaties  with 

France,  the  United  Netherlands,  Sweden  and 
Prussia,  the  principle  of  free  bottoms,  free 
goods,  was  uniformly  maintained.  In  the  in 
structions  of  1784,  given  by  Congress  to  their 
ministers  appointed  to  treat  with  the  nations  of 
Europe  generally,  the  same  principle,  and  the 
doing  away  contraband  of  war,  were  enjoined, 
and  were  acceded  to  in  the  treaty  signed  with 
Portugal.  In  the  late  treaty  with  England, 
indeed,  that  power  perseveringly  refused  the 
principle  of  free  bottoms,  free  goods ;  and  it 
was  avoided  in  the  late  treaty  with  Prussia,  at 
the  instance  of  our  then  administration,  lest  it 
should  seem  to  take  side  in  a  question  then 
threatening  decision  by  the  sword.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  war  between  France  and 
England,  the  representative  of  the  French  Re 
public  then  residing  in  the  United  States 
[Genet],  complaining  that  the  British  armed 
ships  captured  French  property  in  American 
bottoms,  insisted  that  the  principle  of  "  free 
bottoms,  free  goods  ",  was  of  the  acknowledged 
law  of  nations  ;  that  the  violation  of  that  prin 
ciple  by  the  British  was  a  wrong  committed  on 
us,  and  such  an  one  as  we  ought  to  repel  by 
joining  in  the  war  against  that  country.  We 
denied  his  position,  and  appealed  to  the  uni 
versal  practice  of  Europe,  in  proof  that  the 
principle  of  "  free  bottoms,  free  goods ",  was 
not  acknowledged  as  of  the  natural  law  of  na 
tions,  but  only  of  its  conventional  law.  And 
I  believe  we  may  safely  affirm,  that  not  a  single 
instance  can  be  produced  where  any  nation  of 
Europe,  acting  professedly  under  the  law  of 
nations  alone,  unrestrained  by  treaty,  has, 
either  by  its  executive  or  judiciary  organs,  de 
cided  on  the  principle  of  "  free  bottoms,  free 
goods ".  Judging  of  the  law  of  nations  by 
what  has  been  practiced  among  nations,  we 
were  authorized  to  say  that  the  contrary  prin 
ciple  was  their  rule,  and  this  but  an  exception 
to  it,  introduced  by  special  treaties  in  special 
cases  only  ;  that  having  no  treaty  with  England 
substituting  this  instead  of  the  ordinary  rule, 
we  had  neither  the  right  nor  the  disposition 
to  go  to  war  for  its  establishment.  But  though 
we  would  not  then,  nor  will  we  now,  engage  in 
war  to  establish  this  principle,  we  are  neverthe 
less  sincerely  friendly  to  it.  We  think  that 
the  nations  of  Europe  have  originally  set  out 
in  error ;  that  experience  has  proved  the  error 
oppressive  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
peaceable  part  of  mankind;  that  every  nation 
but  one  has  acknowledged  this,  by  consenting 
to  the  change,  and  that  one  has  consented  in 
particular  cases;  that  nations  have  a  right  to 
correct  an  erroneous  principle,  and  to  establish 
that  which  is  right  as  their  rule  of  action ;  and 
if  they  should  adopt  measures  for  effecting  this 
in  a  peaceable  way,  we  shall  wish  them  success 
and  not  stand  in  the  way  to  it.  But  should  it 
become,  at  any  time,  expedient  for  us  to  co 
operate  in  the  establishment  of  this  principle, 
the  opinion  of  the  executive  on  the  advice  of 
its  constitutional  counsellors,  must  then  be 
given ;  and  that  of  the  Legislature,  an  inde 
pendent  and  essential  organ  in  the  operation, 
must  also  be  expressed ;  in  forming  which,  they 
will  be  governed,  every  man  by  his  own  judg 
ment,  and  may,  very  possibly,  judge  differently 
from  the  Executive.  With  the  same  honest 
views,  the  most  honest  men  often  form  differ 
ent  conclusions.  As  far,  however,  as  we  can 
judge,  the  principle  of  "  free  bottoms,  free 
goods",  is  that  which  would  carry  the  wishes 
of  our  nation. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv, 
411.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  qi.  (M.,  Sep.  1801.) 

3248.  FREE  TRADE,  Alliance  for.— I 
think  nothing  can  bring  the  security  of  our 


continent  and  its  cause  into  danger,  if  we  can 
support  the  credit  of  our  paper.  To  do  that, 
I  apprehend,  one  of  two  steps  must  be  taken. 
Either  to  procure  free  trade  by  alliance  with 
some  naval  power  able  to  protect  it;  or,  if 
we  find  there  is  no  prospect  of  that,  to  shut 
our  ports  totally,  to  all  the  world,  and  turn 
our  Colonies  into  manufactories.  The  former 
would  be  most  eligible,  because  most  conform 
able  to  the  habits  and  wishes  of  our  people. — 
To  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  i,  205.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  132.  (I777-) 

3249.  FREE  TRADE,  Appeal  for. — Our 
interest  will  be  to  throw  open  the  doors  of 
commerce,  and  to  knock  off  all  its  shackles, 
giving  perfect  freedom  to  all  persons  for  the 
vent  of  whatever  they  may  choose  to  bring 
into  our  ports,  and  asking  the  same  in  theirs. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  412.     FORD  ED., 
iii,  279-     (1782.) 

3250.  FREE     TRADE,     Benefit     of.— I 
think  all  the  world  would  gain  by  setting  com 
merce  at  perfect  liberty.— To  JOHN  ADAMS, 
i,  371.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  81.     (July   1785.) 

3251.  FREE    TRADE,    Confederation 
Congress  and.— Congress  had,   in  the  year 
1784,  made  up  their  minds  as  to  the  system  of 
commercial  principles  they  wished  to  pursue. 
These  were  very  free.  They  proposed  them  to 
all  the  powers  of  Europe.     All  declined  ex 
cept  Prussia.    To  this  general  opposition  they 
may  now  find  it  necessary  to  present  a  very 
different  general  system  to  which  their  treaties 
will  form  cases  of  exception. — To  C.  W.  F. 
DUMAS,    ii,  321.     (P.,  1787.) 

3252.  FREE  TRADE,  Desire  for.— I  take 
for    granted,    that    the    commercial    system, 
wished  for  by  Congress,  was  such  a  one  as 
should  leave  commerce  on  the  freest  footing 
possible.     This   was   the  plan   on   which   we 
prepared  our  general  draft  for  treating  with 
all  nations.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,     i,  487.     (P., 
1785-) 

3253. .  Would  even  a  single  na 
tion  begin  with  the  United  States  this  system 
of  free  commerce,  it  would  be  advisable  to  be 
gin  it  with  that  nation ;  since  it  is  one  by  one 
only  that  it  can  be  extended  to  all.— FOREIGN 
COMMERCE  REPORT,  vii,  646.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
479-  (I793-) 

3254. .  I  am  for  free  commerce 

with  all  nations.— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv, 
268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  328.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

3255.  FREE  TRADE,  Encouragement. — 
The    permitting    an    exchange    of    industries 
with  other  nations  is  a  direct  encouragement 
of  your  own,  which  without  that,  would  bring 
you  nothing  for  your  comfort,  and  would  of 
course    cease   to    be    produced. — To    SAMUEL 
SMITH,     vii,   286.     FORD  ED.,   x,   253.      (M., 
1823.) 

3256.  FREE    TRADE,     France     and.— 
Merchandise  received    [in   France]    from  the 
other   nations   of   Europe   takes   employment 
from    the    poor    of    France;    ours    gives    it. 
Their' s  is  brought  in  the  last  stage  of  manu- 


-Free  trade 
Freneau  (Philip) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


362 


facture;  ours  in  the  first.  We  bring  our  to 
baccos  to  be  manufactured  into  snuff,  our  flax 
and  hemp  into  linen  and  cordage,  our  furs 
into  hats,  skins  into  saddlery,  shoes  and 
clothing.  We  take  nothing  till  it  has  received 
the  last  hand.* — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii, 
173.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  400.  (P.,  1787.) 

3257.  FREE  TRADE,  Great  Britain  and. 

— The  system  into  which  the  United  States 
wished  to  go,  was  that  of  freeing  commerce 
from  every  shackle.  A  contrary  conduct  in 
Great  Britain  will  occasion  them  to  adopt 
the  contrary  system,  at  least  as  to  that  is 
land.— To  W.  W.  SEWARD.  i,  479.  (P., 
1785-) 

3258. .     I  had  persuaded  myself 

[in  1804]  that  a  nation,  distant  as  we  are 
from  the  contentions  of  Europe,  avoiding  all 
offences  to  other  powers,  and  not  over-hasty 
in  resenting  offence  from  them,  doing  jus 
tice  to  all,  faithfully  fulfilling  the  duties  of 
neutrality,  performing  all  offices  of  amity,  and 
administering  to  their  interests  by  the  bene 
fits  of  our  commerce,  that  such  a  nation,  I 
say,  might  expect  to  live  in  peace,  and  con 
sider  itself  merely  as  a  member  of  the  great 
family  of  mankind;  that  in  such  case  it 
might  devote  itself  to  whatever  it  could  best 
produce,  secure  of  a  peaceable  exchange  of 
surplus  for  what  could  be  more  advan 
tageously  furnished  by  others,  as  takes  place 
between  one  country  and  another  of  France. 
But  experience  has  shown  that  continued 
peace  depends  not  merely  on  our  own  jus 
tice  and  prudence,  but  on  that  of  others  also ; 
that  when  forced  into  war,  the  interception  of 
exchanges  which  must  be  made  across  a  wide 
ocean,  becomes  a  powerful  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  an  enemy  domineering  over  that  ele 
ment,  and  to  the  other  distresses  of  war  adds 
the  want  of  all  those  necessaries  for  which 
we  have  permitted  ourselves  to  be  dependent 
on  others,  even  arms  and  clothing.  This 
fact,  therefore,  solves  the  question  by  reduc 
ing  it  to  its  ultimate  form,  whether  profit  or 
preservation  is  the  first  interest  of  a  State? 
We  are  consequently  become  manufacturers 
to  a  degree  incredible  to  those  who  do  not 
see  it,  and  who  only  consider  the  short  period 
of  time  during  which  we  have  been  driven  to 
them  by  the  suicidal  policy  of  England. — To 
J.  B.  SAY.  vi,  430.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

3259.  FREE    TRADE,    Human    happi 
ness  and.— Could  each  [country]  be  free  to 
exchange   with   others   mutual    surpluses    for 
mutual    wants,    the    greatest    mass    possible 
would    then    be    produced    of    those    things 
which  contribute  to  human  life<  and  human 
happiness ;  the  numbers  of  mankind  would  be 
increased,     and    their    condition    bettered. — 
FOREIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT,     vii,  646.     FORD 
ED.,  vi.  479.     (Dec.  I793-) 

3260.  FREE  TRADE,  Natural  right  of. 
— The  exercise  of  a  free  trade  with  all  parts  of 
the  world,  possessed  by  the  American  Col 
onists,  as  of  natural  right,  and  which  no  law 

*  Jefferson  was  arguing  in  favor  of  the  free  impor 
tation  of  American  productions  into  France.— EDI 
TOR. 


of  their  own  had  taken  away  or  abridged, 
was  next  the  object  of  unjust  encroach 
ment. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  127. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  432.  (i774.) 

3261.  FREE  TRADE,  Neighbor  nations 
and. — An  exchange  of  surpluses  and  wants 
between    neighbor    nations,    is   both    a    right 
and  a  duty  under  the  moral  law. — To  WILL 
IAM  SHORT,     iii,  275.     FORD  ED.,  v,  364.     (Pa., 
1791.)     See  AGRICULTURE,  COMMERCE,  MANU 
FACTURES,  NAVIGATION,  PROTECTION  and  TAR 
IFF. 

3262.  FRENEAU  (Philip),  Clerkship.— 

The  clerkship  for  foreign  languages  in  my 
office  is  vacant.  The  salary,  indeed,  is  very 
low,  being  but  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a 
year ;  but  also,  it  gives  so  little  to  do  as  not  to 
interfere  with  any  other  calling  the  person  may 
choose,  which  would  not  absent  him  from  the 
seat  of  government.  I  was  told  a  few  days 
ago,  that  it  might  perhaps  be  convenient  to 
you  to  accept  it.  If  so,  it  is  at  your  service. 
It  requires  no  other  qualification  than  a  mod 
erate  knowledge  of  the  French. — To  PHILIP 
FRENEAU.  iii,  215.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3263.  FRENEAU  (Philip),  Gazette  of.— 

Freneau  has  come  here  [Philadelphia]  to  set  up 
a  national  gazette,  to  be  published  twice  a 
week,  and  on  whig  principles. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  373.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

3264. .   Freneau' s  paper  is  getting 

into  Massachusetts  under  the  patronage  of 
Hancock  and  Sam  Adams ;  and  Mr.  Ames,  the 
Colossus  of  the  monocrats  and  paper  men,  will 
either  be  left  out  or  hard  run.  The  people  of 
that  State  are  republican  ;  but  hitherto  they  have 
heard  nothing  but  the  hymns  and  lauds  chanted 
by  Fenno. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  491. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  134.  (Pa.,  i792-) 

3265. .  As  to  the  merits  or  de 
merits  of  his  paper,  they  certainly  concern  me 
not.  He  and  Fenno  are  rivals  for  the  public 
favor.  The  one  courts  them  by  flattery,  the 
other  by  censure ;  and  I  believe  it  will  be  ad 
mitted  that  the  one  has  been  as  servile,  as  the 
other  severe. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
iii,  466.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  108.  (M.,  1792.) 

3266.  FRENEAU  (Philip),  Jefferson's 
relations  to. — While  the  government  was  at 
New  York  I  was  applied  to  in  behalf  of  Fre 
neau  to  know  if  there  was  any  place  within  my 
Department  to  which  he  could  be  appointed. 
I  answered  there  were  but  four  clerkships,  all 
of  which  I  found  full,  and  continued  without 
any  change.  "When  we  removed  to  Philadel 
phia,  Mr.  Pintard,  the  translating  clerk,  did  not 
choose  to  remove  with  us.  His  office  then  be 
came  vacant.  I  was  again  applied  to  there  for 
Freneau,  and  had  no  hesitation  to  promise  the 
clerkship  for  him.  I  cannot  recollect  whether 
it  was  at  the  same  time,  or  afterwards,  that  I 
was  told  he  had  a  thought  of  setting  up  a 
newspaper  there.  But  whether  then,  or  after 
wards,  I  considered  it  a  circumstance  of  some 
value,  as  it  might  enable  me  to  do,  what  I  had 
long  wished  to  have  done,  that  is,  to  have  the 
material  parts  of  the  Leyden  Gazette  brought 
under  your  eye,  and  that  of  the  public,  in  order 
to  possess  yourself  and  them  of  a  juster  view 
of  the  affairs  of  Europe  than  could  be  obtained 
from  any  other  public  source.  This  I  had  in 
effectually  attempted  through  the  press  of  Mr. 
Fenno,  while  in  New  York,  selecting  and  trans 
lating  passages  myself  at  first,  then  having  it 


363 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Friends 
Friendship 


done  through  Mr.  Pintard,  the  translating  clerk, 
but  they  found  their  way  too  slowly  into  Mr. 
Fenno's  papers.  Mr.  Bache  essayed  it  for  me 
in  Philadelphia,  but  his  being  a  daily  paper,  did 
not  circulate  sufficiently  in  the  other  States. 
He  even  tried,  at  my  request,  the  plan  of  a 
weekly  paper  of  recapitulation  from  his  daily 
paper,  in  hopes  that  that  might  go  into  the 
other  States,  but  in  this,  too,  we  failed.  Fre- 
neau,  as  translating  clerk,  and  the  printer  of  a 
periodical  paper  likely  to  circulate  through  the 
States  (uniting  in  one  person  the  parts  of 
Pintard  and  Fenno),  revived  my  hopes  that  the 
thing  could  at  length  be  effected.  On  the  es 
tablishment  of  his  paper,  therefore,  I  furnished 
him  with  the  Leyden  gazettes,  with  an  expres 
sion  of  my  wish  that  he  could  always  translate 
and  publish  the  material  intelligence  they  con 
tained,  and  have  continued  to  furnish  them 
from  time  to  time,  as  regularly  as  I  received 
them.  But  as  to  any  further  direction  or  in 
dication  of  my  wish  how  his  press  should  be 
conducted,  what  sort  of  intelligence  he  should 
give,  what  essays  encourage,  I  can  protest,  in 
the  presence  of  Heaven,  that  I  never  did  by 
myself,  or  any  other,  or  indirectly,  say  a  sylla 
ble,  nor  attempt  any  kind  of  influence.  I  can 
further  protest,  in  the  same  awful  presence, 
that  I  never  did,  by  myself,  or  any  other,  di 
rectly  or  indirectly,  write,  dictate,  or  procure 
any  one  sentence  or  sentiment  to  be  inserted 
in  his,  or  any  other  gazette,  to  which  my  name 
was  not  affixed  or  that  of  my  office.  *  *  * 
Freneau's  proposition  to  publish  a  paper,  hav 
ing  been  about  the  time  that  the  writings  of 
"  Publicola  ",  and  the  discourses  on  Davila,  had 
a  good  deal  excited  the  public  attention,  I 
took  for  granted  from  Freneau's  character, 
which  had  been  marked  as  that  of  a  good  whig, 
that  he  would  give  free  place  to  pieces  written 
against  the  aristocratical  and  monarchical  prin 
ciples  these  papers  had  inculcated.  This  hav 
ing  been  in  my  mind,  it  is  likely  enough  I  may 
have  expressed  it  in  conversation  with  others; 
though  I  do  not  recollect  that  I  did.  To  Fre- 
neau  I  think  I  could  not,  because  I  had  still  seen 
him  but  once,  and  that  was  at  a  public  table, 
*  *  as  I  passed  through  New  York  the 
last  year.  And  I  can  safely  declare  that  my 
expectations  looked  only  to  the  chastisement 
of  the  aristocratical  and  monarchical  writers, 
and  not  to  any  criticisms  on  the  proceed'ngs  of 
government. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
iii,  464.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  106.  (M.,  1792.) 

3267.  FRIENDS,     College.— Friends    we 
have,  if  we  have  merited  them.     Those  of  our 
earliest  years  stand  nearest  in  our  affections. 
Our    college    friends    are    the    dearest. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,     iv,  547.     (W.,  1804.) 

3268.  FRIENDS,       Inconstant.— During 
the  whole  of  the   Revolutionary  war,   which 
was  trying  enough.  I  never  deserted  a  friend 
because  he  had  taken  an  opposite  side:  and 
those  of  my  own  State,  who  joined  the  Brit 
ish   government,    can    attest   my   unremitting 
zeal  in  saving  their  property,  and  can  point 
out   the   laws   in   our   statute  book   which    I 
drew,    and    carried    through    in    their    favor. 
However,    I   have    seen    during   the   late   po 
litical  paroxysm  here  [Philadelphia]  numbers 
whom  I  had  highly  esteemed,  draw  off  from 
me  insomuch  as  to  cross  the  street  to  avoid 
meeting  me.    The  fever  is  abating,  and  doubt 
less  some  of  them  will  correct  the  momentary 
wanderings  of  their  heart,  and  return  again. 
If  they  do,  they  will  meet  the  constancy  of 


my  esteem,  and  the  same  oblivion  of  this  as 
of  any  other  delirium  which  might  happen 
to  them. — To  WILLIAM  HAMILTON.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  441.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

3269.  FRIENDS,  Political.— Of  one  thing 
I  am  certain,  that  they  will  not  suffer  per 
sonal    dissatisfactions    to    endanger    the    re 
publican  cause.     Their  principles,  I  know,  are 
far    above    all    private    considerations.      And 
when  we  reflect  that  the  eyes  of  the  virtuous 
all   over   the   earth   are   turned   with   anxiety 
on  us,  as  the  only  depositories  of  the  sacred 
fire  of  liberty,  and  that  our  falling  into  an 
archy  would  decide  forever  the  destinies  of 
mankind,    and   seal   the   political   heresy   that 
man    is    incapable    of    self-government,    the 
only  contest  between  divided  friends   should 
be  who  will  dare  farthest  into  the  ranks  of 
the  common  enemy. — To  JOHN  HOLLINS.     v, 
596.     (M.,  1811.) 

3270.  FRIENDS,  Separation  of  .—No  one 

feels  more  painfully  than  I  do,  the  separation 
of  friends,  and  especially  when  their  sen 
sibilities  are  to  be  daily  harrowed  up  by 
cannibal  newspapers.  In  these  cases,  how 
ever,  I  claim  from  all  parties  the  privilege 
of  neutrality,  and  to  be  permitted  to  esteem 
all  as  I  ever  did.  The  harmony  which  made 
me  happy  while  at  Washington,  is  as  dear 
to  me  now  as  then,  and  I  should  be  equally 
afflicted,  were  it,  by  any  circumstance,  to  be 
impaired  as  to  myself. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  588.  (M.,  April  1811.) 

3271. .     Near  friends,  falling  out, 

never  reunite  cordially. — To  A.   DONALD,     ii, 
356.     (P.,   1788.) 

3272.  FRIENDS,      Wounded.— Sincerely 
the  friend  of  all  the  parties,  I  ask  of  none 
why  they  have   fallen   out  by  the  way,   and 
would  gladly  infuse  the  oil  and  wine  of  the 
Samaritan    into    all    their    wounds.       I    hope 
that  time,  the  assuager  of  all  evils,  will  heal 
these  also ;  and  I  pray  for  them  all  a  contin 
uance  of  their  affection,  and  to  be  permitted 
to  bear  to  all  the  same  unqualified  esteem. — 
To  JOHN  HOLLINS.     v.  596.     (M.,  1811.) 

3273.  FRIENDSHIP,        Affectionate.— 
The  happiest  moments   my  heart  knows  are 
those    in    which    it    is    pouring    forth    its    af 
fections    to    a    few    esteemed    characters. — 
To  MRS.  TRIST.    D.  L.  J.,  84.     (1786.) 

3274.  FRIENDSHIP,    Ambition    and.— 
I  had  rather  be  shut  up  in  a  very  modest  cot 
tage,  with   my  books,   my  family  and  a  few 
old    friends,    dining    on    simple    bacon,    and 
letting  the  world  roll  on  as  it  liked    than  to 
occupy    the    most    splendid    post    which    any 
human  power  can  give. — To  A.  DONALD,    ii, 
356.     (P.,  1788.) 

3275.  FRIENDSHIP,  Ancient.— I  enjoy, 
in   recollection,    my   ancient   friendships,    and 
suffer    no    new    circumstances    to    mix    alloy 
with    them.— To    DAVID    HOWELL.       v,    555. 
(M.,   1810.) 

3276.  FRIENDSHIP,  Broken.— The  late 
misunderstandings  at  Washington  have  been 


Friendship 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


364 


a  subject  of  real  concern  to  me.  I  know  that 
the  dissolutions  of  personal  friendship  are 
among  the  most  painful  occurrences  in 
human  life.  I  have  sincere  esteem  for  all  who 
have  been  affected  by  them,  having  passed 
with  them  eight  years  of  great  harmony  and 
affection.  These  incidents  are  rendered 
more  distressing  in  our  country  than  else 
where,  because  our  printers  ravin  on  the 
agonies  of  their  victims,  as  wolves  do  on 
the  blood  of  the  lamb. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
v,  598.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  323.  (M.,  May  1811.) 

3277.  FRIENDSHIP,      Comforts      of.— 

What  an  ocean  is  life !  And  how  our  barks 
get  separated  in  beating  through  it !  One  of  the 
greatest  comforts  of  the  retirement  to  which 
I  shall  soon  withdraw  will  be  its  rejoining 
me  to  my  earliest  and  best  friends,  and  ac 
quaintances.— To  ST.  GEORGE  TUCKER.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  425.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

3378. .     The  only  thing  wanting 

to  make  me  completely  happy,  is  the  more 
frequent  society  of  my  friends.  It  is  the  more 
wanting,  as  I  am  become  more  firmly  fixed 
to  the  glebe.— To  W.  B.  GILES,  iv,  118. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  12.  (M.,  1795.) 

3279. .     So     long     a    time     has 

elapsed  since  we  have  been  separated  by 
events,  that  your  favor  was  like  a  letter  from 
the  dead,  and  recalled  to  my  memory  very 
dear  recollections.  My  subsequent  journey 
through  life  has  offered  nothing  which,  in 
comparison  with  those,  is  not  cheerless  and 
dreary.  It  is  a  rich  comfort  sometimes  to 
look  back  on  them. — To  T.  LOMAX.  iv, 
300.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  373.  (M.,  1799.) 

3280.  FRIENDSHIP,  Early.— As  I  grow 
older,  I  set  a  higher  value  on  the  intimacies 
of  my  youth,  and  am  more  afflicted  by  what 
ever  loses  one  of  them  to  me. — To  A.  DON 
ALD,     ii,  193.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  413.     (P.,  1787.) 

3281.  -  — .     I  find  as  I  grow  older, 
that  I  love  those  most  whom  I  loved  first. — 
To     MRS.     BOWLING.       FORD    ED.,     iv,     412. 
(1787.) 

3282. .     The  fond  recollections  of 

ancient  times  are  much   dearer  to  me   than 
anything  I  have  known  since.     *     *     *     No 
attachments    soothe    the    mind    so    much    as 
those  contracted  in  early  life. — To  A.  DON 
ALD,    ii,  356.     (P.,  1788.) 

3283.  FRIENDSHIP,       Enduring.— I 

never  considered  a  difference  of  opinion  in 
politics,  in  religion,  in  philosophy,  as  cause 
for  withdrawing  from  a  friend. — To  WILL 
IAM  HAMILTON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  441.  (Pa., 
1800.) 

3284. .     Difference     of     opinion 

was  never,  with  me,  a  motive  of  separation 
from  a  friend.  In  the  trying  times  of  Fed 
eralism,  I  never  left  a  friend.  Many  left 
me,  have  since  returned,  and  been  received 
with  open  arms.— To  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  298.  (M.,  1824.) 

3285.  FRIENDSHIP,  False  national.— 

No    circumstances    of    morality,    honor,    in 


terest,  or  engagement  are  sufficient  to  author 
ize  a  secure  reliance  on  any  nation,  at  all 
times,  and  in  all  positions.  A  moment  of 
difficulty,  or  a  moment  of  error,  may  render 
forever  useless  the  most  friendly  dispositions 
in  the  King,  in  the  major  part  of  his  minis 
ters,  and  the  whole  of  his  nation. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  ii,  304.  (P.,  1787.) 

3286.  FRIENDSHIP,  Honest  national. 

— Honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entan 
gling  alliances  with  none,  I  deem  [one  of 
the]  essential  principles  of  our  government 
and,  consequently,  [one]  which  ought  to 
shape  its  administration. — FIRST  INAUGU 
RAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  4.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

3287. .     We  have  endeavored  to 

cultivate  the  friendship  of  all  nations. — 
SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  40.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  343.  (1805.) 

3288.  FRIENDSHIP,  Precious.— Friend 
ship    is    precious,    not    only    in    the    shade, 
but  in  the  sunshine  of  life;  and  thanks  to  a 
benevolent  arrangement  of  things,  the  greater 
part    of    life    is    sunshine. — To    MRS.     COS- 
WAY,    ii,  39.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  319.     (P.) 

3289.  FRIENDSHIP,    Private.— I    de 
clare  to  you  that  I  have  never  suffered  po 
litical  opinion  to  enter  into  the  estimate  of 
my  private  friendships;   nor  did  I  ever  ab 
dicate  the  society  of  a  friend  on  that  account 
till  he  had  first  withdrawn  from  mine.     Many 
have  left  me  on  that  account,  but  with  many 
I  still  preserve  affectionate  intercourse,  only 
avoiding    to    speak    on    politics,    as    with    a 
Quaker  or  Catholic  I  would  avoid  speaking 
on  religion.— To  J.  F.  MERCER,    iv,  563.     (W., 
1804.) 

3290.  FRIENDSHIP,      Qualities     of.— 

Wealth,  title,  office  are  no  recommendations 
to  my  friendship.  On  the  contrary,  great 
good  qualities  are  requisite  to  make  amends 
for  their  having  wealth,  title  and  office. — 
To  MRS.  COSWAY.  ii,  41.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  321. 
(P.,  1786.) 

3291.  FRIENDSHIP,    Value    of.— That 
is  a  miserable  arithmetic  which  could  estimate 
friendship  at  nothing,  or  at  less  than  nothing. 
— To  MRS.   COSWAY.      ii,  39.      FORD  ED.,  iv, 
319.     (P.,  1786.) 

3292.  FRIENDSHIP,  Like  wine.— I  find 
friendship  to  be  like  wine,   raw  when  new, 
ripened   with   age,    the   true   old   man's   milk 
and  restorative  cordial. — To   DR.    BENJAMIN 
RUSH,    vi,  4.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  329.  (P.F.,  1811.) 

3293.  FRIENDSHIP,       Youthful.— The 

friendships  of  my  youth  are  those  which  ad 
here  closest  to  me,  and  in  which  I  most  con 
fide.— To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  399.  (P.,  1785.) 

3294.  .     I  find  in  old  age  that  the 

impressions    of   youth    are    the    deepest    and 
most   indelible.      Some   friends,   indeed,   have 
left   me  by  the   way,   seeking  by  a   different 
political  path,  the  same  object,  their  country's 
good,  which  I  pursued  with  the  crowd  along 
the  common  highway.     It  is  a  satisfaction. to 


365 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Friendship 


me  that  I  was  not  the  first  to  leave  them.  I 
have  never  thought  that  a  difference  in  polit 
ical,  any  more  than  in  religious  opinions, 
should  disturb  the  friendly  intercourse  of  so 
ciety.  There  are  so  many  other  topics  on 
which  friends  may  converse  and  be  happy, 
that  it  is  wonderful  they  would  select,  of 
preference,  the  only  one  on  which  they  cannot 
agree. — To  DAVID  CAMPBELL,  v,  499.  (M., 
1810.) 

3295.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,    Advantages.— -Both    the    United 
States  and  England  ought  to  wish  for  peace 
and  cordial  friendship ;  we,  because  you  can 
do  us  more  harm  than  any  other  nation ;  and 
you,  because  we  can  do  you  more  good  than 
any  other.     Our  growth  is  now   so  well  es 
tablished  by  regular  enumerations  through  a 
course  of  forty  years,  and  the  same  grounds 
of  continuance  so  likely  to  endure  for  a  much 
longer  period,  that,   speaking  in  round  num 
bers,    we    may    safely    call    ourselves    twenty 
millions  in  twenty  years,  and  forty  millions 
in  forty  years.     Many  of  the  statesmen  now 
living    saw    the    commencement    of    the    first 
term,  and  many  now  living  will  see  the  end 
of  the  second.     It  is  not  then  a  mere  concern 
of  posterity ;  a  third  of  those  now  in  life  will 
see  that  day.     Of  what  importance,  then,  to 
you    must    such    a    nation    be,    whether    as 
friends  or  foes. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,    vii, 
22.     (M.,  1816.) 

3296.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Advocates  and  antagonists. — That 
[friendly]    dispositions    [towards  Great   Brit 
ain]    have  been  strong  on  our  part  in  every 
administration   from  the   first  to  the  present 
one,  that  we  would  at  any  time  have  gone 
our  full  half  way  to  meet  them,  if  a  single 
step  in  advance  had  been  taken  by  the  other 
party,    I    can    affirm    of    my    own    intimate 
knowledge  of  the  fact.     During  the  first  year 
of  my  own  administration,   I  thought  I  dis 
covered    in    the    conduct    of    Mr.    Addington 
some    marks   of   comity   towards   us.    and    a 
willingness  to  extend  to  us  the  decencies  and 
duties  observed  towards  other  nations.     My 
desire  to  catch  at  this,  and  to  improve  it  for 
the  benefit  of  my  own  country,  induced  me, 
in   addition   to  the   official   declarations   from 
the  Secretary  of  State,  to  write  with  my  own 
hand  to  Mr.  King,  then  our  Minister  Pleni 
potentiary  at  London,  in  the  following  words : 
[See  3299.]       My  expectation   was  that   Mr. 
King  would  show  this  letter  to  Mr.  Adding 
ton.  and  that  it  would  be  received  by  him  as 
an  overture  towards  a  cordial  understanding 
between  the  two  countries.     He  left  the  min 
istry,  however,  and   I   never  heard  more  of 
it.    and   certainly   never   perceived    any   good 
effect   from   it.     I   know  that  in  the  present 
temper,   the   boastful,    the   insolent,    and   the 
mendacious   newspapers,   on   both   sides,    will 
present  serious  impediments.    Ours  will  be  in 
sulting  your  public  authorities,  and  boasting 
of  victories;   and  yours  will  not  be  sparing 
of  provocations  and  abuse  of  us.    But  if  those 
at    our    helms    could    not    place    themselves 
above  these  pitiful  notices,  and  throwing  aside 
all    personal    feelings,    look   only    to   the    in 


terest  of  their  nations,  they  would  be  un 
equal  to  the  trusts  confided  to  them.  I  am 
equally  confident,  on  our  part,  in  the  adminis 
tration  now  in  place,  as  in  that  which  will 
succeed  it;  and  that  if  friendship  is  not  here 
after  sincerely  cultivated,  it  will  not  be  their 
fault.  *  *  *  Although  what  I  write  is 
from  no  personal  privity  with  the  views  or 
wishes  of  our  government,  yet  believing 
them  to  be  what  they  ought  to  be,  and  con 
fident  in  their  wisdom  and  integrity,  I  am 
sure  I  hazard  no  deception  in  what  I  have 
said  of  them,  and  I  shall  be  happy  indeed 
if  some  good  shall  result  to  both  our  coun 
tries. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,  vii,  23.  (M., 
1816.) 

3297.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,    Common    interest. — No  two  coun 
tries  upon  earth  have  so  many  points  of  com 
mon  interest  and  friendship;  and  the  rulers 
must  be  great  bunglers  indeed,  if,  with  such 
dispositions,    they   break   them   asunder. — To 
JAMES   MONROE,     v,    12.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  449. 

(W.,  May  1806.) 

3298.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Cultivation  of.— As  to  the  duties  of 
your  office  [Minister  to  England],  I  shall  only 
express  a  desire  that  they  be  constantly  exer 
cised  in  that  spirit  of  sincere  friendship  which 
we  bear  to  the  English  nation,  and  that  in  all 
transactions  with  the  minister,  his  good  dis 
positions  be  conciliated  by  whatever  in  lan 
guage  or  attentions  may  tend  to  that  effect. — 
To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.     iii,  441.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  75.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

3299.  -          — .     I  hope  that  through  your 
agency  we  may  be  able  to  remove  everything 
inauspicious  to  a  cordial  friendship  between 
this  country  and  the  one  in  which  you  are 
stationed;    a  friendship  dictated  by  too  many 
considerations  not  to  be  felt  by  the  wise  and 
the    dispassionate    of    both    nations.      It  is, 
therefore,  with  the  sincerest  pleasure  I  have 
observed  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern 
ment    various    manifestations     of    just    and 
friendly   disposition  towards  us.*     We   wish 
to  cultivate  peace  and  friendship  with  all  na 
tions,  believing  that  course  most  conducive  to 
the  welfare  of  our  own.     It  is  natural  that 
these   friendships    should   bear   some   propor 
tion  to  the  common  interests  of  the  parties. 
The     interesting     relations     between     Great 
Britain  and  the  United   States   are  certainly 
of  the  first  order ;  and  as  such  are  estimated, 
and     will     be     faithfully     cultivated     by     us. 
These  sentiments  have  been  communicated  to 
you  from  time  to  time  in  the  official  corre 
spondence  of  the  Secretary  of  State;    but  I 
have  thought  it  might  not  be  unacceptable  to 

*In  the  Ford  edition,  it  is  noted  that  in  the  draft 
of  the  letter  to  Mr.  King,  the  following  paragraph  is 
stricken  out :  "These  seeds  are  not  sown  in  barren 
ground.  I  have  too  high  an  opinion  of  the  under 
standing  of  those  at  the  helm  of  British  affairs  to  sup 
pose  they  judge  of  the  dispositions  of  this  adminis 
tration  from  the  miserable  trash  of  the  public  papers  ; 
and  I  trust  they  have  more  respect  for  our  under 
standings  than  to  suppose  we  are  Gallomen  or  An- 
glomen,  or  anything  but  Americans  and  the  friends 
of  our  friends,  Peace  and  friendship  are  essential 
with  all  other  nations."— EDITOR 


Friendship 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


366 


be  assured  that  they  perfectly  concur  with 
my  own  personal  convictions,  both  in  relation 
to  yourself  and  the  country  in  which  you  are. 

To  RUFUS  KING,  iv,  444.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 

163.  (W.,  July  1802.) 

3300.  FRIENDSHIP  WITH  ENG 
LAND,  Desired. — Would  to  God  that  nation 
[England]  would  so  far  be  just  in  her  con 
duct,  as  that  we  might  with  honor  give  her 
that  friendship  it  is  so  much  our  interest  to 
bear  her.— To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  300.  (M.,  April  1804.) 

3301. .  Instead  of  fearing  and 

endeavoring  to  crush  our  prosperity,  had  the 
British  cultivated  it  in  friendship,  it  might 
have  become  a  bulwark  instead  of  a  breaker 
to  them.  There  has  never  been  an  adminis 
tration  in  this  country  which  would  not 
gladly  have  met  them  more  than  half  way  on 
the  road  to  an  equal,  a  just  and  solid  con 
nection  of  friendship  and  intercourse.  And 
as  to  repressing  our  growth,  they  might  as 
well  attempt  to  repress  the  waves  of  the 
ocean.— To  JOHN  MELISH.  vi,  403.  (M.,  1814.) 

3302. .  No  one  feels  more  indig 
nation  than  myself  when  reflecting  on  the 
insults  and  injuries  of  that  country  to  this. 
But  the  interests  of  both  require  that  these 
should  be  left  to  history,  and  in  the  meantime 
be  smothered  in  the  living  mind.  I  have, 
indeed,  little  personal  concern  in  it.  Time 
is  drawing  her  curtain  on  me.  But  I  should 
make  my  bow  with  more  satisfaction,  if  I 
had  more  hope  of  seeing  our  countries  shake 
hands  together  cordially.— To  JAMES  MAURY. 
vi,  469.  (M.,  June  1815.) 

3303.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,     Her    advantage. — If    the     British 
adopt  a  course  of  friendship  with  us,  the  com 
merce    of    one    hundred    millions    of    people, 
which  some  now  born  will  live  to  see,   will 
maintain  them  forever  as  a  great  unit  of  the 
European  family.     But  if  they  go  on  check 
ing,    irritating,    injuring,    and    hostilizing   us, 
they  will  force  on  us  the  motto  "  Carthago  de- 
Icnda  est  ".    And  some  Scipio  Americanus  will 
leave  to  posterity  the  problem  of  conjecturing 
where   stood   once  the   ancient   and   splendid 
city  of  London.     *     *     *     I  hope  the  good 
sense  of  both  parties  will  concur  in  travelling 
rather  the  paths  of  peace,  of  affection,   and 
reciprocations  of  interests. — To  C.  F.  GRAY. 
vi,  439-     (M.,  1815.) 

3304.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  How  obtained. — But  is  their  friend 
ship  to  be  obtained  by  the  irritating  policy  of 
fomenting   among  us  party  discord,  and  a  teas 
ing  opposition ;  by  bribing  traitors,  whose  sale 
of   themselves   proves   they   would    sell    their 
purchasers    also,    if    their    treacheries    were 
worth  a  price?     How  much  cheaper  would  it 
be,  how  much  easier,  more  honorable,  more 
magnanimous   and   secure,   to   gain   the   gov 
ernment  itself  by  a  moral,  a  friendly  and  re 
spectful  course  of  conduct,  which  is  all  they 
would    ask    for    a    cordial    and    faithful    re 
turn.— To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,    vii,  22.     (M. 
1816.) 


3305.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Influence  of  George  III. — Circum 
stances  have  nourished  between  our  kindred 
countries     angry     dispositions     which     both 
ought  long  since  to  have  banished  from  their 
bosoms.  I  have  ever  considered  a  cordial  af 
fection  as  the  first  interest  of  both.  No  nation 
on  earth  can  hurt  us  so  much  as  yours,  none 
be  more  useful  to  you  than  ours.   The  obstacle, 
we  have  believed,   was  in  the  obstinate  and 
unforgiving  temper   of  your   late   King,   and 
a  continuance  of  his  prejudices  kept  up  from 
habit,   after  he  was   withdrawn   from  power. 
I  hope  I  now  see  symptoms  of  sounder  views 
in  your  government ;  in  which  I  know  it  will 
be  cordially  met  by  purs,   as  it  would  have 
been  by  every  administration  which  has  ex 
isted  under  our  present  Constitution.     None 
desired  it  more  cordially  than  myself,  what 
ever    different    opinions    were    impressed    on 
your  government  by  a  party  who  wishes  to 
have  its  weight  in  their  scale  as  its  exclusive 
friends. — To    MR.    ROSCOE.      vii,    196.      (M., 
1820.) 

3306.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Mr.  Merry  and.— I  thought  that  in 
the  administration  of  Mr.   Addington,  I  dis 
covered    some    dispositions    towards    justice, 
and  even  friendship  and  respect  for  us,  and 
began  to  pave  the  way  for  cherishing  these 
dispositions,  and  improving  them  into  ties  of 
mutual  good-will.     But  we  had  then  a  Fed 
eral  minister  there,  whose  dispositions  to  be 
lieve   himself,    and  to   inspire   others   with   a 
belief   in   our   sincerity,    his   subsequent   con 
duct  has  brought  into  doubt ;  and  poor  Merry, 
the  English  minister  here,  had  learned  noth 
ing  of  diplomacy  but  its  suspicions,  without 
head  enough  to  distinguish  when  they  were 
misplaced.       Mr.    Addington    and    Mr.    Fox 
passed  away  too  soon  to  avail  the  two  coun 
tries  of  their  dispositions. — To  JAMES  MAURY. 
vi,  53.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  350.     (M.,  April  1812.) 

3307.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,    Mutual   interest. — Time   and   pru 
dence   on   the  part  of  the   two   governments 
may  get  over  these   [irritations,  produced  by 
the    war    of    1812].      Manifestations    of    cor 
diality  between  them,  friendly  and  kind  offices 
made  visible  to  the  people  on  both  sides,  will 
mollify  their  feelings,  and  second  the  wishes 
of  their  functionaries  to  cultivate  peace  and 
promote  mutual  interest. — To  SIR  JOHN  SIN 
CLAIR,     vii,  23.     (M.,  1816.) 

3308.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Obstacles  to.— The  war  interests  in 
England    include    a    numerous    and    wealthy 
part  of  their  population ;  and  their  influence 
is  deemed  worth  courting  by  ministers  wish 
ing    to    keep    their    places.      Continually    en 
dangered  by  a  powerful  opposition,  they  find 
it  convenient  to  humor  the  popular  passions 
at  the  expense  of  the  public  good.     The  ship 
ping  interest,   commercial   interest,   and  their 
janizaries  of  the  navy,  all  fattening  on   war, 
will   not  be  neglected   by  ministers   of  ordi 
nary  minds.     Their  tenure  of  office  is  so  in 
firm  that  they  dare  not  follow  the  dictates  of 
wisdom,  justice,   and  the  well-calculated  in- 


367 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Friendship 
Fugitives 


terests  of  their  country.  This  vice  in  the 
English  constitution,  renders  a  dependence  on 
that  government  very  unsafe.  The  feelings 
of  their  King,  too,  fundamentally  adverse  to 
us,  have  added  another  motive  for  unfriendli 
ness  in  his  ministers.  This  obstacle  to  friend 
ship,  however,  seems  likely  to  be  soon  re 
moved  ;  and  I  verily  believe  the  successor  will 
come  in  with  fairer  and  wiser  dispositions 
towards  us;  perhaps  on  that  event  their  con 
duct  may  be  changed. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  v, 
556.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  293.  (M.,  1811.) 

3309.  -          — .    Instead  of  cultivating  the 
government  itself,  whose  principles  are  those 
of  the   great   mass  of  the   nation,   they    [the 
British  Ministry]  have  adopted  the  miserable 
policy  of  teasing  and  embarrassing  it,  by  al 
lying   themselves    with    a    faction    here    [the 
monarchical  Federalists],  not  a  tenth  of  the 
people,  noisy  and  unprincipled,  and  which  can 
never  come  into  power  while  republicanism  is 
the  spirit  of  the  nation,  and  that  must  con 
tinue  to  be  so,  until  such  a  condensation  of 
population  shall  have  taken  place  as  will  re 
quire  centuries.     Whereas,  the  good  will  of 
the  government  itself  would  give  them,  and 
immediately,    every  benefit   which   reason   or 
justice  would  permit  it  to  give. — To  THOMAS 
LAW.    v,  556.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  292.     (M.,  1811.) 

3310.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Price  of.— What  is  the  price  we  ask 
for  our  friendship?     Justice,  and  the  comity 
usually  observed  between  nation  and  nation. 
Would  there  not  be  more  of  dignity  in  this, 
more  character  and  satisfaction,  than  in  her 
teasings  and  harrassings,  her  briberies  and  in 
trigues,  to  sow  party  discord  among  us,  which 
can   never   have   more   effect   here   than    the 
opposition    within   herself   has   there;    which 
can  never  obstruct  the  begetting  children,  the 
efficient  source  of  growth ;  and  by  nourishing 
a  deadly  hatred,  will  only  produce  and  hasten 
events  which  both  of  us,  in  moments  of  sober 
reflection,  should  deplore  and  deprecate  ?   One 
half  of  the  attention  employed  in  decent  ob 
servances  towards  our  Government,  would  be 
worth  more  to  her  than  all  the  Yankee  duper 
ies  played  off  upon  her,  at  a  great  expense 
on  her  part  of  money  and  meanness,  and  of 
nourishment  to  the  vices  and  treacheries  of 
the  Henrys  and   Hulls  of  both  nations. — To 
JAMES  MAURY.    vi.  468.     (M.,  1815.) 

3311.  FRIENDSHIP      WITH      ENG 
LAND,  Sacrifices  for.— There  is  not  a  na 
tion  on  the  globe  with  whom   I  have  more 
earnestly    wished    a    friendly    intercourse    on 
equal  conditions.     On  no  other  would  I  hold 
out  the  hand  of  friendship  to  any.     I  know 
that  their  creatures  represent  me  as  person 
ally  an  enemy  to   England.     But  fools  only 
can   believe  this,   or  those  who  think  me  a 
fool.     I  am  an  enemy  to  her  insults  and  in 
juries.     I  am  an  enemy  to  the  flagitious  princi 
ples  of  her  administration,  and  to  those  which 
govern    her   conduct   towards    other   nations. 
But  would  she  give  to  morality   some  place 
in  her   political   code,   and   especially   should 
she    exercise    decency,    and    at    least    neutral 
passions  towards   us,   there  is  not,    I   repeat 


it,  a  people  on  earth  with  whom  I  would  sac 
rifice  so  much  to  be  in  friendship. — To 
CESAR  A.  RODNEY,  vi,  449.  (M.,  March 
1815-) 

3312.  FRIENDSHIP  WITH  ENG 
LAND,  Value  of. — No  man  was  more  sensi 
ble  than  myself  of  the  just  value  of  the 
friendship  of  Great  Britain.  There  are  be 
tween  us  so  many  of  those  circumstances 
which  naturally  produce  and  cement  kind  dis 
positions,  that  if  they  could  have  forgiven 
our  resistance  to  their  usurpations,  our  con 
nections  might  have  been  durable,  and  have 
insured  duration  to  both  our  governments. 
I  wished,  therefore,  a  cordial  friendship  with 
them,  and  I  spared  no  occasion  of  manifest 
ing  this  in  our  correspondence  and  inter 
course  with  them;  not  disguising,  however, 
my  desire  of  friendship  with  their  enemy 
also.  During  the  administration  of  Mr.  Ad- 
dington,  I  thought  I  discovered  some  friendly 
symptoms  on  the  part  of  that  government; 
at  least,  we  received  some  marks  of  respect 
from  the  administration,  and  some  of  regret 
at  the  wrongs  we  were  suffering  from 
their  country.  So,  also,  during  the  short  in 
terval  of  Mr.  Fox's  power.  But  every  other 
administration  since  our  Revolution  has  been 
equally  wanton  in  their  injuries  and  insults, 
and  have  manifested  equal  hatred  and  aver 
sion. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  v,  555.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  292.  (M.,  1811.) 

3313. .  I  reciprocate  congratula 
tions  with  you  sincerely  on  the  restoration  of 
peace  between  our  two  nations.  *  *  * 
Let  both  parties  now  count  soberly  the  value 
of  mutual  friendship.  I  am  satisfied  both 
will  find  that  no  advantage  either  can  derive 
from  any  act  of  injustice  whatever  will  be 
of  equal  value  with  those  flowing  from 
friendly  intercourse. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR. 
vii,  22.  (M.,  1816.) 

3314.  FRUGALITY,  Advocated.— Would 

a  missionary  appear,  who  would  make 
frugality  the  basis  of  his  religious  system, 
and  go  through  the  land  preaching  it  up  as 
the  only  road  to  salvation,  I  would  join  his 
school,  though  not  generally  disposed  to  seek 
my  religion  out  of  the  dictates  of  my  own 
reason,  and  feelings  of  my  own  heart. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,  i,  550.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.  (P., 
1786.) 

3315.  FRUGALITY,  Government  and. — 
What  more  is  necessary  to  make  us  a  happy 
and    prosperous    people?        Still    one    thing 
more:  a  wise  and  frugal  Government,  which 
shall  restrain  men  from  injuring  one  another, 
which  shall  leave  them  otherwise  free  to  reg 
ulate  their  own  pursuits  of  industry  and  im 
provement,    and    shall    not    take    from    the 
mouth  of  labor  the  bread  it  has  earned.    This 
is  the  sum  of  good  government,  and  this  is 
necessary  to  close  the  circle  of  our  felicities. 
— FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  3.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  4.     (1801.) 

3316.  FUGITIVES,  Debtors.— In  the  case 

of  fugitive  debtors  and  criminals,  it  is  always 
well  that  coterminous  States  should  under- 


Fugitives 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


368 


stand  one  another,  as  far  as  their  ideas  on 
the  rightful  powers  of  government  can  be 
made  to  go  together.  When  they  separate, 
the  cases  may  be  left  unprovided  for. — To 
MESSRS.  CARMICHAEL  AND  SHORT,  iii,  349. 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

3317.  FUGITIVES,  England  and.— Eng 
land  has  no  such  convention  with  any  nation, 
and  their  laws  have  given  no  power  to  their 
Executive  to  surrender  fugitives  of  any  de 
scription  ;  they  are  accordingly  constantly  re 
fused,    and    hence    England    has    been    the 
asylum    of   the    Paolis,    the    La    Mottes,    the 
Calonnes,  in  short,  of  the  most  atrocious  of 
fenders  as  well  as  the  most  innocent  victims, 
who  have  been  able  to  get  there. — To  PRESI 
DENT   WASHINGTON,     iii,   299.     FORD  ED.,   v, 
386.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

3318.  FUGITIVES,  Exile  and.— Does  the 
fugitive  from  his  country  avoid  punishment? 
He  incurs  exile,  not  voluntary,  but  under  a 
moral  necessity,  as  strong  as  physical.     Exile, 
in  some  countries,  has  been  the  highest  pun 
ishment  allowed  by  the  laws.    To  most  minds 
it  is  next  to  death ;  to  many  beyond  it.     The 
fugitive,  indeed,  is  not  of  the  latter :  he  must 
estimate  it  somewhat  less  than  death.    It  may 
be  said  that  to  some,  as  foreigners,  it  is  no 
punishment. — REPORT   ON    SPANISH    CONVEN 
TION,    iii,  353.    FORD  ED.,  v,  483.     (1792.) 

3319.  FUGITIVES,        Mariners.— When 
the    consular    convention    with    France    was 
under  consideration,  this  subject  was  attended 
to;  but  we  could  agree  to  go  no  further  than 
is  done  in  the  ninth  article  of  that  instru 
ment,    when    we    agree    mutually    to    deliver 
up  "  captains,  officers,  mariners,   sailors,  and 
all  other  persons  being  part  of  the  crews  of 
vessels  ",  &c.     Unless,  therefore,  the  persons 
before  named*  be  part  of  the  crew  of  some 
vessel    of   the    French   nation,    no   person    in 
this  country  is  authorized  to  deliver  them  up ; 
but,    on    the    contrary,    they    are    under    the 
protection    of    the    laws. — To    E.    C.    GENET. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  426.     (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

3320.  FUGITIVES,        Murderers.— Any 
person  having  committed  murder  of  malice 
prepense,  not  of  the  nature  of  treason,  within 
the  United   States   or  the   Spanish  provinces 
adjoining  thereto,   and  fleeing  from  the  jus 
tice  of  the  country,  shall  be  delivered  up  by 
the  government  where  he  shall  be  found,  to 
that  from  which  he  fled,  whenever  demanded 
by  the  same. — PROJECT  OF  A  SPANISH   CON 
VENTION,     iii,  350.     FORD  ED.,  v,  485.     (1792.) 

3321. .  Murder  is  one  of  the  ex 
treme  crimes  justifying  a  denial  of  habitation, 
arrest  and  redelivery.  It  should  be  care 
fully  restrained  by  definition  to  homicide  of 
malice  prepense,  and  not  of  the  nature  of 
treason.  *  *  *  The  only  rightful  subject 
then  of  arrest  and  delivery,  for  which  we 
have  need  [to  provide  by  convention],  is 
murder. — REPORT  ON  SPANISH  CONVENTION. 
iii,  352.  FORD  ED.,  v,  482.  (1792.) 

*  M.  Genet  had  requested  the  delivery  of  several 
persons  u  escaped  from  the  ship  Jupiter,  and  from 
the  punishment  of  crime  committed  against  the  Re 
public  of  France  ".—EDITOR. 


3322.  FUGITIVES,   Political.— However 
desirable  it  be  that  the  perpetrators  of  crimes, 
acknowledged    to    be    such    by    all    mankind, 
should  be  delivered  up  to  punishment,  yet  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  draw  the  line  between 
those  and   acts  rendered   criminal  by   tyran 
nical  laws  only;  hence  the  first  step  always, 
is   a  convention   defining  the  cases   where   a 
surrender    shall    take    place. — To    PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,      iii,   300.      FORD  ED.,   v,   386. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

3323.  FUGITIVES,  Protection  of  .—The 

laws  of  this  country  take  no  notice  of  crimes 
committed  out  of  their  jurisdiction.  The 
most  atrocious  offender  coming  within  their 
pale,  is  received  by  them  as  an  innocent  man, 
and  they  have  authorized  no  one  to  seize  or 
deliver  him.  The  evil  of  protecting  malefac 
tors  of  every  dye  is  sensibly  felt  here,  as  in 
other  countries ;  but  until  a  reformation  of 
the  criminal  codes  of  most  nations,  to  deliver 
fugitives  from  them,  would  be  to  become 
their  accomplices ;  the  former,  therefore,  is 
viewed  as  the  lesser  evil. — To  EDMOND 
CHARLES  GENET.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  426.  (Pa., 
Sep.  1793.) 

3324.  FUGITIVES,  Punishment  of  .—All 
excess  of  punishment  is  a  crime.     To  remit 
a  fugitive  to  excessive  punishment,  is  to  be 
accessory  to  the  crime.    Ought  we  to  wish  for 
the  obligation,  or  the  right  to  do  it?    Better 
on   the   whole,    to    consider   these   crimes   as 
sufficiently  punished  by  the  exile. — REPORT  ON 
SPANISH  CONVENTION,     iii,  354.    FORD  ED.,  v, 
484.     (1792.) 

3325.  FUGITIVES,      Rights  of.— Has  a 

nation  a  right  to  punish  a  person  who  has 
not  offended  itself?  Writers  on  the  law  of 
nature  agree  that  it  has  not;  that  on  the 
contrary,  exiles  and  fugitives  are  to  them 
as  other  strangers,  and  have  a  right  of  resi 
dence,  unless  their  presence  would  be  nox 
ious;  e.  g.,  infectious  persons.  One  writer, 
(Vattel,  L.  I.  5,  233.)  extends  the  exception 
to  atrocious  criminals,  too  imminently  dan 
gerous  to  society ;  namely,  to  pirates,  murder 
ers,  and  incendiaries. — REPORT  ON  SPANISH 
CONVENTION,  iii,  352.  FORD  ED.,  v,  481. 
(1792.) 

3326.  FUGITIVES,    Slaves.— Complaint 
has    been    made    by    the    representatives    of 
Spain  that  certain  individuals  of  Georgia  en 
tered  the  State  of  Florida,  and  without  any 
application    to    the    Government,    seized    and 
carried  into  Georgia,   certain  persons,   whom 
they  claimed  to  be  their  slaves.    This  aggres 
sion  was  thought  the  more  of,  as  there  exists 
a   convention   between   that  government   and 
the  United   States  against  receiving  fugitive 
slaves.     The    minister    of    France    has    com 
plained  that  the  master  of  an  American  ves 
sel,  while  lying  within  a  harbor  of  St.   Do 
mingo,     having    enticed     some     negroes     on 
board  his   vessel,    under  pretext   of   employ 
ment,    brought  them   off,    and    sold   them   in 
Georgia  as  slaves.     I.  Has  the  General  Gov 
ernment  cognizance  of  these  offences?     2.  If 
it  has,  is  any  law  already  provided  for  try- 


369 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Fugitives 
Fur  trade 


ing  and  punishing  them?  i.  The  Constitu 
tion  says  *'  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay 
and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises, 
to  pay  the  debts,  &c.,  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States ".  I  do  not  consider  this  clause  as 
reaching  the  point.  *  *  *  The  Constitu 
tion  says  further,  that  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  "  define  and  punish  piracies  and 
felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and  of 
fences  against  the  law  of  nations ".  These 
offences  were  not  committed  on  the  high 
seas,  and  consequently  not  within  that 
branch  of  the  clause.  Are  they  against  the 
law  of  nations,  taken  as  it  may  be  in  its  whole 
extent,  as  founded,  ist,  in  nature;  2d,  usage; 
3d,  convention.  So  much  may  be  said  in  the 
affirmative,  that  the  legislators  ought  to  send 
the  case  before  the  judiciary  for  discussion ; 
and  the  rather,  when  it  is  considered  that 
unless  the  offenders  can  be  punished  under 
this  clause,  there  is  no  other  which  goes  di 
rectly  to  their  case,  and  consequently  our 
peace  with  foreign  nations  will  be  constantly 
at  the  discretion  of  individuals.  2.  Have  the 
legislators  sent  this  question  before  the 
Courts  by  any  law  already  provided?  The 
act  of  1789,  chapter  20,  section  9,  says  the 
district  courts  shall  have  cognizance  con 
current  with  the  courts  of  the  several  States, 
or  the  circuit  courts,  of  all  causes,  where  an 
alien  sues  for  a  tort  only,  in  violation  of 
the  law  of  nations;  but  what  if  there  be  no 
alien  whose  interest  is  such  as  to  support 
an  action  for  the  tort?  — which  is  precisely 
the  case  of  the  aggression  on  Florida.  If 
the  act  in  describing  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Courts,  had  given  them  cognizance  of  pro 
ceedings  by  way  of  indictment  or  information 
against  offenders  under  the  law  of  nations,  for 
the  public  wrong,  and  on  the  public  behalf, 
as  well  as  to  an  individual  for  the  special  tort, 
it  would  have  been  the  thing  desired.  The 
same  act,  section  13,  says,  the  "  Supreme 
Court  shall  have  exclusively  all  such  jurisdic 
tion  of  suits  or  proceedings  against  am 
bassadors,  or  other  public  ministers,  or  their 
domestics  or  domestic  servants,  as  a  court  of 
law  can  have  or  exercise  consistently,  with 
the  law  of  nations  ".  Still  this  is  not  the  case, 
no  ambassador,  &c.,  being  concerned  here.  I 
find  nothing  else  in  the  law  applicable  to  this 
question,  and  therefore  presume  the  case  is 
still  to  be  provided  for,  and  that  this  may  be 
done  by  enlarging  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
courts,  so  that  they  may  sustain  indictments 
and  informations  on  the  public  behalf,  for 
offences  against  the  law  of  nations.* — OPIN 
ION  ON  FUGITIVE  SLAVES,  vii,  601.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  141.  (1792.) 

3327.  FUGITIVES,  Treaties  Respect 
ing. — Two  neighboring  and  free  governments, 
with  laws  equally  mild  and  just,  would  find 

*  Jefferson  added  at  a  later  period:  "  On  further 
examination  it  does  appear  that  the  nth  section  of 
the  Judiciary  Act,  above  cited,  gives  to  the  circuit 
courts  exclusively,  cognizance  or  all  crimes  and  of 
fences  cognizable  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  otherwise  provided  for.  This  removes 
the  difficulty,  however,  but  one  step  further;  for  ques 
tions  then  arise,  ist:  What  is  the  peculiar  character 
of  the  offence  in  question  ;  to  wit,  treason,  felony, 


no  difficulty  in  forming  a  convention  for  the 
interchange  of  fugitive  criminals.  Nor 
would  two  neighboring  despotic  governments, 
with  laws  of  equal  severity.  The  latter  wish 
that  no  door  should  be  opened  to  their  sub 
jects  flying  from  the  oppression  of  their 
laws.  The  fact  is^  that  most  of  the  govern 
ments  on  the  continent  of  Europe  have  such 
conventions;  but  England,  the  only  free  one 
till  lately,  has  never  yet  consented  to  enter 
into  a  convention  for  this  purpose,  or  to  give 
up  a  fugitive.  The  difficulty  between  a  free 
government  and  a  despotic  one,  is  indeed 
great. — To  GOVERNOR  PINCKNEY.  iii,  346. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  492.  (1792.) 

3328.  FUNDING,    Posterity    and.— The 
principle  of  spending  money  to  be  paid  by 
posterity,  under  the  name  of  funding,  is  but 
swindling  futurity  on  a  large  scale. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,      vi,  608.      FORD  ED.,  x,   31.       (M., 
1816.) 

3329.  FUNDING,    Redemption    and.— 
Funding  I  consider  as  limited,  rightfully,  to 
a  redemption  of  the  debt  within  the  lives  of  a 
majority    of    the    generation    contracting    it; 
every  generation  coming  equally,  by  the  laws 
of   the    Creator   of   the    world,    to    the    free 
possession  of  the  earth  He  made  for  their  sub 
sistence,  unincumbered  by  their  predecessors, 
who,  like  them,  were  but  tenants  for  life. — To 
JOHN    TAYLOR,     vi,     605.     FORD    ED.,   x,   28. 
(M.,     May     1816.)       See     ASSUMPTION     OF 
STATE  DEBTS,  DEBT,  GENERATIONS,  and  HAM 
ILTON. 

3330.  FUR   TRADE,   Aid   to   Astor.— I 
learn  with  great  satisfaction  the  disposition  of 
our  merchants  to  form  into  companies  for  un 
dertaking    the    Indian    trade    within    our    own 
territories.     I    have   been   taught   to    believe    it 
an  advantageous  one  for  the  individual  adven 
turers,  and  I  consider  it  as  highly  desirable  to 
have  that  trade  centered  in  the  hands  of  our 
own  citizens.     *     *     *     All  beyond  the  Missis 
sippi  is  ours  exclusively,  and  it  will  be  in  our 
own  power  to  give  our  own  traders  great  advan 
tages    over   their    foreign    competitors    on    this 
side  the  Mississippi.     You  may  be  assured  that 
in    order    to    get    the    whole    of    this    business 
passed  into  the  hands  of  our  own  citizens,  and 
to    oust    foreign    traders,    who    so    much    abuse 
their  privilege  by  endeavoring  to  excite  the  In 
dians  to  war  on  us,  every  reasonable  patronage 
and  facility  in  the  power  of  the  Executive  will 
be  afforded. — To  JOHN   JACOB  ASTOR.     v,   269. 
(W.,  1808.) 

3331.  —         — .A  powerful   company  is 
at    length    forming    for    taking    up    the    Indian 
commerce  on  a  large  scale.     They  will  employ 
a  capital  the  first  year  of  $.300,000,  and  raise  it 
afterwards   to   a   million.     The   English    Macki- 
nac  company  will  probably  withdraw  from  the 
competition.     It  will  be  under  the  direction  of 
a  most  excellent  man,  a  Mr.  Astor,  merchant  of 
New  York,  long  engaged  in  the  business,  and 
perfectly  master  of  it.     He  has  some  hope  of 
seeing  you  at  St.  Louis,  in  which  case  I  recom 
mend  him  to  your  particular  attention.     Noth 
ing  but  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  Indian 
commerce  can  secure  us  their  peace. — To  MERI- 

WF.THER    LEWIS.       V,       321.       FORD     ED.,       IX,      IQO. 

(W.,  July    1808.) 

misdemeanor,  or  trespass  ?  ad.  What  is  its  specific 
punishment,  capital  or  what?  sd.  Whence  is  the  venue 
to  come  ?  "—EDITOR. 


Fur  trade 

Gage  (General  Thomas) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


370 


3332.  FUR  TRADE,  Difficulties  in.— I 

am  sorry  your  enterprise  for  establishing  a  fac 
tory  on  the  Columbia  river,  and  a  commerce 
through  the  line  of  that  river  and  the  Missouri, 
should  meet  with  the  difficulties  stated  in  your 
letter.  I  remember  well  having  invited  your 
proposition  on  that  subject,  and  encouraged  it 
with  the  assurance  of  every  facility  and  pro 
tection  which  the  government  could  properly 
afford.  I  considered  as  a  great  public  acqui 
sition  the  commencement  of  a  settlement  on 
that  point  of  the  Western  coast  of  America, 
and  looked  forward  with  gratification  to  the 
time  when  its  descendants  should  have  spread 
themselves  through  the  whole  length  of  that 
coast,  covering  it  with  free  and  independent 
Americans,  unconnected  with  us  but  by  the  ties 
of  blood  and  interest,  and  employing  like  us 
the  rights  of  self-government.  I  hope  the 
obstacles  you  state  are  not  insurmountable ; 
that  they  will  not  endanger,  or  even  delay  the 
accomplishment  of  so  great  a  public  purpose. — 
To  JOHN  JACOB  ASTOR.  vi,  55.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
351.  (M.,  May  1812.) 

3333.  FUR  TRADE,  Great  Britain  and. 

— In  the  present  state  of  affairs  between  Great 
Britain  and  us,  the  government  is  justly  jeal 
ous  of  the  contraventions  of  those  commercial 
restrictions  which  have  been  deemed  necessary 
to  exclude  the  use  of  British  manufactures  in 
these  States,  and  to  promote  the  establishment 
of  similar  ones  among  ourselves.  The  in 
terests,  too,  of  the  revenue  require  particular 
watchfulness.  But  in  the  non-importation 
of  British  manufactures,  and  the  revenue 
raised  on  foreign  goods,  the  Legislature 
could  only  have  in  view  the  consumption 
of  our  own  citizens,  and  the  revenue  to  be 
levied  on  that.  We  certainly  did  not  mean  to 
interfere  with  the  consumption  of  nations  for 
eign  to  us,  as  the  Indians  of  the  Columbia  and 
Missouri  are,  or  to  assume  a  right  of  levying 
an  impost  on  that  consumption ;  and  if  the 
words  of  the  laws  take  in  their  supplies  in 
either  view,  it  was  probably  unintentional,  and 
because  their  case  not  being  under  the  con 
templation  of  the  Legislature,  has  been  inad 
vertently  embraced  by  it.  The  question  with 
them  would  be  not  what  manufactures  these 
nations  should  use,  or  what  taxes  they  should 
pay  us  on  them,  but  whether  we  would  give  a 
transit  for  them  through  our  country.  We 
have  a  right  to  say  we  will  not  let  the  British 
exercise  that  transit.  But  it  is  our  interest, 
as  well  as  a  neighborly  duty,  to  allow  it  when 
exercised  by  our  own  citizens  only.  To  guard 
against  any  surreptitious  introduction  of  Brit 
ish  influence  among  those  nations,  we  may 
justifiably  require  that  no  Englishman  be  per 
mitted  to  go  with  the  trading  parties,  and 
necessary  precautions  should  also  be  taken  to 
prevent  this  covering  the  contravention  of  our 
own  laws  and  views.  But  these  once  securely 
guarded,  our  interest  would  permit  the  transit 
free  of  duty. — To  JOHN  JACOB  ASTOR.  vi,  5^. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  351.  (M.,  May  1812.) 

3334.  FUTURE,   Dreams  of.— I   like  the 
dreams  of  the  future  better  than  the  history  of 
the    past. — To    JOHN    ADAMS,      vii,    27.      (M.. 
1816.) 

3335.  FUTURE  LIFE,  Belief  in.— Your 
son  found  me  in  a  retirement  I   doat  on,  liv 
ing   like   an   antediluvian   patriarch   among   my 
children  and  grandchildren,  and  tilling  my  soil. 
As    he    had    lately    come    from     Philadelphia, 
Boston,  &c.,  he  was  able  to  give  me  a  great  deal 
of  information  of  what  is  passing  in  the  world, 
and  I  pestered  him  with  questions  pretty  much 


as  our  friends  Lynch,  Nelson,  &c.,  will  [pester] 
us,  when  we  step  across,  the  Styx,  for  they  will 
wish  to  know  what  has  been  passing  above 
ground  since  they  left  us. — To  EDWARD  RUT- 
LEDGE,  iv,  124.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  39.  (M.,  Nov. 
I795-) 

3336. .    Your  letter  was  like  the 

joy  we  expect  in  the  mansions  of  the  blessed, 
when  received  with  the  embraces  of  our  fa 
thers,  we  shall  be  welcomed  with  their  blessing 
as  having  done  our  part  not  unworthily  of 
them. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON,  iv,  365.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  7.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

3337.  FUTURE  LIFE,  Felicity  of  .—Per 
haps  one  of  the  elements  of  future  felicity  is 
to   be   a   constant   and   unimpassioned   view   of 
what  is  passing  here. — To   MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  53.    FORD  ED.,  x,  71.     (M.,  1817.) 

3338.  - .     But    these    are    specula 
tions   which   we   may    as   will   deliver    over   to 
those  who  are  to  see  their  development.     We 
shall  only  be  lookers  on,  from  the  clouds  above, 
as  now  we  look  down  on  the  laborers,  the  hurry 
and  bustle  of  the  ants  and  bees.     Perhaps  in 
that  super-mundane  region,  we  may  be  amused 
with  seeing  the  fallacy  of  our  own  guesses,  and 
even    the    nothingness    of   those    labors,    which 
have  filled  and  agitated  our  own  time  here. — 
To  JOHN   ADAMS,     vii,    105.   FORD   ED.,  x,    109. 
(M.,   1818.) 

3339.  FUTURE   LIFE,   Reunion.— Your 

age  of  eighty-four  and  mine  of  eighty-one  years 
insure  us  a  speedy  meeting.  We  may  then 
commune  at  leisure,  and  more  fully,  on  the 
good  and  evil  which,  in  the  course  of  our  long 
lives,  we  have  both  witnessed. — To  JOHN  CART- 
WRIGHT,  vii,  361.  (M.,  1824.) 

3340.  GAGE    (General    Thomas),    Ap 
pointment.— The    substitution    of   Gage    for 
Hutchinson  was  not  intended  as  a  favor,  but, 
by   putting   the   civil   government   into   military 
hands,  was  meant  to  show  they  would  enforce 
their  measures  by  arms. — NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S 
WTORK.    ix,  300.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  307.     (P.,  1786.) 

3341.  GAGE    (General    Thomas),    Op 
pressor.— General     Gage,     by     proclamation 
bearing  date  the  I2th  day  of  June,  after  re 
citing  the  grossest  falsehoods  and  calumnies 
against   the   good   people   of  these   Colonies, 
proceeds  to  declare  them  all,  either  by  name 
or  description,  to  be  rebels  and  traitors,  to 
supersede  the  exercise  of  the  common  law  of 
the    said   province    [Massachusetts],    and    to 
proclaim   and   order  instead   thereof  the   use 
and     exercise     of    the     law     martial.       This 
bloody  edict  issued,  he  has  proceeded  to  com 
mit  further  ravages  and  murders  in  the  same 
province,   burning  the  town  of  Charlestown, 
attacking   and   killing  great   numbers   of  the 
people  residing  or  assembled  therein;  and  is 
now  going  on  in  an  avowed  course  of  mur 
der  and  devastation,  taking  every  occasion  to 
destroy   the   lives   and   properties   of  the   in 
habitants.    To  oppose  his  arms  we  also  have 
taken  up  arms.     We  should  be  wanting  to 
ourselves,    we    should   be   perfidious    to    pos 
terity,  we  should  be  unworthy  that  free  an 
cestry    from    which    we    derive    our    descent, 
should  we  submit  with  folded  arms  to  mili 
tary  butchery  and  depredation,  to  gratify  the 
lordly  ambition,  or  sate  the  avarice  of  a  British 
ministry.     We  do,  then,  most  solemnly,  be- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Gallatin  (Albert) 


fore  God  and  the  world  declare  that,  regard 
less  of  every  consequence,  at  the  risk  of 
every  distress,  the  arms  we  have  been  com 
pelled  to  assume  we  will  use  with  per 
severance,  exerting  to  their  utmost  energies 
all  those  powers  which  our  Creator  hath 
given  us,  to  preserve  that  liberty  which  he 
committed  to  us  in  sacred  deposit  and  to  pro 
tect  from  every  hostile  hand  our  lives  and  our 
properties. — DECLARATION  ON  TAKING  UP 
ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  473-  (July  1775- ) 

3342.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Ability.— 
The  ablest  man  except  the  President  [Madison] 
who  was  ever  in  the  administration. — To  WILL 
IAM  WIRT.  v,  595.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  319.  (Mv 
May  1811.) 

3343. ,  Our  worthy,  our  able, 

and  excellent  minister  [to  France]. — To  F.  H. 
ALEXANDER  VON  HUMBOLDT.  vii,  75.  FORD  ED., 
x,  89.  (M.,  1817.) 

3344.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Advertis 
ing  for.— The  minister  for  Geneva  has  desired 
me  to  have  enquiries  made  after  the  Mr.  Gal 
latin  named  in  the  within  paper.  I  will  pray 
you  to  have  the  necessary  advertisements  in 
serted  in  the  papers,  and  to  be  so  good  as  to 
favor  me  with  the  result. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i, 
525.  (P.,  1786.) 

3345. .     I  am  to  thank  you  on  the 

part  of  the  minister  of  Geneva  for  the  intelli 
gence  it  contained  on  the  subject  of  Gallatin, 
whose  relations  will  be  relieved  by  the  receipt 
of  it. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  602.  (P.,  1786.) 

3346.  GALLATIN    (Albert),    Ark   of 
safety. — There  is  no  truer  man  than  Mr.  Gal 
latin,  and  after  the  President  he  is  the  ark  of 
our   safety. — To    DABNEY    CARR.     FORD   ED.,   ix, 
317.     (M.,  1811.) 

3347.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Cabinet  dis 
sensions. — In  the  earlier  part  of  the  adminis 
tration,     you     witnessed     the     malignant     and 
long    continued    efforts    which    the    Federalists 
exerted   in   their   newspapers,   to   produce   mis 
understanding  between   Mr.    Madison   and   my 
self.     Those  failed  completely.     A  like  attempt 
was  afterwards  made,  through  other  channels, 
to    effect    a    similar    purpose    between    General 
Dearborn   and  myself,   but  with   no   more   suc 
cess.      The    machinations    of    the    last    session 
to  put  you  at  cross  purposes  with  us  all,  were 
so  obvious  as  to  be  seen  at  the  first  glance  of 
every  eye.     In  order  to  destroy  one  member  of 
the  administration,  the  whole  were  to  be  set  to 
loggerheads  to  destroy  one  another.     I  observe 
in    the   papers   lately,    new    attempts   to    revive 
this   stale   artifice,    and   that   they   squint   more 
directly    towards    you    and    myself.      I    cannot, 
therefore,  be  satisfied,  till  I  declare  to  you  ex 
plicitly,   that   my   affections    and    confidence   in 
you  are  nothing  impaired,  and  that  they  cannot 
be  impaired  by  means  so  unworthy  the  notice 
of   candid   and   honorable   minds.      I    make   the 
declaration,  that  no  doubts  or  jealousies,  which 
often  beget  the  facts  they  fear,  may  find  a  mo 
ment's  harbor  in  either  of  our  minds. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.  v,  23.    FORD  ED.,  viii.  475.  (W., 
Oct.  1806.) 

3348. .     I    have    reflected    much 

and  painfully  on  the  change  of  dispositions 
which  has  taken  place  among  the  members  of 
the  cabinet  *  *  *  .  It  would  be,  indeed,  a 
great  public  calamity  were  it  to  fix  you  in  the 
purpose  you  seemed  to  think  possible  [resig 
nation].  I  consider  the  fortunes  of  our  repub 
lic  as  depending,  in  an  eminent  degree,  on  the 


extinguishment  of  the  public  debt  before  we 
engage  in  any  war :  because,  that  done,  we  shall 
have  revenue  enough  to  improve  our  country 
in  peace  and  defend  it  in  war,  without  recur 
ring  either  to  new  taxes  or  loans.  But  if  the 
debt  should  once  more  be  swelled  to  a  formid 
able  size,  its  entire  discharge  will  be  despaired 
oi,  and  we  shall  be  committed  to  the  English 
career  of  debt,  corruption  and  rottenness,  clos 
ing  with  revolution.  The  discharge  of  the 
debt,  therefore,  is  vital  to  the  destinies  of  our 
government,  and  it  hangs  on  Mr.  Madison  and 
yourself  alone.  We  shall  never  see  another 
President  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ma 
king  all  other  objects  subordinate  to  this.  Were 
either  of  you  to  be  lost  to  the  public,  that  great 
hope  is  lost.  I  had  always  cherished  the  idea 
that  you  would  fix  on  that  object  the  measure 
of  your  fame,  and  of  the  gratitude  which  our 
country  will  owe  you.  Nor  can  I  yield  up  this 
prospect  to  the  secondary  considerations  which 
assail  your  tranquillity.  For,  sure  I  am,  they 
never  can  produce  any  other  serious  effect. 
Your  value  is  too  justly  estimated  by  our  fel 
low  citizens  at  large,  as  well  as  their  func 
tionaries,  to  admit  any  remissness  in  their  sup 
port  of  you.  My  opinion  always  was,  that  none 
of  us  ever  occupied  stronger  ground  in  the 
esteem  of  Congress  than  yourself,  and  I  am 
satisfied  there  is  no  one  who  does  not  feel  your 
aid  to  be  still  as  important  for  the  future  as 
it  has  been  for  the  past.  You  have  nothing, 
therefore,  to  apprehend  in  the  dispositions  of 
Congress,  and  still  less  of  the  President,  who, 
above  all  men,  is  the  most  interested  and  affec 
tionately  disposed  to  support  you.  I  hope,  then, 
you  will  abandon  entirely  the  idea  you  ex 
pressed  to  me,  and  that  you  will  consider  the 
eight  years  to  come  as  essential  to  your  po 
litical  career.  I  should  certainly  consider  any 
earlier^  day  of  your  retirement,  as  the  most 
inauspicious  day  our  new  government  has  ever 
seen.  In  addition  to  the  common  interest  in 
this  question,  I  feel  particularly  for  myself  the 
considerations  of  gratitude  which  I  personally 
owe  you  for  your  valuable  aid  during  my  ad 
ministration  of  public  affairs,  a  just  sense  of 
the  large  portion  of  the  public  approbation 
which  was  earned  by  your  labors  and  belongs 
to  you,  and  the  sincere  friendship  and  attach 
ment  which  grew  out  of  our  joint  exertions  to 
promote  the  common  good. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
I.ATIN.  v,  477.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  264.  (M.  Oct.  1809.) 

3349. .     The  newspapers  pretend 

that  Mr.  Gallatin  will  go  out  [of  the  cabinet]. 
That  indeed  would  be  a  day  of  mourning  for 
the  United  States. — To  DR.  WALTER  JONES,  v, 
510.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  273.  (M.,  1810.) 

3350.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Courage.— I 

believe  Mr.  Gallatin  to  be  of  a  pure  integrity, 
and  as  zealously  devoted  to  the  liberties  and 
interests  of  our  country  as  its  most  affectionate 
native  citizen.  Of  this  his  courage  in  Con 
gress  in  the  days  of  terror,  gave  proofs  which 
nothing  can  obliterate  from  the  recollection  of 
those  who  were  witnesses  of  it.  *  *  *  An 
intercourse,  almost  daily,  of  eight  years  with 
him,  has  given  me  opportunities  of  knowing  his 
character  more  thoroughly  than  perhaps  any 
other  man  living. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v, 
574.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  311.  (M.,  1811.) 

3351.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Newspaper 
attacks. — I  have  seen  with  infinite  grief  the 
set  which  is  made  at  you  in  the  public  papers, 
and   with   the  more   as   my   name   has   been   so 
much  used  in  it.     I  hope  we  both  know  one  an 
other    too     well    to     receive    impression     from 
circumstances    of   this    kind.      A   twelve   years' 
intimate  and  friendly  intercourse  must  be  bet- 


Gallatin  (Albert) 
Generals 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


372 


ter  evidence  to  each  of  the  dispositions  of  the 
other  than  the  letters  of  foreign  ministers  to 
their  courts,  or  tortured  inferences  from  facts 
true  or  false.  I  have  too  thorough  a  convic 
tion  of  your  cordial  good  will  towards  me,  and 
too  strong  a  sense  c  t  the  faithful  and  able  as 
sistance  I  received  from  you,  to  relinquish 
them  on  any  evidence  but  of  my  own  senses. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  538.  (M.,  1810.) 

3352.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Support  of 
the  bank. — Mr.  Gallatin's  support  of  the  bank 
has,  I  believe,  been  disapproved  by  many.     He 
was  not  in  Congress  when  that  was  establishedj 
and    therefore    had    never    committed    himself, 
publicly,   on  the  constitutionality  of  that  insti 
tution,   nor  do   I   recollect  ever  to   have   heard 
him  declare  himself  on  it.     I  know  he  derived 
immense    convenience    from    it,    because    they 
gave  the  effect  of  ubiquity  to  his  money  wher 
ever    deposited.     *     *     *     He    was,    therefore, 
cordial   to   the   bank.      I   often   pressed   him   to 
divide   the   public    deposits    among   all    the   re 
spectable  banks,  being  indignant  myself  at  the 
open  hostility  of  that  institution  to  a  govern 
ment  on  whose  treasuries  they  were  fattening. 
But    his    repugnance   to    it   prevented    my    per 
sisting.     And  if  he  was  in  favor  of  the  bank, 
what  is  the  amount  of  that  crime  or  error  in 
which    he   had   a   majority,    save   one,    in    each 
House  of  Congress  as  participators  ? — To  WILL 
IAM   WIRT.     v,   595.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   318.      (Ml, 
May   1811.) 

3353.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Tribute  to. 

— They  say  Mr.  Gallatin  was  hostile  to  me. 
This  is  false.  I  .was  indebted  to  nobody  for 
more  cordial  aid  [during  my  administration] 
than  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  nor  could  any  man  more 
solicitously  interest  himself  in  behalf  of  an 
other  than  he  did  of  myself. — To  WILLIAM 
WIRT.  v,  594.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  318.  (M.,  1811.) 

3354.  GALLATIN  (Albert),  Usefulness. 

— I  congratulate  you  sincerely  on  your  safe 
return  to  your  own  country,  and  without  know 
ing  your  own  wishes,  mine  are  that  you  would 
never  leave  it  again.  I  know  you  would  be  use 
ful  to  us  at  Paris,  and  so  you  would  anywhere ; 
but  nowhere  so  useful  as  here. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  vi,  498.  (M.,  1815.) 

3355.  GAMBLING,    Evils    of.— Gaming 
corrupts  our  dispositions,   and  teaches  us  a 
habit   of   hostility   against   all   mankind. — To 
MARTHA    JEFFERSON.       FORD    ED.,     iv,     389. 
(1787.) 

—  GARDENING.— See  HORTICULTURE. 

3356.  GASTRONOMY,  English.— I  fancy 
it  must  be  the  quantity  of  animal   food  eaten 
by   the   English   which   renders   their   character 
insusceptible    of    civilization.      I    suspect    it    is 
in    their   kitchens,    and   not   in    their    churches 
that    their    reformation    must    be    worked,    and 
that    missionaries    of    that    description     from 
hence    [Paris]    would    avail    more    than    those 
who  should  endeavor  to  tame  them  by  precepts 
of  religion  or  philosophy. — To  MRS.  JOHN  AD 
AMS.     FORD  ED.,   iv,    100.      (P.,    1785.) 

3357.  GASTRONOMY,    French.— In    the 
pleasures   of  the  table   they    [the   French]    are 
far   before   us,   because,    with    good   taste   they 
unite  temperance.     They  do  not  terminate  the 
most  sociable  meals  by  transforming  themselves 
into    brutes. — To    MR.    BELLINI,      i,    445.      (P., 
1785.) 

3358.  GATES   (General  Horatio),   Bat 
tle  of  Camden. — Good  dispositions  and  ar 


rangements  will  not  do  without  a  certain  de 
gree  of  bravery  and  discipline  in  those  who  are 
to  carry  them  into  execution.  This,  the  men 
whom  you  commanded,  or  the  greater  part  of 
them  at  least,  unfortunately  wanted  on  that 
particular  occasion.  *  I  have  not  a  doubt  but 
that,  on  a  fair  enquiry,  the  returning  justice 
of  your  countrymen  will  remind  them  of  Sara 
toga,  and  induce  them  to  recognize  your  merits. 
— To  GENERAL  GATES,  i,  314.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  52. 
(M.,  1781.) 

3359.  GATES  (General  Horatio),  Civil 
office    for.— General     Gates    would     supply 
Short's    place    in    the    Council    very    well,    and 
would  act. — To  JAMES   MADISON.    FORD  ED     iii 
403.     (A.,  Feb.   1784.) 

3360.  GEISMER     (Baron),    Friendship 

for.— From  a  knowledge  of  the  man   I   am 

become     interested     in     his     happiness  f To 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.  FORD  EDV  ii,  181.  (M. 
I779-) 

3361. .     Whether  fortune  means 

to  allow  or  deny  me  the  pleasure  of  ever  see 
ing  you  again,  be  assured  that  the  worth  which 
gave  birth  to  my  attachment,  and  which  still 
animates  it,  will  continue  to  keep  it  up  while 
we  both  live. — To  BARON  GEISMER.  i  428 
(P.,  1785.) 

3362.  GEM  (Doctor),  Solicitude  for.— I 

must  ask  you  to  see  for  me  *  *  *  and  pre 
sent  my  affectionate  remembrances  to  him,  Dr. 
Gem,  an  old  English  physician  in  the  Fau 
bourg  St.  Germains,  who  practiced  only  for 
his  friends,  and  would  take  nothing,  one  of  the 
most  sensible  and  worthy  men  I  have  ever 
known. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.  vii 
19.  (M.,  1795-) 

3363.  GENERALS,   Brave.— Our  militia 
are  heroes   when   they   have   heroes   to   lead 
them.— To  W.  H.  CRAWFORD,     vi,  420.    (FoRD 
ED.,  ix,  504.     (M.,  1815.) 

3364.  GENERALS,   Costly.— The   seeing 
whether  our  untried  generals  will  stand  proof 
is  a  very  dear  operation.    Two  of  them  have 
cost  us  a  great  many  men. — To   PRESIDENT 
MADISON.      FORD    ED.,    ix,    370.      (M.     Nov 
1812.) 

3365. .     The     Creator    has     not 

thought  proper  to  mark  those  in  the  forehead 
who  are  of  stuff  to  make  good  generals.  We 
are  first,  therefore,  to  seek  them  blindfold, 
and  let  them  learn  the  trade  at  the  expense 
of  great  losses. — To  GENERAL  BAILEY,  vi 
100.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3366. .     Our   only   hope   is   that 

these  misfortunes  will  at  length  elicit  by  trial 
the  characters  qualified  by  nature  from  those 
unqualified,  to  be  entrusted  with  the  destinies 
of  their  fellow  citizens. — To  GENERAL  ARM 
STRONG.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3367.  GENERALS,     Discipline     and.— 

Good  dispositions  and  arrangements  will  not 
do  without  a  certain  degree  of  bravery  and 
discipline  in  those  who  are  to  carry  them 
into  execution. — To  GENERAL  GATES,  i,  314. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  52.  (1781.) 

*  Battle  of  Camden.— EDITOR. 

t  From  a  letter  recommending  Geismer's  exchange 
as  a  prisoner  of  war.  He  was  one  of  the  Hessian 
generals. — EDITOR. 


373 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Generals 


3368.  GENERALS,      Discovering.— Our 

war  on  the  land  has  commenced  most  in- 
auspiciously.  I  fear  we  are  to  expect  re 
verses  until  we  can  find  out  who  are  quali 
fied  for  command,  and  until  these  can  learn 
their  profession. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi, 
99.  (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

3369. .     It    is    unfortunate    that 

heaven  has  not  set  its  stamp  on  the  fore 
heads  of  those  whom  it  has  qualified  for 
military  achievement;  that  it  has  left  us  to 
draw  for  them  in  a  lottery  of  so  many  blanks 
to  a  prize,  and  where  the  blank  is  to  be  man 
ifested  only  by  the  public  misfortunes.  If 
nature  had  planted  the  fccnuni  in  cornu  on 
the  front  of  treachery,  of  cowardice,  of  im 
becility,  the  unfortunate  debut  we  have  made 
on  the  theatre  of  war  would  not  have  sunk 
our  spirits  at  home,  and  our  character 
abroad. — To  GENERAL  JOHN  ARMSTRONG,  vi, 
103.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3370. .     These   experiments   will 

at  least  have  the  good  effect  of  bringing  for 
ward  those  whom  nature  has  qualified  for 
military  trust. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3371.  GENERALS,  Good.— Whenever  we 
have  good  commanders,  we  shall  have  good 
soldiers,  and  good  successes. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.     (1813.) 

3372.  GENERALS,      Incompetent.— On 

the  land,  indeed,  we  have  been  most  unfortu 
nate;  so  wretched  a  succession  of  generals 
never  before  destroyed  the  fairest  expecta 
tions  of  a  nation,  counting  on  the  bravery 
of  its  citizens,  which  has  proved  itself  on  all 
these  trials.— To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  vi, 
106.  (M.,  March  1813.) 

3373.  — .     I  am  happy  to  observe 

the  public   mind   not   discouraged,   and   that 
it   does   not   associate    its    government    with 
these     unfortunate     agents. — To     PRESIDENT 
MADISON.      FORD    ED.,    ix,    380.      (M.,    Feb. 
1813.) 

3374. .     Will  not  [General]  Van 

Rensselaer  be  broke  for  cowardice  and  in 
capacity?  To  advance  such  a  body  of  men 
across  a  river  without  securing  boats  to  bring 
them  off  in  case  of  disaster,  has  cost  700 
men;  and  to  have  taken  no  part  himself  in 
such  an  action,  and  against  such  a  general 
would  be  nothing  but  cowardice. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  370.  (M.,  Nov. 
1812.) 

3375. .  No  campaign  is  as  yet 

opened.  No  generals  have  yet  an  interest  in 
shifting  their  own  incompetence  on  you.* — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  410.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
499-  (M.,  1815.) 

3376.  GENERALS,  Lack  of.— During 
the  first  campaign  [in  the  war  of  1812]  we 
suffered  several  checks,  from  the  want  of 
capable  and  tried  officers ;  all  the  higher  ones 
of  the  Revolution  having  died  off  during  an 

*  Monroe  had  been  recently  appointed  Secretary 
of  War.— EDITOR. 


interval  of  thirty  years  of  peace. — To  DON 
V.  T.  CORUNA.  vi,  275-  (M.,  1813.) 

3377. .     Perhaps    we    ought    to 

expect  such  trials  after  deperdition  of  all 
military  science  consequent  on  so  long  a 
peace. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.  FORD  ED.. 
ix,  380.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3378.  GENERALS,    Losses    through.— 

Three  frigates  taken  by  our  gallant  navy,  do 
not  balance  in  my  mind  three  armies  lost  by 
the  treachery,  cowardice,  or  incapacity  of 
those  to  whom  they  were  intrusted.  I  see 
that  our  men  are  good,  and  only  want  gen 
erals. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  no.  (M., 
April  1813.) 

3379.  GENERALS,     Plumage     of.— We 
can  tell  by  his  plumage  whether  a  cock  is 
dunghill  or  game.      But  with  us  cowardice  and 
courage  wear  the  same  plume. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  370.  (M.,  Nov.  1812.) 

3380.  GENERALS,  Proving.— The  proof 
of  a  general,  to  know  whether  he  will  stand 
fire,  costs  a  more  serious  price  than  that  of  a 
cannon;    these  proofs   have   already   cost   us 
thousands  of  good  men,  and  deplorable  deg 
radation    of    reputation,    and    as    yet    have 
elicited  but  a  few  negative  and  a  few  positive 
characters.     But  we  must  persevere  till  we 
recover    the    rank    we    are    entitled    to. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.    vi,  99.     (M.,  1813.) 

3381.  GENERALS,    Self-sacrificing.— I 

think  with  the  Romans  of  old,  that  the  gen 
eral  of  to-day  should  be  a  common  soldier 
to-morrow,  if  necessary. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  155.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  99.  (1797.) 

3382.  GENERALS,  Seniority  and.— We 

are  doomed  *  *  *  to  sacrifice  the  lives  of 
our  citizens  by  thousands  to  this  blind  prin 
ciple  [seniority],  for  fear  the  peculiar  in 
terest  and  responsibility  of  our  Executive 
should  not  be  sufficient  to  guard  his  selection 
of  officers  against  favoritism. — To  GENERAL 
ARMSTRONG.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  380.  (M.,  1813.) 

3383.  GENERALS,     Talents    and.— We 

may  yet  hope  that  the  talents  which  always 
exist  among  men  will  show  themselves  with 
opportunity,  and  that  it  will  be  found  that  this 
age  also  can  produce  able  and  honest  de 
fenders  of  their  country,  at  what  further  ex 
pense,  however,  of  blood  and  treasure  is  yet 
to  be  seen. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  no. 
(M.,  April  1813.) 

3384.  -  — .     Experience  had  just  be 
gun  to  elicit  those  among  our  officers  who 
had  talents  for  war,  and  under  the  guidance 
of  these  one  campaign  would   have  planted 
our  standard  on   the   walls  of   Quebec,   and 
another  on  those  of  Halifax. — To  F.  C.  GRAY. 
vi,  438.     (M.,  1815.) 

3385.  -  — .     Our    second    and    third 
campaigns    *    *    *    more  than  redeemed  the 
disgraces   of   the   first,   and  proved   that   al 
though  a  republican   government  is  slow  to 
move,  yet,  when  once  in  motion,  its  momen 
tum   becomes    irresistible. — To    F.    C.    GRAY. 
vi,  438.     (M.,  1815.) 


Generals 
General  welfare 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


374 


3386.  GENERALS,       Unqualified.— 

Another  general,  it  seems,  has  given  proof 
of  his  military  qualifications  by  the  loss  of 
another  thousand  men;  for  there  cannot  be  a 
surprise  but  through  the  fault  of  the  com 
manders,  and  especially  by  an  enemy  who  has 
given  us  heretofore  so  many  of  these  lessons. 
— To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.  FORD  EDV  ix,  379. 
(M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

3387. .     Our  men  are  good,  but 

our  generals  unqualified.  Every  failure  we 
have  incurred  has  been  the  fault  of  the  gen 
eral,  the  men  evincing  courage  in  every  in 
stance. — To  DR.  SAMUEL  BROWN,  vi,  165. 
(M.,  July  1813.) 

3388. .     Our  men  are  good,  but 

force  without  conduct  is  easily  baffled. — To 
GENERAL  BAILEY,  vi,  100.  (M.,  1813.) 

3389.  GENERALS,  Usages  of  war  and. 

— I  would  use  any  powers  I  have  [as  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia]  for  the  punishment  of  any 
officer  of  our  own,  who  should  be  guilty  of 
excesses  unjustifiable  under  the  usages  of 
civilized  nations. — To  COLONEL  MATTHEWS,  i, 
234.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  263.  (I779-) 

3390.  .     The     confinement     and 

treatment  of  our  officers,  soldiers  and  seamen, 
have  been  so  rigorous  and  cruel,  that  a  very 
great  portion  of  the  whole  of  those  captured 
in   the   course   of  'this   war,   and   carried   to 
Philadelphia  while  in  possession  of  the  Brit 
ish  army,  and  to  New  York,  have  perished 
miserably    from    that    cause    alone. — To    SIR 
GUY   CARLETON.     FORD  ED.,   ii,   249.      (Wg., 
I779-) 

3391.  GENERAL  WELFARE  CLAUSE, 
Interpretation.— To  lay  taxes  to  provide  for 
the  general  welfare  of  the  United  States,  that 
is  to  say,   "  to  lay  taxes  for  the  purpose  of 
providing    for    the    general    welfare ".       For 
the   laying   of   taxes   is   the   power,   and   the 
general    welfare   the   purpose    for    which   the 
power  is  to  be  exercised.     They  are  not  to 
lay  taxes   ad   libitum   for  any  purpose   they 
please;   but  only   to   pay   the   debts   or  pro 
vide  for  the  welfare  of  the  Union.     In  like 
manner,   they   are  not   to   do   anything   they 
please  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare,  but 
only  to  lay  taxes  for  that  purpose.     To  con 
sider  the  latter  phrase,  not  as  describing  the 
purpose  of  the  first,  but  as  giving  a  distinct 
and   independent  power  to   do   any  act  they 
please,  which  might  be  for  the  good  of  the 
Union,   would  render  all  the  preceding  and 
subsequent  enumerations  of  power  completely 
useless.     It  would  reduce  the  whole  instru 
ment  to  a  single  phrase,  that  of  instituting 
a  Congress  with  power  to  do  whatever  would 
be  for  the  good  of  the  United  States;  and  as 
they  would  be  the  sole  judges  of  the  good  or 
evil,  it  would  be  also  a  power  to  do  whatever 
evil  they  please.     It  is  an  established  rule  of 
construction  where  a  phrase  will  bear  either 
of  two  meanings,  to  give  it  that  which  will 
allow  some  meaning  to  the  other  parts 'of  the 
instrument,  and  not  that  which  would  render 
all    the    others    useless.      Certainly    no    such 
universal  power  was  meant  to  be  given  them. 


It  was  intended  to  lace  them  up  strictly 
within  the  enumerated  powers,  and  those 
without  which,  as  means,  these  powers  could 
not  be  carried  into  effect.— NATIONAL  BANK 
OPINION,  vii,  557.  FORD  ED.,  v,  286.  (1791.) 

3392. .     The  Constitution   says, 

"  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  col 
lect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay 
the  debts,  &c.,  provide  for  the  common  de 
fence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States ".  I  suppose  the  meaning  of  this 
clause  to  be,  that  Congress  may  collect  taxes 
for  the  purpose  of  providing  for  the  gen 
eral  welfare,  in  those  cases  wherein  the  Con 
stitution  empowers  them  to  act  for  the  gen 
eral  welfare.  To  suppose  that  it  was  meant 
to  give  them  a  distinct  substantive  power,  to 
do  any  act  which  might  tend  to  the  general 
welfare,  is  to  render  all  the  enumerations 
useless,  and  to  make  their  powers  unlimited. 
— OPINION  ON  FUGITIVE  SLAVES,  vii,  602. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  141.  (Dec.  1792.) 

3393. .    The  construction  applied 

by  the  General  Government  (as  is  evidenced 
by  sundry  of  their  proceedings)  to  those 
parts  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
which  delegate  to  Congress  a  power  "  to  lay 
and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises, 
to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States  ",  and  "  to  make  all  laws  which  shall 
be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  powers  vested  by  the  Constitu 
tion  in  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof ", 
goes  to  the  destruction  of  all  limits  prescribed 
to  their  power  by  the  Constitution.  *  *  * 
Words  meant  by  the  instrument  to  be  sub 
sidiary  only  to  the  execution  of  limited 
powers,  ought  not  to  be  so  construed  as 
themselves  to  give  unlimited  powers,  nor  a 
part  to  be  so  taken  as  to  destroy  the  whole 
residue  of  that  instrument. — KENTUCKY  RES 
OLUTIONS,  ix,  468.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  299.  (1798.) 

3394.  GENERAL  WELFARE  CLAUSE, 

Manu.factures.--I  told  the  President  [Wash 
ington]  that  they  [the  Hamilton  party  in 
Congress]  had  now  brought  forward  a  propo 
sition,  far  beyond  every  one  ever  yet  ad 
vanced,  and  to  which  the  eyes  of  many  were 
turned  as  the  decision  which  was  to  let  us 
know,  whether  we  live  under  a  limited  or 
an  unlimited  government,  *  *  *  [to  wit] 
that  in  the  Report  on  Manufactures  which, 
under  color  of  giving  bounties  for  the  en 
couragement  of  particular  manufactures, 
meant  to  establish  the  doctrine,  that  the 
power  given  by  the  Constitution  to  collect 
taxes  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare  of 
the  United  States,  permitted  Congress  to 
take  everything  under  their  management 
which  they  should  deem  for  the  public  wel 
fare,  and  which  is  susceptible  of  the  applica 
tion  of  money ;  consequently,  that  the  subse 
quent  enumeration  of  their  powers  was  not 
the  description  to  which  resort  must  be  had, 
and  did  not  at  all  constitute  the  limits  of 
their  authority ;  that  this  was  a  very  different 
question  from  that  of  the  Bank  [of  the  United 


375 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


General  welfare 
Generations 


States],  which  was  thought  an  incident  to  an 
enumerated  power;  that,  therefore,  this  de 
cision  was  expected  with  great  anxiety ;  that, 
indeed,  I  hoped  the  proposition  would  be  re 
jected,  believing  there  was  a  majority  in  both 
Houses  against  it,  and  that  if  it  should  be, 
it  would  be  considered  as  a  proof  that  things 
were  returning  into  their  true  channel. — THE 
ANAS,  ix,  104.  FORD  ED.,  i,  177.  (Feb. 
1792.) 

3395. .  In  a  Report  on  the  sub 
ject  of  manufactures,  it  was  expressly  as 
sumed  that  the  General  Government  has  a 
right  to  exercise  all  powers  which  may  be  for 
the  general  welfare,  that  is  to  say,  all  the 
legitimate  powers  of  government;  since  no 
government  has  a  legitimate  right  to  do  what 
is  not  for  the  welfare  of  the  governed.  There 
was,  indeed,  a  sham  limitation  of  the  uni 
versality  of  this  power  to  cases  where  money 
is  to  be  employed.  But  about  what  is  it  that 
money  cannot  be  employed? — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  461.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  103. 
(M.,  1792.) 

3396.  GENERAL  WELFARE  CLAUSE, 

Universal  power.— An  act  for  internal  im 
provement,  after  passing  both  houses,  was 
negatived  by  the  President.  The  act  was 
founded,  avowedly,  on  the  principle  that  the 
phrase  in  the  Constitution  which  authorizes 
Congress  "  to  lay  taxes,  to  pay  the  debts  and 
provide  for  the  general  welfare  ",  was  an  ex 
tension  of  the  powers  specifically  enumerated 
to  whatever  would  promote  the  general  wel 
fare;  and  this,  you  know,  was  the  federal 
doctrine.  Whereas,  our  tenet  ever  was,  and, 
indeed,  it  is  almost  the  only  landmark  which 
now  divides  the  federalists  from  the  republic 
ans,  that  Congress  had  not  unlimited  powers 
to  provide  for  the  general  welfare,  but  were  re 
strained  to  those  specifically  enumerated;  and 
that,  as  it  was  never  meant  they  should  provide 
for  that  welfare  but  by  the  exercise  of  the 
enumerated  powers,  so  it  could  not  have  been 
meant  they  should  raise  money  for  purposes 
which  the  enumeration  did  not  place  under 
their  action;  consequently,  that  the  specifica 
tion  of  powers  is  a  limitation  of  the  purposes 
for  which  they  may  raise  money.  *  *  * 
This  phrase  *  *  *  by  a  mere  grammatical 
quibble,  has  countenanced  the  General  Gov 
ernment  in  a  claim  of  universal  power.  For 
in  the  phrase,  "  to  lay  taxes,  to  pay  the  debts 
and  provide  for  the  general  welfare ",  it  is 
a  mere  question  of  syntax,  whether  the  two 
last  infinitives  are  governed  by  the  first  or 
are  distinct  and  coordinate  powers ;  a  ques 
tion  unequivocally  decided  by  the  exact 
definition  of  powers  immediately  following. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
91.  (M.,  June  1817.) 

3397. .    I   hope  our  courts   will 

never  countenance  the  sweeping  pretensions 
which  have  been  set  up  under  the  words 
"  general  defence  and  public  welfare  ".  These 
words  only  express  the  motives  which  in 
duced  the  Convention  to  give  to  the  ordinary 
legislature  certain  specified  powers  which 
they  enumerate,  and  which  they  thought 


might  be  trusted  to  the  ordinary  legislature, 
and  not  to  give  them  the  unspecified  also ; 
or  why  any  specification?  They  could  not  be 
so  awkward  in  language  as  to  mean,  as  we 
say,  "  all  and  some  ".  And  should  this  con 
struction  prevail,  all  limits  to  the  Federal 
Government  are  done  away.  This  opinion, 
formed  on  the  first  rise  of  the  question,  I 
have  never  seen  reason  to  change,  whether  in 
or  out  of  power ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  find  it 
strengthened  and  confirmed  by  five  and  twenty 
years  of  additional  reflection  and  experience : 
and  any  countenance  given  to  it  by  any  regu 
lar  organ  of  the  government,  I  should  consider 
more  ominous  than  anything  which  has  yet 
occurred. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vi,  494. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  531.  (M.,  1815.) 

3398.  GENERATIONS,  Binding  power. 

— The  question  whether  one  generation  of 
men  has  a  right  to  bind  another,  seems  never 
to  have  been  started  either  on  this  or  our  side 
of  the  water.  Yet  it  is  a  question  of  such  con 
sequences  as  not  only  to  merit  decision,  but 
place  also,  among  the  fundamental  principles 
of  every  government.  The  course  of  reflection 
in  which  we  are  immersed  here  [Paris],  on 
the  elementary  principles  of  society,  has  pre 
sented  this  question  to  my  mind ;  and  that  no 
such  obligation  can  be  transmitted,  I  think 
very  capable  of  proof.  I  set  out  on  this  ground, 
which  I  suppose  to  be  self-evident,  that  the 
earth  belongs  in  iisufruct  to  the  living;  that 
the  dead  have  neither  powers  nor  rights  over  it. 
The  portion  occupied  by  an  individual  ceases 
to  be  his  when  himself  ceases  to  be,  and  re 
verts  to  the  society.  If  the  society  has  formed 
no  rules  for  the  appropriation  of  its  lands  in 
severalty,  it  will  be  taken  by  the  first  occu 
pants,  and  these  will  generally  be  the  wife  and 
children  of  the  decedent.  If  they  have  formed 
rules  of  appropriation,  those  rules  may  give  it 
to  the  wife  and  children,  or  to  some  one  of 
them,  or  to  the  legatee  of  the  deceased.  So 
they  may  give  it  to  its  creditor.  But  the  child, 
the  legatee  or  creditor,  takes  it,  not  by  natural 
right,  but  by  a  law  of  the  society  of  which  he 
is  a  member,  and  to  which  he  is  subject. 
Then,  no  man  can,  by  natural  right,  oblige  the 
lands  he  occupied,  or  the  persons  who  succeed 
Kim  in  that  occupation,  to  the  payment  of  debts 
contracted  by  him.  For  if  he  could,  he  might 
during  his  own  life,  eat  up  the  usufruct  of  the 
lands  for  several  generations  to  come ;  and 
then  the  lands  would  belong  to  the  dead,  and 
not  to  the  living,  which  is  the  reverse  of  our 
principle.  What  is  true  of  every  member  of 
the  society,  individually,  is  true  of  them  all 
collectively ;  since  the  rights  of  the  whole  can 
be  no  more  than  the  sum  of  the  rights  of  the 
individuals.  To  keep  our  ideas  clear  when  ap 
plying  them  to  a  multitude,  let  us  suppose  a 
whole  generation  of  men  to  be  born  on  the 
same  day,  to  attain  mature  age  on  the  same 
day,  and  to  die  on  the  same  day,  leaving  a  suc 
ceeding  generation  in  the  moment  of  attaining 
their  mature  age,  all  together.  Let  the  ripe 
age  be  supposed  of  twenty-one  years,  and  their 
period  of  life  thirty-four  years  more,  that  be 
ing  the  average  term  given  by  the  bills  of 
mortality  to  persons  of  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
Each  successive  generation  would,  in  this  way, 
come  and  go  off  the  stage  at  a  fixed  moment, 
as  individuals  do  now.  Then  I  say,  the  earth 
belongs  to  each  of  these  generations  during  its 
course,  fully,  and  in  its  own  right.  The  second 
generation  receives  it  clear  of  the  debts  and 
incumbrances  of  the  first,  the  third  of  the  sec- 


Generations 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


376 


ond,  and  so  on.  For  if  the  first  could  charge  it 
with  a  debt,  then  the  earth  would  belong  to  the 
dead  and  not  to  the  living  generation.  Then, 
no  generation  can  contract  debts  greater  than 
may  be  paid  during  the  course  of  its  own  ex 
istence.  At  twenty-one  years  of  age,  they  may 
bind  themselves  and  their  lands  for  thirty-four 
years  to  come ;  at  twenty-two,  for  thirty-three ; 
at  twenty-three,  for  thirty-two ;  and  at  fifty- 
four,  for  one  year  only ;  because  these  are  the 
terms  of  life  which  remain  to  them  at  the  re 
spective  epochs.  But  a  material  difference 
must  be  noted  between  the  succession  of 
an  individual  and  that  of  a  whole  generation. 
Individuals  are  parts  only  of  a  society,  sub 
ject  to  the  laws  of  a  whole.  These  laws  may 
appropriate  the  portion  of  land  occupied  by  a 
decedent  to  his  creditor  rather  to  any  other,  or 
to  his  child,  on  condition  he  satisfies  the  cred 
itor.  But  when  a  whole  generation,  that  is, 
the  whole  society  dies,  as  in  the  case  we  have 
supposed,  and  another  generation  or  society 
succeeds,  this  forms  a  whole,  and  there  is  no 
superior  who  can  give  their  territory  to  a  third 
society,  who  may  have  lent  money  to  their 
predecessors  beyond  their  faculties  of  paying. 
What  is  true  of  a  generation  all  arriving  to 
self-government  on  the  same  day,  and  dying 
all  on  the  same  day,  is  true  of  those  on  a  con 
stant  course  of  decay  and  renewal,  with  this 
only  difference.  A  generation  coming  in  and 
going  out  entire,  as  in  the  first  case,  would 
have  a  right  in  the  first  year  of  their  self-do 
minion  to  contract  a  debt  for  thirty-three 
years ;  in  the  tenth,  for  twenty-four ;  in  the 
twentieth,  for  fourteen;  in  the  thirtieth,  for 
four ;  whereas  generations  changing  daily,  by 
daily  deaths  and  births,  have  one  constant  term 
beginning  at  the  date  of  their  contract,  and 
ending  when  a  majority  of  those  of  full  age 
at  that  date  shall  be  dead.  The  length  of  that 
term  may  be  estimated  from  the  tables  of  mor 
tality,  corrected  by  the  circumstances  of  cli 
mate,  occupation,  &c.,  peculiar  to  the  country 
of  the  contractors.  Take,  for  instance,  the 
table  of  M.  de  Buffon  wherein  he  states  that 
23,994  deaths,  and  the  ages  at  which  they 
happened.  Suppose  a  society  in  which  23,994 
persons  are  born  every  year,  and  live  to  the 
ages  stated  in  this  table.  The  conditions  of 
that  society  will  be  as  follows.  First,  it  will 
consist  constantly  of  617,703  persons  of  all 
ages ;  secondly,  of  those  living  at  any  one  in 
stant  of  time,  one-half  will  be  dead  in  twenty- 
four  years,  eight  months;  thirdly,  10,675  will 
arrive  every  year  at  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years  complete ;  fourthly,  it  will  constantly 
have  348,417  persons  of  all  ages  above  twenty- 
one  years ;  fifthly,  and  the  half  of  those  of 
twenty-one  years  and  upwards,  living  at  any 
one  instant  of  time,  will  be  dead  in  eighteen 
years,  eight  months,  or  say  nineteen  years  as 
the  nearest  integral  number.  Then  nineteen 
years  is  the  term  beyond  which  neither  the 
representatives  of  a  nation,  nor  even  the  whole 
nation  itself  assembled,  can  validly  extend  a 
debt. 

To  render  this  conclusion  palpable  by  ex 
ample,  suppose  that  Louis  XIV.  and  XV.  had 
contracted  debts  in  the  name  of  the  French 
nation  to  the  amount  of  ten  thousand  milliards 
of  livres,  and  that  the  whole  had  been  con 
tracted  in  Genoa.  The  interest  of  this  sum 
would  be  five  hundred  milliards,  which  is 
said  to  be  the  whole  rent-roll,  or  net  proceeds 
of  the  territory  of  France.  Must  the  present 
generation  of  men  have  retired  from  the  terri 
tory  in  which  nature  produced  them,  and  ceded 
it  to  the  Dutch  creditors  ?  No  ;  they  have  the 
same  rights  over  the  soil  on  which  they  were 


produced,  as  the  preceding  generations  had. 
They  derive  these  rights  not  from  their  prede 
cessors,  but  from  nature.  They,  then,  and 
their  soil,  are  by  nature  clear  of  the  debts  of 
their  predecessors.  Again,  suppose  Louis  XV. 
and  his  contemporary  generation  had  said  to 
the  money  lenders  of  Holland,  give  us  money 
that  we  may  eat,  drink,  and  be  merry  in  our 
day ;  and  on  condition  you  will  demand  no 
interest  till  the  end  of  nineteen  years,  you  shall 
then  forever  after  receive  an  annual  interest 
of  12.5  per  cent.  The  money  is  lent  on  these 
conditions,  is  divided  among  the  living,  eaten, 
drunk,  and  squandered.  Would  the  present 
generation  be  obliged  to  apply  the  produce  of 
the  earth,  and  of  their  labor  to  replace  their 
dissipations?  Not  at  all. 

I  suppose  that  the  received  opinion,  that  the 
public  debts  of  one  generation  devolve  on  the 
next,  has  been  suggested  by  our  seeing  habitu 
ally  in  private  life  that  he  who  succeeds  to 
lands  is  required  to  pay  the  debts  of  his  an 
cestor  or  testator.,  without  considering  that  this 
requisition  is  municipal  only,  not  moral,  flow 
ing  from  the  will  of  the  society,  which  has 
found  it  convenient  to  appropriate  the  lands  be 
come  vacant  by  the  death  of  their  occupant  on 
the  condition  of  a  payment  of  his  debts;  but 
that  between  society  and  society,  or  generation 
and  generation,  there  is  no  municipal  obliga 
tion,  no  umpire  but  the  law  of  nature.  We 
seem  not  to  have  perceived  that,  by  the  law  of 
nature,  one  generation  is  to  another  as  one  in 
dependent  nation  to  another. 

The  interest  of  the  national  debt  of  France 
being  in  fact  but  a  two  thousandth  part  of  its 
rent-roll,  the  payment  of  it  is  practicable 
enough  ;  and  so  becomes  a  question  merely  of 
honor  or  of  expediency.  But  with  respect  to 
future  debts,  would  it  not  be  wise  and  just  for 
that  nation  to  declare  in  the  constitution  they 
are  forming  that  neither  the  legislature,  nor  the 
nation  itself  can  validly  contract  more  debt 
than  they  may  pay  within  their  own  age,  or 
within  the  term  of  nineteen  years.  And  that 
all  future  contracts  shall  be  deemed  void  as  to 
what  shall  remain  unpaid  at  the  end  of  nineteen 
years  from  their  date?  This  would  put  the 
lenders,  and  the  borrowers  also,  on  their  guard. 
By  reducing,  too,  the  faculty  of  borrowing 
within  its  natural  limits,  it  would  bridle  the 
spirit  of  war,  to  which  too  free  a  course  has 
been  procured  by  the  inattention  of  money 
lenders  to  this  law  of  nature,  that  succeeding 
generations  are  not  responsible  for  the  pre 
ceding. 

On  similar  ground,  it  may  be  proved  that  no 
society  can  make  a  perpetual  constitution,  or 
even  a  perpetual  law.  The  earth  belongs  al 
ways  to  the  living  generation.  They  may  man 
age  it,  then,  and  what  proceeds  from  it,  as  they 
please,  during  their  usufruct.  They  are  mas 
ters,  too,  of  their  own  persons,  and  conse 
quently  may  govern  them  as  they  please.  But 
persons  and  property  make  the  sum  of  the  ob 
ject  of  government.  The  constitution  and  the 
laws  of  their  predecessors  are  extinguished, 
then,  in  their  natural  course,  with  those  whose 
will  gave  them  being.  This  could  preserve  that 
being  till  it  ceased  to  be  itself,  and  no  longer. 
Every  constitution,  then,  and  every  law,  natur 
ally  expire  at  the  end  of  nineteen  years.  If  it 
be  enforced  longer,  it  is  an  act  of  force  and 
not  of  right. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  succeeding  generation 
exercising  in  fact  the  power  of  repeal,  this 
leaves  them  as  free  as  if  the  constitution  or  law 
had  been  expressly  limited  to  nineteen  years 
only.  In  the  first  place,  this  objection  ad 
mits  the  right,  in  proposing  an  equivalent.  But 


377 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Generations 


the  power  of  repeal  is  net  an  equivalent.  It 
might  be,  indeed,  if  every  form  of  government 
were  so  perfectly  contrived  that  the  will  of  the 
majority  could  always  be  obtained  fairly  and 
without  impediment.  But  this  is  true  of  no 
form.  The  people  cannot  assemble  themselves  ; 
their  representation  is  unequal  and  vicious. 
Various  checks  are  opposed  to  every  legislative 
proposition.  Factions  get  possession  of  the 
public  councils.  Bribery  corrupts  them.  Per 
sonal  interests  lead  them  astray  from  the  gen 
eral  interests  of  their  constituents ;  and  other 
impediments  arise  so  as  to  prove  to  every  prac 
tical  man  that  a  law  of  limited  duration  is 
much  more  manageable  than  one  which  needs  a 
repeal. 

This  principle  that  the  earth  belongs  to  the 
living  and  not  to  the  dead,  is  of  very  extensive 
application  and  consequences  in  every  country, 
and  most  especially  in  France.  It  enters  into 
the  resolution  of  the  questions,  whether  the 
nation  may  change  the  descent  of  lands  holden 
in  tail ;  whether  they  may  change  the  appro 
priation  of  lands  given  anciently  to  the  church, 
to  hospitals,  colleges,  orders  of  chivalry,  and 
otherwise  in  perpetuity ;  whether  they  may 
abolish  the  charges  and  privileges  attached  on 
lands,  including  the  whole  catalogue,  ecclesias 
tical  and  feudal ;  it  goes  to  hereditary  orders, 
distinctions  and  appellations,  to  perpetual  mo 
nopolies  in  commerce,  the  arts  or  sciences, 
with  a  long  train  of  et  ceteras ;  and  it  renders 
the  question  of  reimbursement  a  question  of 
generosity  and  not  of  right.  In  all  these  cases, 
the  legislature  of  the  day  could  authorize  such 
appropriations  and  establishments  for  their  own 
time,  but  no  longer,  and  the  present  holders, 
even  where  they  or  their  ancestors  have  pur 
chased,  are  in  the  case  of  bona  fide  purchasers 
of  what  the  seller  had  no  right  to  convey. 

Turn  this  subject  in  your  mind,  and  particu 
larly  as  to  the  power  of  contracting  debts,  and 
develop  it  with  that  perspicuity  and  cogent 
logic  which  is  so  peculiarly  yours.  Your  sta 
tion  in  the  public  councils  of  pur  country  gives 
you  an  opportunity  of  forcing  it  into  discussion. 
At  first  blush  it  may  be  rallied  as  a  theoretical 
speculation  ;  but  examination  will  prove  it  to  be 
solid  and  salutary.  It  would  furnish  matter  for 
a  fine  preamble  to  our  first  law  for  appropria 
ting  the  public  revenue ;  and  it  will  exclude,  at 
the  threshold  of  our  new  government,  the  con 
tagious  and  ruinous  errors  of  this  quarter  of 
the  globe,  which  have  armed  despots  with 
means  not  sanctioned  by  nature  for  binding  in 
chains  their  fellow  men.  We  have  already 
given,  in  example,  one  effectual  check  to  the 
dog  of  war,  by  transferring  the  power  of  letting 
him  loose  from  the  Executive  to  the  Legislative 
body,  from  those  who  are  to  spend  to  those  who 
are  to  pay.  I  should  be  pleased  to  see  this  sec 
ond  obstacle  held  out  also  in  the  first  instance. 
No  nation  can  make  a  declaration  against  the 
validity  of  long-contracted  debts  so  disinterest 
edly  as  we,  since  we  do  not  owe  a  shilling 
which  will  not  be  paid  with  ease,  principal  and 
interest,  within  the  time  of  our  own  lives.  Es 
tablish  the  principle  also  in  the  new  law  to 
be  passed  for  protecting  copyrights  and  new 
inventions,  by  securing  the  exclusive  right  for 
nineteen  instead  of  fourteen  years  [a  line  en 
tirely  faded],  an  instance  the  more  of  our  ta 
king  reason  for  our  guide  instead  of  English 
precedents,  the  habit  of  which  fetters  us  with 
all  the  political  heresies  of  a  nation,  equally 
remarkable  for  its  excitement  from  some  er 
rors,  as  long  slumbering  under  others.* — To 

*  The  hurry  in  which  I  wrote  *  *  *  to  Mr.  Madi 
son  *  *  *,  occasioned  an  inattention  to  the  difference 
between  generations  succeeding-  each  other  at  fixed 


JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  103.  FORD  EDV  v,  115. 
(P.,  Sep.  1789.) 

3399. .     Can    one    generation    of 

men,  by  any  act  of  theirs,  bind  those  which  are 
to  follow  them  ?  I  say,  by  the  laws  of  nature, 
there  being  between  generation  and  generation, 
as  between  nation  and  nation,  no  other  obliga 
tory  law. — To  JOSEPH  W.  CABELL.  vi  200. 
(M.,  1814.) 

3400.  GENERATIONS,  The  Earth  and. 

— Every  generation  comes  equally,  by  the  laws 
of  the  Creator  of  the  world,  to  the  free  posses 
sion  of  the  earth  which  He  made  for  their  sub 
sistence,  unincumbered  by  their  predecessors, 
who,  like,  them,  were  but  tenants  for  life. — To 
JOHN  TAYLOR,  vi,  605.  FORD  ED.,  x,  28.  (M 
May  1816.) 

3401. .     That  our  Creator  made 

the  earth  for  the  use  of  the  living  and  not  of 
t*.  dead;  that  those  who  exist  not  can  have  no 
use  nor  right  in  it,  no  authority  or  power  over 
it ;  that  one  generation  of  men  cannot  foreclose 
or  burthen  its  use  to  another,  which  comes  to  it 
in  its  own  right  and  by  the  same  divine  benefi 
cence ;  that  a  preceding  generation  cannot 
bind  a  succeeding  o:  e  by  its  laws  or  contracts  ; 
these  deriving  their  obligation  from  the  will  of 
the  existing  majority,  and  that  majority  being 
removed  by  death,  another  comes  in  its  place 
with  a  will  equally  free  to  make  its  own  Iaw3 
and  contracts ;  these  are  axioms  so  self-evident 
that  no  explanation  can  make  them  plainer ; 
for  he  is  not  to  be  reasoned  with  who  says 
that  non-existence  can  control  existence,  or 
that  nothing  can  move  something.  They  are 
axioms  also  pregnant  with  salutary  conse 
quences.  The  laws  of  civil  society,  indeed,  for 
the  encouragement  of  industry,  give  the  prop 
erty  of  the  parent  to  his  family  on  his  death, 
and  in  most  civilized  countries  permit  him 
even  to  give  it,  by  testament,  to  whom  he 
pleases.  And  it  is  also  found  more  convenient 
to  suffer  the  laws  of  our  predecessors  to  stand 
on  our  implied  assent,  as  if  positively  reen- 
acted,  until  the  existing  majority  positively  re 
peals  them.  But  this  does  not  lessen  the  right 
of  that  majority  to  repeal  whenever  a  change 
of  circumstances  or  of  will  calls  for  it.  Habit 
alone  confounds  what  is  civil  practice  with 
natural  right. — To  THOMAS  EARLE.  vii,  310. 
(M.,  1823.) 

3402. .     Can  one  generation  bind 

another,  and  all  others,  in  succession  forever? 
I  think  not.  The  Creator  has  made  the  earth 
for  the  living,  not  the  dead.  Rights  and 

ep9chs,  and  generations  renewed  daily  and  hourly. 
It  is  true  that  in  the  former  case  the  generation,  when 
at  21  years  of  age,  may  contract  a  debt  for  34  years, 
because  a  majority  of  them  will  live  so  long.  But  a 
generation  consisting  of  all  ages,  and  which  legislates 
by  all  its  members  above  the  age  of  21  years,  cannot 
contract  for  so  long  a  time,  because  their  majority 
will  be  dead  much  sooner.  Buffon  gives  us  a  table  of 
23,994  deaths,  stating  the  ages  at  which  they  hap 
pened.  To  draw  from  these  the  result  I  have  occa 
sion  for,  I  suppose  a  society  in  which  23,994  persons 
are  born  every  year  and  live  to  the  ages  stated  in 
Buffon's  table.  Then  the  following  inferences  may 
be  drawn.  Such  a  society  will  consist  constantly  of 
617,703  persons  of  all  ages.  Of  those  living  at  one 
instant  of  time,  one-half  will  be  dead  in  24  years  8 
months.  In  such  a  society,  10,675  will  arrive  every 
year  at  the  age  of  21  years  complete.  It  will  con 
stantly  have  348,417  persons  of  all  ages  above  21  years, 
and  the  half  of  those  of  21  years  and  upwards  living 
at  anv  one  instant  of  time  will  be  dead  in  18  years,  8 
months,  or  say  19  years.  "  Then,  the  contracts,  con 
stitutions  and  laws  of  every  such  society  become 
void  in  19  years  from  their  date." — To  DR.  GEM  iii 
I08..  FORD  ED.,  v,  124.  (P.,  1789,) 


Generations 
Genet  (E.  C.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


378 


powers  can  only  belong  to  persons,  not  to 
things,  not  to  mere  matter,  unendowed  with 
will.  The  dead  are  not  even  things.  The  par 
ticles  of  matter  which  composed  their  bodies, 
make  part  now  of  the  bodies  of  other  animals, 
vegetables,  or  minerals,  of  a  thousand  forms. 
To  what,  then,  are  attached  the  rights  and 
powers  they  held  while  in  the  form  of  men  ?  A 
generation  may  bind  itself  as  long  as  its  ma 
jority  continues  in  life;  when  that  has  disap 
peared,  another  majority  is  in  place,  holds  all 
the  rights  and  powers  their  predecessors  once 
held,  and  may  change  their  laws  and  institu 
tions  to  suit  themselves.  Nothing,  then,  is 
unchangeable  but  the  inherent  and  unalienable 
rights  of  man. — To  JOHN  CART  WRIGHT.  vii: 
359.  (M.,  1824.) 

3403.  GENERATIONS,          Government 

and. — Let  us  *  *  *  not  weakly  believe 
that  one  generation  is  not  as  capable  as  another 
of  taking  care  of  itself,  and  of  ordering  its  own 
affairs.  Let  us,  as  our  sisters  have  done,  avail 
ourselves  of  our  reason  and  experience,  to  cor 
rect  the  crude  essays  of  our  first  and  unexperi 
enced,  although  wise,  virtuous,  and  well- 
meaning  councils.  And  lastly,  let  us  provide 
in  our  constitution  for  its  revision  at  stated 
periods.  What  these  periods  should  be,  nature 
herself  indicates.  By  the  European  tables  of 
mortality,  of  the  adults  living  at  any  one  mo 
ment  of  time,  a  majority  will  be  dead  in 
about  nineteen  years.  At  the  end  of  that 
period,  then,  a  new  majority  is  come  into 
place ;  or,  in  other  words,  a  new  generation. 
Each  generation  is  as  independent  of  the  one 
preceding  as  that  was  of  all  which  had  gone 
before.  It  has,  then,  like  them,  a  right  to 
choose  for  itself  the  form  of  government  it 
believes  most  promotive  of  its  own  happiness ; 
consequently,  to  accommodate  to  the  circum 
stances  in  which  it  finds  itself,  that  received 
from  its  predecessors  ;  and  it  is  for  the  peace 
and  good  of  mankind,  that  a  solemn  opportu 
nity  of  doing  this  every  nineteen  or  twenty 
years,  should  be  provided  by  the  constitution ; 
so  that  it  may  be  handed  on,  with  periodical  re 
pairs,  from  generation  to  generation,  to  the  end 
of  time,  if  anything  human  can  so  long  endure. 
It  is  now  forty  years  since  the  constitution  of 
Virginia  was  formed.  The  same  tables  inform 
us  that,  within  that  period,  two-thirds  of  the 
adults  then  living  are  now  dead.  Have,  then, 
the  remaining  third,  even  if  they  had  the 
wish,  the  right  to  hold  in  obedience  to  their 
will,  and  to  the  laws  heretofore  made  by  them, 
the  other  two-thirds,  who,  with  themselves, 
compose  the  present  mass  of  adults?  If  they 
have  not,  who  has?  The  dead?  But  the  dead 
have  no  rights.  They  are  nothing  and  nothing 
cannot  own  something.  Where  there  is  no  sub 
stance,  there  can  be  no  accident.  This  cor 
poreal  globe,  and  everything  upon  it,  belong  to 
its  present  corporeal  inhabitants,  during  their 
generation.  They  alone  have  a  right  to  direct 
what  is  the  concern  of  themselves  alone,  and  to 
declare  the  law  of  that  direction  ;  and  this  dec 
laration  can  only  be  made  by  their  majority. — 
To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  15.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
43.  (M.,  1816.) 

3404. .     My  wish  is    *    *    *    to 

leave  to  those  who  are  to  live  under  it  the  set 
tlement  of  their  own  constitution,  and  to  pass 
in  peace  the  remainder  of  my  time. — To  SAM 
UEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  35.  FORD  ED.,  x,  45. 
(M.,  1816.) 

3405. .     I   willingly  acquiesce  in 

the  institutions  of  my  country,  perfect  or  im 
perfect  ;  and  think  it  a  duty  to  leave  their 


modifications  to  those  who  are  to  live  under 
them,  and  are  to  participate  of  the  good  or 
evil  they  may  produce.  The  present  generation 
has  the  same  right  of  self-government  which 
the  past  one  has  exercised  for  itself. — To  JOHN 
H.  PLEASANTS.  vii,  346.  FORD  ED.,  x,  303. 
(M.,  1824.) 

3406. .     I  willingly  leave  to  the 

present  generation  to  conduct  their  affairs  as 
they  please. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  392. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  335.  (M.,  1825.) 

3407.  GENERATIONS,  Succession  of.— 

It  is  a  law  of  nature  that  the  generations  of 
men  should  give  way,  one  to  another,  and  I 
hope  that  the  one  now  on  the  stage  will  pre 
serve  for  their  sons  the  political  blessings  de 
livered  into  their  hands  by  their  fathers. — To 
SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  211.  FORD  ED.,  x,  188. 
(M.,  1821.) 

3408. .    I  yield  the  concerns  of 

the  world  with  cheerfulness  to  those  who  are, 
appointed  in  the  order  of  nature  to  succeed  to 
them. — To  GENERAL  BRECKENRIDGE.  vii,  2oS. 
(M.,  1821.) 

3409.  GENERATIONS,  Wisdom  and.— 

Those  who  will  come  after  us  will  be  as  wise 
as  we  are,  and  as  able  to  take  care  of  them 
selves  as  we  have  been. — To  DUPONT  DE  NE 
MOURS,  v,  584.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  322.  (M., 
1811.) 

3410. .  I  withdraw  from  all  con 
tests  of  opinion,  and  resign  everything  cheer 
fully  to  the  generation  now  in  place.  They  are 
wiser  than  we  were,  and  their  successors  will 
be  wiser  than  they,  from  the  progressive  ad 
vance  of  science. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii, 
136.  FORD  ED.,  x,  142.  (P.F.,  1819.) 

3411.  -  — .    The    daily    advance    of 
science  will   enable  the   existing  generation  to 
administer    the    commonwealth    with    increased 
wisdom. — To    MARQUIS    LAFAYETTE,      vii,    327. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  283.     (M.,  1823.) 

3412.  GENEROSITY,     Pleasures     of.— 

Take  more  pleasure  in  giving  what  is  best 
to  another  than  in  having  it  yourself,  and 
then  all  the  world  will  love  you,  and  I  more 
than  all  the  world. — To  MARY  JEFFERSON.  D. 
L.  J.,  181.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3413.  GENET  (E.  C.),  Arrival.— We  ex 
pect   M.    Genet   in    Philadelphia   within    a   few 
days.     It  seems  as  if  his  arrival  would  furnish 
occasion   for  the  people  to  testify  their  affec 
tions   without   respect   to    the    cold   caution   of 
their  government. — To  JAMES   MADISON.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  232.     (Pa.,  April  1793.) 

3414.  GENET  (E.   C.),   Calamitous  ap 
pointment. — Never,   in  my  opinion,   was  so 
calamitous  an  appointment  made  as  that  of  the 
present  minister  of  France  here.     Hot-headed, 
all   imagination,   no   judgment,   passionate,   dis 
respectful,  and  even  indecent  towards  the  Pres 
ident,  in  his  written  as  well  as  verbal  communi 
cations,   talking  of   appeals   from   him   to   Con 
gress,    from    them    to    the    people,    urging    the 
most  unreasonable  and  groundless  propositions, 
and  in  the  most  dictatorial  style,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 
If  ever  it  should  be  necessary  to  lay  his  com 
munications  before  Congress  or  the  public,  they 
will   excite  universal   indignation.     He   renders 
my  position   immensely  difficult.     He   does   me 
justice    personally,    and,    giving    him    time    to 
vent  himself,  and  then  cool,  I  am  on  a  footing 
to  advise  him  freely,  and  he  respects  it ;  but  he 


379 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Genet  (E.  C.) 


breaks  out  again  on  the  very  first  occasion, 
so  as  to  show  that  he  is  incapable  of  correcting 
himself.  To  complete  our  misfortune,  we  have 
no  channel  of  our  own  through  which  we  can 
correct  the  irritating  representations  he  may 
make. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  338. 
(July  I793-) 

3415. .     Mr.  Genet  had  been  then 

but  a  little  time  with  us ;  and  but  a  little  more 
was  necessary  to  develop  in  him  a  character 
and  conduct  so  unexpected,  and  so  extraordi 
nary,  as  to  place  us  in  the  most  distressing 
dilemma,  between  our  regard  for  his  nation, 
which  is  constant  and  sincere,  and  a  regard  for 
our  laws,  the  authority  of  which  must  be  main 
tained,  which  the  Executive  Magistrate  is 
charged  to  preserve ;  for  its  honor,  offended  in 
the  person  of  that  Magistrate ;  and  for  its  char 
acter  grossly  traduced  in  the  conversations  and 
letters  of  this  gentleman. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS,  iv,  31.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  372.  (Pa.,  Aug. 
I793-) 

3416.  GENET,    Correspondence    with.— 
We  have  kept  the   correspondence  with   Genet 
merely  personal,  convinced  his  nation  will  dis 
approve  him.     To  them  we  have  with  the  ut 
most   assiduity   given   every   proof   of   inviolate 
attachment.* — To   THOMAS   PINCKNEY.     iv,  86. 
(G.,  Nov.  1793-) 

3417.  GENET,  Functions.— Your  func 
tions    as    the    missionary    of    a    foreign    nation 
here,  are  confined  to  the  transactions  of  the  af 
fairs  of  your  nation  with  the  Executive  of  the 
United  States ;  and  the  communications  which 
are  to  pass  between  the   Executive  and  Legis 
lative  branches,   cannot  be  a  subject   for  your 
interference.     The    President    must    be    left    to 
judge  for  himself  what  matters  his  duty  or  the 
public  good  may  require  him  to  propose  to  the 
deliberations   of   Congress.t  — To   E.    C.   GENET. 
iv,  100.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  496.     (Pa.,  Dec.  1793.) 

3418.  GENET,  Ignorance  of.— Genet  has 
been   fully  heard   on  his  most  unfounded  pre 
tensions    under    the    treaty.     His    ignorance    of 
everything  written  on  the   subject  is  astonish 
ing.     I  think  he  has  never  read  a  book  of  any 
sort    in    that    branch    of    science. — To    JAMES 
MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  362.     (Aug.  1793.) 

3419.  GENET  (E.   C.),  Impetuosity.— I 

do  not  augur  well  of  the  mode  of  conduct  of  the 
new  French  minister ;  I  fear  he  will  enlarge  the 
circle  of  those  disaffected  to  his  country.  I  am 
doing  everything  in  my  power  to  moderate  the 
impetuosity  of  his  movements,  and  to  destroy 
the  dangerous  opinion  which  has  been  excited 
in  him.  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
will  disavow  the  acts  of  their  Government,  and 
that  he  has  an  appeal  from  the  Executive  to 
Congress,  and  from  both  to  the  people. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  7.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  323.  (Pa., 
June  I793-) 

*  Marshall,  in  his  Life  of  Washington  says:  "The 
partiality  for  France  that  was  conspicuous  through 
the  whole  of  the  correspondence,  detracted  nothing 
from  its  merit  in  the  opinion  of  the  friends  of  the  Ad 
ministration,  because,  however  decided  their  deter 
mination  to  support  their  own  Government  in  any 
controversy  with  any  nation  whatever,  they  felt  all 
the  partialities  for  that  Republic  which  the  corre 
spondence  expressed.  The  hostility  of  his  [Jeffer 
son's]  enemies,  therefore,  was,  for  a  time,  considera 
bly  lessened,  without  a  corresponding  diminution  of 
the  attachment  of  his  friends.  —  EDITOR. 

t  Genet  had  sent  to  Jefferson  translations  of  the 
instructions  given  him  by  the  Executive  Council  of 
France  with  a  request  that  they  should  be  laid  be 
fore  Congress  by  the  President.  Jefferson  returned 
the  papers  to  Genet.— EDITOR. 


3420.  GENET  (E.  C.),  Indefensible  con 
duct. — His  conduct  is  indefensible  by  the  most 
furious  Jacobin. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  20. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  348.  (^a.,  July  1793.) 

3421. .     His    conduct   has    given 

room  for  the  enemies  of  liberty  and  of  France, 
to  come  forward  in  a  style  of  acrimony  against 
that  nation,  which  they  never  would  have  dared 
to  have  done.  The  disapprobation  of  the  agent 
mingles  with  the  reprehension  of  his  nation, 
and  gives  a  toleration  to  that  which  it  never 
had  before.  He  has  still  some  defenders  in 
Freneau,  and  Greenleaf's  paper,  who  they  are 
I  know  not;  for  even  Hutcheson  and  Dallas 
give  him  up.  *  *  *  Hutcheson  says  that 
Genet  has  totally  overturned  the  republican  in 
terest  in  Philadelphia.  However,  the  people 
going  right  themselves,  if  they  always  see  their 
republican  advocates  with  them,  an  accidental 
meeting  with  the  monocrats  will  not  be  a  coal 
escence. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  53.  FORD 
EDV  vi,  402.  (Pa.,  Sep.  1793.) 

3422.  GENET  (E.  C.),  Instructions.— It 

is  impossible  for  anything  to  be  more  affection 
ate,  more  magnanimous  than  the  purport  of  [M. 
Genet's]  mission.  "  We  know  that  under  pres 
ent  circumstances  we  have  a  right  to  call  upon 
you  for  the  guarantee  of  our  Islands.  But  we 
do  not  desire  it.  We  wish  you  to  do  nothing 
but  what  is  for  your  own  good,  and  we  will 
do  all  in  our  power  to  promote  it.  Cherish 
your  own  peace  and  prosperity.  You  have 
expressed  a  willingness  to  enter  into  a  more 
liberal  treaty  of  commerce  with  us  ;  I  bring  full 
powers  (and  he  produced  them)  to  form  such 
a  treaty,  and  a  preliminary  decree  of  the  Na 
tional  Convention  to  lay  open  our  country  and 
its  Colonies  to  you  for  every  purpose  of  utility, 
without  your  participating  the  burthens  of 
maintaining  and  defending  them.  We  see  in 
you  the  only  person  on  earth  who  can  love  us 
sincerely,  and  merit  to  be  so  loved."  In  short, 
he  offers  everything,  and  asks  nothing.  Yet  I 
know  the  offers  will  be  opposed,  and  suspect 
they  will  not  be  accepted.  In  short,  it  is  im 
possible  for  you  to  conceive  what  is  passing  in 
our  conclave ;  and  it  is  evident  that  one  or  two 
at  least,  under  pretence  of  avoiding  war  on 
the  one  side  have  no  great  antipathy  to  run  foul 
of  it  on  the  other,  and  to  make  a  part  in  the 
confederacy  of  princes  against  human  liberty. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  563.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
260.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

3423.  GENET,    Libelous    attack    on.— 

The  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  has  en 
closed  to  me  the  copy  of  a  letter  *  *  * 
which  he  addressed  to  you,  stating  that  some 
libelous  publications  had  been  made  against 
him  by  Mr.  Jay.  Chief- Justice  of  the  United 
States,  and  Mr.  King,  one  of  the  Senators  for 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  desiring  that  they 
might  be  prosecuted.  This  letter  has  been  laid 
before  the  President,  according  to  the  re 
quest  of  the  Minister ;  and  the  President,  never 
doubting  your  readiness  on  all  occasions  to 
perform  the  functions  of  your  office,  yet  thinks 
it  incumbent  on  him  to  recommend  it  specially 
on  the  present  occasion,  as  it  concerns  a  pub 
lic  character  peculiarly  entitled  to  the  protec 
tion  of  the  laws.  On  the  other  hand,  as  our 
citizens  ought  not  to  be  vexed  w'th  ground 
less  prosecutions,  duty  to  them  requires  it  to  be 
added,  that  if  you  judge  the  prosecution  in 
question  to  be  of  that  nature,  you  consider 
this  recommendation  as  not  extending  to  it ;  its 
only  object  being  to  engage  you  to  proceed  in 
this  case  according  to  the  duties  of  your  office 


Genet  (E.  C.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


380 


[Attorney  General],  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
the  privileges  of  the  parties  concerned. — To 
EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  iv,  97.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  484. 
(Pa.,  Dec.  I793-) 

3424.  GENET    (E.    C.),    Opposition    to 
Law.— Genet  has,  at  New  York,  forbidden  a 
marshal  to  arrest  a  vessel,  and  given  orders  to 
the   French   squadron  to  protect  her  by   force. 
Was  there  ever  an  instance  before  of  a  diplo 
matic     man     overawing     and     obstructing    the 
course   of  the  law   in   a  country  by   an  armed 
force? — TO  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  64.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  418.     (Sep.  I793-) 

3425.  GENET,  Recall  of.— [At  a  cabinet 
meeting]  to  consider  what  was  to  be  done  with 
Mr.  Genet,      *      *      *      the  following  proposi 
tions  were  made:     i.  That  a  full  statement  of 
Mr.  Genet's  conduct  be  made  in  a  letter  to  G. 
Morris,  and  be  sent  with  his  correspondence,  to 
be  communicated  to  the  Executive  Council  of 
France ;  the  letter  to  be  so  prepared,  as  to  serve 
for  the  form  of  communication  to  the  Council. 
Agreed  unanimously.     2.  That  in  that  letter  his 
recall  be  required.     Agreed  by  all,  although   I 
expressed  a  preference  of  expressing  that  de 
sire  with   great  delicacy;   the   others  were   for 
peremptory  terms.     3.  To  send  him  off.     This 
was  proposed  by  Knox ;  but  rejected  by  every 
other.     4.  To  write  a  letter  to  Mr.  Genet,  the 
same    in    substance    with    that    written    to    G. 
Morris,  and  let  him  know  we  had  applied  for 
his    recall.      I     was    against    this,    because    I 
thought  it  would  render  him  extremely  active 
in   his  plans,   and  endanger  confusion.     But   I 
was    overruled    by  'the    other   three    gentlemen 
and   the    President.     5.    That   a   publication   of 
the  whole  correspondence,  and  statement  of  the 
proceedings,  should  be  made  by  way  of  appeal 
to  the  people.     Hamilton  made  a  jury  speech  of 
three-quarters  of  an  hour,  as  inflammatory  and 
declamatory  as  if  he  had  been   speaking  to   a 
jury.     E.    Randolph    opposed    it.     I    chose    to 
leave   the   contest   between   them. — THE   ANAS. 
ix,  162.     FORD  ED.,  i,  252.     (Aug.  I793-) 

3426. .     The  renvoi  of  Genet  was 

proposed  [in  cabinet]  by  the  President.  I  op 
posed  it  on  these  topics.  France,  the  only  na 
tion  on  earth  sincerely  our  friend.  The  meas 
ure  so  harsh  a  one,  that  no  precedent  is  pro 
duced  where  it  has  not  been  followed  by  war. 
Our  messenger  has  now  been  gone  eighty-four 
days ;  consequently,  we  may  hourly  expect  the 
return,  and  to  be  relieved  by  their  revocation 
of  him.  Were  it  now  resolved  on,  it  would  be 
eight  or  ten  days  before  the  matter  on  which 
the  order  should  be  founded,  could  be  selected, 
arranged,  discussed,  and  forwarded.  This 
would  bring  us  within  four  or  five  days  of 
the  meeting  of  Congress.  Would  it  not  be  bet 
ter  to  wait  and  see  how  the  pulse  of  that  body, 
new  as  it  is,  would  beat?  They  are  with  us 
now  probably,  but  such  a  step  as  this  may  carry 
many  over  to  Genet's  side.  Genet  will  not 
obey  the  order,  &c.,  &c.  The  President  asked 
me  what  I  would  do  if  Genet  sent  the  accusa 
tion  to  us  to  be  communicated  to  Congress, 
as  he  threatened  in  a  letter  to  Moultrie? 
said  I  would  not  send  it  to  Congress  ;  but  either 
put  it  in  the  newspapers,  or  send  it  back  to  him 
to  be  published  if  he  pleased.*— THE  ANAS,  ix, 
179.  FORD  ED.,  i,  267-  (Nov.  I793-) 

3427. .     We  have  decided  unani 
mously    to    require    the    recall    of    Genet.     He 

*  Hamilton  and  Knox  were  for  dismissal.    Ran 
dolph  thought  Genet  was  dead  m  public  opinion,  and 
the  measure  might  restore  his  popularity     ^de 
termination  was  arrived  at.— MEMORANDUM  BY  JEI 
PERSON. 


will  sink  the  republican  interest  if  they  do 
not  abandon  him. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  361.  (Aug.  1703.) 

3428. .     Lay    the    case     *     *     * 

immediately  before  his  government.  Accom 
pany  it  with  assurances,  which  cannot  be 
stronger  than  true,  that  our  friendship  for  the 
nation  is  constant  and  unabating ;  that,  faith 
ful  to  our  treaties,  we  have  fulfilled  them  in 
every  point  to  the  best  of  our  understanding; 
that  if  in  anything,  however,  we  have  construed 
them  amiss,  we  are  ready  to  enter  into  candid 
explanations,  and  to  do  whatever  we  can  be 
convinced  is  right ;  that  in  opposing  the  ex 
travagances  of  an  agent,  whose  character  they 
seem  not  sufficiently  to  have  known,  we  have 
been  urged  by  motives  of  duty  to  ourselves 
and  justice  to  others,  which  cannot  but  be 
approved  by  those  who  are  just  themselves; 
and  finally,  that  after  independence  and  self- 
government,  there  is  nothing  we  more  sincerely 
wish  than  perpetual  friendship  with  them.* — 

To       GOUVERNEUR       MORRIS,      iv,      SO.       FORD    ED., 

vi,  393-     (P-,  Aug.  16,  I793-) 

3429. .  It  is  with  extreme  con 
cern  I  have  to  inform  you  that  the  proceedings 
of  the  person,  whom  the  [French  government] 
have  unfortunately  appointed  their  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  here,  have  breathed  nothing  of 
the  friendly  spirit  of  the  nation  which  sent 
him.  Their  tendency,  on  the  contrary,  has 
been  to  involve  us  in  a  war  abroad,  and  dis 
cord  and  anarchy  at  home.  So  far  as  his  acts, 
or  those  of  his  agents,  have  threatened  our 
immediate  commitment  in  the  war,  or  flagrant 
insult  to  the  authority  of  the  laws,  their  effect 
has  been  counteracted  by  the  ordinary  cogni 
zance  of  the  laws,  and  by  an  exertion  of  the 
powers  confided  to  me.  Where  their  danger 
was  not  imminent,  they  have  been  borne  with, 
from  sentiments  of  regard  to  his  nation,  and 
from  a  sense  of  their  friendship  towards  us, 
from  a  conviction  that  they  would  not  suffer 
us  to  remain  long  exposed  to  the  action  of  a 
person  who  has  so  little  respected  our  mutual 
dispositions,  and,  I  will  add,  from  a  firm  reli 
ance  on  the  firmness  of  my  fellow  citizens  in 
their  principles  of  peace  and  order. — DRAFT  OF 
PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  437. 
(Nov.  1793.) 

3430.  GENET  (E.  C.),  Beception  of.— It 
was  suspected  that  there  was  not  a  clear  mind 
in  the  President's  counsellors  to  receive  Genet. 
The    citizens,   however,    determined   to    receive 
him.    Arrangements  were  taken  for  meeting  him 
at  Gray's  Ferry  in  a  great  body.     He  escaped 
that  by  arriving  in  town  with  the  letters  which 
brought  information  that  he  was  on  the  road. 
*      *      *      The  citizens  determined  to  address 
Genet.      Rittenhouse,    Hutcheson,    Dallas,    Sar 
gent,   &c.,  were  at  the  head  of  it.     Though   a 
select  body  of  only  thirty  was  appointed  to  pre 
sent  it,  yet  a  vast  concourse  of  people  attended 
them.     I  have  not  seen  it ;  but  it  is  understood 
to  be  the  counter  address  to  the  one  presented 
to  the  President  on  the  neutrality  proclaimed, 
by  the  merchants,  i.  e.,  Fitzsimmons  &  Co.     It 
contained  much  wisdom  but  no  affection. — To 
JAMES    MADISON,     iii,    562.     FORD   ED.,   vi,   260. 
(Pa.,  May  1793-) 

3431.  GENET     (E.     C.),    Treachery.— I 
sometimes     cannot     help      seriously     believing 
Genet  to  be  a  Dumouriez,  endeavoring  to  draw 
us  into  the  war  against  France  as  Dumouriez, 

*  This  quotation  is  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  in 
structions  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  respecting  the  re 
call  of  Genet.— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSON1AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Genet  (£.  C.) 
George  III. 


while  a  minister,  drew  on  her  the  war  of  the 
empire. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  419. 
(i793.) 

3432.  GENET  (E.  C.),  Washington  and. 
— His  inveteracy  against  the  President  leads 
him  to  meditate  the  embroiling  him  with  Con 
gress. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  75.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  439.  (Nov.  1793.) 

3433. .  Genet,  by  more  and  more 

denials  of  powers  to  the  President  and  ascri 
bing  them  to  Congress,  is  evidently  endeavoring 
to  sow  tares  between  them,  and  at  any  event  to 
curry  favor  with  the  latter,  to  whom  he  means 
to  turn  his  appeal,  finding  it  was  not  likely  to 
be  well  received  by  the  people. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iv,  83.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  450.  (Gv 
Nov.  I793-) 

3434. .     Genet  has  thrown  down 

the  gauntlet  to  the  President  by  the  publication 
of  his  letter  and  my  answer,  and  is  himself 
forcing  that  appeal  to  the  people,  and  risking 
that  disgust  which  I  had  so  much  wished  should 
have  been  avoided.  The  indications  from  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  continent  are  already  suffi 
cient  to  show  that  the  mass  of  the  republican 
interest  has  no  hesitation  to  disapprove  of  this 
intermeddling  by  a  foreigner,  and  the  more 
readily  as  his  object  was  evidently,  contrary  to 
his  professions,  to  force  us  into  the  war.  I 
am  not  certain  whether  some  of  the  more 
furious  republicans  may  not  schismatize  with 
him. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  52.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  397-  (Pa.,  Aug.  1793-) 

3435.  GENIUS,  Encouraging.— For  pro 
moting   the   public   happiness,    those   persons 
whom  nature  has  endowed  with  genius  and 
virtue,  should  be  rendered  by  liberal  educa 
tion  worthy  to  receive,  and  able  to  guard  the 
sacred  deposit  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
their    fellow    citizens;    and    they    should    be 
called    to    that    charge    without    regard    to 
wealth,   birth,   or  other  accidental   condition 
or  circumstance. — DIFFUSION  OF   KNOWLEDGE 
BILL.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.     (1779.) 

3436.  GENIUS,    Higher.— Though  *  *'  * 
I   am   duly   impressed   with   a   sense   of   the 
arduousness  of  government,  and  the  obliga 
tion  those  are  under  who  are  able  to  conduct 
it,  yet  I  am  also  satisfied  there  is  an  order 
of  geniuses  above  that  obligation,  and,  there 
fore,  exempted  from  it.    Nobody  can  conceive 
that  nature  ever  intended  to  throw  away  a 
Newton   upon   the   occupations   of   a   crown. 

*  *  Cooperating  with  nature  in  her  or 
dinary  economy,  we  should  dispose  of  and 
employ  the  geniuses  of  men  according  to 
their  several  orders  and  degrees. — To  DAVID 

RlTTENHOUSE.      FORD  ED.,   ii,    163.       (M.,    1778.) 

3437.  GEOGRAPHICAL     LINES,     Di 
visions  on. — A  geographical  division   *    *    * 
is  a  most  fatal  of  all  divisions,  as  no  authority 
will    submit   to   be   governed    by   a   majority 
acting  merely  on  a  geographical  principle. — 
To   SAMUEL   H.    SMITH.     FORD  ED.,   x,    191. 
(M.,  1821.)     See  MISSOURI. 

3438.  GEORGE    III.,    Appeal    to.— No 
longer  persevere  in  sacrificing  the  rights  of  one 
part  of  the  empire  to  the  inordinate  desires  of 
the   other ;   but  deal   out  to   all   equal    and   im 
partial  right.     Let  no  act  be  passed  by  any  one 
legislature,   which   may    infringe   on   the   rights 


and  liberties  of  another.  This  is  the  important 
post  in  which  fortune  has  placed  you,  holding 
the  balance  of  a  great,  if  a  well-poised  em 
pire.  This,  Sire,  is  the  advice  of  your  great 
American  council,  on  the  observance  of  which 
may  perhaps  depend  your  felicity  and  future 
fame,  and  the  preservation  of  that  harmony 
which  alone  can  continue,  both  to  Great  Britain 
and  America,  the  reciprocal  advantages  of  their 
connection.  It  is  neither  our  wish  nor  our 
interest  to  separate  from  her.  We  are  willing, 
on  our  part,  to  sacrifice  everything  which  reason 
can  ask  to  the  restoration  of  that  tranquillity 
for  which  all  most  wish.  On  their  part,  let  them 
be  ready  to  establish  union  on  a  generous  plan. 
Let  them  name  their  terms,  but  let  them  be  just. 
*  The  God  who  gave  us  life,  gave  us  lib 
erty  at  the  same  time  :  the  hand  of  force  may 
destroy  but  cannot  disjoin  them.  This,  Sire, 
is  our  last,  our  determined  resolution.  And 
that  you  will  be  pleased  to  interpose  with  that 
efficacy  which  your  earnest  endeavors  may  in 
sure  to  procure  redress  of  these  our  great  griev 
ances,  to  quiet  the  minds  of  your  subjects  in 
British  America  against  any  apprehensions  of 
future  encroachment,  to  establish  fraternal  love 
and  harmony  through  the  whole  empire,  and 
that  that  may  continue  to  the  latest  ages  of 
time,  is  the  fervent  prayer  of  all  British  Amer 
ica. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  141. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  446.  (1774.) 

3439.  GEORGE  III.,  Bitterness  of.— His 

obstinacy  of  character  we  know ;  his  hostility 
we  have  known,  and  it  is  embittered  by  ill  suc 
cess.  If  ever  this  nation,  during  his  life,  enter 
into  arrangements  with  us,  it  must  be  in  conse 
quence  of  events  of  which  they  do  not  at  pres 
ent  see  a  possibility. — To  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 
i,  541.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  207.  (L.,  1786.) 

3440.  GEORGE    IH.,    Control    of.— His 
[George  III.]  minister  is  able,  and  that  satisfies 
me  that  ignorance   or   wickedness,   somewhere, 
controls    him     [the    King].  * — To    JOHN    RAN 
DOLPH,     i,  203.     FORD  ED.,  i,  493.     (Pa.,  1775.) 

3441.  GEORGE  III.,  Deposed.-— Be  it  en 
acted  by  the  authority  of  the  people  that  George 

Guelf  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  deposed  from 

the    kingly    office    within    this    government    [of 
Virginia],    and    absolutely    divested    of    all    its 
rights,  powers,   and  prerogatives:    and  that   he 
and  his  descendants  and  all  persons  acting  by 
or  through  him,  and  all  other  persons  whatso 
ever  shall  be,  and  forever  remain,  incapable  of 
the  same :  and  that  the  said  office  shall  hence 
forth  cease  and  never  more,  either  in  name  or 
substance,    be    reestablished    within    this    Col 
ony. — PROPOSED  VIRGINIA  CONSTITUTION.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  12.     (June  1776.) 

3442. .  George  Guelf  has  for 
feited  the  kingly  office,  and  has  rendered  it 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  people  that 
he  should  be  immediately  deposed  from  the 
same,  and  divested  of  all  its  privileges,  powers 
and  prerogatives. — PROPOSED  VIRGINIA  CONSTI 
TUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  12.  (June  1776.) 

3443.  GEORGE  in.,  Early  reign  of.— 

The  following  is  an  epitome  of  the  first  sixteen 
years  of  his  reign  :  The  Colonies  were  taxed 
internally  and  externally  ;  their  essential  inter 
ests  sacrificed  to  individuals  in  Great  Britain  : 
their  legislatures  suspended ;  charters  annulled  ; 

*  Parton  in  his  Life  of  'Jefferson*  p.  180,  says:  lt  This 
remark  is  interesting,  as  showing  that  Jefferson,  at  a 
time  when  the  fact  was  not  generally  known,  felt 
that  a  man  of  the  calibre  of  Lord  North  was  out  of 
place  in  the  cabinet  of  George  III.,  and  did  not  in  his 
heart  approve  the  King's  policy." — EDITOR. 


George  III. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


382 


trials  by  jury  taken  away;  their  persons  sub 
jected  to  transportation  across  the  Atlantic, 
and  to  trial  before  foreign  judicatories ;  their 
supplications  for  redress  thought  beneath  an 
swer  ;  themselves  published  as  cowards  in  the 
councils  of  their  mother  country  and  courts  of 
Europe ;  armed  troops  sent  among  them  to  en 
force  submission  to  these  violences ;  and  actual 
hostilities  commenced  against  them.  No  al 
ternative  was  presented  but  resistance,  or  un 
conditional  submission.  Between  these  could 
be  no  hesitation.  They  closed  in  the  appeal  to 
arms.  They  declared  themselves  independent 
States.  They  confederated  together  into  one 
great  republic ;  thus  securing  to  every  State  the 
benefit  of  an  union  of  their  whole  force. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  358.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
221.  (1782.) 

3444.  GEORGE    III.,     History    and.— 

Open  your  breast,  Sire,  to  liberal  and  expanded 
thought.  Let  not  the  name  of  George  the 
Third  be  a  blot  on  the  page  of  history. — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  141.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  446.  (I774-) 

3445.  GEORGE  IH.,  Injuries  and  usur 
pations. — The  history  of  the  present  King  of 
Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  [unremitting]*  in 
juries   and  usurpations    [among  which   appears 
no  solitary  fact  to  contradict  the  uniform  tenor 
of    the    rest,    but    all    have]    in    direct    object 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over 
these  States.     To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub 
mitted  to  a  candid  world  [for  the  truth  of  which 
we  pledge  a  faith  yet  unsullied  by  falsehood]. — 
DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS   DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3446.  GEORGE   III.,   Lunacy.— The   lu 
nacy  of  the  King  of  England  is  a  decided  fact, 
notwithstanding  all  the  stuff  the  English  papers 
publish    about    his    fevers,    delirium,    &c.      The 
truth  is  that  the  lunacy  declared  itself  almost  at 
once,  and  with  as  few  concomitant  complaints 
as  usually  attend  the  first  development  of  that 
disorder. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,     ii,    534. 
(P.,  Dec.   1788.) 

3447.  GEORGE  III.,  Ministers  of.— You 
are  surrounded  by  British  counsellors,  but  re 
member   that   they   are   parties.     You   have   no 
ministers    for    American    affairs,    because    you 
have  none  taken  from  among  us,  nor  amenable 
to  the  laws  on  which  they  are  to  give  you  ad 
vice.     It  behooves  you,  therefore,  to  think  and 
to   act   for  yourself  and  your  people. — RIGHTS 
OF    BRITISH    AMERICA,      i,    141.      FORD    ED.,    i, 
446.     (1774-) 

3448.  GEORGE  in.,  Our  bitterest  en 
emy. — It   is   an   immense   misfortune   to   the 
whole  empire,  to  have  a  King  of  such  a  disposi 
tion  at  such  a  time.     We  are  told,  and  every 
thing  proves  it  true,  that  he  is  the  bitterest  en 
emy  we  have.     His  minister  is  able,   and  that 
satisfies  me  that  ignorance  or  wickedness,  some 
where,  controls  him.     In  an  earlier  part  of  this 
contest,   our  petitions  told  him,  that  from  our 
King  there  was  but  one  appeal.     The  admoni 
tion   was   despised,   and  that   appeal   forced  on 
us.     To  undo  his  empire,  he  has  but  one  truth 
more   to   learn ;    that,    after  the   Colonies   have 
drawn  the  sword,   there  is  but  one   step  more 
they  can  take.     That  step  is  now  pressed  upon 
us,   by  the  measures   adopted,   as   if  they  were 
afraid  we  would  not  taice  it. — To  JOHN   RAN 
DOLPH,     i,    203.     FORD   ED.,    i,    492.     (Pa.,    No 
vember  1775.) 

*  Congress  struck  out  the  words  in  brackets  and 
substituted  u  repeated "  for  "  unremitting",  and 
"having"  for  "  have".— EDITOR. 


3449.  GEORGE    IH.,    Perversity  of.— 

Our  friend  George  is  rather  remarkable  for 
doing  exactly  what  he  ought  not  to  do. — To 
DR.  RAMSAY,  ii,  217.  (P.,  1787.) 

3450. .     Has  there  been  a  better 

rule  of  prognosticating  what  he  would  do  than 
to  examine  what  he  ought  not  to  do  ? — To 
JOHN  JAY.  ii,  291.  (P.,  1787.) 

3451.  GEORGE   III.,   Policy   of.— I   am 

pleased  to  see  the  answer  of  the  King.  It  bears 
the  marks  of  suddenness  and  surprise,  and  as  he 
seems  not  to  have  had  time  for  reflection,  we 
may  suppose  he  was  obliged  to  find  his  answer 
in  the  real  sentiments  of  his  heart,  if  that  heart 
has  any  sentiment.  I  have  no  doubt,  however, 
that  it  contains  the  real  creed  of  an  Englishman, 
and  that  the  word  which  he  has  let  escape,  is 
the  true  word  of  the  enigma.  "  The  moment 
I  see  such  sentiments  as  yours  prevail,  and  a 
disposition  to  give  this  country  the  preference, 
I  will,  &c."  All  this  I  stead  ly  believe.  But 
the  condition  is  impossible.  Our  interest  calls 
for  a  perfect  equality  in  our  conduct  towards 
these  two  nations ;  but  no  preference  anywhere. 
If,  however,  circumstances  should  ever  oblige 
us  to  show  a  preference,  a  respect  for  our 
character,  if  we  had  no  better  motive,  would 
decide  to  which  it  should  be  given. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  436.  (P.,  September  1785.) 

3452.  GEORGE  III.,  Ruinous  rule  of.— 
It  is  a  subject  of  deep  regret  to  see  a  great  na 
tion    reduced    from    an    unexampled    height    of 
prosperity  to  an  abyss  of  ruin,  by  the  long-con 
tinued  rule  of  a  single  chief. — To  MR.  RODMAN. 
vi,  54.     (M.,  April  1812.) 

3453.  GEORGE  III.,  Rumored  death  of. 

— We  have  a  rumor  that  the  King  of  England 
is  dead.  As  this  would  ensure  a  general  peace, 
I  do  not  know  that  it  would  be  any  misfortune 
to  humanity. — To  HARRY  INNES.  iv,  315. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  412.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

3454.  GEORGE  IH.,  Services  to  Amer 
ica. — We  have  a  blind  story  here   [Paris]  of 
somebody     attempting     to     assassinate     your* 
King.     No  man  upon  earth  has  my  prayers  for 
his  continuance  in  life  more  sincerely  than  he. 
He   is   truly   the   American    Messias,    the   most 
precious    life   that    ever    God   gave.     And    may 
God    continue    it.     Twenty    long   years    has    he 
been  laboring  to  drive  us  to  our  good,  and  he 
labors  and  will  labor  still  for  it,  if  he  can  be 
spared.     We  shall  have  need  of  him  for  twenty 
more.     The    Prince    of    Wales    on    the    throne, 
Lansdowne  and  Fox  in  the  ministry  and  we  are 
undone !     We    become    chained    by    our    habits 
to  the  tails  of  those  who  hate  and  despise  us. 
I    repeat    it,    then,    that    my    anxieties    are    all 
alive  for  the  health  and  long  life  of  the  King. 
He  has  not  a  friend  on  earth  who  would  lament 
his  loss  as  much  and  so  long  as  I  should. — To 
MRS.    JOHN    ADAMS.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    261.     (P., 
1786.) 

3455.  GEORGE  III.,    Tyranny  of.— He 

[George  III.]  has  endeavored  to  pervert  the 
exercise  of  the  Kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a 
detestable  and  insupportable  tyranny  *  * 
by  abandoning  the  helm  of  government  and 
declaring  us  out  of  his  allegiance  and  protec 
tion. — PROPOSED  VIRGINIA  CONSTITUTION.  FORD 
EDV  ii,  12.  (June  1776.) 

3456.  GEORGE    III.,    TJnfit   to   rule.— 
A   prince   whose   character   is   thus   marked   by 
every   act  which   may   define   a  tyrant,   is   unfit 
to   be  the   ruler   of   a  people  who   mean  to   be 

*  Mrs.  Adams  was  then  living  in  London. — EDITOR. 


3*3 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


George  IT. 
Gerry  (Elbridge) 


free.  Future  ages  will  scarcely  believe  that 
the  hardiness  of  one  man  adventured  within 
the  short  compass  of  twelve  years  only,  to  lay 
a  foundation,  so  broad  and  undisguised  for 
tyranny  over  a  people  fostered  and  fixed  in 
principles  of  freedom.* — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3457.  GEORGE  IV.,   Character  of.— As 

the  character  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  is  becom 
ing  interesting,  I  have  endeavored  to  learn 
what  it  truly  is.  This  is  less  difficult  in  his  case 
than  in  that  of  other  persons  of  rank,  because 
he  has  taken  no  pains  to  hide  himself  from  the 
world.  *  *  *  The  total  of  his  education 
was  the  learning  a  little  Latin,  but  he  speaks 
French  without  the  slightest  foreign  accent, 
from  the  circumstance  that,  when  very  young, 
his  father  had  put  only  French  servants  about 
him.  He  has  not  a  single  element  of  mathe 
matics,  of  natural  or  moral  philosophy,  or  of 
any  other  science  on  earth,  nor  has  the  society 
he  has  kept  been  such  as  to  supply  the  void  of 
education.  It  has  been  of  the  lowest,  the  most 
illiterate  and  profligate  persons  of  the  Kingdom, 
without  choice  of  rank  or  mind,  and  with  whom 
the  subjects  of  conversation  are  only  horses, 
drinking-matches,  bawdy  houses,  and  in  terms 
the  most  vulgar.  The  young  nobility,  who  be 
gin  by  associating  with  him,  soon  leave  him, 
disgusted  with  the  insupportable  profligacy  of 
his  society ;  and  Mr.  Fox,  who  has  been  sup 
posed  his  favorite,  and  not  over-nice  in  the 
choice  of  company,  would  never  keep  him  com 
pany  habitually.  In  fact,  he  never  associated 
with  a  man  of  sense.  He  has  not  a  single  idea 
of  justice,  morality,  religion,  or  of  the  rights  of 
men,  or  any  anxiety  for  the  opinion  of  the 
world.  He  carries  that  indifference  for  fame 
so  far,  that  he  would  probably  be  hurt  were  he 
to  lose  his  throne,  provided  he  could  be  assured 
of  having  always  meat,  drink,  horses  and  wo 
men.  *  *  *  He  had  a  fine  person,  but  it  is 
becoming  coarse.  He  possesses  good  native 
common  sense,  is  affable,  polite  and  very  good- 
humored.  *  *  *  The  Duke  of  York,  who 
was  for  some  time  cried  up  as  the  prodigy  of 
the  family,  is  as  profligate,  and  of  less  under 
standing. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  559.  FORD  ED., 
v,  60.  (P.,  1789.) 

3458.  GEOLOGY,  Imperfect  knowledge 

of. — I  have  not  much  indulged  myself  in  geo 
logical  inquiries,  from  a  belief  that  the  skin- 
deep  scratches  which  we  can  make  or  find  on 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  do  not  repay  our  time 
with  as  certain  and  useful  deductions  as  our 
pursuits  in  some  other  branches. — To  C.  F.  VOL- 
NEY.  iv,  569.  (W.,  1805.) 

3459. .     I  could  not  offer  myself 

as  geological  correspondent  in  this  State,  be 
cause  of  all  the  branches  of  science  it  was  the 
one  I  had  the  least  cultivated.  Our  researches 
into  the  texture  of  our  globe  could  be  but  so 
superficial,  compared  with  its  vast  interior  con 
struction,  that  I  saw  no  safety  of  conclusion 
from  the  one,  as  to  the  other ;  and  therefore 
have  pointed  my  own  attentions  to  other  ob 
jects  in  preference,  as  far  as  a  heavy  load  of 
business  would  permit  me  to  attend  to  anything 
else. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  v,  531.  (M., 
1810.) 

3460.  GEOLOGY,  Limited  usefulness.— 
To  learn  *  *  *  the  ordinary  arrangement 
of  the  different  strata  of  minerals  in  the  earth, 

*  The  first  sentence  was  changed  so  as  to  read,  UA 
prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of 
a  free  people  ",  and  the  second  one  was  struck  out.— 
EDITOR. 


to  know  from  their  habitual  collocations  and 
proximities  where  we  find  one  mineral ;  whether 
another,  for  which  we  are  seeking,  may  be  ex 
pected  to  be  in  its  neighborhood,  is  useful.  But 
the  dreams  about  the  modes  of  creation,  in 
quiries  whether  our  globe  has  been  formed  by 
the  agency  of  fire  or  water,  how  many  millions 
of  years  it  has  cost  Vulcan  or  Neptune  to  pro 
duce  what  the  fiat  of  the  Creator  would  effect 
by  a  single  act  of  will,  is  too  idle  to  be  worth 
a  single  hour  of  any  man's  life. — To  DR.  JOHN 
P.  EMMETT.  vii,  443.  (M.,  1826.) 

3461.  GEOLOGY,  Man's  reason  defied. 
— The  several  instances  of  trees,  &c.,  found 
far    below    the    surface    of   the    earth     *     *     * 
seem  to  set  the  reason  of  man  at  defiance. — To 
JAMES    MADISON,     ii,    67.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    335. 
(P.,  1786.) 

3462.  GEOLOGY,  Theories  of.— With  re 
spect  to  the  inclination  of  the  strata  of  rocks, 
I   had  observed  them   between  the  Blue   Ridge 
and  North  Mountains  in  Virginia,  to  be  parallel 
with    the    pole    of    the    earth.     I    observed    the 
same  thing  in  most  instances  in  the  Alps,  be 
tween  Cette  and  Turin ;  but  in  returning  along 
the    precipices    of   the    Apennines,    where    they 
hang   over   the    Mediterranean,    their    direction 
was   totally   different   and   various.     You   men 
tion  that  in  our  Western  country  they  are  hori 
zontal.     This  variety  proves  they  have  not  been 
formed  by  subsidence,   as  some  writers  of  the 
theories  of  the  earth  have  pretended;  for  then 
they  should  always  have  been  in  circular  strata, 
and  concentric.     It  proves,  too,  that  they  have 
not  been  formed  by  the  rotation  of  the  earth 
on   its   axis,   as   it  might  have  been   suspected, 
had  all  these  strata  been  parallel  with  that  axis. 
They    may,    indeed,    have    been    thrown    up    by 
explosions,    as    Whitehurst    supposes,    or    have 
been  the  effect  of  convulsions.     But  there  can 
be  no  proof  of  the  explosion,  nor  is  it  probable 
that  convulsions  have  deformed  every  spot  of 
the  earth.     It  is  now  generally  agreed  that  rock 
grows,  and  it  seems  that  it  grows  in  layers  in 
every  direction,  as  the  branches  of  trees  grow 
in  all  directions.     Why  seek  further  the  solu 
tion   of  this  phenomenon  ?     Everything  in  na 
ture   decays.     If   it   were   not   reproduced   then 
by     growth     there     should     be     a     chasm. — To 
CHARLES    THOMSON,      ii,    276.      FORD    ED.,    iv, 
448.     (P.,  1787.) 

3463.  GERRY  (Elbridge),  Federalist 
hatred  of. — As  soon  as  it  was  known  that 
you  had  consented  to  stay  in  Paris,  there  was 
no  measure  observed  in  the  execrations  of  the 
war  party.  They  openly  wished  you  might  be 
guillotined,  or  sent  to  Cayenne,  or  anything 
else. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  273.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  335-  (Pa.,  Jan.  I799-) 

3464. .  The  people  will  support 

you,  notwithstanding  the  bowlings  of  the  rav 
enous  crew  from  whose  jaws  they  are  escaping. 
— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  390.  FORD  ED.. 
viii,  41.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

3465.  GERRY  (Elbridge),  French  nego 
tiations. — You  suppose  that  you  have  been 
abused  by  both  parties.  As  far  as  has  come  to 
my  knowledge,  you  are  misinformed.  I  have 
never  seen  or  heard  a  sentence  of  blame  uttered 
against  you  by  the  republicans ;  unless  we  were 
so  to  construe  their  wishes  that  you  had  more 
boldly  cooperated  in  a  project  of  a  treaty,  and 
would  more  explicitly  state,  whether  there  was 
in  your  colleagues  [Marshall  and  Pinckney] 
that  flexibility,  which  persons  earnest  after 
peace  would  have  practiced?  Whether,  on  the 
contrary,  their  demeanor  was  not  cold,  re- 


Gerry  (Elbridge) 
Government 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


384 


served,  and  distant,  at  least,  if  not  backward? 
And  whether,  if  they  had  yielded  to  those  in 
formal  conferences  which  Talleyrand  seems  to 
have  courted,  the  liberal  accommodation  you 
suppose  might  not  have  been  effected,  even  with 
their  agency?  Your  fellow  citizens  think  they 
have  a  right  to  full  information  in  a  case  of 
such  great  concernment  to  them.  It  is  their 
sweat  which  is  to  earn  all  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  and  their  blood  which  is  to  flow  in  expia 
tion  of  the  causes  of  it.  It  may  be  in  your 
power  to  save  them  from  these  miseries  by 
full  communications  and  unrestrained  details, 
postponing  motives  of  delicacy  to  those  of 
duty.  It  rests  with  you  to  come  forward  inde 
pendently ;  to  make  your  stand  on  the  high 
ground  of  your  own  character;  to  disregard 
calumny,  and  to  be  borne  above  it  on  the 
shoulders  of  your  grateful  fellow  citizens;  or 
to  sink  into  the  humble  oblivion,  to  which  the 
federalists  (self-called)  have  secretly  con 
demned  you ;  and  even  to  be  happy  if  they  will 
indulge  your  oblivion,  while  they  have  beamed 
on  your  colleagues  meridian  splendor. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  272.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  333- 
(Pa.,  Jan.  I799-) 

3466.  GERRY    (Elbridge),    Vice-Presi 
dency. — The  resolution  of  the  republicans  of 
Connecticut  to  propose  you  as  Vice-President, 
*     *     *     is  a  stamp  of  double  proof.     It  is  an 
indication  to  the  factionaries  that  their  nay  is 
the  yea  of  truth  and  its  best  test. — To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,     vi,  64.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  361.     (M.,  1812.) 

3467.  GILES    (William   B.),    Hamilton 
resolutions. — Mr.    Giles    and    one    or    two 
others  were  sanguine  enough  to  believe  that  the 
palpableness    of    these    resolutions    rendered    it 
impossible  the  House  could  reject  them.     Those 
who  knew  the  composition  of  the  House,   i,  of 
bank   directors ;    2,   holders   of  bank   stock ;    3, 
stock  jobbers;   4,  blind  devotees;    5,   ignorant 
persons    who    did    not    comprehend    them ;    6, 
lazy   and  good-humored  persons,   who   compre 
hended  and  acknowledged  them,  yet  were  too 
lazy  to  examine,  or  unwilling  to  pronounce  cen 
sure.     The  persons  who  knew  these  characters, 
foresaw  that  the  three  first  descriptions  making 
one-third  of  the  House,  the  three  latter  would 
make  one-half  of  the  residue;   and,  of  course, 
that  they  would  be  rejected  by  a  majority  of 
two  to  one.     But  they  thought  that  even  this  re 
jection  would  do  good,  by  showing  the  public 
the  desperate  and  abandoned  dispositions  with 
which  their  affairs  were  conducted.     The  reso 
lutions  were  proposed,   and  nothing   spared  to 
present  them  in  the  fulness  of  demonstration. 
There  were  not  more  than  three  or  four  who 
voted  otherwise  than  had  been  expected.* — THE 
ANAS,      ix,    139.      FORD    ED.,    i,    222.      (March 
I793-) 

3468.  GLORY,  Undying.— The    road    to 
that  glory  which  never  dies  is  to  use  power 
for  the  support  of  the  laws  and  liberties  of 
our  country,   not  for  their  destruction. — To 
EARL  OF  BUCK  AN.    iv,  494-     (W.,  1803.) 

3469.  GOD,  Gifts  of.— The  God  who  gave 
us  life  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time.— 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,     i,  142.     FORD 
ED.,  i,  447.     (1774.)     See  DEITY  and  PROVI 
DENCE. 

_  GOLD.— See  DOLLAR  and  MONEY. 

*  The  resolutions,  moved  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  on  February  28th,  against  Hamilton. 
They  were  negatived  by  a  majority  ranging  between 
40  to  33,  to  a  minority  varying  from  15  to  7.— NOTE  IN 
FORD  EDITION. 


3470.  GOODRICH  (Elizur),  Removal  of. 

— There  is  one  [case]  in  your  State  [Connecti- 
cutl  which  calls  for  decision,  and  on  which 
Judge  Lincoln  will  ask  yourself  and  some  others 
to  consult  and  advise  us.  It  is  the  case  of  Mr. 
Goodrich,  whose  being  a  recent  appointment, 
made  a  few  days  only  before  Mr.  Adams  went 
out  of  office,  is  liable  to  the  general  nullification 
I  affix  to  them.  Yet,  there  might  be  reason  for 
continuing  him ;  or  if  that  would  dp  more  harm 
than  good,  we  should  enquire  who  is  the  person 
in  the  State  who,  superseding  Mr.  Goodrich, 
would  from  his  character  and  standing  in 
society,  most  effectually  silence  clamor,  and 
justify  the  Executive  in  a  comparison  of  the  two 
characters.  For  though  I  consider  Mr.  Good- 
rich's  appointment  as  a  nullity  in  effect,  yet 
others  may  view  it  as  a  possession  and  removal, 
and  ask  if  that  removal  has  been  made  to  put 
in  a  better  man?  I  pray  you  to  take  a  broad 
view  of  this  subject,  consider  it  in  all  its  bear 
ings,  local  and  general,  and  communicate  to 
me  your  opinion. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  44.  (W.,  March  1801.)  See  BISHOP. 

3471.  GOVERNMENT,       Abdication.— 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  with 
drawing  his  governors,  and  declaring  us  out 
of  his  allegiance  and  protection.* — DECLARA 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 

3472.  GOVERNMENT,  Abolition  of  de 
structive.— We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self 
evident :  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  in 
herent  andf  inalienable   rights;    that   among 
these    are    life,    liberty,    and    the   pursuit   of 
happiness ;  that  to  secure  these  rights,  gov 
ernments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving 
their  just  powers   from   the   consent  of  the 
governed ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  govern 
ment  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,   it 
is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish 
it,   and  to  institute  new  government,   laying 
its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organ 
izing  its  powers  in   such  form,   as  to  them 
shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety 
and   happiness. — DECLARATION   OF   INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3473.  GOVERNMENT,     Altering.— The 
proposition  [of  Lord  North]  is  altogether  un 
satisfactory    *    *    ;:    because  it  does  not  pro 
pose  to  repeal  the    *    *    *    acts  of  Parliament 
altering  the  form  of  government  of  the  East 
ern  Colonies. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROP 
OSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i,  480.     (July  1775.) 

3474. .     He   has    combined,  with 

others,  *  *  *  for  altering,  fundamentally, 
the  forms  of  our  governments. — DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

—  GOVERNMENT,  Ancient.— See  ARIS 
TOTLE. 
3475.  GOVERNMENT,    Arbitrary.— He 

has  combined,  with  others,  *  *  *  for  abol 
ishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in 
a  neighboring  Province,  establishing  therein 
an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its 

*  Congress  struck  out  the  words  in  italics,  and  in 
serted  "  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  protection,  and 
waging  war  against  us."— EDITOR. 

t  The  words  "  inherent  and  "  were  struck  out  by 
Congress  and  the  word  u  certain  "  was  inserted — ED 
ITOR. 


Thomas  Jefferson 

Age  about  55  years 

Bronze  statue  by  David  d 'Angers  (Pierre  Jean  David). 

This  statue  was  presented  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  1834  by  Lieut.  Uriah 
P.  Levy  (late  commodore)  of  the  Unil  o<l  St-ifos  Navy.  It  stands  in  the  rotunda  of  the  United 
States  Capitol. 


[5] 


385 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Government 


boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an 
example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing 
the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  States.* — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3476.  GOVERNMENT,     Art       of.— The 
whole  art  of  government  consists  in  the  art 
of  being  honest. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMER 
ICA,    i,  141.     FORD  ED.,  i,  446.     (1774.) 

3477.  GOVERNMENT,    Censors.— No 

government  ought  to  be  without  censors ;  and 
where  the  press  is  free,  no  one  ever  will. — 
To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  467.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  108.  (M.,  1792.) 

3478. .  If  virtuous,  the  govern 
ment  need  not  fear  the  fair  operation  of  at 
tack  and  defence.  Nature  has  given  to  man 
no  other  means  of  sifting  out  the  truth,  either 
in  religion,  law,  or  politics. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  467.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  108. 
(M.,  1792.) 

3479. .     I  think  it  is  as  honor 
able  to  the  government  neither  to  know,  nor 
notice,  its  sycophants  or  censors,  as  it  would 
be   undignified   and   criminal    to   pamper   the 
former  and  persecute  the  latter. — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  467.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
108.     (M.,  1792.) 

—  GOVERNMENT,  Centralization.— See 

CENTRALIZATION. 

3480.  GOVERNMENT,  Changing.— Pru 
dence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments 
long  established,   should  not  be  changed  for 
light  and  transient  causes;  and,  accordingly, 
all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are 
more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  suf- 
ferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing 
the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3481.  GOVERNMENT,  Consent  of  gov 
erned. — Governments  derivef  their  just  pow 
ers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. — DEC 
LARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE   AS    DRAWN   BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3482. .     He  has  kept  among  us 

in  times  of  peace  standing  armies  and  ships 
of  war  without  the  consent  of  our  Legisla 
tures. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS 
DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3483. .     Civil   government   being 

the  sole  object  of  forming  societies,  its  ad 
ministration  must  be  conducted  by  common 
consent. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  viii,  331. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  189.  (1782.) 

3484.  — .  The  General  Assembly 

of  Virginia,  at  their  session  in  1785,  passed 
an  act  declaring  that  the  district,  called  Ken 
tucky  shall  be  a  separate  and  independent 
State,  on  these  conditions,  i.  That  the  peo 
ple  of  that  district  shall  consent  to  it. — To 
M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  258.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  162. 
(P.,  1786.) 

*  Congress  inserted  "Colonies"  instead  of  "States  ". 
—EDITOR. 

t"  Deriving"  in  the  Declaration.— EDITOR 


3485. .      [We]    first    in    modern 

times  [took]  the  ground  of  government 
founded  on  the  will  of  the  people. — To 
GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  325.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
428.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

3486. .     I  do  not  indeed  wish  to 

see  any  nation  have  a  form  of  government 
forced  on  them;  but  if  it  is  to  be  done,  I 
should  rejoice  at  its  being  a  freer  one. — To 
PEREGRINE  FITZHUGH.  *  iv,  218.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
211.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

3487. .     The  will  of  the  people 

is  the  only  legitimate  foundation  of  any  gov 
ernment. — To  BENJAMIN  WARING,  iv,  379. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

3488. .  There  is  only  one  pas 
sage  in  President  Monroe's  message  which  I 
disapprove,  and  which  I  trust  will  not  be  ap 
proved  by  our  Legislature.  It  is  that  which 
proposes  to  subject  the  Indians  to  our  laws 
without  their  consent.  A  little  patience  and 
a  little  money  are  so  rapidly  producing  their 
voluntary  removal  across  the  Mississippi,  that 
I  hope  this  immorality  will  not  be  permitted 
to  stain  our  history.  He  has  certainly  been 
surprised  into  this  proposition,  so  little  in 
concord  with  our  principles  of  government. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  115.  (M., 
Nov.  1818.) 

3489. .     The  will   [of  the  nation 

is]  the  only  legitimate  basis  [of  government]. 
—To .     vii,  414.     (M.,  1825.) 

3490.  GOVERNMENT,      Control      of.— 

Unless  the  mass  retains  sufficient  control 
over  those  entrusted  with  the  powers  of  their 
government,  these  will  be  perverted  to  their 
own  oppression,  and  to  the  perpetuation  of 
wealth  and  power  in  the  individuals  and  their 
families  selected  for  the  trust.  Whether  our 
Constitution  has  hit  on  the  exact  degree  of 
control  necessary,  is  yet  under  experiment ; 
and  it  is  a  most  encouraging  reflection  that 
distance  and  other  difficulties  securing  us 
against  the  brigand  governments  of  Europe, 
in  the  safe  enjoyment  of  our  farms  and  fire 
sides,  the  experiment  stands  a  better  chance 
of  being  satisfactorily  made  here  than  on 
any  occasion  yet  presented  by  history. — To 
M.  VAN  DER  KEMP,  vi,  45.  (M.,  1812.) 

3491.  GOVERNMENT,  Corruption  and. 
— In  every  government  on  earth  is  some  trace 
of  human  weakness,  some  germ  of  corruption 
and  degeneracy,  which  cunning  will  discover, 
and  wickedness  insensibly  open,  cultivate  and 
improve. — NOTES    ON     VIRGINIA.      viii,     390. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  254.     ( 1782. ) 

3492.  GOVERNMENT,  De  Facto.— There 

are  some  matters  which,  I  conceive,  might  be 
transacted  with  a  government  de  facto;  such, 
for  instance,  as  the  reforming  the  unfriendly 
restrictions  on  our  commerce  and  navigation. 
— To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  489.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  131.  (Pa.,  Nov.  1792.) 

3493.  GOVERNMENT,      Despotic.— All 

the  powers  of  government,  legislative,  execu- 


Government 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


386 


tive  and  judiciary,  result  to  the  legislative 
body  [under  the  first  Virginia  Constitution]. 
The  concentrating  these  in  the  same  hands  is 
precisely  the  definition  of  despotic  govern 
ment.  It  will  be  no  alleviation  that  these 
powers  will  be  exercised  by  a  plurality  of 
hands,  and  not  by  a  single  one.  One  hun 
dred  and  seventy-three  despots  would  surely 
be  as  oppressive  as  one.  Let  those  who  doubt 
it  turn  their  eyes  on  the.  Republic  of  Venice. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  361.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
223.  (1782.) 

3494. .     I  think   the   government 

•  in  France  is  a  pure  despotism  in  theory,  but 
moderated  in  practice  by  the  respect  which 
the  public  opinion  commands.  But  the  na 
tion  repeats,  after  Montesquieu,  that  the  dif 
ferent  bodies  of  magistracy,  of  priests  and 
nobles,  are  barriers  between  the  King  and  the 
people.  It  would  be  easy  to  prove  that  these 
barriers  can  only  appeal  to  public  opinion, 
and  that  neither  these  bodies,  nor  the  peo 
ple,  can  oppose  any  legal  check  to  the  will 
of  the  monarch. — To  MR.  CUTTING,  ii,  438. 
(P,  1788.) 

3495.  GOVERNMENT,  Elective.— Elect 
ive  government  is     *     *     *     the  best  perma 
nent   corrective   of  the   errors   or  abuses  of 
those  entrusted  with  power. — REPLY  TO  AD 
DRESS,    iv,  387.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

3496.  GOVERNMENT,     Energetic.— 

American  reputation  in  Europe  is  not  such  as 
to  be  flattering  to  its  citizens.  Two  circum 
stances  are  particularly  objected  to  us, — the 
non-payment  of  our  debts  and  the  want  of 
energy  in  our  government.  These  discourage 
a  connection  with  us. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART. 
i,  518.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  188.  (P.,  1786.) 

3497. .     I  am  not  a  friend  to  a 

very  energetic  government.  It  is  always  op 
pressive. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  331.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  479.  (P.,  1787.) 

3498. .     A  free  government  is  of 

all  others  the  most  energetic. — To  JOHN 
DICKINSON,  iv,  366.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  8.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

3499.  -  — .     The  energy  of  the  gov 
ernment  depends  mainly  on  the  confidence  of 
the    people     in    the     Chief     Magistrate. — To 
DR.  HORATIO  TURPIN.    v,  90.     (W.,  1807.) 

—  GOVERNMENT,  English.— See  ENG 
LAND. 

3500.  GOVERNMENT,  Experiments  in. 
—This  I  hope  will  be  the  age  of  experiments 
in  government,  and  that  their  basis  will  be 
founded  in  principles  of  honesty,  not  of  mere 
force.    We  have  seen  no  instance  of  this  since 
the  days  of  the  Roman  Republic,  nor  do  we 
read  of  any  before  that. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  56.     (M.,  1796.) 

_  GOVERNMENT,     Extensive     terri 
tory  and. — See  TERRITORY. 

3501.  GOVERNMENT,     Extremes     of. 
— We  are  now  vibrating  between   too  much 
and  too  little  government,  and  the  pendulum 


will  rest  finally  in  the  middle.— To  WILLIAM 
STEPHENS    SMITH.       FORD   ED.,   v     •?        (P 
1788.) 

3502.  GOVERNMENT,  Fallibility.— 

— Was  the  government  to  prescribe  to  us  our 
medicine  and  diet,  our  bodies  would  be  in 
such  keeping  as  our  souls  are  now.  Thus  in 
France  the  emetic  was  once  forbidden  as 
a  medicine,  and  the  potato  as  an  article  of 
food.  Government  is  just  as  infallible,  too. 
when  it  fixes  systems  in  physics.  Galileo  was 
sent  to  the  Inquisition  for  affirming  that  the 
earth  was  a  sphere;  the  government  had  de 
clared  it  to  be  as  flat  as  a  trencher,  and 
Galileo  was  obliged  to  abiure  his  error.  This 
error,  however,  at  length  prevailed,  the  earth 
became  a  globe,  and  Descartes  declared  it 
was  whirled  round  its  axes  by  a  vortex.  The 
government  in  which  he  lived  was  wise 
enough  to  see  that  this  was  no  question  of 
civil  jurisdiction,  or  we  should  all  have  been 
involved  by  authority  in  vortices.  In  fact, 
vortices  have  been  exploded,  and  the  Newton 
ian  principle  of  gravitation  is  now  more 
firmly  established,  on  the  basis  of  reason, 
than  it  would  be  were  the  government  to  step 
in,  and  to  make  it  an  article  of  necessary 
faith.  Reason  and  experiment  have  been 
indulged,  and  error  has  fled  before  them.  It 
is  error  alone  which  needs  the  support  of 
government.  Truth  can  stand  by  itself. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  400.  FORD  ED  iii 
264.  (1782.) 

3503.  GOVERNMENT,   Tear    and.— No 
government   can   be   maintained   without   the 
principle  of  fear  as  well  as  of  duty.     Good 
men   will    obey   the   last,   but   bad   ones   the 
former  only.     If  our  government   ever  fails 
it   will   be   from   this    weakness. — To  J.    W. 
EPPKS.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  484.     (M.,  1814.) 

-  GOVERNMENT,     The    federal.— See 

FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

3504.  GOVERNMENT,       Field       for.— 

Never  was  a  finer  canvas  presented  to  work 
on  than  our  countrymen.  All  of  them  en 
gaged  in  agriculture,  or  in  the  pursuits  of 
honest  industry,  independent  in  their  circum 
stances,  enlightened  as  to  their  rights,  and 
firm  in  their  habits  of  order  and  obedience 
to  the  laws. — To  JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  56.  (M.,  1796.) 

3505.  GOVERNMENT,    Forms   of.— So 
cieties    exist    under   three    forms,    sufficiently 
distinguishable,      i.   Without  government,   as 
among  our  Indians.     2.  Under  governments, 
wherein  the  will  of  every  one  has  a  just  in 
fluence;  as  is  the  case  in  England,  in  a  slight 
degree,  and  in  our  States,  in  a  great  one.     3. 
Under  governments  of  force;  as  is  the  case 
in  all  other  monarchies,  and  in  most  of  the 
other    republics.      To    have    an    idea    of    the 
curse  of  existence  under  these  last,  they  must 
be  seen.     It  is  a  government  of  wo^es  over 
sheep.    It  is  a  problem,  not  clear  in  my  mind, 
that  the  first  condition  is  not  the  best.     But 
I  believe  it  to  be  inconsistent  with  any  great 
degree  of  population.     The  second  state  has 
a  great  deal  of  good  in  it.    The  mass  of  man- 


387 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Government 


kind  under  that,  enjoys  a  precious  degree  of 
liberty  and  happiness'J  It  has  its  evils,  too; 
the  principle  of  wrften  is  the  turbulence  to 
which  it  is  subject.  But  weigh  this  against 
the  oppressions  of  monarchy,  and  it  becomes 
nothing.  Malo  periculosam  libertatem  quant 
quictem  scrvitutcm.  Even  this  evil  is  pro 
ductive  of  good.  It  prevents  the  degeneracy 
of  government,  and  nourishes  a  general  at 
tention  to  the  public  affairs.  I  hold  it  that  a 
little  rebellion,  now  and  then,  is  a  good  thing, 
and  as  necessary  in  the  political  world  as 
storms  are  in  the  physical.  Unsuccessful  re 
bellions,  indeed,  generally  establish  the  en 
croachments  on  the  rights  of  the  people, 
which  have  produced  them.  An  observation 
of  this  truth  should  render  honest  republican 
governors  so  mild  in  their  punishment  of  re 
bellions,  as  not  to  discourage  them  too  much. 
It  is  a  medicine  necessary  for  the  sound 
health  of  government. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  105.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  362.  (P.,  1787.) 

3506.  GOVERNMENT,    Foundation   of. 
— The  will  of  the  people  is  the  only  legitimate 
foundation   of  any  government,   and  to  pro 
tect  its   free  expression   should  be   our  first 
object. — To    BENJAMIN    WARING.       iv,    379. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

3507.  -  — .     The  true  foundation  of 
republican  government  is  the  equal  right  of 
every  citizen,  in  his  person  and  property,  and 
in  their  management. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHI- 
VAL.    vii,  n.    FORD  ED.,  x,  39.     (M.,  1816.) 

3508.  GOVERNMENT,        Frugality.— I 
am  for  a  government  rigorously  frugal. — To 
ELBRIDGE    GERRY.       iv,    268.       FORD   ED.,    vii, 
327.     (Pa.,  1799.) 

3509.  GOVERNMENT,  Good.— The  first 
principle  of  a  good  government  is  certainly 
a   distribution   of  its   powers   into   executive, 
judiciary  and  legislative,  and  a  subdivision  of 
the   latter   into   two   or   three   branches. — To 
JOHN    ADAMS,     ii,   282.     FORD   ED.,   iv,   454. 
(P,  1787.) 

3510. .     A    single   good   govern 
ment  is  a  blessing  to  the  whole  earth. — To 
GEORGE  FLOWER,    vii,  84.     (P.F.,  1817.) 

3511.  — .    No  government  can  con 
tinue  good,  but  under  the  control  of  the  peo 
ple. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  149.    FORD  ED.,  x, 
153-     (M.,  1819.) 

3512.  GOVERNMENT,  Harmony  and.— 
It   is    for   the   happiness    of   those   united    in 
society  to  harmonize  as  much  as  possible  in 
matters  which  they  must  of  necessity  trans 
act  together. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  331. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  189.     (1782.) 

3513.  GOVERNMENT,       Hereditary 
branches    of. — Experience    has    shown    that 
the   hereditary  branches   of   modern   govern 
ments  are  the  patrons  of  privilege  and  pre 
rogative,    and   not   of   the    natural    rights    of 
the  people,   whose  oppressors  they  generally 
are. — To    GENERAL    WASHINGTON.      i,     335. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  467.     (A.,  1784.) 

3514.  —        — .     What    a    crowd    of   les 
sons    do    the    present    miseries    of    Holland 


3515. 


teach  us!  Never  to  have  an  hereditary  of 
ficer  of  any  sort  *  *  *  .  —  To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  ii,  283.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  455.  (P., 
1787.) 

-  .  Our  young  Republic 
should  guard  against  hereditary 
magistrates.  —  To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  ii,  2W 
(P.,  1787.) 

3516.  -  .  -  .     We  have  chanced  to  live 
in  an  age  which  will  probably  be  distinguished 
in  history  for  its  experiments  in  government 
on  a  larger  scale  than  has  yet  taken  place. 
But    we    shall    not    live    to    see    the    result. 
The   grosser   absurdities,    such   as   hereditary 
magistracies,  we  shall  see  exploded  in  our  day, 
long   experience   having   already   pronounced 
condemnation  against  them.     But  what  is  to 
be    the    substitute?      This    our    children    or 

frandchildren  will  answer.  We  may  be  satis- 
ed  with  the  certain  knowledge  that  none 
can  ever  be  tried,  so  stupid,  so  unrighteous, 
so  oppressive,  so  destructive  of  every  end  for 
which  honest  men  enter  into  government,  as 
that  which  their  forefathers  had  established, 
and  their  fathers  alone  venture  to  tumble 
headlong  from  the  stations  they  have  so  long 
abused.  —  To  M.  D'IVERNOIS.  iv,  115.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  5.  (M.,  Feb.  1795.) 

3517.  --  .     The    principles    of    our 
Constitution  are  wisely  opposed     *     *     *     to 
every  practice  which  may  lead  to  hereditary 
establishments.  —  REPLY  TO  ADDRESS.      v,  473. 
(M.,  1809.) 

3518.  -   -  .      Hereditary    authorities 
always  consume  the  public  contributions,  and 
oppress  the  people  with  labor  and  poverty.  — 
To  DAVID  HOWELL.    v,  554.     (M.,  1810.) 

3519.  --  .      Hereditary    bodies,    al 
ways  existing,  always  on  the  watch  for  their 
own  aggrandizement,   profit  of  every  oppor 
tunity   of   advancing   the   privileges   of   their 
order,  and  encroaching  on  the  rights  of  the 
people.  —  To     M.     CORAY.       vii,     319.       (M., 
1823.) 

3520.  GOVERNMENT,  Inattention    to. 
—  If  once  the  people  become  inattentive  to  the 
public  affairs,  you  and  I,  and  Congress  and 
Assemblies,  Judges  and  Governors,  shall  all 
become  wolves.     It  seems  to  be  the  law  of 
our  general  nature,  in  spite  of  individual  e^ 
ceptions  ;  and  experience  declares  that  man  is 
the  only  animal  which  devours  his  own  kind  ; 
for  I  can  apply  no  milder  term  to  the  gov 
ernments  of  Europe,  and  to  the  general  prey 
of  the  rich  on  the  poor.  —  To  EDWARD  CAR- 
RINGTON.     ii,    100.     FORD  ED.,   iv,   360.      (P., 
1787-) 

3521.  GOVERNMENT,    Liberty    and.— 
The  natural  progress  of  things  is  for  liberty 
to  yield  and  government  to  gain  ground.  —  To 
E.   CARRINGTON.      ii,   404.      FORD  ED.,   v,   20. 
(P.,  1788.) 

3522.  GOVERNMENT,     Monarchical.— 
Blessed  effect  of  a  kingly  government,  where 
a  pretended    insult   to   the   sister   of  a   king, 
is    to    produce    the    wanton    sacrifice    of    a 
hundred  or  two  thousand  of  the  people  who 


Government 


THE  JEFFERSQNIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


ass 


have  entrusted  themselves  to  his  govern 
ment,  and  as  many  of  his  enemies !  And 
we  think  ours  a  bad  government. — To  GOV 
ERNOR  RUTLEDGE.  ii,  234.  (P.,  1787.) 

3523. .     It   is    a   government   of 

wolves  over  sheep. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii, 
105.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  362.  (P.,  1787.) 

3524.  GOVERNMENT,  Moral  princi 
ples. — If  ever  the  morals  of  a  people  could 
be  made  the  basis  of  their  own  government, 
it  is  our  case;  and  who  could  propose  to 
govern  such  a  people  by  the  corruption  of 
a  Legislature,  before  he  could  have  one  night 
of  quiet  sleep,  must  convince  himself  that  the 
human  soul,  as  well  as  body,  is  mortal. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  57.  (M.,  1796.) 

3525. .     When   we  come  to   the 

moral  principles  on  which  the  government  is 
to  be  administered,  we  come  to  what  is  proper 
for  all  conditions  of  society.  I  meet  you 
there  in  all  the  benevolence  and  rectitude  of 
your  native  character;  and  I  love  myself  al 
ways  most  where  I  concur  most  with  you. 
Liberty,  truth,  probity,  honor,  are  declared  to 
be  the^four  cardinal  principles  of  your  So 
ciety.  :'  I  believe  with  you  that  morality,  com 
passion,  generosity,  are  innate  elements  of  the 
human  constitution;  that  there  exists  a  right 
independent  of  force ;  that  a  right  to  property 
is  founded  in  our  .natural  wants,  in  the  means 
with  which  we  are  endowed  to  satisfy  these 
wants,  and  the  right  to  what  we  acquire  by 
those  means  without  violating  the  similar 
rights  of  other  sensible  beings ;  that  no  one 
has  a  right  to  obstruct  another,  exercising  his 
faculties  innocently  for  the  relief  of  sensibil 
ities  made  a  part  of  his  nature;  that  justice 
is  the  fundamental  law  of  society;  that  the 
majority,  oppressing  an  individual,  is  guilty 
of  a  crime,  abuses  its  strength,  and  by  acting 
on  the  law  of  the  strongest  breaks  up  the 
foundations  of  society;'  that  action  by  the 
citizens  in  person,  in  affairs  within  their  reach 
and  competence,  and  in  all  others  by  repre 
sentatives,  chosen  immediately,  and  removable 
by  themselves,  constitutes  the  essence  of  a 
republic ;  that  all  governments  are  more  or 
less  republican  in  proportion  as  this  principle 
enters  more  or  less  into  their  composition; 
and  that  a  government  by  representation  is 
capable  of  extension  over  a  greater  surface 
of  country  than  one  of  any  other  form.  These 
are  the  essentials  in  which  you  and  I  agree; 
however  in  our  zeal  for  their  maintenance, 
we  may  be  perplexed  and  divaricate,  as  to  the 
structure  of  society  most  likely  to  secure  them. 
— To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  591.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  24.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

3526.  GOVERNMENT,  Objects  of.-^Eer^ 
sons  and  property  make  the  sum  of  the  ob 
jects  of  government.— To  JAMES  MADISON. 
Hi,  *e6r~FoiiD  ED.,  v,  121.  (P.,  1789.)  See 
GENERATIONS. 

3527. .     The  care  of  human  life 

and  happiness,  and  not  their  destruction,  is 
the  first  and  only  legitimate  object  of  good 
government— R.  TO  A.  MARYLAND  REPUB 
LICANS,  viii,  165.  (1809.) 


3528. .  The  freedom  and  happi 
ness  of  man  *  *  *  are  the  sole  objects 
of  all  legitimate  government. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  v,  509.  (M.,  1810.) 

3529. .  The  only  orthodox  ob 
ject  of  the  institution  of  government  is  to 
secure  the  greatest  degree  of  happiness  pos 
sible  to  the  general  mass  of  those  associated 
under  it. — To  M.  VAN  DER  KEMP,  vi,  45. 
(M.,  1812.) 

3530 .     The     equal     rights     of 

man,  and  the  happiness  of  every  individual, 
are  now  acknowledged  to  be  the  only  legiti 
mate  objects  of  government.  Modern  times 
have  the  signal  advantage,  too,  of  having 
discovered  the  only  device  by  which  these 
rights  can  be  secured,  to  wit :  government  by 
the  people,  acting  not  in  person,  but  by  rep 
resentatives  chosen  by  themselves,  that  is  to 
say,  by  every  man  of  ripe  years  and  sane 
mind,  who  either  contributes  by  his  purse  or 
person  to  the  support  of  his  country. — To 
M.  CORAY.  vii,  319.  (M.,  1823.) 

3531.  GOVERNMENT,  Origin  of. —There 
is   an  error  into  which  most  of  the   specu 
lators  on  government  have  fallen,  and  which 
the  well-known  state  of  society  of  our  Indians 
ought,    before   now,    to   have   corrected.      In 
their  hypothesis  of  the  origin  of  government, 
they  suppose  it  to  have  commenced  in  the 
patriarchal  or  monarchical  form.       Our  In 
dians  are   evidently   in  that   state  of  nature 
which  has  passed  the  association  of  a  single 
family ;  and  not  yet  submitted  to  the  author 
ity  of  positive  laws,  or  of  any  acknowledged 
magistrate.     Every  man,  with  them,   is  per 
fectly    free   to    follow   his   own    inclinations. 
But  if,  in  doing  this,  he  violates  the  rights 
of  another,  if  the  case  be  slight,  he  is  punished 
by  the  disesteem  of  his  society,  or,  as  we  say, 
by   public   opinion ;    if   serious,    he   is   toma 
hawked  as  a  dangerous  enemy.    Their  leaders 
conduct  them  by  the  influence  of  their  char 
acter  only;  and  they  follow,  or  not,  as  they 
please,  him  of  whose  character  for  wisdom  or 
war  they  have  the  highest  opinion.     Hence 
the  origin  of  the  parties  among  them,  adher 
ing    to    different    leaders,    and    governed    by 
their   advice,   not   by   their   command.     The 
Cherokees,  the  only  tribe  I  know  to  be  con 
templating  the  establishment  of  regular  laws, 
magistrates,  and  government,  propose  a  gov 
ernment    of     representatives,     elected     from 
every  town.      But,  of  all  things,  they  least 
think  of  subjecting  themselves  to  the  will  of 
one  man.     This,  the  only  instance  of  actual 
fact  within  our  knowledge,   will  be  then  a 
beginning    by    republican,    and    not    by    pa 
triarchal  or  monarchical  government,  as  spec 
ulative  writers  have  generally  conjectured. — 
To  F.  W.  GILMER.     vii,  4.     FORD  ED.,  x,  32. 
(M.,  1816.) 

3532.  GOVERNMENT,  Participation  in. 
— Those  who  bear  equally  the  burdens  of  gov 
ernment  should  equally  participate  of  its  ben 
efits. — ADDRESS  TO  LORD  DUNMORE.    FORD  ED., 
i,  457.     (I775-) 


389 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Government 


3533.  --  .     No  Englishman  will  pre 
tend  that  a  right  to  participate  in  government 
can  be  derived  from  any  other  source  than  a 
personal  right,  or  a  right  of  property.     The 
conclusion    is    inevitable    that    he,    who    had 
neither  his  person  nor  property  in  America, 
could  rightfully  assume  a  participation  in  its 
government.—  NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S    WORK. 
ix,  299.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  306.     (P.,  1786.) 

3534.  GOVERNMENT,  The  people  and. 
—  Every  government  degenerates  when  trusted 
to  the~ruTers'__Ql-tfie'  IJeopte''  atone.     The  people 
themselves,    therefore,    are   its   only   safe  de- 

And  to^  render  even  them  safe, 
jrr|proven  t    a 


VIRGINIA.     vmT  ago.     FORD 


ED.,   Ill,   254.       (17C>2.) 

3535. .  The  influence  over  gov 
ernment  must  be  shared  among  all  the  people. 
If  every  individual  which  composes  their  mass 
participates  of  the  ultimate  authority,  the  gov 
ernment  will  be  safe ;  because  the  corrupting 
the  whole  mass  will  exceed  any  private  re 
sources  of  wealth ;  and  public  ones  cannot 
be  provided  but  by  levies  on  the  people.  In 
this  case,  every  man  would  have  to  pay  his 
own  price.  The  government  of  Great  Britain 
has  been  corrupted,  because  but  one  man  in 
ten  has  a  right  to  vote  for  members  of  Par 
liament.  The  sellers  of  the  government,  there 
fore,  get  nine-tenths  of  their  price  clear. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  390.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
\  254-  (1782.) 

3536. .     Were   I   called  upon  to 

decide  whether  the  people  had  best  be  omitted 
in  the  Legislative  or  Judiciary  department,  I 
would  say  it  is  better  to  leave  them  out  of  the 
Legislative.  The  execution  of  the  laws  is  more 
important  than  the  making  them.     However, 
it  is  best  to  have  the  people  in  all  the  three 
departments,  where  that  is  possible. — To  M. 
L'ABBE  ARNOND.     iii,  82.     FORD  ED.,  v,   104. 
(P,  1789.) 

3537.  GOVERNMENT,        Perversion.— 
[While]    certain    forms    of    government    are 
better   calculated   than    others   to   protect  in 
dividuals  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  natural 
rights,  and  are  at  the  same  time  themselves 
better   guarded    against   degeneracy,   yet   ex 
perience  hath  shown  that,  even  under  the  best 
forms,  those  entrusted  with  power  have,  in 
time,    and   by   slow    operations,    perverted   it 
into     tyranny. — DIFFUSION     OF     KNOWLEDGE 
BILL.    FORP  ED.,  ii,  220.     (1779.) 

3538.  GOVERNMENT,  Powers  of.— The 

Legislative,  Executive  and  Judiciary  offices 
shall  be  kept  forever  separate ;  no  person  ex 
ercising  the  one  shall  be  capable  of  appoint 
ment  to  the  others,  or  to  either  of  them. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  13. 
(June  1776.) 

jf^       3539. .    The  legitimate  powers  of 

government  extend  to  such  acts  only  as  are 
injurious    to    others. — NOTES    ON    VIRGINIA. 
,    viii,  400.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  263.     (1782.) 

3540. .    The  powers  of  govern 
ment  shall  be  divided  into  three  distinct  de- 


partments,  each  of  them  to  be  confided  to  a 
separate  body  of  magistracy;  to  wit,  those 
which  are  legislative  to  one,  those  which 
are  judiciary  to  another,  and  those  which  are 
executive  to  another.  No  person,  or  collec 
tion  of  persons,  being  of  one  of  these  de 
partments,  shall  exercise  any  power  properly 
belonging  to  either  of  the  others,  except  in 
the  instances  hereinafter  expressly  permitted. 
— PROPOSED  CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA,  viii, 
442.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  322.  (1783.) 

3541.  GOVERNMENT,     Principles     of 

modern. — Either  force  or  corruption  has  been 
the  principle  of  every  modern  government, 
unless  the  Dutch  perhaps  be  excepted,  and 
I  am  not  well  enough  informed  to  accept  them 
absolutely. — To  JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
57-  (1796.) 

3542.  GOVERNMENT,    Public   welfare 
and. — No  government  has  a  legitimate  right 
to  do  what  is  not  for  the  welfare  of  the  gov 
erned. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,    iii,  461. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  103.     (M.,  1792.) 

3543.  GOVERNMENT,  Purchases  "by.— 

I  do  not  know  on  what  principles  of  reason 
ing  it  is  that  good  men  think  the  public  ought 
to  pay  more  for  a  thing  than  they  would 
themselves  if  they  wanted  it. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,  v,  293.  (M.,  1808.) 

3544.  GOVERNMENT,  Purity.— A  gov 
ernment  regulating  itself  by  what  is  wise  and 
just  for  the  many,  uninfluenced  by  the  local 
and  selfish  views  of  the  few  who  direct  their 
affairs,  has  not  been  seen,  perhaps,  on  earth. 
Or  if  it  existed,  for  a  moment,  at  the  birth  of 
ours,  it  would  not  be  easy  to  fix  the  term  of 
its  continuance.     Still,  I  believe  it  does  exist 
here  in  a  greater  degree  than  anywhere  else; 
and  for  its  growth  and  continuance,     *    *    * 
I  offer  sincere  prayers. — To  WILLIAM  CRAW 
FORD,    vii,  8.    FORD  ED.,  x,  36.     (M.,  1816.) 

3545.  GOVERNMENT,  Recognition  of. 

— With  what  kind  of  government  [in  France] 
may  you  do  business?  It  accords  with  our 
principles  to  acknowledge  any  government  to 
be  rightful,  which  is  formed  by  the  will  of 
the  nation  substantially  declared.  The  late 
government  was  of  this  kind,  and  was  ac 
cordingly  acknowledged  by  all  the  branches 
of  ours.  So,  any  alteration  of  it  which  shall 
be  made  by  the  will  of  the  nation  substantially 
declared,  will  doubtless  be  acknowledged  in 
like  manner.  With  such  a  government  every 
kind  of  business  may  be  done. — To  GOUVER- 
NEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  489.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  131. 
(Pa.,  Nov.  1792.) 

3546. .  You  express  a  wish  *  *  * 

to  be  generally  advised  as  to  the  tenor  of  your 
conduct  in  consequence  of  the  late  revolu 
tion  in  France.  *  *  *  We  certainly  can 
not  deny  to  other  nations  that  principle 
whereon  our  government  is  founded,  that 
every  nation  has  a  right  to  govern  itself  in 
ternally  under  what  forms  it  pleases,  and  to 
change  these  forms  at  its  own  will;  and  ex 
ternally  to  transact  business  with  other  na 
tions  through  whatever  organ  it  chooses, 


Government 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


390 


whether  that  be  a  king,  convention,  assem 
bly,  committee,  president,  or  whatever  it  be. 
The  only  thing  essential  is,  the  will  of  the 
nation.  Taking  this  as  your  polar  star,  you 
can  hardly  err. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii, 
500.  (Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

3547. .     I  am  apprehensive    that 

your  situation  must  have  been  difficult  dur 
ing  the  transition  from  the  late  form  of  gov 
ernment  to  the  reestablishment  of  some 
other  legitimate  authority,  and  that  you  may 
have  been  at  a  loss  to  determine  with  whom 
business  might  be  done.  Nevertheless  when 
principles  are  well  understood  their  applica 
tion  is  less  embarrassing.  We  surely  cannot 
deny  to  any  nation  that  right  whereon  our 
own  government  is  founded,  that  every  one 
may  govern  itself  under  whatever  forms  it 
pleases,  and  change  these  forms  _  at  its  own 
will ;  and  that  it  may  transact  its  business 
with  foreign  nations  through  whatever  organ 
it  thinks  proper,  whether  king,  convention, 
assembly,  committee,  president,  or  whatever 
else  it  may  choose.  The  will  of  the  nation 
is  the  only  thing  essential  to  be  regarded. — 

TO    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.       FORD    ED.,    VI,    I4Q. 

(Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

3548. .     On  the  dissolution  of  the 

late  constitution  in  France,  by  the  removal  of 
so  integral  a  part  of  it  as  the  King,  the 
National  Assembly,  to  whom  a  part  only  of 
the  public  authority  had  been  delegated,  sen 
sible  of  the  incompetence  of  their  powers  to 
transact  the  affairs  of  the  nation  legiti 
mately,  incited  their  fellow  citizens  to  ap 
point  a  national  convention  during  this  de 
fective  state  of  the  national  authority.  Duty 
to  our  constituents  required  that  we  should 
suspend  payment  of  the  moneys  yet  unpaid 
of  our  debt  to  that  country,  because  there 
was  no  person,  or  persons,  substantially  au 
thorized  by  the  nation  of  France  to  receive 
the  moneys  and  give  us  a  good  acquittal.  On 
this  ground  my  last  letter  desired  you  to 
suspend  payments  till  further  orders,  with  an 
assurance,  if  necessary,  that  the  suspension 
should  not  be  continued  a  moment  longer 
than  should  be  necessary  for  us  to  see  the 
reestablishment  of  some  person,  or  body  ^  of 
persons,  with  authority  to  receive  and  give 
us  a  good  acquittal.  Since  that  we  learn  that 
a  convention  is  assembled,  invested  with  full 
powers  by  the  nation  to  transact  its  affairs. 
Though  we  know  that  from  the  public 
papers  only,  instead  of  waiting  for  a  formal 
annunciation  of  it.  we  hasten  to  act  upon  it 
by  authorizing  you,  if  the  fact  be  true,  to 
consider  the  suspension  of  payment,  * 
as  now  taken  off,  and  to  proceed  as  if  it  had 
never  been  imposed;  considering  the  con 
vention,  or  the  government  they  shall  have 
established,  as  the  lawful  representative  of 
the  nation,  and  authorized  to  act  for  them. 
Neither  the  honor  nor  inclination  of  our 
country  would  justify  our  withholding  our 
payment  under  a  scrupulous  attention  to 
forms.  On  the  contrary,  they  lent  us  that 
money  when  we  were  under  their  circum 
stances,  and  it  seems  providential  that  we  can 


not  only  repay  them  the  same  sum,  but  under 
the  same  circumstances. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  150.  (Pa.,  Dec.  1792.) 

3549. .     I  am  sensible  that  your 

situation  must  have  been  difficult  during  the 
transition  from  the  late  form  of  government 
[in  France]  to  the  reestablishment  of  some 
other  legitimate  authority,  and  that  you  may 
have  been  at  a  loss  to  determine  with  whom 
business  might  be  done.  Nevertheless,  when 
principles  are  well  understood,  their  appli 
cation  is  less  embarrassing.  We  surely  can 
not  deny  to  any  nation  that  right  whereon  our 
own  government  is  founded,  that  every  one 
may  govern  itself  according  to  whatever  form 
it  pleases,  and  change  these  forms  at  its  own 
will ;  and  that  it  may  transact  its  business 
with  foreign  nations  through  whatever  or 
gan  it  thinks  proper,  whether  king,  conven 
tion,  assembly,  committee,  president,  or  any 
thing  else  it  may  choose.  The  will  of  the 
nation  is  the  only  thing  essential  to  be  re 
garded. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  iii,  521. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  199.  (Pa.,  Mar.  1793.) 

3550. .     If  the  nation  of  France 

shall  ever  reestablish  such  an  officer  as  Regent 
(of  which  there  is  no  appearance  at  present), 
I  should  be  for  receiving  a  minister  from 
him ;  but  I  am  not  for  doing  it  from  any 
Regent,  so  christened,  and  set  up  by  any  other 
authority. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  219.  (Pa.,  April  1793.) 

3551.  GOVERNMENT,    Representative. 

— A  representative  government,  responsible  at 
short  periods  of  election,  *  *  *  produces 
the  greatest  sum  of  happiness  to  mankind. — 
R.  TO  A.  VERMONT  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  121. 
(1807.) 

3552. .  A  government  by  repre 
sentation  is  capable  of  extension  over  a 
greater  surface  of  country  than  one  of  any 
other  form. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi, 
591.  FORD  ED.,  x,  24.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

3553. .  The  advantages  of  repre 
sentative  government  exhibited  in  England 
and  America,  and  recently  in  other  countries, 
will  procure  its  establishment  everywhere  in 
a  more  or  less  perfect  form ;  and  this  will  in 
sure  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the 
world.  It  will  cost  years  of  blood,  and  be 
well  worth  them. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  262.  (M.,  1823.) 

3554.  GOVERNMENT,       Republican.— 

The  republican  is  the  only  form  of  govern 
ment  which  is  not  eternally  at  open  or  secret 
war  with  the  rights  of  mankind. — REPLY  TO 
ADDRESS,  iii,  128.  FORD  ED.,  v,  147.  (1790.) 

3555. .  A  just  and  solid  repub 
lican  government  maintained  here,  will  be  a 
standing  monument  and  example  for  the 
aim  and  imitation  of  the  people  of  other 
countries. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON,  iv,  366. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  8.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

3556. .     Governments    are    more 

or  less  republican  as  they  have  more  or  less 
of  the  element  of  popular  election  and  con- 


391 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Government 


trol  in  their  composition. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR. 
vi,  608.  FORD  ED.,  x,  31.  (M.,  1816.) 

3557. .  Governments  are  repub 
lican  only  in  proportion  as  they  embody  the 
will  of  the  people  and  execute  it. — To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  9.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
37.  (M.,  1816.) 

3558. .  A  government  is  repub 
lican  in  proportion  as  every  member  com 
posing  it  has  his  equal  voice  in  the  direction 
of  its  concerns  (not  indeed  in  person,  which 
would  be  impracticable  beyond  the  limits  of  a 
city,  or  small  township,  but)  by  represen 
tatives  chosen  by  himself,  and  responsible  to 
him  at  short  periods.— To  SAMUEL  KERCHI 
VAL.  vii,  10.  FORD  ED.,  x,  38.  (M.,  1816.) 

3559. .     It  is  a  misnomer  to  call 

a  government  republican,  in  which  a  branch 
of  the  supreme  power  is  independent  of  the 
nation. — To  JAMES  PLEASANTS.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
199.  (M.,  1821.) 

3560.  GOVERNMENT,  Rights  and.— 
To  secure  these  rights  (life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness),  governments  are  in 
stituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3561. .     It  is  to  secure  our  rights 

that  we  resort  to  government  at  all. — To  M. 
D'IVERNOIS.  iv,  114.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  4.  (M., 
Feb.  1795.) 

3562.  GOVERNMENT,      Safety     of.— I 
deem  no  government  safe  which  is  under  the 
vassalage  of  any  self-constituted  authorities, 
or  any  other  authority  than  that  of  the  na 
tion,  or  its  regular  functionaries. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.    iv,  519.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  285.     (W., 
1803.) 

3563.  GOVERNMENT,    Scandalizing.— 
Few  think  there  is  any  immorality  in  scan 
dalizing      governments      or      ministers. — To 
MADAME  NECKER.     ii,  570.     (P.,  1789.) 

3564.  GOVERNMENT,       Simplicity.— I 

am  for  a  government  rigorously  frugal  and 
simple. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  327.  (Pa.,  1799.)  See  SIMPLICITY. 

3565.  GOVERNMENT,  Strongest.— The 

government  which  can  wield  the  arm  of  the 
people  must  be  the  strongest  possible. — To 
MR.  WEAVER,  v,  89.  (W.,  1807.) 

3566. .     That  government  is  the 

strongest  of  which  every  man  feels  himself  a 
part.— To  GOVERNOR  H.  D.  TIFFIN,  v,  38. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  21.  (W.,  1807.) 

3567.    GOVERNMENT,  Suitability  of.— 

The  excellence  of  every  government  is  its 
adaptation  to  the  state  of  those  to  be  gov 
erned  by  it. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi, 
589.  FORD  ED.,  x,  22.  (P.P.,  1816.) 

3568. .     The    laws    which    must 

effect  [their  happiness]  must  flow  from  their 
own  habits,  their  own  feelings,  and  the  re 
sources  of  their  own  minds.  No  stranger  to 


these  could  possibly  propose  regulations 
adapted  to  them.  Every  people  have  their  own 
particular  habits,  ways  of  thinking,  manners, 
&c.,  which  have  grown  up  with  them  from 
their  infancy,  are  become  a  part  of  their  na 
ture,  and  to  which  the  regulations  which  are 
to  make  them  happy  must  be  accommodated. 
No  member  of  a  foreign  country  can  have  a 
sufficient  sympathy  with  these.  The  institu 
tions  of  Lycurgus,  for  example,  would  not 
have  suited  Athens,  nor  those  of  Solon, 
Lacedaemon.  The  organizations  of  Locke 
were  impracticable  for  Carolina,  and  those  of 
Rousseau  and  Mably  for  Poland.  Turning 
inwardly  on  myself  from  these  eminent  il 
lustrations  of  the  truth  of  my  observation,  I 
feel  all  the  presumption  it  would  manifest, 
should  I  undertake  to  do  what  this  respectable 
society  is  alone  qualified  to  do  suitably  for 
itself.*— To  WILLIAM  LEE.  vii,  56.  (M.,  1817.) 

3569. .  The  forms  of  govern 
ment  adapted  to  the  age  [of  the  classical 
writers  of  Greece]  and  [their]  country  are 
[not]  practicable  or  to  be  imitated  in  our  day. 
*  *  *  The  circumstances  of  the  world  are 
too  much  changed  for  that.  The  government 
of  Athens,  for  example,  was  that  of  the  peo 
ple  of  one  city,  making  laws  for  the  whole 
country  subjected  to  them.  That  of  Lace- 
daemon  was  the  rule  of  military  monks  over 
the  laboring  class  of  the  people,  reduced  to 
abject  slavery.  These  are  not  the  doctrines  of 
the  present  age.  The  equal  rights  of  man, 
and  the  happiness  of  every  individual,  are  now 
acknowledged  to  be  the  only  legitimate  ob 
jects  of  government.  Modern  times  have  the 
signal  advantage,  too,  of  having  discovered 
the  only  device  by  which  these  rights  can  be 
secured,  to  wit :  government  by  the  people, 
acting  not  in  person,  but  by  representatives 
chosen  by  themselves,  that  is  to  say,  by  every 
man  of  ripe  years  and  sane  mind,  who 
either  contributes  by  his  purse  or  person  to 
the  support  of  his  country. — To  M.  CORAY. 
vii,  318.  (M.,  1823.) 

—  GOVERNMENT,  Territory  and.— 
See  TERRITORY. 

3570.  GOVERNMENT,  Too  much.— The 
only  condition  on  earth  to  be  compared  with 
ours,  in  my  opinion,  is  that  of  the  Indian, 
where  they  have  still  less  law  than  we. — To 
GOVERNOR  RUTLEDGE.    ii,  234.     (P.,  1787.) 

3571.  — .     I  think,  myself,  that  we 

have  more  machinery  of  government  than  is 
necessary,  too  many  parasites  living  on  the 
labor  of  the  industrious.     I  believe  it  might 
be  much  simplified  to  the  relief  of  those  who 
maintain  it.— To  WILLIAM  LUDLOW.    vii,  378. 
(M.,  1824.) 

3572.  GOVERNMENT,    Usurpation   of. 

— The  government  of  a  nation  may  be  usurped 
by  the  forcible  intrusion  of  an  individual  into 

*  In  1817,  a  French  society,  organized  for  the  pur 
pose  of  applying  to  Congress  for  a  grant  of  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  thousand  acres  of  land  on  theTombig- 
bee  Riyer,  requested  Jefferson  "  to  trace  for  them 
the  basis  of  a  social  pact  for  their  local  regulations  ". 
He  declined  on  the  grounds  set  forth  in  the  quota 
tion.— EDITOR. 


Government 

Governments 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


392 


the  throne.  But  to  conquer  its  will,  so  as  to 
rest  the  right  on  that,  the  only  legitimate 
basis,  requires  long  acquiescence  and  cessation 

of  all  opposition. — To  .     vii,  413.     (M., 

1825.) 

3573.  GOVERNMENT,    Works    on.— In 

political  economy,  I  think  SMITH'S  Wealth  of 
Nations  the  best  book  extant. — To  T.  M.  RAN 
DOLPH,  iii,  145.  FORD  ED.,  v,  173.  (N.Y., 
1790.) 

3574 .    Locke's    little    book    on 

government  is  perfect  as  far  as  it  goes. — To  T. 
M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  145.  FORD  ED.,  v,  173.  (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

3575. .    Descending  from  theory 

to  practice,  there  is  no  better  book  than  the 
Federalist. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iii,  145. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  173.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3576. .  In  the  science  of  gov 
ernment,  MONTESQUIEU'S  Spirit  of  Laws  is  gen 
erally  recommended.  It  contains,  indeed,  a 
great  number  of  political  truths ;  but  also  an 
equal  number  of  heresies ;  so  that  the  reader 
must  be  constantly  on  his  guard. — To  T.  M. 
RANDOLPH,  iii,  145.  FORD  ED.,  v,  173.  (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

3577. .    I   think  there  does  not 

exist  a  good  elementary  work  on  the  organiza 
tion  of  society  into  civil  government ;  I  mean  a 
work  which  presents  in  one  full  and  compre 
hensive  view  the  system  of  principles  on  which 
such  an  organization  should  be  founded,  ac 
cording  to  the  rights  of  nature.  For  want  of 
a  single  work  of  that  character,  I  should  rec 
ommend  LOCKE  on  Government,  SIDNEY, 
PRIESTLEY'S  Essay  on  the  First  Principles  of 
Government,  CHIPMAN'S  Principles  of  Govern 
ment,  and  the  Federalist;  adding,  perhaps, 
BECCARIA  on  Crimes  and  Punishments,  be 
cause  of  the  demonstrative  manner  in  which  he 
has  treated  that  branch  of  the  subject.  If  your 
views  of  political  inquiry  go  further,  to  the  sub 
jects  of  money  and  commerce,  SMITH'S  Wealth 
of  Nations  is  the  best  book  to  be  read,  unless 
SAY'S  Political  Economy  can  be  had,  which 
treats  the  same  subjects  on  the  same  principles, 
but  in  a  shorter  compass  and  more  lucid  man 
ner. — To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  90.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
71.  (W.,  1807.)  See  ARISTOTLE. 

3578.  GOVERNMENTS    (American), 

Blessed. — My  God !  how  little  do  my  coun 
trymen  know  what  precious  blessings  they  are 
in  possession  of,  and  which  no  other  people 
on  earth  enjoy. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  352. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  59.  (1785.) 

3579.  GOVERNMENTS    (American), 

Contented.— There  are  not,  on  the  face  of  the 
earth,  more  tranquil  governments  than  ours, 
nor  a  happier  and  more  contented  people. — To 
BARON  GEISMER.  i,  427.  (P.,  1785.) 

3580.  GOVERNMENTS    (American), 

Energy  of. — It  has  been  said  that  our  gov 
ernments,  both  Federal  and  particular,  want 
energy;  that  it  is  difficult  to  restrain  both 
individuals  and  States  from  committing 
wrong.  This  is  true,  and  it  is  an  inconve 
nience.  On  the  other  hand,  that  energy  which 
absolute  governments  derive  from  an  armed 
force,  which  is  the  effect  of  the  bayonet  con 
stantly  held  at  the  breast  of  every  citizen,  and 
which  resembles  very  much  the  stillness  of 


the  grave,  must  be  admitted  also  to  have  its 
inconveniences.  We  weigh  the  two  together, 
and  like  best  to  submit  to  the  former.  Com 
pare  the  number  of  wrongs  committed  with  im 
punity  by  citizens  among  us  with  those  com 
mitted  by  the  sovereign  in  other  countries, 
and  the  last  will  be  found  most  numerous, 
most  oppressive  on  the  mind,  and  most  de 
grading  of  the  dignity  of  man.— To  M.  DE 
MEUNIER.  ix,  292.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  147.  (P., 
1786.) 

3581.  GOVERNMENTS     (American), 

Happy.— With  all  its  defects,  and  with  all 
those  of  our  particular  governments,  the  in 
conveniences  resulting  from  them  are  so 
slight  in  comparison  with  those  existing  in 
every  other  government  on  earth,  that  our 
citizens  may  certainly  be  considered  as  in  the 
happiest  political  situation  which  exists.— To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  250.  (P.,  Aug. 
1787.) 

3582 .     With  all  the  defects  of 

our  constitutions,  whether  general  or  partic 
ular,  the  comparison  of  our  governments  with 
those  of  Europe,  is  like  a  comparison  of 
heaven  and  hell.  England,  like  the  earth,  may 
be  allowed  to  take  an  intermediate  station.— 
To  JOSEPH  JONES,  ii,  249.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  438. 
(P.,  1787.) 

3583.  GOVERNMENTS     (American), 
People  and.— We  think  in  America  that  it  is 
necessary  to  introduce  the  people  into  every 
department  of  government,  as  far  as  they  are 
capable  of  exercising  it;  and  that  this  is  the 
only   way   to    ensure    a    long-continued    and 
honest  administration  of  its  powers.     To  M. 
L'ABBE   ARNOND.    iii,  81.    FORD  ED.,  v,   103. 
(P,  1789.) 

3584.  GOVERNMENTS  (American), 
Powers. — An  elective  despotism  was  not  the 
government   we   fought   for,    but   one   which 
should  not  only  be  founded  on  true  free  princi 
ples,  but  in  which  the  powers  of  government 
should   be   so   divided   and   balanced   among 
general  bodies  of  magistracy,  as  that  no  one 
could    transcend    their    legal    limits    without 
being  effectually  checked  and   restrained  by 
the  others. — NOTES  ON   VIRGINIA,     viii,   361. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  224.     (1782.) 

3585.  GOVERNMENTS     (American), 

Principles. — Every  species  of  government  has 
its  specific  principles.  Ours  perhaps  are  more 
peculiar  than  those  of  any  in  the  universe. 
It  is  a  composition  of  the  freest  principles  of 
the  English  constitution,  with  others  derived 
from  natural  right  and  natural  reason.  To 
these  nothing  can  be  more  opposed  than  the 
maxims  of  absolute  monarchies. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  331.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  189. 
(1782.) 

3586.  - — .   We,  of  the  United  States, 

are  constitutionally  and  conscientiously   demo 
crats.   We  consider  society  as  one  of  the  natural 
wants  with  which  man  has  been  created ;  that 
he  has  been  endowed  with  faculties  and  quali 
ties  to  effect  its  satisfaction  by  concurrence  of 
others   having  the  same   want ;   that  when,   by 
the  exercise  of  these  faculties,  he  has  procured 


r 


393 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Government  s 


a  state  of  society,  it  is  one  of  his  acquisitions 
which  he  has  a  right  to  regulate  and  control, 
jointly,  indeed,  with  all  those  who  have  con 
curred  in  the  procurement,  whom  he  cannot 
exclude  from  its  use  or  direction  more  than 
they  him.  We  think  experience  has  proved 
it  safer,  for  the  mass  of  individuals  composing 
the  society,  to  reserve  to  themselves  person 
ally  the  exercise  of  all  rightful  powers  to 
which  they  are  competent,  and  to  delegate  those 
to  which  they  are  not  competent  to  deputies 
named,  and  removable  for  unfaithful  conduct, 
by  themselves  immediately.  Hence,  with  us,  the 
people  (by  which  is  meant  the  mass  of  individ 
uals  composing  the  society),  being  competent 
to  judge  of  the  facts  occurring  in  ordinary  life, 
they  have  retained  the  functions  of  judges  of 
facts,  under  the  name  of  jurors ;  but  being  un 
qualified  for  the  management  of  affairs  requir 
ing  intelligence  above  the  common  level,  yet 
competent  judges  of  human  character,  they 
choose,  for  their  management,  representatives, 
some  by  themselves  immediately,  others  by  elec 
tors  chosen  by  themselves.  Thus  our  President 
is  chosen  by  ourselves  directly  in  practice,  for 
we  vote  for  A  as  elector  only  on  the  condition 
he  will  vote  for  B  ;  our  representatives  by  our 
selves  immediately ;  our  Senate  and  judges  of 
law  through  electors  chosen  by  ourselves. 
And  we  believe  that  this  proximate  choice  and 
power  of  removal  is  the  best  security  which 
experience  has  sanctioned  for  ensuring  an 
honest  conduct  in  the  functionaries  of  society. 
Your  three  or  four  alembications  have  indeed  a 
seducing  appearance.  We  should  conceive, 
prima  facie,  that  the  last  extract  would  be  the 
pure  alcohol  of  the  substance,  three  or  four 
times  rectified.  But  in  proportion  as  they  are 
more  and  more  sublimated,  they  are  also  farther 
and  farther  removed  from  the  control  of  the  so 
ciety  ;  and  the  human  character,  we  believe,  re 
quires  in  general  constant  and  immediate  con 
trol,  to  prevent  its  being  biased  from  right  by 
the  seductions  of  self-love.  Your  process  pro 
duces,  therefore,  a  structure  of  government  from 
which  the  fundamental  principle  of  ours  is 
excluded.  You  first  set  down  as  zeros  all 
individuals  not  having  lands,  which  are  the 
greater  number  in  every  society  of  long  stand 
ing.  Those  holding  lands  are  permitted  to 
manage  in  person  the  small  affairs  of  their 
commune  or  corporation,  and  to  elect  a  deputy 
for  the  canton ;  in  which  election,  too,  every 
one's  vote  is  to  be  an  unit,  a  plurality,  or  a 
fraction,  in  proportion  to  his  landed  possessions. 
The  assemblies  of  cantons,  then,  elect  for  the 
districts ;  those  of  districts  for  circles ;  and 
those  of  circles  for  the  national  assemblies. 
Some  of  these  highest  councils,  too,  are  in  a 
considerable  degree  self-elected,  the  regency 
partially,  the  judiciary  entirely,  and  some  are 
for  life.  Whenever,  therefore,  an  esprit  de 
corps,  or  of  party,  gets  possession  of  them,, 
which  experience  shows  to  be  inevitable,  there 
are  no  means  of  breaking  it  up,  for  they  will 
never  elect  but  those  of  their  own  spirit. 
Juries  are  allowed  in  criminal  cases  only.  I 
acknowledge  myself  strong  in  affection  to  our 
own  form,  yet  both  of  us  act  and  think  from 
the  same  motive  ;  we  both  consider  the  people  as 
our  children,  and  love  them  with  parental  af 
fection.  But  you  love  them  as  infants  whom 
you  are  afraid  to  trust  without  nurses ;  and  I 
as  adults  whom  I  freely  leave  to  self-govern 
ment.  And  you  are  right  in  the  case  referred 
to  you ;  my  criticism  being  built  on  a  state  of 
society  not  under  your  contemplation.  It  is, 
in  fact,  like  a  critic  on  Homer  by  the  laws  of 
the  Drama. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi, 
589.  FORD  ED.,  x,  22.  (P.P.,  1816.) 


3587.  GOVERNMENTS  (American),  Re 
forming.— We  can  surely  boast  of  having  set 
the  world  a  beautiful  example  of  a  govern 
ment  reformed  by  reason  alone  without 
bloodshed.  But  the  world  is  too  far  op 
pressed  to  profit  by  the  example.— To  E. 
RUTLEDGE.  ii,  435.  FORD  ED.,  v,  42.  (P., 
1788.) 

3588. .    The    example    we    have 

given  to  the  world  is  single,  that  of  chang 
ing  our  form  of  government  under  the  au 
thority  of  reason  only,  without  bloodshed.— 
To  RALPH  IZARD.  ii,  429.  (P.,  1785.) 

3589.  GOVERNMENTS  (American),  Re 
publican.— The  governments  [of  the  pro 
posed  new  States]  shall  be  in  republican 
forms.— WESTERN  TERRITORY  REPORT.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  409.  (1784.) 

3590. .   From  the  moment  that  to 

preserve  our  rights  a  change  of  government 
became  necessary,  no  doubt  could  be  enter 
tained  that  a  republican  form  was  most  con 
sonant  with  reason,  with  right,  with  the  free 
dom  of  man,  and  with  the  character  and  sit 
uation  of  our  fellow  citizens.  To  the  sincere 
spirit  of  republicanism  are  naturally  associated 
the  love  of  country,  devotion  to  its  liberty, 
its  rights  an-d  its  honor.  Our  preference  to 
that  form  of  government  has  been  so  far 
justified  by  its  success,  and  the  prosperity 
with  which  it  has  blessed  us.— R.  TO  A 
VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  148.  (1809.) 

3591.  GOVERNMENTS     (American), 

Virtuous.— I  think  our  governments  will  re 
main  virtuous  for  many  centuries ;  as  long  as 
[the  people]  are  chiefly  agricultural, 
and  this  will  be  as  long  as  there  shall  be 
vacant  lands  in  any  part  of  America.  When 
they  get  piled  upon  one  another  in  large 
cities,  as  in  Europe,  they  will  become  cor 
rupt  as  in  Europe.*— To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii, 
332.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  479.  (P.,  ^87. ) 

3592.  GOVERNMENTS    (American), 
Ward  administration.— The  elementary  re 
publics   of   the   wards,    the   county   republics, 
the  State  republics,  and  the  Republic  of  the 
Union,   would   form   a  gradation   of  author 
ities,  standing  each  on  the  basis  of  law,  hold 
ing  every  one  its  delegated  share  of  powers, 
and    constituting    truly    a    system    of    funda 
mental  balances  and  checks  for  the  govern 
ment.     Where  every  man  is  a  sharer  in  the 
direction   of   his    ward-republic,    or   of   some 
of  the  higher  ones,   and   feels   that  he   is  a 
participator  in  the  government  of  affairs,  not 
merely  at  an  election  one  day  in  the  year,  but 
every  day;  when  there  shall  not  be  a  man 
in  the  State  who  will  not  be  a  member  of 
some  one  of  its  councils,  great  or  small,  he 
will   let  the  heart  be  torn  out  of  his  body 
sooner  than  his  power  be  wrested  from  him 
by  a  Caesar  or  a  Bonaparte. — To  JOSEPH  C. 
CABELL.    vi,  543.    (M.,  1816.) 

*  The  text  of  the  Congress  edition  is  :  "  When  we 
get  piled  upon  one  another  in  large  cities,  as  in  Eu 
rope,  we  shall  become  corrupt  as  in  Europe,  and  go 
to  eating  one  another  as  they  do  there." — EDITOR. 


Ooveriiments 
Greene  (Nathaniel) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


394 


3593. .     How  powerfully  did  we 

feel  the  energy  of  this  organization  in  the 
case  of  the  Embargo?  I  felt  the  founda 
tions  of  the  Government  shaken  under  my 
feet  by  the  New  England  townships.  There 
was  not  an  individual  in  their  States  whose 
body  was  not  thrown  with  all  its  momentum 
into  action;  and  although  the  whole  of  the 
other  States  were  known  to  be  in  favor  of 
the  measure,  yet  the  organization  of  this  little 
selfish  minority  enabled  it  to  overrule  the 
Union.  What  would  the  unwieldy  counties 
of  the  middle,  the  south  and  the  west  do? 
Call  a  county  meeting,  and  the  drunken 
loungers  at  and  about  the  court  houses 
would  have  collected,  the  distances  being  too 
great  for  the  good  people  and  the  industrious 
generally  to  attend.  The  character  of  those 
who  really  met  would  have  been  the  measure 
of  the  weight  they  would  have  had  in  the 
scale  of  public  opinion. — To  JOSEPH  C.  CA- 
BELL.  vi,  544.  (M.,  1816.) 

3594.  GOVERNMENTS  (European),  Op 
pressive. — The  European  are  governments  of 
kites  over  pigeons. — To  GOVERNOR  RUTLEDGE. 
ii,  234.     (P-,  1787.) 

3595.  GRAMMAR,     Rigor     of.— Where 
strictness    of    grammar    does    not    weaken    ex 
pression,  it  should  be  attended  to     *     *     *     . 
But  where,   by   small  grammatical   negligences, 
the  energy  of  an  idea  is  condensed,  or  a  word 
stands  for  a  sentence,  I  hold  grammatical  rigor 
in     contempt.* — To     JAMES      MADISON.      FORD 
ED.,  viii,   108.     (W.,   1801.)     See  LANGUAGES. 

3596.  GRANGER  (Gideon),  Burr's  en 
emy. — In  the  winter  of  1803-4,  another  train 
of  events  took  place  which,     *     *     *     I  think 
it  but  justice  to   yourself  that   I    should   state. 
I  mean  the  intrigues  which  were  in  agitation, 
and  at  the  bottom  of  which  we  believed  Colonel 
Burr  to  be ;  to  form  a  coalition  of  the  five  East 
ern    States,   with   New   York   and   New   Jersey, 
under    the    appellation    of    the    seven    Eastern 
States ;    either   to    overawe   the    Union    by    the 
combination  of  their  power  and  their  will,  or  by 
threats  of  separating  themselves  from  it.     Your 
intimacy  with  some  of  those  in  the  secret  gave 
you  opportunities  of  searching  into  their  pro 
ceedings,    of    which    you    made    me    daily    and 
confidential  reports.     This  intimacy  to  which  I 
had  such  useful  recourse,  at  the  time,  rendered 
you  an  object  of  suspicion  with  many  as  being 
yourself   a  partisan   of   Colonel   Burr,   and   en- 

?aged  in  the  very  combination  which  you  were 
aithfully  employed  in  defeating.  I  never  failed 
to  justify  you  to  all  those  who  brought  their 
suspicions  to  me,  and  to  assure  them  of  my 
knowledge  of  your  fidelity.  Many  were  the  in 
dividuals,  then  members  of  the  Legislature,  who 
received  these  assurances  from  me,  and  whose 
apprehensions  were  thereby  quieted.  This  first 
project  of  Burr  having  vanished  in  smoke,  he 
directed  his  views  to  the  Western  country. — 
To  GIDEON  GRANGER,  vi,  330.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
455.  (M.,  1814.) 

3597.  GRANGER     (Gideon),     Supreme 
Court. — I  shall  be  perfectly  happy  if  either 
you  or  [Levi]   Lincoln  is  named,  as  I  consider 
the  substituting,  in  the  place  of  [Judge]  Gush 
ing,    a   firm    unequivocating    republican,    whose 
principles  are  born  with   him,   and  not  an   oc 
casional  ingraftment,  as  necessary  to  complete 

*  From  a  note  enclosing  draft  of  first  annual  mes 
sage  and  requesting  suggestions  thereon.— EDITOR. 


that  great  reformation  in  our  Government  to 
which  the  nation  gave  its  fiat  ten  years  ago. — 
To  GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  286.  (M., 
1810.) 

3598.  GRATITUDE,  Happiness  and.— I 

have  but  one  system  of  ethics  for  men  and 
for  nations — to  be  grateful,  to  be  faithful  to 
all  engagements,  under  all  circumstances,  to 
be  open  and  generous,  promoting  in  the  long 
run  the  interests  of  both,  and  I  am  sure  it 
promotes  their  happiness. — To  LA  DUCHESSE 
D'AUVILLE.  iii,  135.  FORD  ED.,  v,  153.  (N. 
Y.  1790.) 

3599.  GRATITUDE,   National.— I  think 
*  *    *    that  nations  are  to  be  governed  with 
regard  to  their  own  interest,  but  I  am  con 
vinced  that  it  is  their  interest,   in  the  long 
run,  to  be  grateful,  faithful  to  their  engage 
ments  even   in   the  worst  of  circumstances, 
and  honorable  and  generous  always. — To  M. 
DE    LAFAYETTE,    iii,    132.     FORD   ED.,   v,    152. 
(N.Y.,  1790.) 

3600.  GRATITUDE,  Principles  of.— To 
say  that  gratitude  is  never  to  enter  into  the 
motives  of  national  conduct  is  to   revive  a 
principle  which  has  been  buried  for  centuries 
with  its  kindred  principles  of  the  lawfulness 
of  assassination,  poison,  perjury,  &c.     All  of 
these  were  legitimate  principles  in  the  dark 
ages,   which  intervened  between  ancient  and 
modern  civilization,  but  exploded  and  held  in 
just   horror   in   the    eighteenth   century. — To 
JAMES   MADISON,     iii,  99.     FORD  ED.,  v,   in. 
(P.,  1789.) 

_  GREEK  LANGUAGE.— See  LAN 
GUAGES. 

3601.  GREEKS,  Ancient.— Should    these 
thoughts  *   on  the   subject   of  national  govern 
ment  furnish  a  single  idea  which  may  be  use 
ful   to   them    [the   Greeks],   I    shall   fancy   it   a 
tribute  rendered  to  the  manes  of  your  Homer, 
your  Demosthenes,  and  the  splendid  constella 
tion  of  sages  and  heroes,  whose  blood  is  still 
flowing  in  your  veins,  and  whose  merits  are  still 
resting,   as  a  heavy  debt,   on  the  shoulders  of 
the   living,   and  the   future  races   of  men. — To 
M.  CORAY.     vii,  324.     (M.,  1823.) 

3602.  GREEKS,  Government  of. — Greece 

was  the  first  of  civilized  nations  which  pre 
sented  examples  [in  government]  of  what  man 
should  be. — To  M.  CORAY.  vii,  318.  (M.,  1823.) 

3603.  GREEKS,  Sympathy  for.— No  peo 
ple   sympathize  more   feelingly   than   ours   with 
the  sufferings  of  your  countrymen,   none  offer 
more  sincere  and  ardent  prayers  to  heaven  for 
their  success.    And  nothing  indeed  but  the  fun 
damental    principle    of    our    government,    never 
to  entangle  us  with  the  broils  of  Europe,  could 
restrain  our  generous  youth   from  taking  some 
part  in  this  holy  cause.      Possessing  ourselves 
the  combined  blessing  of  liberty  and  order,  we 
wish  the  same  to  other  countries,  and  to  none 
more  than   yours,   which,   the  first   of  civilized 
nations,  presented  examples  of  what  man  should 
be.— To  M.  CORAY.    vii,  318.     (M..  1823.) 

3604.  GREENE.    (Nathaniel),  Estimate 
of. — Greene  was  truly  a  great  man.     He  had 
not,  perhaps,  all  the  qualities  which  so  peculiarly 
rendered    General    Washington   the   fittest   man 

*  Jefferson,  at  the  reqiiest  of  M.  Coray,  wrote  a 
paper  outlining  a  system  of  government  for  Greece. 
—EDITOR. 


395 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Grief 

Hamilton  (Alexander) 


on  earth  for  directing  so  great  a  contest  under 
so  great  difficulties.  But  Greene  was 

second  to  no  one  in  enterprise,  in  resource,  in 
sound  judgment,  promptitude  of  decision,  and 
in  every  other  military  talent. — To  WILLIAM 
JOHNSON.  FORD  EDV  x,  222.  (M.,  1822.) 

3605.  GRIEF,   Stupefying.— Your  letter 
found  me  a  little  emerging  from  the  stupor  of 
mind  which   had   rendered   me   as   dead   to   the 
world  as  was  she  whose  loss  occasioned  it.  * — 
To   THE   CHEVALIER   DE   CHATTELLUX.      i,     322. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  64.     (Am.,  1782.) 

3606.  GRIEF,  Value  of.— When  we  put 

into  the  same  scale  the  abuses  [of  grief]  with 
the  afflictions  of  soul  which  even  the  uses  of 
grief  cost  us,  we  may  consider  its  value  in  the 
economy  of  the  human  being,  as  equivocal  at 
least.  Those  afflictions  cloud  too  great  a  por 
tion  of  life  to  find  a  counterpoise  in  any  bene 
fits  derived  from  its  uses.  For  setting  aside  its 
paroxysms  on  the  occasions  of  special  bereave 
ments,  all  the  latter  years  of  aged  men  are  over 
shadowed  with  its  gloom.  Whither,  for  in 
stance,  can  you  and  I  look  without  seeing  the 
graves  of  those  we  have  known?  And  whom 
can  we  call  up,  of  our  early  companions,  who 
has  not  left  us  to  regret  his  loss  ?  This,  in 
deed,  may  be  one  of  the  salutary  effects  of 
grief. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  37.  (M.,  1816.) 

3607.  GRIMM   (Baron  de),   Genius.— A 

man  of  genius,  of  taste,  of  point,  an  acquaint 
ance,  the  measure  and  traverses  of  whose  mind 
I  know. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  27.  (M.,  1816.) 

—  GULF  STREAM.— See  CANAL,  1116. 

3608.  GUNBOATS,     Naval   views.— On 

this  subject  professional  men  were  consulted 
as  far  as  we  had  opportunity.  General  Wilkin 
son,  and  the  late  General  Gates,  gave  their 
opinions  in  writing,  in  favor  of  the  system,  as 
will  be  seen  by  their  letters  now  communicated. 
The  higher  officers  of  the  navy  gave  the  same 
opinions  in  separate  conferences,  as  their  ap 
pearance  at  the  seat  of  government  offered  oc 
casions  of  consulting  them,  and  no  difference 
of  judgment  appeared  on  the  subjects.  Those 
of  Commodore  Baron  and  Captain  Tingley, 
*  *  *  are  *  *  *  transmitted  herewith  to 
the  Legislature. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  80. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  23.  (Feb.  1807.) 

3609.  HABEAS  CORPUS,  Bill  of  Rights 
and. — I  like  the  declaration  of  rights  as  far  as 
it  goes,  but  I  should  have  been  for  going  fur 
ther.     For  instance,  the  following  alterations 
and  additions  would  have  pleased  me :    *  *  * 
Article  8.  "  No  person  shall  be  held  in  con 
finement  more  than  —  days   after  he   shall 
have  demanded  and  been  refused  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  by  the  judge  appointed  by  law, 
nor   more    than   —   days    after   such    a    writ 
shall  have  been  served  on  the  person  holding 
him  in  confinement ;  and  no  order  given  on 
due  examination  for  his  remandment  or  dis 
charge;    nor  more  than  —  hours  in  any  place 
at  a  greater  di  fance  than  —  miles  from  the 
usual  residence  of  some  judge  authorized  to 
issue  the   writ  of  habeas  corpus;   nor  shall 
such    writ   be    suspended    for   any   term    ex 
ceeding  one  year,  nor  in  any  place  more  than 
—  miles  distant  from  the  station  or  encamp 
ment    of    enemies     or    of    insurgents." — To 
JAMES   MADISON,   iii,    100.   FORD  ED.,  v,    112. 
(P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

*  The  death  of  Mrs.  Jefferson.— EDITOR. 


3610.  HABEAS     CORPUS     IN     ENG 
LAND. — Examine    the    history    of    England. 
See  how  few  of  the  cases  of  the  suspension 
of  the  habeas  corpus  law  have  been  worthy 
of  that  suspension.     They  have  been  either 
real    treason,    wherein    the   parties   might   as 
well   have   been   charged   at   once,    or    sham 
plots,    where    it    was    shameful    they    should 
ever  have  been  suspected.     Yet  for  the  few 
cases  wherein  the  suspension  of  the  habeas  cor 
pus  has  done  real  good,  that  operation  is  now 
become  habitual,  and  the  minds  of  the  nation 
almost  prepared  to  live  under  its  constant  sus 
pension. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  446.    FORD 
EDV  v,  46.     (P.,  July  1788.) 

3611.  HABEAS  CORPUS,   Force  of.— I 
do  not  like  [in  the  new  Federal  Constitution] 
the  omission   of  a  bill   of  rights,   providing 
clearly  and  without  the  aid  of  sophisms  for 

*  *     *     the  eternal  and  unremitting  force  of 
the  habeas  corpus  laws. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  329.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  476.     (P.,  Dec.  1787.) 

3612.  HABEAS    CORPUS,    Suspension. 
— By   a   declaration   of   rights,    I    mean   one 
which  shall  stipulate  *     *     *     no  suspensions 
of  the  habeas  corpus    *    *    *    . — To  A.  DON 
ALD,    ii,  355.     (P.,  1788.)    See8i8. 

3613. .     I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the 

acceptance  of  our  new  Constitution  by  nine 
States.  It  is  a  good  canvas,  on  which  some 
strokes  only  want  retouching.  What  these 
are,  I  think,  are  sufficiently  manifested  by  the 
general  voice  from  north  to  south,  which 
calls  for  a  bill  of  rights.  It  seems  pretty  gen 
erally  understood  that  this  should  go  to 

*  *     *     habeas  corpus.     *    *     *     Why  sus 
pend  the  habeas  corpus  in  insurrections  and 
rebellions?    The  parties  who  may  be  arrested 
may   be   charged    instantly   with   a   well   de 
fined    crime;    of   course,    the   judge   will    re 
mand    them.      If    the    public    safety    requires 
that  the  Government  should  have  a  man  im 
prisoned  on  less  probable  testimony  in  those 
than  in  other  emergencies,  let  him  be  taken 
and    tried,    retaken    and    retried,    while    the 
necessity  continues,  only  giving  him  redress 
against    the    Government    for    damages. — To 
JAMES   MADISON,     ii,  445.     FORD  ED.,  v,   45. 
(P.,  1788.) 

—  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  Accounts 
of  .—See  36. 

3614.  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  Alli 
ance  with  England.— Hamilton  [at  a  meet 
ing  of  the  cabinet]  thought  that  if  we  were 
unequal  to  the  contest  [with  Spain]  ourselves, 
it  behooved  us  to  provide  allies  for  our  aid. 
That  in  this  view,  two  nations  could  be  named, 
France  and  England.  France  was  too  intimately 
connected  with  Spain  in  other  points,  and  of 
too  great  mutual  value,  ever  to  separate  for 
us.  *  *  *  England  alone,  then,  remained. 
It  would  not  be  easy  to  effect  it  with  her  ;  how 
ever,  he  was  for  trying  it.  and  for  sounding 
them  on  the  proposition  of  a  defensive  treaty  of 
alliance.  *  The  President  sa  d  the  remedy 
would  be  worse  than  the  disease. — THE  ANAS. 
ix,  124.  FORD  ED.,  i,  206.  (Oct.  1792.) 

»  The  difficulty  arose  out  of  the  execution  of  the 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Creek  In 
dians,  and  the  contention  as  to  boundaries  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain.— EDITOR. 


Hamilton  (Alexander)         THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


396 


3615.  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  Anglo- 
maniac. — His  mind  was  really  powerful,  but 
chained    by    native    partialities    to    everything 
English.     He  had  formed  exaggerated  ideas  of 
the  superior  perfection  of  the  English  constitu 
tion,  the  superior  wisdom  of  their  government, 
and  sincerely  believed  it  for  the  good  of  this 
country  to  make  them  its  model  in  everything; 
without   considering   that  what   might   be   wise 
and  good  for  a  nation  essentially  commercial, 
and  entangled  in  complicated  intercourse  with 
numerous  and  powerful  neighbors,  might  not  be 
so    for    one    essentially    agricultural,    and    in 
sulated  by  nature  from  the  abusive  governments 
of  the  old  world. — To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD. 
vii,  6.     FORD  ED.,  x,  34.     (M.,  1816.) 

3616.  HAMILTON   (Alexander),   Anti- 
Bepublican  Colossus.— Hamilton  is  really  a 
Colossus  to  the  anti-republican  party.     Without 
numbers,  he  is  an  host  within  himself.     They 
have  got  themselves   into   a  defile   where  they 
might   be   finished ;    but   too   much   security   on 
the  republican  part  will  give  time  to  his  talents 
and   indefatigableness   to   extricate  them.      We 
have  had  only  middling  performances  to  oppose 
to  him.     In  truth,  when  he  comes  forward,  there 
is  nobody  but  yourself  who  can  meet  him.    His 
adversaries  having  begun  the  attack,  he  has  the 
advantage  of  answering  them,  and  remains  un 
answered    himself.     *     *     *     For    God's    sake 
take    up    your    pen,    and    give    a    fundamental 
reply     to     "  Curtius "     and     "  Camillus." — To 
JAMES    MADISON,      iv,    121.      FORD   ED.,   vii,    32. 
(M.,   Sept.   1795-) 

3617.  HAMILTON    (Alexander),    Coal 
escence     with     Jefferson.— He     [President 
Washington]   proceeded  to  express  his  earnest 
wish  that  Hamilton  and  myself  could  coalesce 
in  the  measures  of  the  government,  and  urged 
the  general  reasons  for  it  which  he  had  done 
to  me  in  two  former  conversations.      He   said 
he  had  proposed  the  same  thing  to   Hamilton, 
who   expressed   his   readiness,    and   he   thought 
our    coalition    would    secure    the    general    ac 
quiescence  of  the  public.     I  told  him  my  concur 
rence    was    of    much    less    importance    than    he 
seemed   to    imagine ;    that    I   kept   myself   aloof 
from  all  cabal  and  correspondence  on  the  sub 
ject    of   the   government,    and    saw    and    spoke 
with  as  few  as  I  could.     That  as  to  a  coalition 
with  Mr.  Hamilton,  if  by  that  was  meant  that 
either  was  to  sacrifice  his  general  system  to  the 
other,    it    was    impossible.      We    had    both,    no 
doubt,   formed   our  conclusions   after  the   most 
mature  consideration ;  and  principles  conscien 
tiously  adopted,  could  not  be  given  up  on  either 
side. — THE  ANAS,     ix,   131.     ~^ORD  ED.,  i,  215. 

/•  T~»      t  \  '  "  V 

(Feb.  1793-) 

3618.  HAMILTON     (Alexander),    Cor- 
ruption  and. — Hamilton  was  indeed  a  sin 
gular  character.     Of  acute  understanding,  dis 
interested,  honest,  and  honorable  in  all  private 
transactions,  amiable  in  society,  and  duly  valu 
ing  virtue  in  private  life,  yet  so  bewitched  and 
perverted  by  the  British  example,  as  to  be  under 
thorough    conviction    that    corruption    was    es 
sential   to   the   government   of   a   nation. — THE 
ANAS,    ix,  97.    FORD  ED.,  i,  166.     (1818.) 

3619.  HAMILTON      (Alexander),     De 
fence  of  bank. — In  Fenno's  newspaper  you 
will  discover  Hamilton's  pen  in  defence  of  the 
bank,   and  daring  to   call  the  republican  party 
a  faction. — To  JAMES   MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
95.     (Pa.,   1792.) 

3620.  HAMILTON    (Alexander),   Eng 
lish  mission  and. — I  learn  by  your  letters 


and  Mr.  Madison's  that  a  special  mission  to 
England  is  meditated,  and  Hamilton  the  mis 
sionary.  A  more  degrading  measure  could  not 
have  been  proposed.  And  why  is  Pinckney  to  be 
recalled  ?  For  it  is  impossible  he  should  remain 
after  such  a  testimony  that  he  is  not  confided 
in  ?  I  suppose  they  think  him  not  thorough  fraud 
enough.  I  suspect  too  the  mission,  besides  the 
object  of  placing  the  aristocracy  of  this  coun 
try  under  the  patronage  of  that  government, 
has  in  view  that  of  withdrawing  Hamilton  from 
the  disgrace,  and  the  public  execrations  which 
sooner  or  later  must  fall  on  the  man  who,  partly 
by  erecting  fictitious  debt,  partly  by  volunteering 
in  the  payment  of  the  debts  of  others,  who  could 
have  paid  them  so  much  more  conveniently 
themselves,  has  alienated  forever  all  our  ordi 
nary  and  easy  resources,  and  will  oblige  us 
hereafter  to  extraordinary  ones  for  every  little 
contingency  out  of  the  common  line;  and  who 
has  lately  brought  the  President  forward  with 
manifestations  that  the  business  of  the  Treasury 
had  got  beyond  the  limits  of  his  comprehen 
sion. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  504. 
(M.,  April  1794.) 

3621.  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  Fund 
ing  jobbery.— It  is  well  known  that,  during 
the  [Revolutionary]  war,  the  greatest  difficulty 
we    encountered    was    the    want    of    money    or 
means  to  pay  our  soldiers  who  fought,  or  our 
farmers,  manufacturers  and  merchants,  who  fur 
nished  the  necessary  supplies  of  food  and  cloth 
ing   for   them.      After   the   expedient   of   paper 
money  had  exhausted  itself,  certificates  of  debt 
were  given  to  the  individual  creditors,  with  as 
surance    of    payment,    so    soon    as    the    United 
States  should  be  able.     But  the  distresses  of  the 
people  often  obliged  them  to  part  with  these  for 
the  half,  the  fifth,   and   even  a  tenth  of  their 
value;    and   speculators    had   made   a   trade    of 
cozening   them   from   the   holders  by   the   most 
fraudulent  practices,  and  persuasions  that  they 
would  never  be  paid.     In  the  bill  for  funding 
and  paying  these,  Hamilton  made  no  difference 
between  the  original  holders  and  the  fraudulent 
purchasers   of  this  paper.      Great  and  just  re 
pugnance  arose  at  putting  these  two  classes  of 
creditors  on  the  same  footing,  and  great  exer 
tions    were    used    to    pay    the    former    the    full 
value,   and  to  the  latter,  the  price  only  which 
they  had  paid,  with  interest.     But  this  would 
have    prevented    the    game    which    was    to    be 
played,    and    for    which    the    minds    of    greedy 
members   were    already    tutored    and    prepared. 
When   the   trial    of   strength    on    these    several 
efforts  had  indicated  the  form  in  which  the  bill 
would    finally    pass,    this    being    known    within 
doors  sooner  than  without,  and  especially,  than 
to  those  who  were  in  distant  parts  of  the  Union, 
the  base   scramble   began.      Couriers   and   relay 
horses  by  land,  and  swift-sailing  pilot  boats  by 
sea,  were  flying  in  all  directions.     Active  part 
ners  and  agents  were  associated  and  employed 
in  every  State,  town  and  country  neighborhood, 
and  this  paper  was  bought  up  at  five  shillings, 
and  often  as  low  as  two  shillings  in  the  pound, 
before  the  holder  knew  that  Congress  had  al 
ready  provided  for  its  redemption  at  par.     Im 
mense  sums  were  thus  filched  from  the  poor  and 
ignorant,    and    fortunes    accumulated    by    those 
who  had  themselves  been  poor  enough  before. 
Men    thus    enriched    by    the    dexterity    of    a 
leader,  would   follow  of  course  the  chief  who 
was  leading  them  to  fortune,   and  become  the 
zealous  instruments  of  all  his  enterprises. — THE 
ANAS,     ix,  91.     FORD  ED.,  i,  160.     (1818.) 

3622.  HAMILTON    (Alexander),    Giles 
resolutions  and. — You  have  for  some  time 
past  seen  a  number  of  reports  from  the  Sec- 


397 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA          Hamilton  (Alexander) 


retary  of  the  Treasury  on  enquiries  instituted 
by  the  House  of  Representatives.  When  these 
were  all  come  in,  a  number  of  resolutions  were 
prepared  by  Mr.  Giles,  expressing  the  truths 
resulting  from  the  reports.  Mr.  Giles  and 
one  or  two  others  were  sanguine  enough  to 
believe  that  the  palpableness  of  the  truths  ren 
dered  a  negative  of  them  impossible,  and  forced 
them  on.  Others  contemplating  the  character 
of  the  present  House,  one-third  of  which  is 
understood  to  be  made  up  of  bank  directors 
and  stock  jobbers  who  would  be  voting  on 
the  case  of  their  chief ;  and  another  third  of 
persons  blindly  devoted  to  that  party,  of  persons 
not  comprehending  the  papers,  or  persons  com 
prehending  them,  but  too  indulgent  to  pass  a 
vote  of  censure,  foresaw  that  the  resolutions 
would  be  negatived  by  a  majority  of  two  to 
one.  Still  they  thought  that  the  negative  of 
palpable  truth  would  be  of  service,  as  it  would 
let  the  public  see  how  desperate  and  abandoned 
were  the  hands  in  which  their  interests  were 
placed.  The  vote  turned  out  to  be  what  was 
expected,  not  more  than  three  or  four  varying 
from  what  had  been  conceived  of  them.  The 
public  will  see  from  this  the  extent  of  their 
danger,  and  a  full  representation  at  the  ensu 
ing  session  will  doubtless  find  occasion  to 
revise  the  decision,  and  take  measures  for  en 
suring  the  authority  of  the  laws  over  the  cor 
rupt  maneuvers  of  the  heads  of  departments 
under  the  pretext  of  exercising  discretion  in 
opposition  to  law. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  194.  (Pa.,  I793-) 

3623.  HAMILTON    (Alexander),    Hon 
esty. — Hamilton  was  honest  as  a  man,  but, 
as   a   politician,    believing   in   the   necessity    of 
either    force    or    corruption    to    govern    men. — 
To   DR.   BENJAMIN   RUSH,     v,   560.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  296.     (M.,   1811.) 

_  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  A  Mon 
archist.-— See  MONARCHY. 

3624.  HAMILTON     (Alexander),     The 
Republic  and.— I  mentioned  to  [Alexander] 
Hamilton  a  letter  received  from  John  Adams, 
disavowing  "  Publicola*  ",  and  denying  that  he 
ever  entertained  a  wish  to  bring  this  country 
under  a  hereditary  Executive,  or  introduce  an 
hereditary  branch  of  legislature,  &c.     Hamilton, 
condemning    Mr.    Adams's    writings    and    most 
particularly   "  Davilai ",   as  having  a  tendency 
to  weaken  the  present  government,  declared  in 
substance  as  follows  :     "  I  own  it  is  my  opinion, 
though  I  do  not  publish  it  in  Dan  or  Beersheba, 
that  the  present  government  is  not  that  which 
will    answer    the    ends    of    society,    by    giving 
stability  and  protection  to  its  rights,  and  that 
it  will  probably  be  found  expedient  to  go  into 
the    British    form.     However,    since    we    have 
undertaken  the  experiment,  I  am  for  giving  it 
a  fair  course,  whatever  my  expectations  may  be. 
The  success,  indeed,  so  far,  is  greater  than  I  had 
expected,    and    therefore,    at    present,    success 
seems  more  possible  than  it  had  done  hereto 
fore,  and  there  are  still  other  and  other  stages 
of  improvement  which,  if  the  present  does  not 
succeed,  may  be  tried,  and  ought  to  be  tried  be 
fore  we  give  up  the  republican  form  altogether; 
for  that  mind  must  be  really  depraved,  which 
would  not  prefer  the  equality  of  political  rights, 
which  is  the  foundation  of  pure  republicanism, 

•Over  the  signature  "Publicola,"  John  Quincy 
Adams  wrote  a  series  of  articles  against  Thomas 
Paine  in  the  Massachusetts  Centinel.  It  was  believed 
at  first  that  his  father  was  the  author  of  them.— ED 
ITOR. 

t  John  Adams  used  this  signature  in  a  series  of 
articles  in  the  Gazette  of  the  United  States.— ED 
ITOR. 


if  it  can  be  obtained  consistently  with  order. 
Therefore,  whoever  by  his  writings  disturbs  the 
present  order  of  things,  is  really  blamable,  how 
ever  pure  his  intentions  may  be,  and  he  was 
sure  Mr.  Adams's  were  pure."  This  is  the 
substance  of  a  declaration  made  in  much  more 
lengthy  terms,  and  which  seemed  to  be  more 
formal  than  usual  for  a  private  conversation 
between  two,  and  as  if  intended  to  qualify  some 
less  guarded  expressions  which  had  been 
dropped  on  former  occasions. — THE  ANAS,  ix, 
99-  FORD  ED.,  i,  169.  (Aug.  1791.) 

3625.  HAMILTON    (Alexander),    Sub 
servient  to  England.— Hamilton   is  panic- 
struck,  if  we  refuse  our  breach  to  every  kick 
which    Great    Britain    may    choose    to    give    it. 
He  is  for  proclaiming  at  once  the  most  abject 
principles,  such  as  would  invite  and  merit  habit 
ual   insults ;   and   indeed  every  inch   of  ground 
must  be  fought  in  our  councils  to  desperation, 
in  order  to  hold  up  the  face  of  even  a  sneaking 
neutrality,  for  our  votes  are  generally  two  and 
a  half  against  one  and  a  half.     Some  proposi 
tions  have  come  from  him  which  would  astonish 
Mr.    Pitt   himself   with    their   boldness.     If   we 
preserve   even   a   sneaking  neutrality,   we   shall 
be  indebted  for  it  to  the  President,  and  not  to 
his   counsellors. — To   JAMES    MONROE,     iii,    548. 
FORD  ED.,  vi.  238.     (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

3626.  HAMILTON  (Alexander),  Treas 
ury    management.— Alexander    Hamilton's 
[Treasury]    system   flowed   from   principles   ad 
verse  to  liberty,  and  was  calculated  to  under 
mine   and   demolish   the    Republic,   by   creating 
an  influence  of  his  Department  over  the  mem 
bers   of  the   Legislature.     I   saw   this   influence 
actually  produced,  and  its  first  fruits  to  be  the 
establishment  of  the  great  outlines  of  his  proj 
ect  by  the  votes  of  the  very  persons  who,  hav 
ing  swallowed  his  bait,  were  laying  themselves 
out  to  profit  by  his  plans  ;   and  that  had  these 
persons    withdrawn,    as    those    interested    in    a 
question  ever  should,  the  vote  of  the  disinter 
ested  majority  was  clearly  the  reverse  of  what 
they  had  made  it.     These  were  no  longer  the 
votes  then  of  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
but  of  deserters  from  the  rights  and  interests 
of  the  people ;  and  it  was  impossible  to  consider 
their  decisions,  which  had  nothing  in  view  but 
to   enrich   themselves,   as   the   measures   of  the 
fair   majority,    which    ought    always    to    be    re 
spected. — To   PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,     iii,  461. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  102.     (M.,  1792.) 

3627.  .     The     most     prominent 

suspicion  excited  by  the  Report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  of  January  3,  1793,  is  that  the 
funds   raised    in    Europe,    and   which    ought   to 
have  been  applied  to  the  payment  of  our  debts 
there,  in  order  to  stop  interest,  have  been  drawn 
over  to  this  country,  and  lodged  in  the  Bank,  to 
extend  the  speculations  and  increase  the  profits 
of  that   institution.* — No   ADDRESS.     FORD   ED., 
vi,   165.     (Feb.   1793.) 

3628. .     I  do  not  at  all  wonder 

at  the  condition  in  which  the  finances  of  the 
United  States  are  found.  Hamilton's  object 
from  the  beginning,  was  to  throw  them  into 
forms  which  should  be  utterly  undecipherable. 
I  ever  said  he  did  not  understand  their  con 
dition  himself,  nor  was  able  to  give  a  clear 
view  of  the  excess  of  our  debts  beyond  our 
credits,  nor  whether  we  were  diminishing  or 
increasing  the  debt. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 
131.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  61.  (M.,  1796.) 

*  This  paper  contains  an  analysis  of  the  receipts 
and  disbursements  of  the  Treasury  in  Europe.— ED 
ITOR. 


Hamilton  (Alexander) 
Happiness 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


398 


3629. .  Hamilton's  financial  sys 
tem  *  *  *  had  two  objects:  first,  as  a 
puzzle,  to  exclude  popular  understanding  and 
inquiry ;  secondly,  as  a  machine  for  the  corrup 
tion  of  the  Legislature. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  91. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  160.  (1818.)  See  ASSUMPTION  OF 
STATE  DEBTS  and  BANK. 

3630.  HAMILTON   (Henry),  Cruelties. 

— The  indiscriminate  murder  of  men,  women 
and  children.,  with  the  horrid  circumstances 
of  barbarity  practiced  by  the  Indian  savages, 
was  the  particular  task  of  Governor  Hamilton's 
employment ;  and  if  anything  could  have  aggra 
vated  the  acceptance  of  such  an  office,  and 
have  made  him  personally  answerable  in  a 
high  degree,  it  was  that  eager  spirit  with  which 
he  is  said  to  have  executed  it ;  and  which,  if 
the  representations  before  the  [Virginia]  Coun 
cil  are  to  be  credited,  seems  to  have  shown  that 
his  own  feelings  and  disposition  were  in  unison 
with  his  employment.* — To  THEODORICK  BLAND, 
JR.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  191.  (W.,  1779.) 

3631.  HAPPINESS,       Attainment.— Be 

assiduous  in  learning,  take  much  exercise  for 
your  health,  and  practice  much  virtue. 
Health,  learning  and  virtue  will  insure  your  hap 
piness;  they  will  give  you  a  quiet  conscience, 
private  esteem  and  public  honor.  Beyond 
these,  we  want  nothing  but  physical  neces 
saries,  and  they  are  easily  obtained. — To 
PETER  CARR.  ii,  409.  (P.,  1788.) 

3632.  HAPPINESS,  Conditions  of.— Our 

greatest  happiness  *  *  *  does  not  depend 
on  the  condition  of  life  in  which  chance  has 
placed  us,  but  is  always  the  result  of  a  good 
conscience,  good  health,  occupation,  and  free 
dom  in  all  just  pursuits.— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  389.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  253.  (1782.) 

3633.  HAPPINESS,  Conjugal  love  and. 
—Conjugal  love  is  the  basis  of  domestic  hap 
piness.— To  MR.  BELLINI,    i,  444.  (1785.) 

3634.  HAPPINESS,  Conservators    of.— 

If  anybody  thinks  that  kings,  nobles,  or 
priests  are  good  conservators  of  the  public 
happiness,  send  him  here  [France].  It  is 
the  best  school  in  the  world  to  cure  him  of 
that  folly.— To  GEORGE  WYTHE.  ii,  7.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  268.  (P.,  1786.) 

3635.  HAPPINESS,     Domestic.— The 
happiest  moments  of  my  life  have  been  the 
few    which   I   have   passed   at   home   in   the 
bosom  of  my  family.— To  FRANCIS  WILLIS. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  157-     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3636.  HAPPINESS,  Education  and.— In 
the  present  spirit  of  extending  to  the  great 
mass  of  mankind  the  blessings  of  instruction, 
I  see  a  prospect  of  great  advancement  in  the 
happiness    of    the    human    race. — To    C.    C. 
BLATCHLY.    vii,  263.     (M.,  1822.) 

3637.  HAPPINESS,  Freedom  and.— My 
future  solicitude  will  be     *     *     *     to  be  in 
strumental  to  the  happiness  and  freedom  of 
all. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS.     (1801.) 

3638. .     The  freedom  and  happi- 

<  ness  of  man    *    *    *    are  the  sole  objects  of 

*  Lieutenant  Governor  Hamilton  was  a  British 
official  who  had  been  forced  to  surrender  to  the  Vir 
ginia  troops  while  Jefferson  was  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia.— EDITOR. 


all      legitimate      government. — To     GENERAL  i 
KOSCIUSKO.    v,  509.    (M.,  1810.) 

3639.  HAPPINESS,     God     and.— The 
Giver  of  life    *    *    *    gave  it  for  happiness  ' 
and  not  for  wretchedness. — To  JAMES  MON- 
ROE.    i,  319.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  59.     (M.,  1782.) 

3640.  HAPPINESS,  Government  and.— 
The  only  orthodox  object  of  the  institution  ? 
of  government  is  to  secure  the  greatest  de-  ! 
gree  of  happiness  possible  to  the  general  mass  < 
of  those  associated  under  it. — To   M.   VAN 
DER  KEMP,    vi,  45.     (M.,  1812.) 

3641.  HAPPINESS,  Guardians  of.— For 
promoting  the  public  happiness,  those  persons, 
whom  nature  has  endowed  with  genius  and 
virtue,  should  be  rendered  by  liberal  educa 
tion   worthy   to   receive,   and   able   to   guard 
the  sacred  deposit  of  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  their  fellow  citizens;  and  they  should  be 
called  to  that  charge  without  regard  to  wealth, 
birth,   or  other  accidental   condition   or  cir 
cumstance. — DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.     (1779.) 

3642.  HAPPINESS,  High  office  and.— 

No  slave  is  so  remote  from  happiness  as 
the  minister  of  a  commonwealth.— To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  i,  312.  FORD  ED., 
iii,  49.  (M.,  1781.) 

3643.  HAPPINESS,     Laws     and.— The 

laws  which  must  affect  the  happiness  of 
every  people  must  flow  from  their  own  habits, 
their  own  feelings,  and  the  resources  of  their 
own  minds.  No  stranger  to  these  could 
possibly  propose  regulations  adapted  to  them. 
Every  people  have  their  own  particular 
habits,  ways  of  thinking,  manners,  &c.,  which 
have  grown  up  with  them  from  their  infancy, 
are  become  a  part  of  their  nature,  and  to 
which  the  regulations  which  are  to  make 
them  happy  must  be  accommodated. — To 
WILLIAM  LEE.  vii,  56.  (M.,  1817.) 

3644.  HAPPINESS,   Mature.— The   mo 
tion  of  my  blood  no  longer  keeps  time  with 
the  tumult  of  the  world.    It  leads  me  to  seek 
for    happiness    in    the    lap    and    love    of    my 
family,   in  the  society  of  my  neighbors  and 
my  books,  in  the  wholesome  occupations  of 
my   farm   and   my  affairs,   in   an   interest   or 
affection   in  every  bud  that  opens,   in   every 
breath  that  blows  around  me,   in  an   entire 
freedom  of  rest,  of  motion,  of  thought,  ow 
ing  account  to  myself  alone  of  my  hours  and 
actions. — To     JAMES     MADISON.       iii,     578. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  291.     (June  1793.) 

3645.  HAPPINESS,    No    perfect.— Per-  , 
feet    happiness,     I    believe,    was    never    in 
tended  by  the  Deity  to  be  the  lot  of  one  of 
His  creatures  in  this  world ;   but  that  He  has 
very  much  put  in  our  power  the  nearness  of  5 
our  approaches  to  it,  is  what  I  have  stead 
fastly  believed. — To  JOHN  PAGE,    i,  187.   FORD 
ED.,  i,  349.    (1763-) 

3646.  HAPPINESS,     Peace     and.— The 
happiness  of  mankind  is  best  promoted  by  the  ? 
useful  pursuits  of  peace. — R.  TO  A.    viii,  142- 
(1808.) 


399 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Happinesg 

Harmon.} 


3647.  HAPPINESS,     Primitive.— I     am 

>  convinced  that  those  societies  (as  the  In 
dians)  which  live  without  government,  enjoy 
in  their  general  mass  an  infinitely  greater 
degree  of  happiness  than  those  who  live  under 
the  European  governments. — To  EDWARD  CAR- 
RINGTON.  ii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  360.  (P., 
1787.) 

3648.  HAPPINESS,   Public.— That  peo 
ple  will  be  happiest  whose  laws  are  best,  and 
are  best  administered. — DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWL 
EDGE  BILL.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.     (1779.) 

3649.  HAPPINESS,     Public     approba 
tion  and. — The  anxieties  you  express  to  ad 
minister  to  my  happiness,  do,  of  themselves, 
confer  that  happiness,   and  the  measure  will 
be   complete,    if   my   endeavors    to    fulfil    my 
duties  in  the  several  public  stations  to  which 
I  have  been  called,  have  obtained  for  me  the 
approbation  of  my  country. — To  THE  INHAB 
ITANTS  OF  ALBEMARLE  COUNTY,  VA.    v,  439. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  250.     (M.,  April  1809.) 

3650.  HAPPINESS,     Public     servants 
and. — To  the  sacrifice  of  time,  labor,  fortune, 
a  public  servant  must  count  upon  adding  that  of 
peace  of  mind,  and  even  reputation. — To  DR. 
JAMES  CURRIE.    iv,  132.     (P.,  1786.) 

3651.  HAPPINESS,     Purchased     by 
bloodshed. — If  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of 
mankind  can  be  secured  at  the  expense  of  a 
little  tempest*  now  and  then,  or  even  of  a 

I  little  blood  it  will  be  a  precious  purchase. — To 
EZRA  STILES,  ii,  77.  (P.,  1786.) 

3652.  HAPPINESS,  Retrospective.— My 

principal  happiness  is  now  in  the  retrospect  of 
life.— To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  399.  (P.,  1785.) 

3653.  HAPPINESS,  Bight  to.— We  hold 
these  truths  to  be  self-evident;  that  all  men  are 

f    created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  inherent!  and  inalienable  rights ; 
that  among  these,   are   life,   liberty,   and  the 
,  pursuit  of  happiness. — DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3654.  HAPPINESS,  Simple.— This  friend 
[Dabney  Carr]  of  ours,  in  a  very  small  house, 
with  a  table,  half  a  dozen  chairs,  and  one  or 
two  servants,  is  the  happiest  man  in  the  uni 
verse.      *      *      *      He   speaks,   thinks,   and 
dreams  of  nothing  but  his  young  son.     Every 
incident  in  life  he  so  takes  as  to  render  it  a 
source  of  pleasure.     With  as  much  benevo 
lence   as    the   heart   of   man    will    hold,    but 
with  an  utter  neglect  of  the  costly  apparatus 
of  life,  he  exhibits  to  the  world  a  new  phe 
nomenon  in  philosophy — the  Samian  sage  in 
the  tub  of  the   cynic.— To  JOHN    PAGE.      i, 
195.    FORD  ED.,  i,  373.    (1770.) 

3655.  HAPPINESS,  Tranquillity  and.— 
It  is  neither  wealth  nor  splendor,  but  tran 
quillity  and  occupation,  which  give  happiness. 
—To  MRS.  A.  S.  MARKS.    D.  L.  J.,  135.     (P., 
1788.) 

*  Jefferson  was  referring  to  Shays's  rebellion. — ED 
ITOR. 

t  Congress  struck  out  "  inherent  and  "  and  inserted 
44  certain  ".—EDITOR. 


3656.  HAPPINESS,  Virtue  and.— With 
out  virtue,   happiness  cannot  be. — To  AMOS 
J.  COOK,    vi,  532.     (M.,  1816.) 

3657.  HARMONY,  Affection  and.— Let 
us    restore    to    social    intercourse    that    har 
mony  and  affection  without  which  liberty  and 
even  life  itself  are  but  dreary  things. — FIRST 
INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  2.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
2.     (1801.) 

3658.  HARMONY,    Blessings    of.— The 
evanition  of  party  discussions  has  harmonized 
intercourse,    and    sweetened    society    beyond 
imagination. — To     MARQUIS    DE    LAFAYETTE. 
vii,  67.     FORD  ED.,  x,  84.     (M.,  1817.) 

3659.  HARMONY  vs.  DISSENSION.— I 

hope  *  *  *  the  good  sense  and  patriotism 
of  the  friends  of  free  government  of  every 
shade  will  spare  us  the  painful,  the  deplorable 
spectacle  of  brethren  sacrificing  to  small  pas 
sions  the  great,  the  immortal  and  immutable 
rights  of  men. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  77.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

3660.  HARMONY,    Inaugural    address 

and. — I  am  made  very  happy  by  learning  that 
the  sentiments  expressed  in  my  inaugural  ad 
dress  gave  general  satisfaction,  and  holds  out  a 
ground  on  which  our  fellow  citizens  can  once 
more  unite.  I  am  the  more  pleased,  because 
these  sentiments  have  been,  long  and  radically 
mine,  and  therefore  will  be  pursued  honestly 
and  conscientiously. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  iv,  382.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  30.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

3661.  -  — .     It   is   with   the   greatest 
satisfaction  I  learn  from  all  quarters  that  my 
inaugural  address  is  considered  as  holding  out 
a  ground  for  conciliation  and  union.     I  am 
the    more    pleased    with    this,    because    the 
opinion  therein  stated  as  to  the  real  ground  of 
difference  among  us    (to   wit:   the   measures 
rendered     most     expedient    by    the     French 
enormities),    is   that  which   I   have   long  en 
tertained. — To   GENERAL    HENRY    KNOX.      iv, 
385.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  35.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

3662.  HARMONY,    Incumbent   on   all. 
— The  times  do  certainly  render  it  incumbent 
on  all  good  citizens,  attached  to  the  rights  and 
honor  of  their  country,   to  bury  in   oblivion 
all    internal    differences,    and    rally    around 
the  standard  of  their  country  in  opposition  to 
the  outrages  of  foreign  nations.    All  attempts 
to  enfeeble  and  destroy  the  exertions  of  the 
General    Government,    in    vindication    of   our 
national    rights,    or    to    loosen    the   bands    of 
union  by  alienating  the  affections  of  the  peo 
ple,    or   opposing   the   authority   of   the   laws 
at  so  eventful  a  period,  merit  the  discounte 
nance  of  all. — To  GOVERNOR  TOMPKINS.    viii, 
153-     (1809.) 

3663.  HARMONY,     Love     of     country 
and. — My  earnest  prayers  to  all  my  friends 
[are]  to  cherish  mutual  good  will,  to  promote 
harmony  and  conciliation,  and  above  all  things 
to  let  the  love  of  our  country  soar  above  all 
minor  passions. — To  JOHN  ROLLINS,     v,  597. 
(M.,  1811.) 


Harmony 

Hartford  Convention 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


400 


3664.  HARMONY,   Measures  for.— The 

measures  we  shall  pursue,  and  propose  for 
the  amelioration  of  the  public  affairs,  will  be 
so  confessedly  salutary  as  to  unite  all  men 
not  monarchists  in  principle. — To  LEVI  LIN 
COLN,  iv,  407.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  85.  (M.,  1801.) 

3665.  HARMONY,   Monarchists  and.— 
Of  the  monarchical  federalists  I  have  no  ex 
pectations.     They  are  incurables,  to  be  taken 
care  of  in  a  mad-house,  if  necessary,  and  on 
motives  of  charity. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,     iv, 
406.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  84.     (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

3666.  HARMONY,   National.— The  mo 
ment  which  should  convince  me  that  a  healing 
of  the  nation  into  one  is  impracticable,  would 
be  the  last  moment  of  my  wishing  to  remain 
where    I    am. — To    LEVI    LINCOLN,      iv,    406. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  84.     (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

3667. .     Every  wish  of  my  heart 

will  be  completely  gratified  when  that  portion 
of  my  fellow  citizens  which  has  been  misled 
as  to  the  character  of  our  measures  and  prin 
ciples,  shall,  by  their  salutary  effects,  be  cor 
rected  in  their  opinions,  and  joining  with 
good  will  the  great  mass  of  their  fellow  citi 
zens,  consolidate  an  Union,  which  cannot  be 
too  much  cherished. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  viii, 
114.  (1802.)  See  SECOND  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS  in  Appendix. 

3668.  HARMONY,  In  New  England.— 
In  the   New   England   States  union   will  be 
slower  than  elsewhere    *    *    *.     But  we  will 
go  on  attending  with  the  utmost  solicitude 
to  their  interests,  doing  them  impartial  jus 
tice,  and  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  in  time 
do  justice  to  us. — To  HENRY  KNOX.     iv,  387. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  37.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

3669.  HARMONY,    Obstacles  to.— [The 

federalists]  now  find  themselves  with  us.  and 
separated  from  their  quondam  leaders.  If  we 
can  *  *  *  avoid  shocking  their  feelings 
by  unnecessary  acts  of  severity  against  their 
late  friends,  they  will  in  a  little  time  cement 
and  form  one  mass  with  us,  and  by  these 
means  harmony  and  union  be  restored  to 
our  country,  which  would  be  the  greatest 
good  we  could  effect.  It  was  a  conviction 
that  these  people  did  not  differ  from  us  in 
principle,  which  induced  me  to  define  the  prin 
ciples  which  I  deemed  orthodox,  and  to  urge 
a  reunion  on  those  principles ;  and  I  am  in 
duced  to  hope  it  has  conciliated  many.  I  do 
not  speak  of  the  desperadoes  of  the  quondam 
faction  in  and  out  of  Congress.  These  I 
consider  as  incurables,  on  whom  all  atten 
tions  would  be  lost,  and  therefore  will  not 
be  wasted.  But  my  wish  is  to  keep  their 
flock  from  returning  to  them. — To  WILLIAM 
B.  GILES,  iv,  381.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  26.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

3670. .  I  know  there  is  an  ob 
stacle  which  very  possibly  may  check  the  con 
fidence  which  would  otherwise  have  been  more 
generally  reposed  in  my  observance  of  these 
principles.  This  obstacle  does  not  arise  from 
the  measures  to  be  pursued,  as  to  which  I  am 
in  no  fear  of  giving  satisfaction,  but  from 


appointments  and  disappointments  as  to  of 
fice. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  iv,  382. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  30.  (W.,  March  1801.)  See 
OFFICE. 

36T1.  HARMONY,  Political  and  per 
sonal. — I  never  suffered  a  political  to  become 
a  personal  difference.  I  have  been  left  on 
this  ground  by  some  friends  whom  I  dearly 
loved,  but  I  was  never  the  first  to  separate. 
With  some  others,  of  politics  different  from 
mine,  I  have  continued  in  the  warmest  friend 
ship  to  this  day,  and  to  all,  and  to  yourself 
particularly,  I  have  ever  done  moral  justice.— 
To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING,  vii,  210.  (M 
1821.) 

3672.  .      I     feel     extraordinary 

gratification  in  addressing  this  letter  to  you, 
with  whom  shades  of  difference  in  political 
sentiment    have    not    prevented    the    inter 
change    of    good    opinion,    nor    cut    off    the 
friendly   offices   of    society   and   good   corre 
spondence.    This  political  tolerance  is  the  more 
valued  by  me,  who  considers  social  harmony 
as  the  first  of  human  felicities,  and  the  hap 
piest  moments  those  which  are  given  to  the 

effusions  of  the  heart. — To .    (1798.) 

RAYNER,  p.  545. 

3673.  HARMONY,     Principles    and.— I 

hope  to  see  shortly  a  perfect  consolidation,  to 
effect  which,  nothing  shall  be  spared  on  my 
part,  short  of  the  abandonment  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  our  Revolution. — To  JOHN  DICKIN 
SON,  iv,  366.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  7.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

3674. .     I    hope    we    shall    once 

more  see  harmony  restored  among  our  citi 
zens,  and  an  entire  oblivion  of  past  feuds. 
Some  of  the  leaders  who  have  most  committed 
themselves  cannot  come  into  this.  But  I 
hope  the  great  body  of  our  fellow  citizens  will 
do  it.  I  will  sacrifice  everything  but  prin 
ciple  to  procure  it. — To  SAMUEL  ADAMS,  iv, 
389.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  39.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

3675.  HARMONY,    Public    good.— The 

greatest  good  we  can  do  our  country  is  to 
heal  its  party  divisions,  and  make  them  one 
people. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
76.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

3676.  HARMONY,  Restoration  of.— To 

restore  that  harmony  which  our  predecessors 
so  wickedly  made  it  their  object  to  break  up, 
to  render  us  again  one  people,  acting  as  one  na 
tion,  should  be  the  object  of  every  man  really 
a  patriot.  I  am  satisfied  it  can  be  done,  and 
I  own  that  the  day  which  should  convince 
me  of  the  contrary  would  be  the  bitterest  of 
my  life. — To  THOMAS  MCKJEAN.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  78.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

3677.  HARMONY,  Sacrifices  for.— I  see 

the  necessity  of  sacrificing  our  opinions  some 
times  to  the  opinions  of  others  for  the  sake 
of  harmony. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD  ED., 
v,  194-  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3678.  HARTFORD      CONVENTION, 
American  maratists. — I  do  not  say  that  all 
who    met    at    Hartford    were    under    the    same 
motive   of   money,    nor   were   those   of   France. 


401 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Hartford  Convention 
Hastings  (Warren) 


Some  of  them  are  "  Outs "  and  wish  to  be 
"  Ins  "  ;  some  were  mere  dupes  of  the  agitators, 
or  of  their  own  party  passions,  while  the  Mara- 
tists  alone  are  in  the  real  secret ;  but  they  have 
very  different  materials  to  work  on.  The  yeo 
manry  of  the  United  States  are  not  the  canaille 
of  Paris.  We  might  safely  give  them  leave  to 
go  through  the  United  States  recruiting  their 
ranks,  and  I  am  satisfied  they  could  not  raise 
one  single  regiment  (gambling  merchants  and 
silk-stocking  clerks  excepted)  who  would  sup 
port  them  in  any  effort  to  separate  from  the 
Union.  The  cement  of  this  Union  is  in  the 
heart-blood  of  every  American.  I  do  not  be 
lieve  there  is  on  earth  a  government  established 
on  so  immovable  a  basis.  Let  them,  in  any 
State,  even  in  Massachusetts  itself,  raise  the 
standard  of  separation,  and  its  citizens  will 
rise  in  mass,  and  do  justice  themselves  on  their 
own  incendiaries. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vi., 
425.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  509.  (M.,  1815.) 

3679.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 

Anarchy  and.— -The  paradox  with  me  is  how 
any  friend  to  the  union  of  our  country  can,  in 
conscience,  contribute  a  cent  to  the  mainte 
nance  of  any  one  who  perverts  the  sanctity  of 
his  desk  to  the  open  inculcation  of  rebellion, 
civil  war,  dissolution  of  the  government,  and 
the  miseries  of  anarchy. — To  GOVERNOR  PLU- 
MER.  vi,  414.  (M.,  1815.) 

3680.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 

British  agitators.— The  troubles  in  the  East 
have  been  produced  by  English  agitators,  opera 
ting  on  the  selfish  spirit  of  commerce,  which 
knows  no  country,  and  feels  no  passion  or  prin 
ciple  but  that  of  gain. — To  LARKIN  SMITH,  v, 
441.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

3681.  HARTFORD      CONVENTION, 

Contempt  for. — If  they  could  have  induced 
the  government  to  some  effort  of  suppression, 
or  even  to  enter  into  discussion  with  them,  it 
would  have  given  them  some  importance,  have 
brought  them  into  some  notice.  But  they  have 
not  been  able  to  make  themselves  even  a  sub 
ject  of  conversation,  either  of  public  or  private 
societies.  A  silent  contempt  has  been  the  sole 
notice  they  excite ;  consoled,  indeed,  some  of 
them,  by  the  palpable  favors  of  Philip  [Eng 
land]. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vi,  426.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  509.  (M.,  1815.) 

3682.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 

Crime  of.— When  England  took  alarm  lest 
France,  become  republican,  should  recover 
energies  dangerous  to  her,  she  employed  emis 
saries  with  means  to  engage  incendiaries  and 
anarchists  in  the  disorganization  of  all  govern 
ment  here.  These,  assuming  exaggerated  zeal 
for  republican  government  and  the  rights  of 
the  people,  crowded  their  inscriptions  into  the 
Jacobin  societies,  and  overwhelming  by  their 
majorities  the  honest  and  enlightened  patriots 
of  the  original  institution,  distorted  its  objects, 
pursued  its  genuine  founders  under  the  name 
of  Brissotines  and  Girondists  unto  death,  in 
trigued  themselves  into  the  municipality  of 
Paris,  controlled  by  terrorism  the  proceedings 
of  the  legislature,  in  which  they  were  faithfully 
aided  by  their  costipendaries  there,  the  Dan- 
tons  and  Marats  of  the  Mountain,  murdered 
their  King,  septembrized  the  nation,  and  thus 
accomplished  their  stipulated  task  of  de 
molishing  liberty  and  government  with  it. 
England  now  fears  the  rising  force  of  this  re 
publican  nation,  and  by  the  same  means  is  en 
deavoring  to  effect  the  same  course  of  miseries 
and  destruction  here ;  it  is  impossible  where 
one  sees  like  courses  of  events  commence,  not 


to  ascribe  them  to  like  causes.  We  know  that 
the  government  of  England,  maintaining  itself 
by  corruption  at  home,  uses  the  same  means 
in  other  countries  of  which  she  has  any  jeal 
ousy,  by  subsidizing  agitators  and  traitors 
among  ourselves  to  distract  and  paralyze  them. 
She  sufficiently  manifests  that  she  has  no 
disposition  to  spare  ours.  We  see  in  the  pro 
ceedings  of  Massachusetts,  symptoms  which 
plainly  indicate  such  a  course,  and  we  know 
as  far  as  such  practices  can  ever  be  dragged 
into  light,  that  she  has  practiced,  and  with  suc 
cess,  on  leading  individuals  of  that  State.  Nay, 
further,  we  see  those  individuals  acting  on 
the  very  plan  which  our  information  had 
warned  us  was  settled  between  the  parties. 
These  elements  of  explanation  history  cannot 
stantly  subject  to  his  own  will.  The  crime, 
of  combining  with  the  oppressors  of  the  earth 
to  extinguish  the  last  spark  of  human  hope, 
that  here,  at  length,  will  be  preserved  a  model 
government,  securing  to  man  his  rights  and 
the  fruits  of  his  labor,  by  an  organization  con 
stantly  subject  to  his  own  will.  The  crime 
indeed,  if  accomplished,  would  immortalize  its 
perpetrators,  and  their  names  would  descend  in 
history  with  those  of  Robespierre  and  his  asso 
ciates,  as  the  guardian  genii  of  despotism,  and 
demons  of  human  liberty. — To  GOVERNOR  PLU- 
MER.  vi,  414.  (M.,  1815.) 

3683.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 

English  bribery.— But  the  British  ministers 
hoped  more  in  their  Hartford  convention  [than 
in  the  disordered  condition  of  our  finances]. 
Their  fears  of  republican  France  being  now 
done  away,  they  are  directed  to  republican 
America,  and  they  are  playing  the  same  game 
for  disorganization  here,  which  they  played  in 
your  country.  The  Marats,  the  Dantons  and 
Robespierres  of  Massachusetts  are  in  the  same 
pay,  under  the  same  orders,  and  making  the 
same  efforts  to  anarchise  us,  that  their  proto 
types  in  France  did  there. — To  MARQUIS  DE 
LAFAYETTE,  vi,  425.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  508.  (M., 
1815.) 

3684.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 
Laughing  stock.— No  event,  more  than  this, 
has  shown  the  placid  character  of  our  Consti 
tution.     Under  any  other,  their  treasons  would 
have  been  punished  by  the  halter.     We  let  them 
live    as   laughing    stocks    for    the    world,    and 
punish    them    by   the    torment    of   eternal    con 
tempt. — To  DR.  B.  WATERHOUSE.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
532.     (M.,  1815.) 

3685.  HARTFORD     CONVENTION, 

Unpopular.— I  dp  not  mean  to  say  that  all 
who  are  acting  with  these  men  are  under  the 
same  motives.  I  know  some  of  them  personally 
to  be  incapable  of  it.  Nor  was  that  the  case 
with  the  disorganizers  and  assassins  of  Paris. 
Delusions  there,  and  party  perversions  here, 
furnish  unconscious  assistants  to  the  hired 
actors  in  these  atrocious  scenes.  But  I  have 
never  entertained  one  moment's  fear  on  this 
subject.  The  people  of  this  country  enjoy  too 
much  happiness  to  risk  it  for  nothing;  and 
I  have  never  doubted  that  whenever  the  in 
cendiaries  of  Massachusetts  should  venture 
openly  to  raise  the  standard  of  separation,  its 
citizens  would  rise  in  mass  and  do  justice 
themselves  to  their  own  parricides. — To  GOV 
ERNOR  PLUMER.  vi,  415.  (M.,  1815.) 

3686.  HASTINGS  (Warren),  Trial  of.— 

I  presume  you  will  remain  at  London  to  see  the 
trial   of   Hastings.     Without   suffering  yourself 
to  be  imposed  on  by  the  pomp  in  which  it  w;11 
be   enveloped,    I    would   recommend   to   you 
consider    and   decide    for   yourself   these   qu 


Hawkins  (Benjamin) 
Henry  (Patrick) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


402 


tions.  If  his  offense  is  to  be  decided  by  the 
law  of  the  land,  why  is  he  not  tried  in  that 
court  in  which  his  fellow-citizens  are  tried,  that 
is,  the  King's  Bench?  If  he  is  cited  before  an 
other  court  that  he  may  be  judged,  not  ac 
cording  to  the  law  of  the  land,  but  by  the 
discretion  of  his  judges,  is  he  not  disfranchised 
of  his  most  precious  right,  the  benefit  of  the 
laws  of  his  country  in  common  with  his  other 
fellow-citizens?  I  think  you  will  find  on  in 
vestigating  this  subject  that  every  solid  argu 
ment  is  against  the  extraordinary  court,  and 
that  every  one  in  its  favor  is  specious  only.  It 
is  a  transfer  from  a  judicature  of  learning  and 
integrity  to  one,  the  greatness  of  which  is  both 
illiterate  and  unprincipled.  Yet  such  is  the 
force  of  prejudice  with  some,  and  of  the  want 
of  reflection  in  others,  that  many  of  our  con 
stitutions  have  copied  this  absurdity,  without 
suspecting  it  to  be  one. — To  WILLIAM  RUT- 
LEDGE,  ii,  349.  FORD  ED.,  v,  4.  (P.,  1788.) 

3687.  HAWKINS     (Benjamin),     Influ 
ence   with    Indians.— Towards   the    attain 
ment  of  our  two   objects  of  peace  and  lands, 
it  is  essential  that  our  agent  acquire  that  sort 
of   influence  over  the   Indians  which   rests   on 
confidence.     In    this    respect,    I    suppose,    that 
no  man  has  ever  obtained  more  influence  than 
Colonel    Hawkins.     Towards    the    preservation 
of  peace,  he  is  omnipotent ;   in  the  encourage 
ment   he   is   indefatigable   and   successful. — To 
GENERAL    ANDREW    JACKSON,      iv,    464.      (W., 
1803.) 

3688.  HEALTH      vs.      LEARNING.— 

Health  must  not 'be  sacrificed  to  learning.  A 
strong  body  makes  the  mind  strong. — To  PETER 
CARR.  i,  397.  (P.,  1785.) 

3689. .     Knowledge   indeed  is  a 

desirable  possession,  *  *  *  but  health  is 
more  so. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  293.  (P.,  1786.) 

3690.  -  — .     Health    is    worth    more 
than  learning. — To  JOHN   GARLAND  JEFFERSON. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  181.    (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3691.  HEALTH,  Morality  and.— Health 

is  the  first  requisite  after  morality. — To  PETER 
CARR.  ii,  241.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  433.  (P.,  1787.) 

3692.  HEALTH,  TJnhappiness  without. 

— Without  health  there  is  no  happiness.  An 
attention  to  health,  then,  should  take  place  of 
every  other  object.  The  time  necessary  to 
secure  this  by  active  exercises,  should  be  de 
voted  to  it  in  preference  to  every  other  pur 
suit.  I  know  the  difficulty  with  which  a  stu 
dious  man  tears  himself  from  his  studies,  at 
any  given  moment  of  the  day ;  but  his  happi 
ness,  and  that  of  his  family  depend  on  it.  The 
most  uninformed  mind,  with  a  healthy  body, 
is  happier  than  the  wisest  valetudinarian. — 
To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR.  ii,  177.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  406.  (P.,  1787-) 

3693.  HEAVEN,  Blessings  of. — Retiring 
from  the  charge  of  their  affairs,  I  carry  with 
me   the   consolation   of   a   firm   persuasion   that 
Heaven  has  in   store   for   our  beloved  country 
long  ages  to  come  of  prosperity  and  happiness. 
— EIGHTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  in.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  225.     (Nov.  1808.) 

3694.  HENRY   (Patrick),  Ambitious.— 

Your  character  of  Patrick  Henry  is  precisely 
agreeable  to  the  idea  I  had  formed  of  him.  I 
take  him  to  be  of  unmeasured  ambition. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  35.  (P., 
1785.) 


3695.  HENRY     (Patrick),     Apostate.— 

His  apostasy  must  be  unaccountable  to  those 
who  do  not  know  all  the  recesses  of  his  heart. — 
To  ARCHIBALD  STUART.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  378. 
(M.,  May  1799.) 

3696.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Avaricious.— 

Mr.  Henry's  ravenous  avarice  was  the  only  pas 
sion  paramount  to  his  love  of  popularity. — To 
WILLIAM     WIRT.      FORD    ED.,     ix,     339.      (M 
1812.) 

3697.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Brilliant  but 
illogical.— In  ordinary  business  [in  the  House 
of  Burgesses]    he  was  a  very  inefficient  mem 
ber.     He   could   not   draw    a   bill   on   the   most 
simple  subject  which  would  bear  legal  criticism, 
or  even  the  ordinary  criticism  which  looks  to 
correctness  of  style  and  ideas,  for  indeed  there 
was    no    accuracy    of    idea    in    his    head.     His 
imagination  was  copious,  poetical,  sublime,  but 
vague   also.     He   said   the    strongest   things    in 
the  finest  language,  but  without  logic,  without 
arrangement,   desultorily. — To   WILLIAM    WIRT. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  341.     (M.,  1812.) 

3698.  HENRY     (Patrick),     Declined 
office. — The  office  of  Secretary  of  State  was 
offered  to   P.   H.    [Patrick  Henry]    in  order  to 
draw  him  over,  and  gain  some  popularity ;  but 
not   till   there   was   a   moral   certainty   that   he 
would  not  accept  it. — To  JAMES  MONROE.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  59.     (M.,  March  1796.) 

3699. .     Most  assiduous  court  is 

paid  to  Patrick  Henry.  He  has  been  offered 
everything  which  they  knew  he  would  not  ac 
cept.  Some  impression  is  thought  to  be  made, 
but  we  do  not  believe  it  is  radical.  If  they 
thought  they  could  count  upon  him,  they  would 
run  him  for  their  Vice- President ;  their  first 
object  being  to  produce  a  schism  in  this  State. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  148.  FORD  ED  vii 
89.  (M.,  July  1796.) 

3700.  HENRY    (Patrick),    Early   man 
hood.— -You  ask  some  account  of  Mr.  Henry's 
mind,    information    and    manners    in    1759-60, 
when  I  first  became  acquainted  with  him.     We 
met  at  Nathan   Dandridges,  in  Hanover,  about 
the  Christmas  of  that  winter,  and  passed  per 
haps  a  fortnight  together  at  the  revelries  of  the 
neighborhood   and    season.      His    manners    had 
something  of  the  coarseness  of  the  society  he 
had  frequented  ;  his  passion  was  fiddling,  danc 
ing   and    pleasantry.     He    excelled    in    the   last 
and    it    attached    every    one   to    him.     The    oc 
casion  perhaps,  as  much  as  his  idle  disposition, 
prevented    his    engaging    in    any    conversation 
which    might    give    the    measure    either    of    his 
mind    or    information.     Opportunity    was    not 
wanting,  because  Mr.  John  Campbell  was  there, 
who    had   married    Mrs.    Spotswood,    the   sister 
of    Colonel    Dandridge.     He    was    a    man    of 
science,  and  often  introduced  conversations  on 
scientific  subjects.     Mr.  Henry  had  a  little  be 
fore  broke  up  his  store,  or  rather  it  had  broken 
him  up,  and  within  three  months  after  he  came 
to  Williamsburg  for  his  license,  and  told  me,  I 
think,    he    had    read    law    not    more    than    six 
weeks. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.    vi,  487.    FORD  ED. 
ix,  475.     (M.,  1815.) 

3701.  HENRY   (Patrick),   Eloquence.— 

When  the  famous  resolutions  of  1765,  against 
the  Stamp  Act,  were  proposed,  I  was  yet  a 
student  of  law  in  Williamsburg.  I  attended  the 
debate,  however,  at  the  door  of  the  lobby  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses  and  heard  the  splendid 
display  of  Mr.  Henry's  talents  as  a  popular 
orator.  They  were  great,  indeed;  such  as  I 


403 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Henry  (Patrick) 


have  never  heard  from  any  other  man.  He  ap 
peared  to  me  to  speak  as  Homer  wrote.* — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  4.  FORD  ED.,  i,  6.  (1821.) 

3702. .  Another  of  the  great  oc 
casions  on  which  he  exhibited  examples  of  elo 
quence  such  as  probably  had  never  been  ex 
ceeded,  was  on  the  question  of  adopting  the 
new  Constitution  in  1788.  To  this  he  was 
most  violently  opposed.  To  WILLIAM  WIRT. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  344.  (M.,  1811?) 

3703.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Foe  of  Consti 
tution. — Henry  is  the  avowed  foe  of  the  new 
Constitution.     He  stands  higher  in  public  esti 
mation   [in  Virginia]   than  he  ever  did,  yet  he 
was   so   often    in   the   minority    in   the   present 
assembly  that  he  has  quitted  it,  never  more  to 
return,  unless  an  opportunity  offers  to  overturn 
the    new    Constitution. — To    WILLIAM     SHORT. 
FORD  ED.,  v,   136.     (Dec.   1789.) 

3704.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Force  of  ora 
tory. — Mr.   Henry's  first  remarkable  exhibi 
tion   [in  the  House  of  Burgesses]   was  on  the 
motion   for  the   establishment   of   an   office   for 
lending  money  on  mortgages  of  real  property. 
*     *     *     I  can  never  forget  a  particular  excla 
mation  of  his  in  the  debate  in  which  he  electri 
fied  his  hearers.     It  had  been  urged  that  from 
certain   unhappy   circumstances   of  the   Colony, 
men    of    substantial    property    had    contracted 
debts,    which,    if    exacted    suddenly,    must    ruin 
them   and  their  families,  but,   with  a  little  in 
dulgence    of    time,    might    be    paid    with    ease. 
"  What,  Sir !  "  exclaimed  Mr.  Henry  in  animad 
verting   on    this,    "  is    it   proposed   then    to   re 
claim  the  spendthrift  from  his  dissipation  and 
extravagance,     by     filling     his     pockets     with 
money?  '  *  *  *   He    laid    open    with    so    much 
energy   the   spirit   of   favoritism   on   which   the 
proposition    was    founded,    and    the    abuses    to 
which    it   would    lead,    that   it   was   crushed    in 
its  birth. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.     vi,  364.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  466.     (M.,  1814.) 

3705.  HENRY     (Patrick),     Gerryman 
dering. — Mr.    Henry   is   omnipotent   in   Vir 
ginia.     Mr.  Madison  was  left  out  as  a  Senator 
by    eight    or    nine    votes ;    and    Henry    has    so 
modelled  the  districts  for  Representatives,  as  to 
tack    Orange    to    counties    where    himself    has 
great  influence,  that  Madison  may  not  be  elect 
ed   into   the   lower   Federal    House,   which   was 
the  place  he  had  wished  to  serve  in.  and  not  the 
Senate. — To    WILLIAM    SHORT,      ii,    574.  FORD 
ED.,  v,   70.      (P.,    1789.) 

3706.  HENRY   (Patrick),  Influence.— I 

have  understood  that  Mr.  Henry  has  always 
been  opposed  [to  a  new  constitution  for  Vir 
ginia]  :  and  I  confess  that  I  consider  his  talents 
and  influence  such  as  that,  were  it  decided  that 
we  should  call  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of 
amending,  I  should  fear  he  might  induce  that 
convention  either  to  fix  the  thing  as  at  present, 
or  change  it  for  the  worse.  Would  it  not. 
therefore,  be  well  that  means  should  be  adopted 
for  coming  at  his  ideas  of  the  changes  he  would 
agree  to,  and  for  communicating  to  him  those 
which  we  should  propose?  Perhaps  he  might 
find  ours  not  so  distant  from  his,  but  that  some 
mutual  sacrifices  might  bring  them  together. — 
To  ARCHIBALD  STUART,  iii,  314.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
408.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

*  Tetferson  !n  speaking  of  Patrick  Henry  to  Daniel 
Webster  (FORD  ED.,  x,  327)  said  :  u  He  was  far  before 
all  in  maintaining  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution.  His 
influence  was  most  extensive  with  the  members  from 
the  upper  counties,  and  his  boldness  and  their  votes 
overawed  and  controlled  the  more  cool  or  the  more 
timid  aristocratic  gentlemen  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
State."— EDITOR. 


3707.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Innate  love  of 
liberty. — No    man    ever    more    undervalued 
chartered  titles  than  himself.    He  drew  all  nat 
ural  rights  from  a  purer  source — the  feelings  of 
his  own  breast. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.    FORD  ED.. 
x,  60.     (M.,   1816.) 

3708.  HENRY     (Patrick),     Intrigue.— 

Our  Legislature  is  filled  with  too  great  a  mass 
of  talents  and  principle  to  be  now  swayed  by 
Mr.  Henry.  He  will  experience  mortifications 
to  which  he  has  been  hitherto  a  stranger.  Still, 
I  fear  something  from  his  intriguing  and 
cajoling  talents,  for  which  he  is  still  more  re 
markable  than  for  his  eloquence.  As  to  the 
effect  of  his  name  among  the  people,  I  have 
found  it  crumble  like  a  dried  leaf,  the  moment 
they  become  satisfied  of  his  apostasy. — To 
TENCH  COXE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  381.  (M.,  May 
I799-) 

3709.  HENRY   (Patrick),   Literary  in 
dolence. — He  was  the  laziest  man  in  reading 
I  ever  knew. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  8.     FORD  ED., 
i,  13.     (1821.) 

3710.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Mysterious.— 

Henry,  as  usual,  is  involved  in  mystery.  Should 
the  popular  tide  run  strongly  in  either  direction 
he  will  fall  in  with  it.  Should  it  not,  he  will 
have  a  struggle  between  his  enmity  to  the 
Lees,  and  his  enmity  to  everything  which  may 
give  influence  to  Congress. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  318.  (T.,  May  1783.) 

3711.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Philips  case. 
— The  censure  of  Mr.  E.   Randolph  on  Mr. 
Henry    in    the    case    of    Philips,    was    without 
foundation.     I  remember  the  case,  and  took  my 
part   in   it.      Philips   was   a   mere   robber,   who 
availing  himself   of  the  troubles  of  the  times., 
collected    a    banditti,    retired    to    the    Dismal 
Swamp,    and    from   thence   sallied    forth,    plun 
dering  and  maltreating  the  neighboring  inhab 
itants,  and  covering  himself,  without  authority, 
under    the    name    of    a    British    subject.      Mr. 
Henry,  then  Governor,  communicated  the  case 
to  me.     We  both  thought  the  best  proceeding 
would  be  by  bill  of  attainder,  unless  he  delivered 
himself  up  for  trial  within  a  given  time.     Phil 
ips   was   afterwards  taken ;    and   Mr.    Randolph 
being  Attorney   General,   and   apprehending   he 
would    plead    that    he    was    a    British    subject, 
taken   in   arms,   in   support   of  his   lawful   sov 
ereign,  and  as  a  prisoner  of  war  entitled  to  the 
protection    of   the   law    of   nations,    he   thought 
the  safest  proceeding  would  be  to  indict  him  at 
common   law   as  a   felon   and   robber.     Against 
this    I    believe    Philips    urged    the    same    plea ; 
he  was  overruled  and  found  guilty. — To  WILL 
IAM  WIRT.     vi,  369.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  470.     (M., 
1814.) 

3712.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Political  alert 
ness. — The  people  of  Virginia  are  beginning 
to  call  for  a  new  constitution  for  their   State. 
This    symptom    of    their    wishes    will    probably 
bring  over  Mr.   Henry  to  the  proposition.     He 
has  been  the  great  obstacle  to  it  hitherto ;  but 
you  know  he  is  always  alive  to  catch  the  first 
sensation   of  the  popular   breeze,   that  he   may 
take  the  lead  of  that  which  in  truth  leads  him. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  122.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

3713.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Political  fall.— 
[Alexander]    Hamilton  *  *  *  became   his   idol, 
and,    abandoning    the    republican    advocates    of 
the    Constitution,    the    Federal    Government   on 
federal  principles  became  his  political  creed.  * 
*  *  His  apostasy   sunk   him  to   nothing  in  the 
estimation  of  his  country.     He  lost  at  once  all 


Henry  (Patrick) 
History 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


404 


that  influence  which  federalism  had  hoped,  by 
cajoling  him,  to  transfer  with  him  to  itself, 
and  a  man  who  through  a  long  and  active  life 
had  been  the  idol  of  his  country  beyond  any  one 
that  ever  lived,  descended  to  the  grave  with 
less  than  its  indifference,  and  verified  the 
saying  of  the  philosopher,  that  no  man  must  be 
called  happy  till  he  is  dead.  —  To  WILLIAM 
WIRT.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  344.  (M.,  1811?) 

3714.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Speculator.— 

The  States  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  are 
peculiarly  dissatisfied  with  the  assumption  of 
the  State  debts  by  the  General  Government. 
I  believe,  however,  that  it  is  harped  on  by  many 
to  mask  their  disaffection  to  the  Govern 
ment  on  other  grounds.  Its  great  foe  in  Vir 
ginia  is  an  implacable  one.  He  avows  it  himself, 
but  does  not  avow  all  his  motives  for  it.  The 
measures  and  tone  of  the  Government  threaten 
abortion  to  some  of  his  speculations  ;  most  par 
ticularly  to  that  of  the  Yazoo  territory.  But 
it  is  too  well  nerved  to  be  overawed  by  individ 
ual  opposition.  —  To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii, 
198.  FORD  ED.,  v,  250.  (Pa.,  1790.) 

3715.  HENRY  (Patrick),  Virginia  Con 
stitution.  —  While    Mr.    Henry   lives   another 
bad  constitution  would  be  formed  and  forever 
on  us.  —  To  JAMES  MADISON.    FORD  ED.,  iv,   16. 
(P.,    Dec.    1784.) 

—  HEREDITARY     OFFICERS.—  See 

GOVERNMENT. 

3716.  HERESY,    False   religion   and.— 

Heresy  and  false  religion  are  withheld  from 
the  cognizance  of  Federal  tribunals.  —  KEN 
TUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  466.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
295-  (1798.) 

3717.  HERESY,      Political.—  Establish 

Principles    and    examples    which      *      *      * 
shall]     fence    us    against    future    heresies, 
preached  now,  to  be  practiced  hereafter.  —  To 
COLONEL  INNES.     iii,  224.     FORD  ED.,  v,  300. 


3718.  HERSCHEL  (Sir  William),  The 
ories  of.  —  Herschel's  volcano  in  the  moon  you 
have  doubtless  heard  of,  and  placed  among  the 
other  vagaries  of  a  head,  which  seems  not  or 
ganized  for  sound  induction.     The  wildness  of 
the  theories  hitherto  proposed  by  him,  on  his 
own  discoveries,  seems  to  authorize  us  to  con 
sider  his  merit  as  that  of  a  good  optician  only. 
—  To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  429.     (P.,  1788.) 

3719.  HESSIANS,     Employment     of.  — 

His  Britannic  Majesty,  in  order  to  destroy  our 
freedom  and  happiness,  *  *  *  commenced 
against  us  a  cruel  and  unprovoked  war,  and 
unable  to  engage  Britons  sufficient  to  execute 
his  sanguinary  measures,  *  *  *  applied  for  aid 
to  foreign  princes  who  were  in  the  habit  of 
selling,  the  blood  of  their  people  for  money, 
and  from  them  *  *  *  procured  and  transported 
hither,  a  considerable  number  of  foreigners.  — 
PROCLAMATION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  445.  (1781.)  See 
ARMY  (DESERTERS),  and  IMMIGRATION. 

3720.  HISTORY,  Ancient  vs.  Modern.  — 

I  feel  a  much  greater  interest  in  knowing  what 
passed  two  or  three  thousand  years  ago  than  in 
what  is  passing  now.  I  read  nothing,  there 
fore,  but  of  the  heroes  of  Troy,  of  the  wars  of 
Lacedaemon  and  Athens,  of  Pompey  and  Caesar, 
and  of  Augustus,  too,  the  Bonaparte  and  par 
ricide  scoundrel  of  that  day.  —  To  NATHANIEL 
MACON.  vii,  in.  FORD  ED.,  x,  120.  (M.,  1819.) 


3721. .  I  am  happier  while  read 
ing  the  history  of  ancient  than  of  modern  times. 
The  total  banishment  of  all  moral  principle 
from  the  code  which  governs  the  intercourse 
of  nations,  the  melancholy  reflection  that  after 
the  mean,  wicked  and  cowardly  cunning  of  the 
cabinets  of  the  age  of  Machiavelli  had  given 
place  to  the  integrity  and  good  faith  which 
dignified  the  succeeding  one  of  a  Chatham 
and  Turgot,  that  this  is  to  be  swept  away  again 
by  the  daring  profligacy  and  avowed  destitution 
of  all  moral  principle  of  a  Cartouche  and  a 
Blackbeard,  sicken  my  soul  unto  death.  I 
turn  from  the  contemplation  with  loathing,  and 
take  refuge  in  the  histories  of  other  times, 
where,  if  they  also  furnished  their  Tarquins, 
their  Catalines  and  Caligulas,  their  stories  are 
handed  to  us  under  the  brand  of  a  Livy,  a  Sal- 
lust  and  a.  Tacitus.,  and  we  are  comforted  with 
the  reflection  that  the  condemnation  of  all  suc 
ceeding  generations  has  confirmed  the  sentence 
of  the  historian,  and  consigned  their  memories 
to  everlasting  infamy,  a  solace  we  cannot  have 
with  the  Georges  and  Napoleons  but  by  antici 
pation. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  109.  (M., 
April  1813.) 

3722.  HISTORY,   Authors  and   compi 
lers. — In  all  cases,  I  prefer  original  authors  to 
compilers.      For    a    course    of    ancient    history, 
therefore    [in   the   University   of   Virginia],    of 
Greece   and   Rome   especially,    I    should   advise 
the    usual     suite     of     Herodotus,     Thucydides, 
Xenophon,    Diodorus,    Livy,    Caesar,    Suetonius, 
Tacitus  and  Dion,  in  their  originals  if  under 
stood,  and  in  translations,  if  not.     For  its  con 
tinuation   to   the  final   destruction   of  the   Em 
pire  we  must  then  be  content  with   Gibbon,   a 
compiler,   and  with   Segur,   for  a  judicious  re 
capitulation   of  the  whole.     After  this  general 
course,   there   are   a  number  of  particular  his 
tories  filling  up  the  chasms,  which  may  be  read 
at    leisure    in    the    progress    of    life.      Such    is 
Arrian,  Q.  Curtius,  Polybius,  Sallust,  Plutarch, 
Dionysius,     Halicarnassus,      Micasi,     &c.     The 
ancient    Universal    History    should    be    on    our 
shelves    as    a    book    of    general    reference,    the 
most   learned    and   most    faithful   perhaps    that 
ever  was  written.     Its  style  is  very  plain  but 

perspicuous. — To    .      vii,    411.     (M., 

1825.) 

3723.  HISTORY,  Bad  government  and. 

—History,  in  general,  only  informs  us  what 
bad  government  is. — To  JOHN  NARVELL.  v,  91. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  72.  (W.,  1807.) 

3724.  HISTORY,  Genuine.— A  morsel  of 
genuine  history  is  a  thing  so  rare  as  to  be  al 
ways    valuable. — To    JOHN     ADAMS.       vii,     82. 
(P.F.,  1817.) 

3725.  HISTORY,  False.— Man  is  fed  with 
fables  through   life,   leaves   it  in  the  belief  he 
knows    something    of    what   has    been    passing, 
when  in  truth  he  has  known  nothing  but  what 
has   passed   under   his   own    eye. — To    THOMAS 
COOPER.     FORD  ED.,  x,  286.     (M.,  1823.) 

3726.  HISTORY,     Lawyers    and.— His- 
tory,  especially,  is  necessary  to  form  a  lawyer. 
— To  JOHN  GARLAND  JEFFERSON.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
180.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3727.  HISTORY,  Neglected  Material.— 
It  is  truly   unfortunate  that  those   engaged   in 
public  affairs  so  rarely  make  notes  of  transac 
tions   passing  within   their   knowledge.      Hence 
history    becomes    fable    instead    of    fact.      The 
great   outlines   may  be  true,   but  the   incidents 
and  coloring  are  according  to  the  faith  or  fancy 
of  the  writer.     Had  Judge  Marshall  taken  half 
your  pains  in  sifting  and  scrutinizing  facts,  he 


405 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


History 


would  not  have  given  to  the  world,  as  true  his 
tory  a  false  copy  of  a  record  under  his  eye. 
Burke  again  has  copied  him,  and  being  a  sec 
ond  writer,  doubles  the  credit  of  the  copy. 
When  writers  are  so  indifferent  as  to  the  cor 
rectness  of  facts,  the  verification  of  which  lies 
at  their  elbow,  by  what  measure  shall  we  esti 
mate  their  relation  of  things  distant,  or  of 
those  given  to  us  through  the  obliquities  of 
their  own  vision  ?  Our  records  it  is  true  in 
the  case  under  contemplation,  were  destroyed 
by  the  malice  and  Vandalism  of  the  British 
military,  perhaps  of  their  government,  under 
whose  orders  they  committed  so  much  useless 
mischief.  But  printed  copies  remained,  as 
your  examination  has  proved.  Those  which 
were  apocryphal,  then,  ought  not  to  have  been 
hazarded  without  examination. — To  WILLIAM 
WIRT.  vi,  370.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  471.  (M.,  1814.) 

3728.  HISTORY,   Panegyric  and.— You 

have  certainly  practiced  vigorously  [in  the  Life 
of  Patrick  Henry]  the  precept  of  "  de  mortins 
nil  nisi  bonum."  This  presents  a  very  diffi 
cult  question, — whether  one  only  or  both  sides 
of  the  medal  shall  be  presented.  It  constitutes, 
perhaps,  the  distinction  between  panegyric  and 
history. — To  WILLIAM  WIRT.  FORD  ED.,  x,  61. 
(P.  F.,  1816.) 

3729.  HISTORY,  Peace  and.— Wars  and 
contentions,    indeed,    fill   the    pages    of   history 
with   more   matter.      But  more   blessed   is   that 
nation   whose    silent   course   of   happiness    fur 
nishes  nothing  for  history  to  say. — To   COUNT 
DIODATI.     v,  62.     (W.,  1807.) 

3730.  HISTORY,  Private  letters  and.— 
History  may  distort  truth,  and  will  distort  it  for 
a  time,  by  the  superior  efforts  at  justification 
of  those  who  are  conscious  of  needing  it  most. 
The  opening  scenes  of  our  present  government 
will  not  be  seen  in  their  true  aspect  until  the 
letters  of  the  day,  now  held  in  private  hoards, 
shall    be    broken    up    and    laid    open    to    public 
view. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,     vii,  292.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  228.     (M.,  1823.) 

3731. .     Although    I    decline   all 

newspaper  controversy,  yet  when  falsehoods 
have  been  advanced,  within  the  knowledge  of 
no  one  so  much  as  myself,  I  have  sometimes 
deposited  a  contradiction  in  the  hands  of  a 
friend,  which,  if  worth  preservation,  may,  when 
I  am  no  more,  nor  those  whom  I  might  offend, 
throw  light  on  history,  and  recall  that  into  the 
path  of  truth. — To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  vii, 
372.  FORD  ED.,  x,  315.  (M.,  1824.) 

3732.  HISTORY,  Records  of.— Time  and 
accident    are    committing    daily    havoc    on    the 
originals   of   the   valuable   historical    and    State 
papers    deposited    in    our    public    offices.      The 
late  war  has  done  the  work  of  centuries  in  this 
business.     The  last  cannot  be  recovered,  but  let 
us  save  what  remains ;  not  by  vaults  and  locks 
which  fence  them  from  the  public  eye  and  use 
in  consigning  them  to  the  waste  of  time,  but 
by    such    a    multiplication    of    copies,    as    shall 
place  them  beyond  the  reach  of  accident. — To 
MR.  HAZARD,   iii,  211.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

3733.  HISTORY,     Truthful.— We     who 

are  retired  from  the  business  of  the  world, 
are  glad  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  truth,  here  and 
there  as  we  can,  to  guide  our  path  through 
the  boundless  field  of  fable  in  which  we  are 
bewildered  by  public  prints,  and  even  by  those 
calling  themselves  histories.  A  word  of  truth 
to  us  is  like  the  drop  of  water  supplicated 
from  the  tip  of  Lazarus's  finger.  It  is  as  an 
observation  of  latitude  and  longitude  to  the 


mariner  Jong  enveloped  in  clouds,  for  correcting 
the  ship's  way. — To  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  vii, 
87.  (M.,  1817.) 

3734. .     True   history,    in   which 

all  will  be  believed,  is  preferable  to  unqualified 
panegyric,  in  which  nothing  is  believed. — To 
JOSEPH  DELAPLAINE.  vii.  21.  FORD  ED.  x,  56". 
(M.,  1816.) 

3735.  HISTORY,    Value   of.— The   most 
effectual  means  of  preventing  the  perversion  of 
power  into  tyranny  are  to  illuminate,  as  far  as 
practicable,   the   minds  of  the  people  at  large, 
and  more  especially  to  give  them  knowledge  of 
those    facts,   which    history   exhibits,    that   pos 
sessed  thereby  of  the  experience  of  other  ages 
and  countries,  they  may  be  enabled  to  know  am 
bition  under  all  its  shapes,  and  prompt  to  ex 
ert  their  natural  powers  to  defeat  its  purposes. 
— DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  BILL.     FORD  ED., 
ii,  221.     (1779.) 

3736. .     History,     by    apprising 

the    people    of   the    past,    will    enable    them    to 
judge  of  the  future;   it  will  avail  them  of  the 
experience   of  other  times   and   other   nations ; 
it  will   qualify   them   as  judges   of  the   actions 
and    designs    of   men;    it   will    enable    them   to 
know    ambition    under    every    disguise    it    may 
assume;  and  knowing  it,  to  defeat  its  views. — 
NOTES  ON   VIRGINIA,    viii,   390.     FORD  ED.,  iii, 
254.     (1782.) 

3737.  HISTORY,    Writing.— You    say   I 
must   go   to   -writing  history.      While   in.  public 
life  I  had  not  time.,  and  now  that  I  am  retired, 
I  am  past  the  time.     To  write  history  requires 
a  whole  life  of  observation,  of  inquiry,  of  labor 
and    correction.      Its    materials    are    not   to    be 
found  among  the  ruins  of  a  decayed  memory. 
—To  J.  B.  STUART,     vii,  65.  (M.,  1817.) 

3738.  HISTORY     (American),     Collect 
ing. — While  I   was  in   Europe,   I   purchased 
everything  I  could  lay  my  hands  on  which  re 
lated  to  any  part  of  America,  and  particularly 
had    a    pretty    full    collection    of    the    English, 
French,  and  Spanish  authors  on  the  subject  of 
Louisiana. — To     WILLIAM     DUNBAR.     iv,     «no. 
(W.,  1804.) 

3739.  HISTORY     (American),     Criti 
cisms  on. — It  is  impossible  to  read  thoroughly 
such    writings    as    those    of    Harper    and    Otis, 
who   take   a   page   to   say   what   requires   but   a 
sentence,  or  rather,  who  give  you  whole  pages 
of  what  is  nothing  to  the  purpose.     A  cursory 
race  over  the  ground  is  as  much  as  they  can 
claim.      It    is    easy    for   them,    at   this    day,    to 
endeavour  to  whitewash  their  party,  when  the 
greater  part  are  dead  of  those  who  witnessed 
what  passed,    others   old   and   become   indiffer 
ent   to    the    subject,    and    others    indisposed    to 
take  the  trouble  of  answering  them.    As  to  Otis, 
his  attempt  is  to  prove  that  the  sun  does  not 
shine  at  midday ;  that  that  is  not  a  fact  which 
every  one  saw.    He  merits  no  notice.     It  is  well 
known    that    Harper    had    little    scruple    about 
facts    where    detection    was    not    obvious.      By 
placing  in  false  lights  whatever  admits  it,  and 
passing  over  in  silence  what  does  not,  a  plaus 
ible  aspect  may  be  presented  of  anything. — To 
WILLIAM    SHORT,     vii,   389.     FORD  ED.,  x,    328. 
(M.,   1825.) 

3740.  HISTORY  (American),  Inaccura 
cies. — Botta     *     *     *     has  put  his  own  spec 
ulations    and    reasonings    into    the    mouths    of 
persons  whom   he   names,   but  who,   you  and   I 
know,   never  made   such   speeches.     In   this   he 
has  followed  the  example  of  the  ancients,  who 


History 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


406 


made  their  great  men  deliver  long  speeches,  all 
of  them  in  the  same  style,  and  in  that  of  the  au 
thor  himself.  The  work  is  nevertheless  a  good 
one,  more  judicious,  more  chaste,  more  classical, 
and  more  true  than  the  party  diatribe  of 
Marshall.  Its  greatest  fault  is  in  having  taken 
too  much  from  him.  To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  489. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  527.  (M.,  1815.) 

3741.  HISTORY   (American),   Naval.— 

Why  omit  all  mention  of  the  scandalous  cam 
paigns  of  Commodore  Morris?  A  two  years' 
command  of  an  effective  squadron,  with  discre 
tionary  instructions,  wasted  in  sailing  from  port 
to  port  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  a  single  half 
day  before  the  port  of  the  enemy  against  which 
he  was  sent.  All  this  can  be  seen  in  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  court  on  which  he  was  dis 
missed ;  and  it  is  due  to  the  honorable  truths 
with  which  the  book  abounds,  to  publish  those 
which  are  not  so. — To  MATTHEW  CARR.  vi,  132. 
(M.,  1813.) 

3742.  HISTORY  (American),  Preserva 
tion  of. — It  is  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen 
to  use  all  the  opportunities  which  occur  to  him, 
for  preserving  documents  relating  to  the  history 
of    our    country. — To    HUGH    P.    TAYLOR,     vii, 
313.     (M.,   1823-) 

3743.  HISTORY    (American),    Revolu 
tionary. — On  the  subject  of  the  history  of  the 
American  Revolution,  you  ask  who  shall  write 
it?     Who  can  write  it?     And  who  will  ever  be 
able  to  write  it  ?    Nobody ;  except  merely  its  ex 
ternal  facts ;    all  its  councils,  designs,  and  dis 
cussions    having  .  been    conducted    by    Congress 
with   closed   doors,    and   with   no   members,    as 
far    as    I    know,    having    even    made    notes    of 
them.     These,   which  are  the  life  and  soul   of 
history,   must   forever  be  unknown. — To   JOHN 
ADAMS,     vii,    489.     FORD    ED.,    ix,    527.     (M., 
1815.) 

3744. .  I  am  now  reading  Botta's 

History  of  our  own  Revolution.  Bating  the 
ancient  practice  which  he  has  adopted  of  put 
ting  speeches  into  mouths  which  never  made 
them,  and  fancying  motives  of  action  which  we 
never  felt,  he  has  given  that  history  with  more 
detail,  precision  and  candor,  than  any  writer  I 
have  yet  met  with.  It  is,  to  be  sure,  compiled 
from  those  writers  ;  but  it  is  a  good  secretion  of 
their  matter,  the  pure  from  the  impure,  and 
presented  in  a  just  sense  of  right  in  opposition 
to  usurpation. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  63.  (M., 
1817.) 

3745.  HISTORY  (English),  Distorted.— 
Hume's  [History],  were  it  faithful,  would  be 
the  finest  piece  of  history  which  has  ever  been 
written  by  man.  Its  unfortunate  bias  may  be 
partly  ascribed  to  the  accident  of  his  having 
written  it  backwards.  His  maiden  work  was 
the  History  of  the  Stuarts.  It  was  a  first  essay 
to  try  his  strength  before  the  public.  And 
whether  as  a  Scotchman  he  had  really  a  par 
tiality  for  that  family,  or  thought  that  the  lower 
their  degradation,  the  more  fame  he  should  ac 
quire  by  raising  them  up  to  some  favor,  the 
object  of  his  work  was  an  apology  for  them. 
He  spared  nothing,  therefore,  to  wash  them 
white,  and  to  palliate  their  misgovernment. 
For  this  purpose  he  suppressed  truths,  ad 
vanced  falsehoods,  forged  authorities  and  falsi 
fied  records.  All  this  is  proved  on  him  un 
answerably  by  Brodie.  But  so  bewitching  was 
his  style  and  manner,  that  his  readers  were  un 
willing  to  doubt  anything,  swallowed  everything,, 
and  all  England  became  tories  by  the  magic 
of  his  art.  His  pen  revolutionized  the  public 
sentiment  of  that  country  more  completely  than 


the  standing  armies  could  ever  have  done,  which 
were  so  much  dreaded  and  deprecated  by  the 
patriots  of  that  day.  Having  succeeded  so  emi 
nently  in  the  acquisition  of  fortune  and  fame 
by  this  work,  he  undertook  the  history  of  the 
two  preceding  dynasties,  the  Plantagenets  and 
Tudors.  It  was  all  important  in  this  second 
work,  to  maintain  the  thesis  of  the  first,  that 
"  it  was  the  people  who  encroached  on  the  sov 
ereign,  not  the  sovereign  who  usurped  on  the 
rights  of  the  people  ".  And,  again,  chapter  5 3d, 
"  the  grievances  under  which  the  English  la 
bored  [to  wit:  whipping,  pillorying,  cropping, 
imprisoning,  fining,  &c.],  when  considered  in 
themselves,  without  regard  to  the  constitution, 
scarcely  deserve  the  name,  nor  were  they  either 
burthensome  on  the  people's  properties,  or  any 
wise  shocking  to  the  natural  humanity  of  man 
kind  ".  During  the  constant  wars,  civil  and 
foreign,  which  prevailed  while  those  two  fam 
ilies  occupied  the  throne,  it  was  not  difficult  to 
find  abundant  instances  of  practices  the  most 
despotic,  as  are  wont  to  occur  in  times  of  vio 
lence.  To  make  this  second  epoch  support  the 
third,  therefore,  required  but  a  little  garbling  of 
authorities.  And  it  then  remained,  by  a  third 
work,  to  make  of  the  whole  a  complete  history 
of  England  on  the  principles  on  which  he  had 
advocated  that  of  the  Stuarts.  This  would 
comprehend  the  Saxon  and  Norman  Conquests, 
the  former  exhibiting  the  genuine  form  and 
political  principles  of  the  people  constituting 
the  nation,  and  founded  in  the  rights  of  man  ; 
the  latter  built  on  conquest  and  physical  force, 
not  at  all  affecting  moral  rights,  nor  even  as 
sented  to  by  the  free  will  of  the  vanquished. 
The  battle  of  Hastings,  indeed,  was  lost,  but 
the  natural  rights  of  the  nation  were  not  staked 
on  the  event  of  a  single  battle.  Their  will 
to  recover  the  Saxon  constitution  continued 
unabated,  and  was  at  the  bottom  of  all  the 
unsuccessful  insurrections  which  succeeded  in 
subsequent  times.  The  victors  and  vanquished 
continued  in  a  state  of  living  hostility,  and 
the  nation  may  still  say,  after  losing  the  battle 
of  Hastings, 

"  What  though  the  field  be  lost  ? 
All  is  not  lost ;  the  unconquerable  will 
And  study  of  revenge,  immortal  hate 
And  courage  never  to  submit  or  yield." 

The  government  of  a  nation  may  be  usurped 
by  the  forcible  intrusion  of  an  individual  into 
the  throne.  But  to  conquer  its  will,  so  as  to 
rest  the  right  on  that,  the  only  legitimate  basis, 
requires  long  acquiescence  and  cessation  of  all 
opposition.  The  whig  historians  of  England, 
therefore,  have  always  gone  back  to  the  Saxon 
period  for  the  true  principles  of  their  constitu 
tion,  while  the  tories  and  Hume,  their  Cory 
phaeus,  date  it  from  the  Norman  Conquest,  and 
hence  conclude  that  the  continual  claim  by  the 
nation  of  the  good  old  Saxon  laws,  and  the 
struggles  to  recover  them,  were  "  encroach 
ments  of  the  people  on  the  crown,  and  not 
usurpations  of  the  crown  on  the  people  ". — To 
.  vii,  412.  (M.,  1825.) 

3746.  HISTORY     (English),     Faithful 
authors. — Of  England  there  is  as  yet  no  gen 
eral  history  so  faithful  as  Rapin's.     He  may  be 
followed  by  Ludlow,  Fox,  Belsham,  Hume  and 
Brodie. — To .     vii,  412.     (M.,   1825.) 

3747.  HISTORY    (English),    Hume's.— 

There  is  no  general  history  of  Great  Britain 
which  can  be  recommended.  The  elegant  one 
of  Hume  seems  intended  to  disguise  and  dis 
credit  the  good  principles  of  the  government, 
and  is  so  plausible  and  pleasing  in  its  style 
and  manner,  as  to  instil  its  errors  and  heresies 


407 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


History 
Holland 


insensibly  into  the  minds  of  unwary  readers. 
Baxter  has  performed  a  good  operation  on  it. 
He  has  taken  the  text  of  Hume  as  his  ground 
work,  abridging  it  by  the  omission  of  some  de 
tails  of  little  interest,  and  wherever  he  has 
found  him  endeavoring  to  mislead,  by  either 
the  suppression  of  a  truth,  or  by  giving  it  a 
false  coloring,  he  has  changed  the  text  to  what 
it  should  be,  so  that  we  may  properly  call  it 
Hume's  history  republicanized.  He  has  more 
over  continued  the  history  (but  indifferently) 
from  where  Hume  left  it,  to  the  year  1800. 
The  work  is  not  popular  in  England,  because  it 
is  republican.  Adding  to  this  Lud- 

low's  Memoirs,  Mrs.  McCauley's  and  Belknap's 
histories,  a  sufficient  view  will  be  presented  of 
the  free  principles  of  the  English  constitution. 
— To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  91.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  72. 
(W.,  1807.) 

3748. .     Every    one    knows    that 

judicious  matter  and  charms  of  style  have  ren 
dered  Hume's  History  the  manual  of  every  stu 
dent.  I  remember  well  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  I  devoured  it  when  young,  and  the  length 
of  time,  the  research  and  reflection  which  were 
necessary  to  eradicate  the  poison  it  had  in 
stilled  into  my  mind.  It  was  unfortunate  that 
he  first  took  up  the  history  of  the  Stuarts,  be 
came  their  apologist,  and  advocated  all  their 
enormities.  To  support  his  work,  when  done. 
he  went  back  to  the  Tudors,  and  so  selected 
and  arranged  the  materials  of  their  history  as 
to  present  their  arbitrary  acts  only,  as  the  genu 
ine  samples  of  the  const'tutional  power  of  the 
crown,  and,  still  writing  backwards,  he  then 
reverted  to  the  early  history,  and  wrote  the 
Saxon  and  Norman  periods  with  the  same 
perverted  view.  Although  all  this  is  known,  he 
still  continues  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  all 
our  young  people,  and  to  infect  them  with  the 
poison  of  his  own  principles  of  government. 
It  is  this  book  which  has  undermined  the  free 
principles  of  the  English  government,  has 
persuaded  readers  of  all  classes  that  there  were 
usurpations  on  the  legitimate  and  salutary  rights 
of  the  crown,  and  has  spread  universal  toryism 
over  the  land. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  533. 
(M.,  1810.) 

3749. .    This  single  book  [Hume's 

History  of  England]  has  done  more  to  sap  the 
free  principles  of  the  English  constitution  than 
the  largest  standing  army  of  which  their  pa 
triots  have  been  so  jealous.  It  is  like  the 
portraits  of  our  countryman  Wright,  whose  eye 
was  so  unhappy  as  to  seize  all  the  ugly  features 
of  his  subject,  and  to  present  them  faithfully,, 
while  it  was  entirely  insensible  to  every  linea 
ment  of  beauty.  So  Hume  has  concentrated,  in 
his  fascinating  style,  all  the  arbitrary  proceed 
ings  of  the  English  Kings,  as  true  evidences 
of  the  constitution,  and  glided  over  its  Whig 
principles  as  the  unfounded  pretensions  of 
factious  demagogues.  He  even  boasts,  in  his 
life  written  by  himself,  that  of  the  numerous 
alterations  suggested  by  the  readers  of  his  work, 
he  had  never  adopted  one  proposed  by  a  Whig. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  46.  (P.P.,  1816.) 

3750.  HISTORY     (English),     Part     of 
American. — Our    laws,    language,     religion, 
politics  and  manners  are  so  deeply  laid  in  Eng 
lish  foundations,  that  we  shall  never  cease  to 
consider  their  history  as  a  part  of  ours,  and  to 
study  ours  in  that  as  its  origin. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.     v,  533.     (M.,  1810.) 

3751.  HISTORY  (English),  Value  of.— 

As  we  have  employed  some  of  the  best  materials 
of  the  British  constitution  in  the  construction  of 
our  own  government,  a  knowledge  of  British 


history  becomes  useful  to  the  American  poli 
tician. — To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  91.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  72.  (W.,  1807.) 

3752.  HISTORY,   Roman.—!  have  been 
*     *     *     delighted    with    reading    a   work,    the 
title    of    which    did    not    promise    much    useful 
information    or   amusement — L'ltalia   Avanti   il 
Dominis    dei    Romani    dal   Micali."      *      *      * 
Micali  has  given  the  counterpart  of  the  Roman 
history    for   the    nations    over    which    they    ex 
tended  their  dominion.     For  this  he  has  gleaned 
up   matter   from   every   quarter,   and    furnished 
materials  for  reflection  and  digestion  to  those 
who,    thinking    as    they    read,    have    perceived 
that  there  was  a  great  deal   of  matter  behind 
the    curtain,    could    that    be    fully    withdrawn. 
He  certainly  gives  new  ideas  of  a  nation  whose 
splendor   has   masked   and   palliated   their   bar 
barous     ambition. — To   JOHN    ADAMS,     vii,   63. 
(M.,   1817.) 

3753.  HOGENDORP  (Count  Van),  Abil 
ity- — A  very  particular  acquaintance  with  M. 
de    Hogendorp     *     *     *     has    led   me   to    con 
sider    him    as    the    best    informed    man    of    his 
age  I  have  ever  seen. — To  GEORGE  WASHING 
TON.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  445.     (A.,   1784.) 

3754.  HOLLAND,    America   and.— Con 
nected    with    Holland    by    the    earliest    ties    of 
friendship,  and  maintaining  with  them  uninter 
rupted    relations    of    peace    and    commerce,    no 
event  which  interests  their  welfare  can  be  in 
different    to    us.     It    is,    therefore,    with    great 
pleasure,    I    receive    the    assurances    of    your 
Majesty  that  you  will  continue  to  cherish  these 
ancient   relations ;    and   we   shall,   on   our  part, 
endeavor   to    strengthen    your    good    will    by    a 
faithful   observance   of   justice,   and   by   all   the 
good   offices   which   occasion   shall   permit. — To 
THE  KING  OF  HOLLAND,     v,  47.     (W.,  1807.) 

3755.  HOLLAND,  Prince  of  Orange  and. 
— The  treasonable  perfidy  of  the   Prince  of 
Orange,  Stadtholder  and  Captain  General  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  in  the  war  which  England 
waged  against  them,  for  entering  into  a  treaty 
of  commerce  with  the  United  States,  is  known 
to  all.     As  their  executive  officer,  charged  with 
the  conduct  of  the  war,  he  contrived  to  baffle 
all  the  measures  of  the  States  General,  to  dislo 
cate  all  their  military  plans,   and  played   false 
into    the    hands    of    England    against    his    own 
country    on    every   possible   occasion,    confident 
in   her  protection,   and  in  that  of  the   King  of 
Prussia,   brother   to   his    Princess.     The   States 
General,    indignant    at    this    patricidal    conduct, 
applied    to    France    for    aid,    according    to    the 
stipulations   of   the   treaty   concluded   with   her 
in    1785.     It  was  assured  to  them   readily  and 
in  cordial  terms.     *     *     *     The  object  of  the 
Patriots  was  to  establish   a  representative  and 
republican    government.     The    majority    of    the 
States    General    were   with    them,    but   the    ma 
jority  of  the  populace  of  the  towns  was  with 
the  Prince  of  Orange;   and  that  populace  ^  was 
played  off  with  great  effect  by  the  triumvirate 
of  [Sir  James]  Harris,  the  English  ambassador, 
afterwards    Lord    Malmesbury,    the    Prince    of 
Orange,    a    stupid    man,    and    the    Princess    as 
much    a   man    as    either   of   her   colleagues,    in 
audaciousness,   in   enterprise   and   in   the  thirst 
of    domination.     By    these    the    mobs    of    the 
Hague  were  excited  against  the  members  of  the 
States  General ;  their  persons  were  insulted  and 
endangered    in    the    streets ;    the    sanctuary    of 
their  houses  was  violated  and  the  Prince,  whose 
function  and  duty  it  was  to  repress  and  punish 
these  violations  of  order,  took  no  steps  for  that 
purpose.     The    States    General    for    their    own 


Holland 
Holy  Alliance 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


408 


protection  were,  therefore,  obliged  to  place  their 
militia  under  the  command  of  a  committee. 
The  Prince  filled  the  courts  of  London  and 
Berlin  with  complaints  at  this  usurpation  of 
his  prerogatives  and,  forgetting  that  he  was 
but  the  first  servant  of  a  republic,  marched 
his  regular  troops  against  the  city  of  Utrecht, 
where  the  States  were  in  session.  They  were 
repulsed  by  the  militia.  His  interests  now  be 
came  marshalled  with  those  of  the  public  enemy 
and  against  his  own  country.  The  States, 
therefore,  exercising  their  rights  of  sover 
eignty,  deprived  him  of  all  his  powers.  The 
great  Frederic  had  died  in  August,  1786.  He 
had  never  intended  to  break  with  France  in 
support  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  During  the 
illness  of  which  he  died,  he  had,  through  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  declared  to  the  Marquis 
de  Lafayette,  *  *  *  that  he  meant  not  to 
support  the  English  interest  in  Holland ;  that  he 
might  assure  the  government  of  France  his  only 
wish  was  that  some  honorable  place  in  the 
Constitution  should  be  reserved  for  the  Stadt- 
holder  and  his  children,  and  that  he  would  take 
no  part  in  the  quarrel  unless  an  entire  abolition 
of  the  Stadtholderate  should  be  attempted. 
But  his  place  was  now  occupied  by  Frederic 
William,  his  great  nephew,  a  man  of  little  un 
derstanding,  much  caprice  and  very  inconsider 
ate  ;  and  the  Princess,  his  sister,  although  her 
husband  was  in  arms  against  the  legitimate  au 
thorities  of  the  country,  attempting  to  go  to 
Amsterdam  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  the 
mobs  of  that  place,  and  being  refused  permis 
sion  to  pass  a  military  post  on  the  way,  he  put 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick  at  the  head  of  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  made  demonstrations  of 
marching  on  Holland.  The  King  of  France 
hereupon  declared,  by  his  Charge  des  Affaires 
in  Holland,  that  if  the  Prussian  troops  con 
tinued  to  menace  Holland  with  an  invasion,  his 
Majesty,  in  quality  of  Ally,  was  determined  to 
succor  that  province.  In  answer  to  this  Eden 
gave  official  information  to  Count  Montmorin, 
that  England  must  consider  as  at  an  end,  its 
convention  with  France  relative  to  giving  no 
tice  of  its  naval  armaments  and  that  she  was 
arming  generally.  War  being  now  imminent, 
Eden,  since  Lord  Auckland,  questioned  me  on 
the  effect  of  our  treaty  with  France  in  the  case 
of  a  war,  and  what  might  be  our  dispositions. 
I  told  him  frankly  and  without  hesitation  that 
our  dispositions  would  be  neutral,  and  that  I 
thought  it  would  be  the  interest  of  both  these 
powers  that  we  should  be  so ;  because  it  would 
relieve  both  from  all  anxiety  as  to  feeding  their 
West  India  islands;  that  England,  too,  by  suf 
fering  us  to  remain  so,  would  avoid  a  heavy 
land  war  on  our  continent,  which  might  very 
much  cripple  her  proceedings  elsewhere ;  that 
our  treaty,  indeed,  obliged  us  to  receive  into 
our  ports  the  armed  vessels  of  France,  with 
their  prizes,  and  to  refuse  admission  to  the 
prizes  made  on  her  by  her  enemies ;  that  there 
was  a  clause  also  by  which  we  guaranteed  to 
France  her  American  possessions,  which  might 
perhaps  force  us  into  the  war,  if  these  were 
attacked.  "  Then  it  will  be  war/'  said  he, 
"  for  they  will  assuredly  be  attacked."  Listen, 
at  Madrid,  about  the  same  time,  made  the  same 
inquiries  of  Carmichael.  The  government  of 
France  then  declared  a  determination  to  form 
a  camp  of  observation  at  Givet,  commenced 
arming  her  marine,  and  named  the  Bailli  de 
Suffrein  their  generalissimo  on  the  ocean.  She 
secretly  engaged  also  in  negotiations  with  Rus 
sia,  Austria  and  Spain  to  form  a  quadruple 
alliance.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  having  ad 
vanced  to  the  confines  of  Holland,  sent  some 
of  his  officers  to  Givet  to  reconnoitre  the  state 
of  things  there,  and  report  them  to  him.  *  *  * 


Finding  that  there  was  not  a  single  com 
pany  there,  he  boldly  entered  the  country,  took 
their  towns  as  fast  as  he  presented  himself  be 
fore  them,  and  advanced  on  Utrecht.  The 
States  had  appointed  the  Rhingrave  of  Salm 
their  Commander-in-Chief,  a  Prince  without 
talents,  without  courage  and  without  princi 
ple.  He  might  have  held  out  in  Utrecht  for 
a  considerable  time,  but  he  surrendered  the 
place  without  firing  a  gun,  literally  ran  away 
and  hid  himself,  so  that  for  months  it  was  not 
known  what  had  become  of  him.  Amsterdam 
was  then  attacked  and  capitulated.  In  the 
meantime  the  negotiations  for  the  quadruple  alli 
ance  were  proceeding  favorably,  but  the  secrecy 
with  which  they  were  attempted  to  be  con 
ducted  was  penetrated  by  Fraser,  Charge  des 
Affaires  of  England  at  St.  Petersburg,  who  in 
stantly  notified  his  court,  and  gave  the  alarm 
to  Prussia.  The  King  saw  at  once  what  would 
be  his  situation  between  the  jaws  of  France, 
Austria  and  Russia.  In  great  dismay  he  be 
sought  the  court  of  London  not  to  abandon 
him,  sent  Alvensleben  to  Paris  to  explain  and 
soothe,  and  England,  through  the  Duke  of 
Dorset  and  Eden,  renewed  her  conferences  for 
accommodation.  The  Archbishop,  who  shud 
dered  at  the  idea  of  war,  and  preferred  a  peace 
ful  surrender  of  right  to  an  armed  vindication 
of  it,  received  them  with  open  arms,  entered 
into  cordial  conferences  and  a  declaration  and 
counter-declaration  were  cooked  up  at  Versailles 
and  sent  to  London  for  approbation.  They 
were  approved  there,  reached  Paris  at  one 
o'clock  of  the  27th,  and  were  signed  that  night 
at  Versailles.  It  was  said  and  believed  at 
Paris  that  M.  de  Montmorin  literally  "  pi  em  alt 
comme  nn  enfant "  when  obliged  to  sign  this 
counter-declaration,  so  distressed  was  he  by  the 
dishonor  of  sacrificing  the  Patriots  after  as 
surances  so  solemn  of  protection  and  absolute 
encouragement  to  proceed.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  was  reinstated  in  all  his  powers,  now 
become  regal.  A  great  emigration  of  the  Pa 
triots  took  place ;  all  were  deprived  of  office, 
many  exiled,  and  their  property  confiscated. 
They  were  received  in  France  and  subsisted  for 
some  time  on  her  bounty.  Thus  fell  Holland, 
by  the  treachery  of  her  Chief,  from  her  honor 
able  independence  to  become  a  province  of 
England ;  and  so,  also,  her  Stadtholder  from 
the  high  station  of  the  first  citizen  of  a  free 
Republic,  to  be  the  servile  Viceroy  of  a 
foreign  sovereign.  And  this  was  effected  by  a 
mere  scene  of  bullying  and  demonstration ;  not 
one  of  the  parties,  France,  England  or  Prussia 
having  ever  really  meant  to  encounter  actual 
war  for  the  interest  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
But  it  had  all  the  effect  of  a  real  and  decisive 
war. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  73.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
101.  (1821.) 

3756.  HOLY  ALLIANCE,  Despotism.— 

What  are  we  to  think  of  this  northern  trium 
virate,  arming  their  nations  to  dictate  des 
potisms  to  the  rest  of  the  world? — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  217.  (M.,  1821.) 

3757. .  With  respect  to  the  Eu 
ropean  combinations  against  the  rights  of 
man,  I  join  an  honest  Irishman  of  my  neigh 
borhood  in  his  Fourth  of  July  toast :  "  The 
Holy  Alliance,— to  Hell  the  whole  of  them." 
— To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  FORD  ED.,  x,  298. 
(M.,  1824.) 

3758.  HOLY  ALLIANCE,  Napoleon  and. 
— Had  Bonaparte  reflected  that  such  is  the 
moral  construction  of  the  world  that  no 
national  crime  passes  unpunished  in  the  long 


409 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Holy  Alliance 
Home 


run,  he  would  not  now  be  in  the  cage  of  St. 
Helena;  and  were  your  present  oppressors  to 
reflect  on  the  same  truth,  they  would  spare  to 
their  own  countries  the  penalties  on  their 
present  wrongs  which  will  be  inflicted  on 
them  in  future  times.  The  seeds  of  hatred 
and  revenge  which  they  are  now  sowing  with 
a  large  hand  will  not  fail  to  produce  their 
fruits  in  time.  Like  their  brother  robbers  on 
the  highway,  they  suppose  the  escape  of  the 
moment  a  final  escape,  and  deem  infamy  and 
future  risk  countervailed  by  present  gain. — To 
M.  DE  MARBOIS.  vii,  76.  (M.,  1817.) 

3759.  HOLY   ALLIANCE,   Policy   of.— 

During  the  ascendency  of  Bonaparte,  the  word 
among  the  herd  of  kings,  was  sauve  qui  pent. 
Each  shifted  for  himself,  and  left  his  brethren 
to  squander  and  do  the  same  as  they  could. 
After  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  and  the  military 
possession  of  France,  they  rallied  and  com 
bined  in  common  cause,  to  maintain  each 
other  against  any  similar  and  future  danger. 
And  in  this  alliance,  Louis,  now  avowedly, 
and  George,  secretly  but  solidly,  were  of  the 
contracting  parties;  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  allies  are  bound  by  treaty  to 
aid  England  with  their  armies,  should  in 
surrection  take  place  among  her  people.  The 
coquetry  she  is  now  playing  off  between  her 
people  and  her  allies  is  perfectly  understood 
by  the  latter,  and  accordingly  gives  no  ap 
prehensions  to  France,  to  whom  it  is  all  ex 
plained.  The  diplomatic  correspondence  she 
is  now  displaying,  these  double  papers  fabri 
cated  merely  for  exhibition,  in  which  she 
makes  herself  talk  of  morals  and  principle,  as 
if  her  qualms  of  conscience  would  not  permit 
her  to  go  all  lengths  with  her  Holy  Allies, 
are  all  to  gull  her  own  people.  It  is  a 
theatrical  farce,  in  which  the  five  powers  are 
the  actors,  England  the  Tartuffe,  and  her  peo 
ple  the  dupes. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii, 
289.  FORD  ED.,  x,  258.  (M.,  June  1823.) 
See  ALLIANCES  and  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

3760.  HOME,   Better   than   honors.— In 

truth,  I  wish  for  neither  honors  nor  offices.  I 
am  happier  at  home  than  I  can  be  elsewhere. — 
To  JOHN  LANGDON.  iv,  164.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
112.  (M.,  1797.) 

3761.  HOME,    Companions.— Monroe    is 

buying  land  almost  adjoining  me.  Short  will 
do  the  same.  What  would  I  not  give  [if]  you 
could  fall  into  the  circle.  With  such  a  society., 
I  could  once  more  venture  home,  and  lay  my 
self  up  for  the  residue  of  life,  quitting  all  its 
contentions  which  grow  daily  more  and  more 
insupportable.  Think  of  it.  To  render  it 
practicable  only  requires  you  to  think  it  so. 
Life  is  of  no  value  but  as  it  brings  us  gratifi 
cations.  Among  the  most  valuable  of  these  is 
rational  society.  It  informs  the  mind,  sweetens 
the  temper,  cheers  our  spirits,  and  promotes 
health.  There  is  a  little  farm  of  140  acres 
adjoining  mine,  and  within  two  miles,  all  of 
good  land,  though  old,  with  a  small  indifferent 
house  on  it,  the  whole  not  worth  more  than 
£250.  Such  a  one  might  be  a  farm  of  experi 
ment,  and  support  a  little  table  and  household. 
It  is  on  the  road  to  Orange,  and  so  much  nearer 
than  I  am.  *  *  *  Once  .more  think  of  it.— 
To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  406.  (A., 
1784.) 


3762. .     I  once  hinted  to  you  the 

project  of  seating  yourself  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Monticello,  and  my  sanguine  wishes 
made  me  look  on  your  answer  as  not  absolutely 
excluding  the  hope.  Monroe  is  decided  in  set 
tling  there,  and  is  actually  engaged  in  the  en 
deavor  to  purchase.  Short  is  the  same.  Would 
you  but  make  it  a  "  par  tie  quarree"  I  should 
believe  that  life  had  still  some  happiness  in 
store  for  me.  Agreeable  society  is  the  first  es 
sential  in  constituting  the  happiness,  and,  of 
course,  the  value  of  our  existence.  And  it  is 
a  circumstance  worthy  great  attention  when  we 
are  making  first  our  choice  of  a  residence. 
Weigh  well  the  value  of  this  against  the  dif 
ference  in  pecuniary  interest,  and  ask  yourself 
which  will  add  most  to  the  sum  of  your  felicity 
through  life.  I  think  that,  weighing  them  in 
this  balance,  your  decision  will  be  favorable  to 
all  our  prayers.  Looking  back  with  fondness 
to  the  moment  when  I  am  again  to  be  fixed  in 
my  own  country,  I  view  the  prospect  of  this 
society  as  inestimable. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  17.  (P.,  Dec.  1784.) 

3763.  HOME,  in  France. — The  domestic 
bonds  here  [France]  are  absolutely  done  away, 
and  where   can   their  compensation  be   found? 
Perhaps  they  may  catch  some  moments  of  trans 
port   above  the   level   of  the   ordinary   tranquil 
joy  we  experience,   but  they   are  separated   by 
long    intervals,    during   which    all   the   passions 
are    at   sea   without   rudder   or   compass.     Yet, 
fallacious  as  the  pursuits  of  happiness  are,  they 
seem    on    the    whole    to    furnish    the    most    ef 
fectual  abstraction  from  a  contemplation  of  the 
hardness  of  their  government. — To  MRS.  TRIST. 
i,  394.     (P.,  1785.) 

3764.  HOME,  Happy.— I  employ  my  leis 
ure  moments  in  repassing  often  in  my  mind  our 
happy  domestic  society  when  together  at  Monti- 
cello,  and  looking  forward  to  the  renewal  of  it. 
No  other  society  gives  me  now  any  satisfaction, 
as  no  other  is  founded  in  sincere  affection. — • 
To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  405. 
(1800.) 

3765. .   I  look  forward  with  hope 

to  the  moment  when  we  are  all  to  be  reunited 
again. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  416.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

3766. .     My  habits  are  formed  to 

those  of  my  own  country.  I  am  past  the  time 
of  changing  them,  and  am,  therefore,  less  happy 
anywhere  else  than  there. — To  DR.  CURRIE.  ii, 
220.  (P.,  I787.) 

3767.  HOME,  No  happiness  elsewhere. 
— Abstracted  from  home,  I  know  no  happi 
ness  in  this  world. — To   LIEUT.   DE  UNGER.     i, 
279.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  374.     (R.,   1780.) 

3768.  HOME,  Independence.— I  am  sav 
age  enough  to  prefer  the  woods,  the  wilds,  and 
the  independence  of  Monticello,  to  all  the  bril 
liant   pleasures   of   this   gay   capital    [Paris]. — 
To  BARON  GEISMER.     i,  427.     (P.,   1785.) 

3769.  HOME,  Longing  for.— I  am  never 

a  day  without  wishing  to  be  with  you,  and  more 
and  more  as  the  fine  sunshine  comes  on,  which 
was  made  for  all  the  world  but  me. — To 
NICHOLAS  LEWIS,  iii,  348.  FORD  EDV  v,  504. 
(Pa.,  1792-) 

3770 -  .     When  I  indulge  myself 

in  these  [agricultural]  speculations,  I  feel  with 
redoubled  ardor  my  desire  to  return  home  to 
the  pursuit  of  them,  and  to  the  bosom  of  my 


Home 
Honor 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


410 


family,  in  whose  love  alone  I  live  or  wish  to 
live,  and  in  that  of  my  neighbors.  To  T.  M. 
RANDOLPH.  I^ORD  ED.,  v,  417-  (Pa.,  Jan.  1792.) 

3771.  HOME,  Pleasures  of. — Having  no 
particular  subject  for  a  letter,  I  find  none  more 
soothing  to  my  mind  than  to  indulge  itself  in 
expressions    of   the   love    I    bear   you,    and   the 
delight  with  which  I  recall  the  various  scenes 
through  which  we  have  passed  together  in  our 
wanderings  over  the  world.     These  reveries  al 
leviate  the  toils  and  inquietudes  of  my  present 
situation    [Secretary    of    State]    and    leave    me 
always   impressed  with   the   desire   of  being   at 
home  once  more,  and  of  exchanging  labor,  envy, 
and  malice  for  ease,  domestic  occupation,  and 
domestic  love  and  society ;   where  I   may  once 
more  be   happy   with  you,   with   Mr.   Randolph, 
and  dear  little  Anne,  with  whom  even  Socrates 
might  ride  on  a  stick  without  being  ridiculous. 
— To     MARTHA     JEFFERSON     RANDOLPH.      FORD 
ED.,  v,  422.     (P.,   1792.) 

3772.  HONESTY,  Common  sense  and. — 
Let  common  sense  and  common  honesty  have 
fair  play   and   they   will   soon   set   things   to 
rights. — To  EZRA  STILES,    ii,  77.     (P.,  1786.) 

3773.  HONESTY,  Consciousness  of.— Of 
you,  my  neighbors,  I  may  ask,  in  the  face  of 
the  world,  "  whose  ox  have  I  taken,  or  whom 
have  I  defrauded?     Whom  have  I  oppressed, 
or  of  whose  hand  have  I  received  a  bribe  to 
blind  mine  eyes  therewith  "  ?     On  your  ver 
dict  I  rest  with  conscious  security. — To  THE 
INHABITANTS  OF  ALBEMARLE  COUNTY,  VA.    v, 
439.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  251.    (M.,  April  1809.) 

3774.  HONESTY,  Examples  of. — It  can 
give  no  great  claims  to  any  one  to  manage 
honestly  and  disinterestedly  the  concerns  of 
others  trusted   to  him.     Abundant  examples 
of  this  are  always  under  our  eye. — To  MR. 
WEAVER,    v,  88.     (W.,  1807.) 

3775.  HONESTY,    Government    and.— 
The  whole  art  of  government  consists  in  the 
art    of    being    honest. — RIGHTS    OF    BRITISH 
AMERICA.    1,141.    FORD  ED.,  i,  446.     (1774.) 

3776.  HONESTY,    Individual.— I    know 
but  on.e  code  of  morality  for  men,  whether 
acting  singly  or  collectively.      He  who  says 
I  will  be  a  rogue  when  I  act  in  company  with 
a  hundred  others,  but  an  honest  man  when 
I   act  alone,   will  be  believed  in  the  former 
assertion,  but  not  in  the  latter.     I  would  say 
with  the  poet,  "  hie  niger  est,  hunc  tu  Romane 
cavato  ".     If  the  morality  of  one  man  pro 
duces  a  just  line  of  conduct  in  him,  acting 
individually,  why  should  not  the  morality  of 
one  hundred  men  produce  a  just  line  of  con 
duct   in   them,    acting   together? — To   JAMES 
MADISON,     iii,   99.     FORD  ED.,   v,    in.      (P. 
1789.) 

3777.  HONESTY,    Interest    and.— Hon 
esty  and  interest  are  as  intimately  connected 
in  the  public  as  in  the  private  code  of  mor 
ality.— To  MR.  MAURY.    vi,  468.     (M.,  1815.) 

3778.  HONESTY,     Opportunity    and.— 
Men    are    disposed    to    live    honestly,    if   the 
means  of  doing  so  are  open  to  them. — To  M 
DE  MARBOIS.    vii,  77.     (M.,  1817.) 

3779.  HONESTY,    Riches   and.— I    have 
not  observed  men's  honesty  to  increase  with 


their  riches. — To  JEREMIAH  MOOR.  FORD  ED., 
/ii,  454.  (M.,  1800.) 

3780.  HONESTY,  Roguery  and.— Every 

country  is  divided  between  the  parties  of  hon 
est  men  and  rogues. —  To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES. 
iv,  126.  (I79S-) 

3781.  HONESTY,  Statesmen  and.— The 
nan  who  is  dishonest  as  a  statesman,  would 
be    a    dishonest    man    in    any    station. — To 
GEORGE  LOGAN.    FORD  ED.,  x,  68.    (P.F.,  1816.) 

3782.  HONESTY,  Wisdom  and.— A  wise 
man,    even    if    nature   has    not    formed    him 
honest,  will  yet  act  as  if  he  were  honest ;  be 
cause  he  will  find  it  the  most  advantageous 
and  wise  part  in  the  long  run. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  40.    (P.,  1785.) 

3783. .     An    honest  heart  being 

the  first  blessing,  a  knowing  head  is  the 
second.— To  PETER  CARR.  i,  397.  (P.,  1785.) 

3784. .  Honesty  is  the  first  chap 
ter  in  the  book  of  wisdom. — To  NATHANIEL 
MACON.  vii,  112.  FORD  ED.,  x,  122.  (M., 
1819.) 

3785.  HONOR,  False. — Peace  and  happi 
ness  are  preferable  to  that  false  honor  which, 
by  eternal  wars,  keeps  the   [European]   peo 
ple  in  eternal  labor,  want  and  wretchedness. 
— To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,    vi,  452.    FORD  ED., 
ix,  511.    (M.,  1815.) 

3786.  HONOR,  Infraction. — As  an  Amer 
ican,  I  cannot  help  feeling  a  thorough  morti 
fication,  that  our  Congress  should  have  per 
mitted  an  infraction  of  our  public  honor ;  as 
a  citizen  of  Virginia,   I   cannot  help  hoping 
and  confiding,   that  our   Supreme  Executive, 
whose  acts  will  be  considered  as  the  acts  of 
the  Commonwealth,  estimate  that  honor  too 
highly  to  make  its  infraction  their  own  act.* — 
To  GOVERNOR  PATRICK  HENRY,    i,  214.    FORD 
ED.,  ii,  169.     (Alb.,  1 779.) 

3787.  HONOR,    Integrity     and.— When 
your    mind    shall    be    well    improved    with 
science,    nothing   will   be   necessary   to   place 
you  in  the  highest  points  of  view,  but  to  pur 
sue    the    interests    of   your   country,    the    in 
terests  of  your  friends,  and  your  own  interests 
also,  with  the  purest  integrity,  the  most  chaste 
honor.     The  defect  of  these  virtues  can  never 
be  made  up  by  all  the  other  acquirements  of 
body  and  mind.     Make  these,  then,  your  first 
object. f— To  PETER  CARR.    i,  395.     (P.,  1785.) 

3788.  HONOR,  Pledge  of.— And  for  the 
support    of    this    Declaration,    we    mutually 
pledge    to    each    other    our     *     *     *     sacred 
honor,  t — DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE   AS 
DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3789.  HONOR,  Wounded.— It  seems  much 
the  general  opinion  here  [Virginia]   that  our 
honor  has  been   too  much  wounded   not  to 

*  Refers  to  separation  of  British  prisoners  in  Vir 
ginia.— EDITOR. 

t  Peter  Carr  was  the  young  nephew  of  Jefferson. — 
EDITOR. 

$  Congress  inserted  after  Declaration,  •'  with  a  firm 
reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence  ".— 
EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Honors 
Hospitality 


require  reparation,  and  to  seek  it  even  in  war, 
if  that  be  necessary. — To  TENCH  COXE.  iv, 
105.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  508.  (M.,  May  1794.) 

3790.  HONORS,  Hostile  to  happiness. — 
There   are   minds   which  can   be   pleased   by 
honors  and  preferments ;  but  I  see  nothing  in 
them  but  envy  and  enmity.     It  is  only  neces 
sary  to  possess  them,  to  know  how  little  they 
contribute  to  happiness,  or  rather  how  hostile 
they  are  to  it. — To  A.  DONALD,    ii,  356.     (P., 
1788.) 

3791.  HONORS,    Political.— I  have  seen 
enough  of  political  honors  to  know  that  they 
are  but  splendid  torments. — To  MARTHA  JEF 
FERSON  RANDOLPH.    D.  L.  J.,  245.    (Pa.,  1797.) 
See  HOME. 

3792.  HONORS,   Public   approbation. — 

It  is  our  happiness  that  honorable  distinctions 
flow  only  from  public  approbation;  and  that 
finds  no  object  in  titled  dignitaries  and 
pageants. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS.  viii,  163. 
(1809.) 

3793.  HONORS,     Undeserved.— I     have 
never  ceased,  nor  can  I  cease  to  feel  that  I 
am  holding  honors  without  yielding  requital, 
and    justly    belonging    to    others. — To     DR. 
ROBERT  M.  PATTERSON,     vi,  397.     (M.,  1814.) 

3794.  -  — .     I  cannot  be  easy  in  hold 
ing,  as  a  sinecure,  an  honor*  so  justly  due  to 
the  talents  and  services  of  others. — To  DR. 
ROBERT  M.  PATTERSON,    vi,  396.     (M.,  1814.) 

3795.  HOPE  vs.  DESPAIR.— My  theory 
has  always  been,  that  if  we  are  to  dream,  the 
flatteries  of  hope  are  as  cheap,  and  pleasanter 
than  the  gloom  of  despair. — To  M.  DE  MAR- 
BOIS.    vii,  77.     (M.,  1817.) 

3796.  -  — .     Hope    is    sweeter    than 
despair. — To  MRS.  COSWAY.    ii,  41.     FORD  ED., 
iv,  321.     (P.,  1786.) 

3797.  HOPKINSON    (Francis),    Genius 

of. — He  is  a  man  of  genius,  gentility,  and  great 
merit  *  *  *  and  as  capable  of  [filling]  the 
office  [of  Director,  or  Master  of  the  Mint],  as 
any  man  I  know.  The  appointment  would  give 
general  pleasure,  because  he  is  generally  es 
teemed. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
496.  (Pa.,  1784.) 

3798.  HORSES,    Arabian.— The    culture 
of  wheat  by  enlarging  our  [Virginia's]  pasture^ 
will    render    the    Arabian    horse    an    article    of 
very  considerable  profit.     Experience  has  shown 
that  ours  is  the  particular  climate  of  America 
where   he   may   be   raised   without   degeneracy. 
Southwardly   the   heat  of  the   sun   occasions   a 
deficiency    of    pasture,     and    northwardly    the 
winters  are  too  cold  for  the  short  and  fine  hair, 
the    particular    sensibility    and    constitution    of 
that  race.    Animals  transplanted  into  unfriendly 
climates,  either  change  their  nature  and  acquire 
new    senses    against    the    new     difficulties    in 
which  they  are  placed,  or  they  multiply  poorly 
and   become   extinct.     *     *     *     Their   patience 
of  heat  without  injury,  their  superior  wind,  fit 
them  better  in  this  and  the  more  southern  cli 
mate  even  for  the  drudgeries  of  the  plough  and 
wagon.     Northwardly  they  will  become  an  ob 
ject  only  to  persons  of  taste  and  fortune,  for 
the    saddle    and    light    carriages. — NOTES     ON 
VIRGINIA,     viii,  408.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  272.    (1782.) 

*  Presidency  of  Philosophical  Society. — EDITOR. 


3799.  HORSES,  Effect  on  man.— The  Eu 
ropeans    value    themselves    on    having    subdued 
the    horse   to    the    uses    of   man ;    but    I    doubt 
whether  we  have  not  lost  more  than  we  have 
gained    by    the    use    of    this    animal.     No    one 
has    occasioned    so    much    the    degeneracy    of 
the  human  body.    An  Indian  goes  on  foot  nearly 
as  far  in  a  day,  for  a  long  journey,  as  an  en 
feebled  white  does  on   his  horse;   and  he  will 
tire  the  best  horses. — To  PETER  CARR.     i,     308. 
(P.,   1785.) 

3800.  HORSES,   Tax  on.— The  proposed 
tax  on  horses,  besides  its  partiality,  is  infinitely 
objectionable  as  foisting  in  a  direct  tax  under 
the  name  of  an  indirect  one. — To  T.  M.  RAN 
DOLPH.     FORD   ED.,   vi,    149.     (1792.) 

3801.  HORTICULTURE,      American.— 

Gardens  [are]  peculiarly  worth  the  attention  of 
an  American  [when  travelling],  because  it  is 
the  country  of  all  others  where  the  noblest 
gardens  may  be  made  without  expense.  We 
have  only  to  cut  out  the  superabundant  plants. 
— TRAVELLING  HINTS,  ix,  404.  (1788.) 

3802.  HORTICULTURE,  English.— The 

pleasure  gardening  in  England  is  the  article  in 
which  it  surpasses  all  the  earth. — To  JOHN 
PAGE,  i,  549.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.  (P.,  1786.) 

3803.  HORTICULTURE,     Love     of.— I 

have  often  thought  that  if  Heaven  had  given  me 
choice  of  my  position  and  calling,  it  should 
have  been  on  a  rich  spot  of  earth,  well  watered, 
and  near  a  good  market  for  the  productions 
of  the  garden.  No  occupation  is  so  delightful 
to  me  as  the  culture  of  the  earth,  and  no  cul 
ture  comparable  to  that  of  the  garden.  *  *  * 
Under  a  total  want  of  demand  except  for  our 
family  table,  I  am  still  devoted  to  the  garden. 
But  though  an  old  man,  I  am  but  a  young 
gardener.— To  C.  W.  PEALE.  vi,  6.  (P.F.,  1811.) 

3804.  HOSPITALITY,     Natural     laws 
of. — Among  the  first  of  the  laws  of  nature  is 
that  which  bids  us  to  succor  those  in  distress. 
For  an  obedience  to  this  law,   Don   Bias  Gon 
zalez*    appears   to   have   suffered ;    and   we   are 
satisfied,    it   is   because   his   case   has   not   been 
able   to    penetrate   to    his    Majesty's    ministers, 
at    least    in    its    true    colors.     We    would    not 
choose  to  be  committed  by  a  formal  solicitation, 
but  we  would  wish  you  to  avail  yourself  of  any 
good   opportunity    of    introducing   the    truth    to 
the  ear  of  the  minister,  and  of  satisfying  him, 
that  a  redress  of  this  hardship  on  the  governor 
would    be    received    here    with    pleasure,    as    a 
proof   of   respect   to   those   laws   of   hospitality 
which  we  would  certainly  observe  in  a  like  case, 
as    a    mark    of    attention    towards    us,    and    of 
justice  to  an  individual  for  whose  sufferings  we 
cannot    but    feel. — To    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL. 
ii;,  139.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  155.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

3805.  HOSPITALITY,  Practice  of  .—You 

know  our  practice  of  placing  our  guests  at  their 
ease,  by  showing  them  we  are  so  ourselves,  and 
that  we  follow  our  necessary  vocations,  in 
stead  of  fatiguing  them  by  hanging  unremit 
tingly  on  their  shoulders. — To  F.  W.  GILMER. 
vii,  5.  FORD  ED.,  x,  33.  (M.,  1816.) 

3806.  HOSPITALITY,    Social.— Call    on 

me  *  *  *  whenever  you  come  to  town,  and 
if  it  should  be  about  the  hour  of  three,  I  shall 
rejoice  the  more.  You  will  find  a  bad  dinner, 
a  good  glass  of  wine,  and  a  host  thankful  for 
your  favor,  and  desirous  of  encouraging  repe- 

*A  Spanish  governor  who  had  been  punished  by  his 
government  for  having  succored  an  American  ship 
in  the  island  of  Juan  Fernandez.— EDITOR. 


Houdon  (Jean  Antoine) 
Idleness 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


412 


titions  of  it  without  number,  form  or  ceremony. 
— To  RICHARD  PETERS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  347. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

3807.  HOUDON  (Jean  Antoine),  Abil 
ity. — He  is  among  the  foremost,  or,  perhaps, 
the  foremost  artist  in  the  world. — To  F.  HOP- 
KINSON.     i,  504.     (P.,  1786.) 

3808.  HOUDON    (Jean    Antoine),    Life 

insurance. — Monsieur  Houdon  has  agreed 
to  go  to  America  to  take  the  figure  of  General 
Washington.  In  case  of  his  death,  between  his 
departure  from  Paris  and  his  return  to  it,  we 
may  lose  twenty  thousand  livres.  I  ask  the 
favor  of  you  to  enquire  what  it  will  cost  to 
insure  that  sum  on  his  life,  in  London,  and 
to  give  me  as  early  an  answer  as  possible,  that 
I  may  order  the  insurance  if  I  think  the  terms 
easy  enough.  He  is,  I  believe,  between  thirty 
and  thirty-five  years  of  age,  healthy  enough, 
and  will  be  absent  about  six  months. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  361.  (P.,  1785.) 

3809.  HOUDON  (Jean  Antoine),  Statue 
of  Washington.— M.  Houdon  is  returned  [to 
Paris]  with  the  necessary  moulds  and  measures 
for    General    Washington's    statue.     I    fear   the 
expenses  of  his  journey  have  been  considerably 
increased  by  the  unlucky  accident  of  his  toolSj 
materials,  clothes,  &c.,  not  arriving  at  Havre  in 
time   to   go   with   him  to   America,   so   that  he 
had    to    supply    himself    there. — To    GOVERNOR 
HENRY,     i,  513.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  134.     (P.,  1786.) 

3810.  HOWE  (Lord  William),  Friendly 
to  America. — Lord  Howe  seems  to  have  been 
friendly  to   America,   and   exceedingly   anxious 
to  prevent  a  rupture.* — At   OBIOGRAPHY.    i,  no. 
(1821.) 

3811.  HOWE  (Lord  William),  Invasion 
of  Virginia.— What  upon  earth  can  Howe 
mean  by  the  manoeuvre  he  is  now  practicing? 
There  seems  to   me  no  object  in  this  country 
which  can  be  either  of  utility  or  reputation  to 
his  cause.     I  hope  it  will  prove  of  a  piece  with 
all  the  other  follies  they  have  committed.     The 
forming  a  junction  with  the  northern  army  up 
the    Hudson    River,    or    taking    possession    of 
Philadelphia  might  have  been  a  feather  in  his 
cap,  and  given  them  a  little  reputation  in  Eu 
rope — the    former    as    being    the    design    with 
which  they  came,  the  latter  as  being  a  place  of 
the  first  reputation  abroad,  and  the  residence  of 
Congress.     Here,    he    may    destroy    the    little 
hamlet  of  Williamsburg,  steal  a  few  slaves,  and 
lose  half  his  army  among  the  fens  and  marshes 
of   our  lower   country,    or   by  the   heat  of  the 
climate. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     i,  207.     FORD  ED., 
ii,   134.     (Alb.,   1777.) 

3812.  HULL  (William),  Bravery.— The 
detestable  treason  of  Hull,  has  excited  a  deep 
anxiety  in  all  breasts.  *  *  *  His  treachery,  like 
that  of  Arnold,  cannot  be  a  matter  of  blame  on 
our  government.     His  character,  as  an  officer  of 
skill  and  bravery,  was  established  on  the  trials 
of  the  last  war,  and  no  previous  act  of  his  life 
had    led    to    doubt    his    fidelity. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.     vi,  80.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  368.     (M.,  Oct. 
1812.) 

3813.  HULL  (William),  Suspected  trea 
son. — Hull  will  of  course  be  shot  for  cow 
ardice    and    treachery,  t — To    PRESIDENT    MAD 
ISON.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  370.     (M.,  Nov.  1812.) 

*  Mr.  Jefferson  formed  this  opinion  from  a  paper 
which  Benjamin  Franklin,  a  short  time  before  his 
death,  had  given  him  to  read.— EDITOR. 

t  General  Hull's  character  is  now  free  from  all 
stain.— EDITOR. 


3814.  HUMBOLDT    (Baron    von),    Es 
teemed. — The    receipt    of    your    Distributio 
Geographica  Plantarum,  with  the  duty  of  thank 
ing  you  for  a  work  which  sheds  so  much  new 
and  valuable  light  on  botanical  science,  excites 
the   desire,   also,   of  presenting  myself  to  your 
recollection,    and    of    expressing    to    you   those 
sentiments    of    high     admiration    and    esteem, 
which,  although  long  silent,  have  never  slept. — 
To  F.  H.  ALEXANDER  VON  HUMBOLDT.     vii,  74. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  88.     (M.,  1817.) 

3815.  HUMBOLDT  (Baron  von),  Trib 
ute  to. — We  shall  bear  to  you  the  honorable 
testimony  that  you  have  deserved  well   of  the 
republic  of  letters.  *  *  *  You  have  wisely  lo 
cated  yourself  in  the  focus  of  the  science  of 
Europe.     I  am  held  by  the  cords  of  love  to  my 
family  and  country,  or  I  should  certainly  join 
you. — To  BARON  VON  HUMBOLDT.    v,  435.    (W., 
1809.) 

3816.  HUMPHREYS  (David),    Attacks 

on. — Colonel  Humphreys  is  attacked  in  the 
[American]  papers  for  his  French  airs,  for 
bad  poetry,  bad  prose,  vanity,  &c.  It  is  said  his 
dress,  in  so  gay  a  style,  gives  general  disgust 
against  him.  *  *  *  He  seems  fixed  with  Gen 
eral  Washington.  * — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  ii, 
574.  FORD  ED.,  v,  71.  (P.,  1789.) 

3817.  HUMPHREYS    (David),    Minis 
ter. — The  President  has  nominated  you  Min 
ister    Resident  *  *  *  at   the    Court   of    Lisbon, 
which  was  approved  by  the  Senate.     You  will 
consequently  receive  herewith  your  commission. 
— To    DAVID    HUMPHREYS.     FORD    ED.,    v,    301. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

3818.  HUMPHREYS  (David),  Talents. 
—Colonel  Humphreys  is  sensible,  prudent,  and 
honest,    and   may   be   firmly   relied    on,    in    any 
office    which    requires    these    talents. — To    EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,     i,  557.     (P.,  1786.) 

3819. .     He  is  an  excellent  man, 

an  able  one,  and  in  need  of  some  provision. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  568.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  226. 
(P.,  1786.) 

3820.  IDEAS,    Erroneous. — It   is   always 
better  to  have  no  ideas  than  false  ones;  to 
believe  nothing  than  to  believe  what  is  wrong. 
— To   REV.   JAMES   MADISON,     ii,   430.     (P., 
1788.) 

—  IDEAS,  Property  in.— See  INVENTIONS 
and  PATENTS. 

3821.  IDLENESS,     Evils     of.— Nothing 
can  contribute  more  to  your  future  happiness 
(moral  rectitude  always  excepted),  than  the 
contracting  a  habit  of  industry  and  activity. 
Of  all  the  cankers  of  human  happiness  none 
corrodes  with  so  silent,  yet  so  baneful  an  in 
fluence  as  indolence.     Body  and  mind  both 
unemployed,  our  being  becomes  a  burden,  and 
every   object   about   us   loathsome,    even   the 
dearest.      Idleness    begets    ennui,    ennui    the 
hypochondriac,  and  that  a  diseased  body. — To 
MARTHA    JEFFERSON.      FORD    ED.,     iv,     372. 
(1787.) 

3822  IDLENESS,  Needless.— In  a  world 
which  furnishes  so  many  employments  which 
are  so  useful,  so  many  which  are  amusing, 
it  is  our  own  fault  if  we  ever  know  what 

*  Washington  made  him  his  private  secretary. — 
EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Idleness 

Immigrants 


ennui  is,  or  if  we  are  driven  to  the  miserable 
resources  of  gaming,  which  corrupts  our  dis 
positions,  and  teaches  us  a  habit  of  hostility 
against  all  mankind. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON. 
FORD  EDV  iv,  389.  (1787.) 

3823.  IDLENESS,    Time-destroyer. — 
Determine  never  to  be  idle.     No  person  will 
have  occasion  to  complain  of  the  want  of  time 
who  never  loses  any.     It  is  wonderful  how 
much  may  be  done  if  we  are  always  doing. — 
To   MARTHA  JEFFERSON.     FORD  ED.,   iv,   387. 
(M.,  1787.) 

3824.  IDLENESS,  Wretchedness  and.— 
A   mind   always   employed   is   always   happy. 
This  is  the  true  secret,  the  grand  recipe  for 
felicity.    The  idle  are    *    *    *    the  wretched. 
— To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  389. 
(Mar.  1787.) 

3825.  IGNORANCE,  Barrier  against.— 
We  are  destined  to  be  a  barrier  against  the 
return  of  ignorance  and  barbarism. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,    vii,  27.     (M.,  1816.) 

3826.  IGNORANCE,   Bigotry  and.— Ig 
norance  and  bigotry,  like  other  insanities,  are 
incapable    of    self-government. — To  MARQUIS 
LAFAYETTE,    vii,  67.    FORD  ED.,  x,  84.     (M., 
1817.) 

3827.  IGNORANCE,  Honest.— If  science 
produces  no  better  fruits  than  tyranny,  mur 
der,  rapine  and  destitution  of  national  moral 
ity,  I  would  rather  wish  our  country  to  be 
ignorant,  honest  and  estimable,  as  our  neigh 
boring   savages   are.— To  JOHN   ADAMS,    vi, 
37.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  334.    (M.,  1812.) 

3828.  IGNORANCE,  Misgovernment 
and. — Preach    a    crusade    against    ignorance. 
Establish  and  improve  the  law  for  educating 
the    common    people.      Let    our    countrymen 
know  that  the  people  alone  can  protect  us 
against  these  evils,  and  that  the  tax  which 
will  be  paid  for  this  purpose,  is  not  more  than 
the  thousandth  part  of  what  will  be  paid  to 
kings,   priests  and  nobles,   who  will  rise  up 
among  us,  if  we  leave  the  people  in  ignorance. 
— To  GEORGE  WYTHE.     ii,  8.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
269.    (R,  1786.) 

—  ILLINOIA,    Proposed    State.— See 
WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

3829.  ILLUMINATI,  Order  of.— I  have 
lately  by  accident  got  a  sight  of  a  single  vol 
ume  (the  3d)  of  the  Abbe  Barruel's  Antisocial 
Conspiracy  " ,  which   gives  me  the  first  idea  I 
have  ever  had  of  what  is   meant  by  the   Illu- 
minatism    against    which    "  Illuminate    Morse ", 
as  he  is  now  called,  and  his  ecclesiastical  and 
monarchical  associates  have  been  making  such 
a    hue   and   cry.      Barruel's   own    parts    of   the 
book  are  perfectly  the  ravings  of  a  Bedlamite. 
But  he  quotes  largely  from  Wishaupt  whom  he 
considers  as  the  founder  of  what  he  calls  the 
order.  As  you  may  not  have  had  an  opportunity 
of   forming   a   judgment   of   this   cry   of   "  mad 
dog ",  which  has  been  raised  against  his  doc 
trines,  I  will  give  you  the  idea  I  have  formed 
from  only  an  hour's  reading  of  Barruel's  quo 
tations  from  him,  which,  you  may  be  sure,  are 
not  the  most  favorable.     Wishaupt  seems  to  be 
an    enthusiastic   philanthropist.      He    is    among 
those    (as   you   know   the   excellent    Price    and 


Priestley  also  are)  who  believe  in  the  infinite 
perfectability  of  man.  He  thinks  he  may  in 
time  be  rendered  so  perfect  that  he  will  be  able 
to  govern  himself  in  every  circumstance,  so  as 
to  injure  none,  to  do  all  the  good  he  can,  to 
leave  government  no  occasion  to  exercise  their 
powers  over  him,  and,  of  course,  to  render  po 
litical  government  useless.  This,  you  know,  is 
Godwin's  doctrine,  and  this  is  what  Robinson, 
Barruel,  and  Morse  had  called  a  conspiracy 
against  all  government.  Wishaupt  believes  that 
to  promote  this  perfection  of  the  human  char 
acter  was  the  object  of  Jesus  Christ.  That  his 
intention  was  simply  to  reinstate  natural  re 
ligion,  and  by  diffusing  the  light  of  his  morality, 
to  teach  us  to  govern  ourselves.  His  precepts 
are  the  love  of  God,  and  love  of  our  neighbor. 
And  by  teaching  innocence  of  conduct,  he  ex 
pected  to  place  men  in  their  natural  state  of 
liberty  and  equality.  He  says,  no  one  ever 
laid  a  surer  foundation  for  liberty  than  our 
grand  master,  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  He  believes 
the  Free  Masons  were  originally  possessed  of 
the  true  principles  and  objects  of  Christianity, 
and  have  still  preserved  some  of  them  by  tradi 
tion,  but  much  disfigured.  The  means  he 
proposes  to  effect  this  improvement  of  human 
nature  are  "  to  enlighten  men,  to  correct  their 
morals  and  inspire  them  with  benevolence ". 
As  Wishaupt  lived  under  the  tyranny  of  a 
despot  and  priests,  he  knew  that  caution  was 
necessary  even  in  spreading  information,  and 
the  principles  of  pure  morality.  He  proposed, 
therefore,  to  lead  the  Free  Masons  to  adopt  this 
object,  and  to  make  the  objects  of  their  insti 
tution  the  diffusion  of  science  and  virtue.  He 
proposed  to  initiate  new  members  into  his  body 
by  gradations  proportioned  to  his  fears  of  the 
thunderbolts  of  tyranny.  This  has  given  an  air 
of  mystery  to  his  views,  was  the  foundation  of 
his  banishment,  the  subversion  of  the  Masonic 
Order,  and  is  the  color  for  the  ravings  against 
him  of  Robinson,  Barruel,  and  Morse,  whose 
real  fears  are  that  the  craft  would  be  endan 
gered  by  the  spreading  of  information,  reason, 
and  natural  morality  among  men.  This  subject 
being  new  to  me,  I  imagine  that  if  it  be  so  to 
you  also,  you  may  receive  the  same  satisfaction 
in  seeing,  which  I  have  had  in  forming  the 
analysis  of  it ;  and  I  believe  you  will  think  with 
me  that  if  Wishaupt  had  written  here,  where 
no  secrecy  is  necessary  in  our  endeavours  to 
render  men  wise  and  virtuous,  he  would  not 
have  thought  of  any  secret  machinery  for  that 
purpose  ;  as  Godwin,  if  he  had  written  in  Ger 
many,  might  probably  also  have  thought  se 
crecy  and  mysticism  prudent. — To  BISHOP 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  419.  (Pa.,  Jan. 
1800.) 

3830.  IMBECILITY,    Insensibility    to. 

— Nothing  betrays  imbecility  so  much  as  the 
being  insensible  of  it. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  vi,  4.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  328.  (P.F.,  1811.) 

3831.  IMMIGRANTS,    Aged.— That    it 
may  be  for  the  benefit  of  your  children  and 
their    descendants    to    remove    to    a    country 
where,    for   enterprise   and   talents,    so   many 
avenues    are    open    to    fortune    and    fame,    I 
have  little  doubt.     But  I  should  be  afraid  to 
affirm   that,   at  your  time   of  life,   and  with 
habits    formed    on    the    state    of    society    in 
France,  a    change    for    one    so    entirely    dif 
ferent  would  be  for  your  personal  happiness. 
— To    JEAN    BAPTISTE    SAY.     vi,    436.     (M., 
1815.) 

3832.  IMMIGRANTS,    Assisted.— With 
respect  to  the  German  redemptioners,  I  can  do 


Immigrants 
Immigration 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


414 


nothing  unless  authorized  by  law.  It  would 
be  made  a  question  in  Congress,  whether  any 
of  the  enumerated  objects  to  which  the  Con 
stitution  authorizes  the  money  of  the  Union  to 
be  applied,  would  cover  an  expenditure  for 
importing  settlers  to  Orleans. — To  THOMAS 
PAINE,  iv,  582.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  360.  (W., 
1805.) 

3833.  IMMIGRANTS,  Colonized.— As  to 
other  [than  English]  foreigners,  it  is  thought 
better  to  discourage  their  settling  together  in 
large  masses,  wherein,  as  in  our  German  set 
tlements,  they  preserve  for  a  long  time  their 
own  languages,  habits  and  principles  of  gov 
ernment,  and  that  they  should  distribute  them 
selves  sparsely  among  the  natives  for  quicker 
amalgamation.     English  emigrants  are  with 
out  this  inconvenience.     They  differ  from  us 
little  but  in  their  principles   of  government, 
and  most  of  those  (merchants  excepted)  who 
come  here,  are  sufficiently  disposed  to  adopt 
ours. — To   GEORGE    FLOWER,     vii,    84.     (P.F., 
1817-) 

3834.  IMMIGRANTS,   Indentured.— In 
dentured  servants  formed  a  considerable  supply. 
These    were    poor    Europeans,    who    went    to 
America  to  settle  themselves.    If  they  could  pay 
their  passage,  it  was  well.     If  not,  they  must 
find  means  of  paying  it.     They  were  at  liberty, 
therefore,  to  make,  an  agreement  with  any  per 
son  they  chose,  to  serve  him  such  a  length  of 
time  as  they  agreed  on,  upon  condition  that  he 
would   repay   to   the   master   of  the   vessel   the 
expenses  of  their  passage.     If,  being  foreigners, 
unable  to  speak  the  language,  they  did  not  know 
how    to    make    a    bargain    for    themselves,    the 
captain  of  the  vessel  contracted  for  them  with 
such  persons  as  he  could.     This  contract  was 
by  deed  indented,  which  occasioned  them  to  be 
called      indented     servants.    *    *    *    with     the 
master  of  the  vessel,  they  could  redeem  them 
selves  from  his  power  by  paying  their  passage, 
which  they  frequently  effected  by  hiring  them 
selves  on  their  arrival.     In  some  States  I  know 
that    these    people    had    a    right    of    marrying 
themselves  without  their  masters'  leave,  and  I 
did     suppose     they     had     that     right     every 
where.      I    did    not   know    that    in    any    of    the 
States  they  demanded  so  much  as  a  week  for 
every   day's   absence  without  leave.     I   suspect 
this    must   have   been    at   a   very    early   period, 
while  the  governments  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
first    emigrants,    who,    being    mostly    laborers, 
were  narrow-minded  and  severe.     I  know  that 
in  Virginia  the  laws  allowed  their  servitude  to 
be  protracted  only  two  days  for  every  one  they 
were   absent  without  leave.      So  mild  was  this 
kind  of  servitude,  that  it  was  very  frequent  for 
foreigners,     who     carried     to     America    money 
enough,  not  only  to  pay  their  passage,  but  to  buy 
themselves   a   farm,   it  was   common   I    say   for 
them  to  indent  themselves  to  a  master  for  three 
years,  for  a  certain  sum  of  money  with  a  view 
to  learn  the  husbandry  of  the  country.     I  will 
here  make  a  general  observation.     So  desirous 
are  the  poor  of  Europe  to  get  to  America,  where 
they  may  better  their  condition,  that  being  un 
able   to   pay   their   passage,    they   will   agree   to 
serve  two  or  three  years  on  their  arrival  there, 
rather  than   not  go. — To   M.   DE   MEUNIER.    ix, 
254.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  159.     (P.,  1786.) 

3835.  IMMIGRANTS,    Irish    and    Ger 
man. — By  the  close  of  1785,  there  had  prob 
ably   passed    over    50,000    emigrants.      Most   of 
these  .were  Irish.     The  greatest  number  of  the 


residue  were  Germans.  Philadelphia  received 
most  ot  them,  and  next  to  that  Baltimore  and 
New  York.— To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  284 
toRD  ED.,  iv,  140.  (P.,  1786.) 

3836. .  The  best  tenants  are  for 
eigners,  who  do  not  speak  the  language.  Unable 
to  communicate  with  the  people  of  the  country, 
they  confine  themselves  to  their  farms  and  fam 
ilies,  compare  their  present  state  to  what  it  was 
jn  Europe,  and  find  great  reason  to  be  contented. 
Of  all  foreigners,  I  should  prefer  Germans. 
1  hey  are  the  easiest  got,  the  best  for  their  land 
lords,  and  do  best  for  themselves. — To  COLONEL 
R.  CLAIBORNE.  ii,  235.  (P.,  1787.) 

3837.  IMMIGRANTS,  Protection  of.— It 

has  been  the  wise  policy  of  these  States  to 
extend  the  protection  of  their  laws  to  all 
those  who  should  settle  among  them  of  what 
soever  nation  or  religion,  they  might  be,  and 
to  admit  them  to  a  participation  of  the  ben 
efits  of  civil  and  religious  freedom;  and  the 
benevolence  of  this  practice,  as  well  as  its 
salutary  effects  renders  it  worthy  of  being 
continued  in  future  times.— PROCLAMATION 
CONCERNING  FOREIGNERS.  FORD  ED  ,  ii  44  q 
(R-,  1781.) 

3838.  IMMIGRATION,  Free.— Our  coun 
try  is  open  to  all  men,  to  come  and  go  peace 
ably,  when  they  choose.— To  E.  C.  GENET,    iv, 
87.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  459.    (Pa.,  Nov.  1793.) 

3839. .     The  session  of  the  first 

Congress,   convened   since   republicanism  has 
recove/ed  its  ascendency,     *    *    *    are  open 
ing  the  doors  of  hospitality  to  fugitives  from 
the  oppressions  of  other  countries. — To  GEN 
ERAL  KOSCIUSKO.    iv,  430.     (W.,  April  1802.) 

3840.  IMMIGRATION,  Negro.— The  pa 
pers  from  the  free  people  of  color  in  Grenada 

I  apprehend  it  will  be  best  to  take 
no  notice  of.  They  are  parties  in  a  domestic 
quarrel,  which,  I  think,  we  should  leave  to 
be  settled  among  themselves.  Nor  should  I 
think  it  desirable,  were  it  justifiable,  to  draw 
a  body  of  sixty  thousand  free  blacks  and 
mulattoes  into  our  country. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  342.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

3841.  IMMIGRATION,  Obstructions  to. 
— He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  popula 
tion   of   these    States ;    for   that   purpose   ob 
structing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of  for 
eigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage 
their  migrations  hither ;  and  raising  the  con 
ditions    of    new    appropriations    of    lands. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

3842.  IMMIGRATION,    Regulation   of. 

—The  American  governments  are  censured 
for  permitting  this  species  of  servitude  [In 
denture],  which  lays  the  foundation  of  the 
happiness  of  these  people.  But  what  should 
these  governments  do?  Pay  the  passage  of 
all  who  choose  to  go  into  their  country? 
They  are  not  able;  nor,  were  they  able,  do 
they  think  the  purchase  worth  the  price? 
Should  they  exclude  these  people  from  their 
shores?  Those  who  know  their  situations  in 
Europe  and  America  would  not  say  that  this 
is  the  alternative  which  humanity  dictates.  It 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Immigration 


is  said  that  these  people  are  deceived  by  those 
who  carry  them  over.  But  this  is  done  in 
Europe.  How  can  the  American  governments 
prevent  it?  *  *  *  The  individuals  are  gen 
erally  satisfied  in  America  with  their  ad 
venture,  and  very  few  of  them  wish  not  to 
have  made  it.  I  must  add  that  the  Congress 
have  nothing  to  do  with  this  matter.  It  be 
longs  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States. 
— To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  255.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
160.  (P.,  1786.) 

3843. .  I  had  often  thought  on 

the  subject  you  propose  as  to  the  mode  of 
procuring  German  emigrants  to  take  the  place 
of  our  blacks.  To  this,  however,  the  State 
Legislatures  are  alone  competent,  the  General 
Government  possessing  no  powers  but  those 
enumerated  in  the  Constitution,  and  that  of 
obtaining  emigrants  at  the  general  expense  not 
being  one  of  the  enumerated  powers.  With 
respect  to  the  State  governments,  I  not  only 
doubt,  but  despair,  of  their  taking  up  this 
operation,  till  some  strong  pressure  of  cir 
cumstance  shall  force  it  on  them. — To  J.  P. 
REIBELT.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  402.  (W.,  Dec. 
1805.) 

3844.  IMMIGRATION,  Revolution 
and. — My  means  of  being  useful  to  you  [in 
founding  a  colony  of  English  farmers]  are 
small,  [but]  they  shall  be  freely  exercised  for 
your  advantage,  and  that,  not  on  the  selfish 
principle  of  increasing  our  own  population  at 
the  expense  of  other  nations,  *  *  but  to 
consecrate  a  sanctuary  for  those  whom  the 
misrule  of  Europe  may  compel  to  seek  hap 
piness  in  other  climes.  This  refuge  once 
known  will  produce  reaction  on  the  happiness 
even  of  those  who  remain  there,  by  warning 
their  task-masters  that  when  the  evils  of 
Egyptian  opposition  become  heavier  than 
those  of  the  abandonment  of  country,  another 
Canaan  is  open  where  their  subjects  will  be 
received  as  brothers,  and  secured  against  like 
oppressions  by  a  participation  in  the  right  of 
self-government.  If  additional  motives  could 
be  wanting  with  us  to  the  maintenance  of 
this  right,  they  would  be  found  in  the  ani 
mating  consideration  that  a  single  good  gov 
ernment  becomes  thus  a  blessing  to  the  whole 
earth,  its  welcome  to  the  oppressed  restrain 
ing  within  certain  limits  the  measure  of 
their  oppressions.  But  should  even  this  be 
counteracted  by  violence  on  the  right  of  ex 
patriation,  the  other  branch  of  our  example 
then  presents  itself  for  imitation,  to  rise  on 
their  rulers  and  do  as  we  have  done.  You 
have  set  to  your  own  country  a  good  ex 
ample,  by  showing  them  a  peaceable  mode 
of  reducing  their  rulers  to  the  necessity  of  be 
coming  more  wise,  more  moderate,  and  more 
honest,  and  I  sincerely  pray  that  the  example 
may  work  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  cannot 
follow  it,  as  it  will  for  your  own. — To 
GEORGE  FLOWER,  vii,  84.  (P.F.,  1817.) 

3845.  IMMIGRATION,  Too  rapid.— 
The  present  desire  of  America  is  to  produce 
rapid  population  by  as  great  importations  of 
foreigners  as  possible.  But  is  this  founded  in 
good  policy?  The  advantage  proposed  is  the 
multiplication  of  numbers.  Now  let  us  sup 


pose  (for  example  only)  that,  in  this  State, 
[Virginia]  we  could  double  our  numbers  in  one 
year  by  the  importation  of  -foreigners ;  and  this 
is  a  greater  accession  than  the  most  sanguine 
advocate  for  immigration  has  a  right  to  ex 
pect.  Then  I  say,  beginning  with  a  double 
stock,  we  shall  attain  any  given  degree  of  pop 
ulation  only  twenty-seven  years  and  three 
months  sooner  than  if  we  proceed  on  our  single 
stock.  If  we  propose  four  millions  and  a  half 
as  a  competent  population  for  this  State,  we 
should  be  fifty-four  and  a  half  years  attaining 
it,  could  we  at  once  double  our  numbers ;  and 
eighty-one  and  three-quarter  years,  if  we  rely 
on  natural  propagation,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  table : 

Proceeding  Proceeding 

on  our  present  on  a  double 

stock.  stock. 

r?8i 567^614  1,135,228 

iSoSjtf 1,135,228  2,270,456 

i&35% 2,270,456  4,540,912 

1862^ 4*540,912 

In  the  first  column  are  stated  periods  of 
twenty-seven  and  a  quarter  years ;  in  the  second 
are  our  numbers  at  each  period,  as  they  will 
be  if  we  proceed  on  our  actual  stock ;  and  in 
the  third  are  what  they  would  be,  at  the  same 
periods,  were  we  to  set  out  from  the  double 
of  our  present  stock.  I  have  taken  the  term 
of  four  million  and  a  half  of  inhabitants  for 
example's  sake  only.  Yet  I  am  persuaded  it 
is  a  greater  number  than  the  country  spoken  of, 
considering  how  much  inarable  land  it  contains, 
can  clothe  and  feed  without  a  material  change 
in  the  quality  of  their  diet.  But  are  there  no 
inconveniences  to  be  thrown  into  the  scale 
against  the  advantage  expected  from  a  multipli 
cation  of  numbers  by  the  importation  of  for 
eigners?  It  is  for  the  happiness  of  those  united 
in  society  to  harmonize  as  much  as  possible 
in  matters  which  they  must  of  necessity  trans 
act  together.  Civil  government  being  the  sole 
object  of  forming  societies,  its  administration 
must  be  conducted  by  common  consent.  Every 
species  of  government  has  its  specific  principles. 
Ours  perhaps  are  more  peculiar  than  those  of 
any  other  in  the  universe.  It  is  a  composition 
of  the  freest  principles  of  the  English  con 
stitution,  with  others  derived  from  natural  right 
and  natural  reason.  To  these  nothing  can  be 
more  opposed  than  the  maxims  of  absolute  mon 
archies.  Yet  from  such  we  are  to  expect  the 
greatest  number  of  emigrants.  They  will 
bring  with  them  the  principles  of  the  govern 
ments  they  leave,  imbibed  in  their  early  youth  ; 
or,  if  able  to  throw  them  off,  it  will  be  in  ex 
change  for  an  unbounded  licentiousness,  pass 
ing,  as  is  usual,  from  one  extreme  to  another. 
It  would  be  a  miracle  were  they  to  stop  pre 
cisely  at  the  point  of  temperate  liberty.  These 
principles,  with  their  language,  they  will  trans 
mit  to  their  children.  In  proportion  to  their 
numbers,  they  will  share  with  us  the  legislation. 
They  will  infuse  into  it  their  spirit,  warp  and 
bias  its  directions,  and  render  it  a  heteroge 
neous,  incoherent,  distracted  mass.  I  may  ap 
peal  to  experience,  during  the  present  contest, 
for  a  verification  of  these  conjectures.  But,  if 
they  be  not  certain  in  event,  are  they  not 
possible,  are  they  not  probable  ?  Is  it  not  safer 
to  wait  with  patience  twenty-seven  years  and 
three  months  longer,  for  the  attainment  of  any 
degree  of  population  desired  or  expected?  May 
not  our  government  be  more  homogeneous,  more 
peaceable,  more  durable?  Suppose  twenty  mil 
lions  of  republican  Americans  thrown  all  of  a 
sudden  into  France,  what  would  be  the  condi 
tion  of  that  kingdom?  If  it  would  be  more 
turbulent,  less  happy,  less  strong,  we  may  be- 


Immortality 
Impeachment 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


416 


lieve  that  the  addition  of  half  a  million  of  for 
eigners  to  our  present  numbers  would  produce 
a  similar  effect  here.  If  they  come  of  them 
selves  they  are  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  citi 
zenship  ;  but  I  doubt  the  expediency  of  inviting 
them  by  extraordinary  encouragements.  I 
mean  not  that  these  doubts  should  be  extended 
to  the  importation  of  useful  artificers.  The 
policy  of  that  measure  depends  on  very  differ 
ent  considerations.  Spare  no  expense  in  ob 
taining  them.  They  will  after  a  while  go  to  the 
plough  and  the  hoe ;  but,  in  the  meantime,  they 
will  teach  us  something  we  do  not  know.  It  is 
not  so  in  agriculture.  The  indifferent  state  of 
that  among  us  does  not  proceed  from  a  want 
of  knowledge  merely ;  it  is  from  our  having 
such  quantities  of  land  to  waste  as  we  please. 
In  Europe  the  object  is  to  make  the  most  of 
their  land,  labor  being  abundant ;  here  it  is 
to  make  the  most  of  our  labor,  land  being 
abundant. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  330. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  188.  (1782.) 

3846.  IMMOBTALITY,  Belief  in.— The 
term  is  not  very  distant,  at  which  we  are  to 
deposit  in   the   same  cerement,   our  sorrows 
and   suffering  bodies,   and  to  ascend   in  es 
sence  to  an  ecstatic  meeting  with  the  friends 
we  have  loved  and  lost,  and  whom  we  shall 
still    love   and   never   lose   again. — To   JOHN 
ADAMS,     vii,   108.     FORD  ED.,  x,   114.      (M., 
1818.) 

3847.  IMPEACHMENT,    Abuse    of.— 

History  shows  that  in  England  impeachment 
has  been  an  engine  more  of  passion  than  jus 
tice.* — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  212.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  203.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

3848.  IMPEACHMENT,  Contempt  for. 

Impeachment  is  scarcely  a  scarecrow. — To  C. 
HAMMOND,  vii,  216.  (M.,  1821.) 

3849. .   Impeachment  is  a  bugbear 

which  they  [Judiciary]  fear  not  at  all. — To 
JAMES  PLEASANTS.  FORD  ED.,  x,  199.  (M., 
1821.) 

3850. .  Experience  has  already 

shown  that  the  impeachment  the  Constitution 
has  provided  is  not  even  a  scarecrow. — To 
SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  134.  FORD  ED.,  x,  141. 
(P.F.,  1819.) 

3851.  IMPEACHMENT,  Courts  of.— 
For  misbehavior,  the  grand  inquest  of  the 
Colony,  the  House  of  Representatives,  should 
impeach  them  before  the  Governor  and  Coun 
cil,  when  they  should  have  time  and  oppor 
tunity  to  make  their  defence;  and  if  con 
victed,  should  be  removed  from  their  offices, 
and  subjected  to  such  other  punishment  as 
shall  be  thought  proper.— To  GEORGE  WYTHE. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  60.  (1776.) 

3852. .  There  shall  be  a  Court  of 

Impeachments,  to  consist  of  three  members  of 
the  Council  of  State,  one  of  each  of  the 
superior  courts  of  Chancery,  Common  Law, 
and  Admiralty,  two  members  of  the  House 
of  Delegates  and  one  of  the  Senate,  to  be 
chosen  by  the  body  respectively  of  which  they 
are.  Before  this  Court  any  member  of  the 
three  branches  of  government,  that  is  to  say, 

*  A  sketch  of  some  of  the  principles  and  practices 
of  England  with  respect  to  impeachments  is  given  in 
the  Parliamentary  Manual,  ix,  82.— EDITOR. 


the  governor,  any  member  of  the  Council,  of 
the  two  houses  of  legislature,  or  of  the 
superior  courts,  may  be  impeached  by  the 
governor,  the  Council,  or  either  of  the  said 
houses  or  courts,  and  by  no  other,  for  such 
misbehavior  in  office  as  would  be  sufficient  to 
remove  him  therefrom ;  and  the  only  sentence 
they  shall  have  authority  to  pass  shall  be  that 
of  deprivation  and  future  incapacity  of  of 
fice.  Seven  members  shall  be  requisite  to 
make  a  court,  and  two-thirds  of  those  present 
must  concur  in  the  sentence.  The  offences 
cognizable  by  this  court  shall  be  cognizable 
by  no  other,  and  they  shall  be  triers  of  the 
fact  as  well  as  judges  of  the  law. — PROPOSED 
CONSTITUTION  FOR  VIRGINIA,  viii,  449.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  329.  (1783.) 

3853.  IMPEACHMENT,  Faction  and.— 
I  see  nothing  in  the  mode  of  proceeding  by 
impeachment  but  the  most  formidable  weapon 
for   the    purposes    of    dominant    faction    that 
ever  was  contrived.    It  would  be  the  most  ef 
fectual  one  for  getting  rid  of  any  man  whom 
they  consider  as  dangerous  to  their  views. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  211.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
202.    (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

3854.  IMPEACHMENT,   A  farce.— Im 
peachment  is  a  farce  which  will  not  be  tried 
again. — To  W.  B.  GILES,    v,  68.    FORD  ED.,  ix, 
46.     (M.,  1807.) 

3855.  IMPEACHMENT,     Inefficient- 
Experience  has  proved  that  impeachment  in 
our  forms  is  completely  inefficient. — To  ED 
WARD  LIVINGSTON,    vii,  404.     (M.,  1825.) 

3856.  IMPEACHMENT,   The  judiciary 
and. — Having  found  from  experience  that  im 
peachment  is  an  impracticable  thing,  a  mere 
scarecrow,  they  [the  Judiciary]  consider  them 
selves  secure  for  life. — To  THOMAS  RITCHIE. 
vii,  192.     FORD  ED.,  x,  170.     (M.,  1820.) 

3857.  -      .  .     In  the  General  Govern 
ment  in  this  instance,  we  have  gone  even  be 
yond  the  English  caution,  by  requiring  a  vote 
of  two-thirds,  in  one  of  the  Houses,  for  re 
moving  a  Judge ;  a  vote  so  impossible,  where 
any  defence  is  made,  before  men  of  ordinary 
prejudices  and  passions,  that  our  Judges  are 
effectually   independent   of   the   nation.      But 
this  ought  not  to  be. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  81. 
FORDED.,  i,  112.    (1821.) 

3858.  -  — .    Our  different  States  have 
differently   modified   their   several   judiciaries 
as     to    the    tenure     of     office.        Some     ap 
point    their    judges    for    a    given    term    of 
time;     some     continue     them     during     good 
behavior,    and    that    to    be    determined    on 
by    the    concurring    vote    of    two-thirds    of 
each  legislative  house.     In  England  they  are 
removable  by  a  majority  only  of  each  house. 
The  last  is  a  practicable  remedy;  the  second 
is  not.     The  combination  of  the  friends  and 
associates  of  the  accused,  the  action  of  per 
sonal  and  party  passions,  and  the  sympathies 
of  the  human  heart,  will  forever  find  means 
of  influencing  one-third  of  either  the  one  or 
the  other  house,   will   thus   secure  their  im 
punity,   and   establish   them   in   fact   for  life. 
The  first  remedy  is  the  better,  that  of  appoint- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Impeachment 
Impressment 


ing  for  a  term  of  years  only,  with  a  capacity 
of  reappointment  if  their  conduct  has  been 
approved. — To  M.  CORAY.  vii,  321.  (M., 
1823.) 

3859.  IMPEACHMENT,  Juries  and.— 
The  Senate  have  before  them  a  bill  for  regu 
lating  proceedings  in  impeachment.  This  will 
be  made  the  occasion  of  offering  a  clause  for 
the  introduction  of  juries  into  these  trials. 
(Compare  the  paragraph  in  the  Constitution 
which  says,  that  all  crimes,  except  in  cases 
of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury,  with  the 
eighth  amendment,  which  says,  that  in  all 
criminal  prosecutions  the  trial  shall  be  by 
jury. )  There  is  no  expectation  of  carrying  this ; 
because  the  division  in  the  Senate  is  of  two  to 
one,  but  it  will  draw  forth  the  principles  of 
the  parties,  and  concur  in  accumulating  proofs 
on  which  side  all  the  sound  principles  are  to 
be  found. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  208. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  192.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1798.) 

3860. .    You  mentioned  that  some 

of  your  Committee  admitted  that  the  introduc 
tion  of  juries  into  trials  by  impeachment  under 
the  Vlllth  amendment  depended  on  the  ques 
tion  whether  an  impeachment  for  a  misde 
meanor  be  a  criminal  prosecution  ?  I  devoted 
yesterday  evening  to  the  extracting  passages 
from  the  law  authors,  showing  that  in  law- 
language,  the  term  crime  is  in  common  use 
applied  to  misdemeanors,  and  that  impeach 
ments,  even  when  for  misdemeanors  only  are 
criminal  prosecutions.  Those  proofs  were  so 
numerous  that  my  patience  could  go  no  fur 
ther  than  two  authors,  Blackstone  and  Wood- 
deson.  They  show  that  you  may  meet  that 
question  without  the  danger  of  being  contra 
dicted.  The  Constitution  closes  the  proofs  by 
explaining  its  own  meaning  when  speaking  of 
impeachments,  crimes,  and  misdemeanors. — 
To  HENRY  TAZEWELL.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  194. 
(Pa.,  Jan.  1798.) 

3861. .     The  object  in  supporting 

this  engraftment  into  impeachments  is  to 
lessen  the  dangers  of  the  court  of  impeach 
ment  under  its  present  form,  and  to  induce 
dispositions  in  all  parties  in  favor  of  a  better 
constituted  court  of  impeachment,  which  I 
own  I  consider  as  an  useful  thing,  if  so  com 
posed  as  to  be  clear  of  the  spirit  of  faction. — 
To  HENRY  TAZEWELL.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  195. 
(Pa.,  1798.) 

3862.  IMPEACHMENT,     Law     Courts 
vs. — I  know  of  no  solid  purpose  of  punish 
ment  which  the  courts  of  law  are  not  equal 
to. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  212.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  203.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

3863.  IMPEACHMENT,  Power  of.— An 
opinion    [has  been]    declared,   that  not  only 
officers  of  the  State  governments,  but  every 
private  citizen  of  the  United  States,  are  im- 
peachable.     Whether  ^they  think  this  the  time 
to  make  the  declaration,  I  know  not;  but  if 
they  bring  it  on,   I   think  there  will  not  be 
more  than  two  votes  north  of  the  Potomac 
against   the   universality    of    the    impeaching 
power. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  215.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  207.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 


3864.  IMPEACHMENT,      The      Senate 
an(i. — The   articles   of   impeachment   against 
Blount   have   been    received    by   the    Senate. 
Some  great  questions  will  immediately  arise, 
i.    Can    they   prescribe   their   own   oath,    the 
forms  of  pleadings,  issue  process  against  per 
son  or  goods  by  their  own  orders,  without 
the  formality  of  a  law  authorizing  it?     Has 
not  the  8th  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
rendered   a   trial   by   jury   necessary?      Is   a 
Senator    impeachable? — To    JAMES    MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  198.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

-  IMPOST.— See  EXCISE. 

3865.  IMPRESSMENT,    Certificates 

and.— From  the  debates  on  the  subject  of  our 
seamen,  I  am  afraid  as  much  harm  as  good 
will  be  done  by  our  endeavors  to  arm  our 
seamen  against  impressments.  It  is  proposed 
to  register  them  and  give  them  certificates 
of  citizenship  to  protect  them.  But  these 
certificates  will  be  lost  in  a  thousand  ways; 
a  sailor  will  neglect  to  take  his  certificate; 
he  is  wet  twenty  times  in  a  voyage;  if  he 
goes  ashore  without  it,  he  is  impressed;  if 
with  it,  he  gets  drunk;  it  is  lost,  stolen  from 
him,  taken  from  him,  and  then  the  want  of  it 
gives  authority  to  impress,  which  does  not 
exist  now. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  iv,  133. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  65.  (M.,  March  1796.) 

3866.  IMPRESSMENT,  Embargo  and.— 

The  stand  which  has  been  made  on  behalf 
of  our  seamen  enslaved  and  incarcerated  in 
foreign  ehips,  and  against  the  prostration  of 
our  rights  on  the  ocean  under  laws  of  nature 
acknowledged  by  all  civilized  nations,  was 
an  effort  due  to  the  protection  of  our  com 
merce,  and  to  that  portion  of  our  fellow 
citizens  engaged  in  the  pursuits  of  navigation. 
The  opposition  of  the  same  portion  to  the 
vindication  of  their  peculiar  rights,  has  been 
as  wonderful  as  the  loyalty  of  their  agricul 
tural  brethren  in  the  assertion  of  them  has 
been  disinterested  and  meritorious. — R.  TO  A. 
MASSACHUSETTS  CITIZENS,  viii,  160.  (1809.) 

3867. .  Enough  of  the  non-im 
portation  law  should  be  reserved  to  pinch  the 
English  into  a  relinquishment  of  impress 
ments. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  442. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  251.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

3868.  IMPRESSMENT,  George  III.  and. 
— He    has    constrained    our    fellow    citizens, 
taken  captive  on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms 
against  their  country,  to  become  the  execu 
tioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,   or  to 
fall    themselves    by    their    hands. — DECLARA 
TION  OF   INDEPENDENCE  AS   DRAWN   BY  JEF 
FERSON. 

3869.  IMPRESSMENT,  Pretexts  for.— 
You  are  desired  to  persevere  till  you  obtain 
a  regulation   to  guard  our  vessels  from  hav 
ing  their  hands  impressed,  and  to  inhibit  the 
British  navy-officers  from  taking  them  under 
the  pretext  of  their  being  British  subjects. — 
To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.     iii,  552.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  243.     (Pa.,  May  1793. ) 

3870.  IMPRESSMENT,       Protection 
against. — We   entirely   reject  the  mode    [of 


Impressment 
Incorporation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


418 


protecting  our  seamen  from  impressment] 
which  was  the  subject  of  conversation  be 
tween  Mr.  [Gouverneur]  Morris  and  the 
British  minister,  which  was,  that  our  seamen 
should  always  carry  about  them  certificates  of 
their  citizenship.  This  is  a  condition  never 
yet  submitted  to  by  any  nation,  one  with 
which  seamen  would  never  have  the  precau 
tion  to  comply.  The  casualties  of  their  call 
ing  would  expose  them  to  the  constant 
destruction  or  loss  of  this  paper  evidence, 
and  thus,  the  British  government  would  be 
armed  with  legal  authority  to  impress  the 
whole  of  our  seamen.  The  simplest  rule  will 
be,  that  the  vessel  being  American,  shall  be 
evidence  that  the  seamen  on  board  her  are 
such.  If  they  apprehend  that  our  vessels 
might  thus  become  asylums  for  the  fugitives 
of  their  own  nation  from  impress-gangs,  the 
number  of  men  to  be  protected  by  a  vessel 
may  be  limited  by  her  tonnage,  and  one  or 
two  officers  only  be  permitted  to  enter  the 
vessel  in  order  to  examine  the  numbers  on 
board;  but  no  press-gang  should  be  allowed 
ever  to  go  on  board  an  American  vessel,  till 
after  it  shall  be  found  that  there  are  more  than 
their  stipulated  number  on  board,  nor  till 
after  the  master  shall  have  refused  to  deliver 
the  supernumeraries  (to  be  named  by  him 
self)  to  the  press-officer  who  has  come  on 
board  for  that  purpose ;  and  even  then,  the 
American  consul  should  be  called  in. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  443.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
76.  (Pa.,  June  1792.) 

3871.  IMPRESSMENT,   Remonstrances 
against. — On  the  impressment  of  our  seamen, 
our    remonstrances    have    never    been    inter 
mitted.     A  hope  existed  at  one  moment  of 
an  arrangement  which  might  have  been  sub 
mitted  to,  but  it  soon  passed  away,  and  the 
practice,  though  relaxed  at  times  in  the  dis 
tant    seas,    has    been    constantly    pursued    in 
those    in    pur    neighborhood. — SPECIAL    MES 
SAGE,     viii,   58.     FORD  ED.,   viii,   417.      (Jan. 
1806.) 

3872.  IMPRESSMENT,       Renunciation 
of. — Nothing  will  be  deemed  security  but  a 
renunciation   of   the   practice   of   taking   per 
sons  out  of  our  vessels,  under  the  pretence  of 
their  being  English. — To  JOHN   ARMSTRONG. 
v,  134.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  116.    (W.,  1807.) 

3873.  IMPRESSMENT,  Resistance  to.— 
Our    particular    and    separate    grievance    is 
only  the   impressment   of   our  citizens.     We 
must    sacrifice   the   last   dollar   and   drop   of 
blood  to  rid  us  of  that  badge  of  slavery. — To 
W.    H.    CRAWFORD,     vi,   418.     FORD  ED.,   ix, 
502.     (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

3874.  IMPRESSMENT,  Treaty  of  Peace 
and. — No  provision  being  made  [in  the  treaty 
of  peace]  against  the  impressment  of  our  sea 
men,    it   is   in    fact   but   an   armistice,   to   be 
terminated   by   the   first   act   of   impressment 
committed  on  an  American  citizen. — To  W. 
H.   CRAWFORD,     vi,   420.     FORD  ED.,   ix,   504. 
(M.,  1815.) 

3875. .     I   presume  that,   having 

spared  to  the  pride  of  England  her  formal 
acknowledgment  of  the  atrocity  of  impress 


ment  in  an  article  of  the  treaty,  she  will  con 
cur  in  a  convention  for  relinquishing  it. 
Without  this,  she  must  understand  that  the 
present  is  but  a  truce,  determinable  on  the 
first  act  of  impressment  of  an  American 
citizen,  committed  by  an  officer  of  hers. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi,  453.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
512.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

3876.  IMPRESSMENT,  War  against.— 
Continued  impressments  of  our  seamen  by 
her  naval  commanders,  whose  interest  it  was 
to  mistake  them  for  theirs,  her  innovations 
on  the  law  of  nations  to  cover  real  piracies, 
could  illy  be  borne;  and  perhaps  would  not 
have  been  borne,  had  not  contraventions  of 
the  same  law  by  France,  fewer  in  number  but 
equally  illegal,  rendered  it  difficult  to  single 
the  object  of  war.  England,  at  length,  singled 
herself,  and  took  up  the  gauntlet,  when  the 
unlawful  decrees  of  France  being  revoked  as 
to  us,  she,  by  the  proclamation  of  her  Prince 
Regent,  protested  to  the  world  that  she  would 
never  revoke  hers  until  those  of  France 
should  be  removed  as  to  all  nations.  Her  min 
ister,  too,  about  the  same  time,  in  an  official 
conversation  with  our  Charge,  rejected  our 
substitute  for  her  practice  of  impressment; 
proposed  no  other;  and  declared  explicitly 
that  no  admissible  one  for  this  abuse  could 
be  proposed.  Negotiation  being  thus  cut 
short,  no  alternative  remained  but  war,  or 
the  abandonment  of  the  persons  and  property 
of  our  citizens  on  the  ocean.  The  last  one, 
I  presume,  no  American  would  have  pre 
ferred.  War  was  therefore  declared,  and 
justly  declared;  but  accompanied  with  im 
mediate  offers  of  peace  on  simply  doing  us 
justice. — To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN,  vi,  215. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  422.  (M.,  Oct.  1813.) 

3877. .  On  that  point  [impress 
ment]  we  have  thrown  away  the  scabbard, 
and  the  moment  an  European  war  brings 
England  back  to  this  practice,  adds  us  again 
to  her  enemies. — To  MR.  MAURY.  vi,  467. 
(M.,  1815.) 

—  INAUGURAL  ADDRESSES,  Text  of. 
— See  APPENDIX. 

-  INCOME  TAX.— See  TAXATION. 

3878.  INCORPORATION,    Enumerated 
powers  and. — [It  has  been]  proposed  to  Con- 

fress  to  incorporate  an  Agricultural  Society, 
am  against  that,  because  I  think  Congress 
cannot  find  in  all  the  enumerated  powers  any 
one  which  authorizes  the  act,  much  less  the 
giving  the  public  money  to  that  use.  I  be 
lieve,  too,  if  they  had  the  power,  it  would 
soon  be  used  for  no  other  purpose  than  to 
buy  with  sinecures  useful  partisans. — To 
ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  493. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

3879.  INCORPORATION,        Executive 

and. — The  Administrator  shall  not  possess 
the  prerogative  *  *  *  of  erecting  corpora 
tions. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  19.  (June  1776.) 

3880.  INCORPORATION,  Federal  Con 
vention  and.— Baldwin  of  Kentucky,  men- 


419 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Incorporation 

Indemnification 


tions  at  table  the  following  fact:  When  the 
Bank  bill  was  under  discussion  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  Judge  Wilson  came  in, 
and  was  standing  by  Baldwin.  Baldwin  re 
minded  him  of  the  following  fact  which 
passed  in  the  grand  Convention.  Among  the 
enumerated  powers  given  to  Congress  was  one 
to  erect  corporations.  It  was  on  debate  struck 
out.  Several  particular  powers  were  then  pro 
posed.  Among  others,  Robert  Morris  pro 
posed  to  give  Congress  a  power  to  establish 
a  National  Bank.  Gouverneur  Morris  op 
posed  it,  observing  that  it  was  extremely 
doubtful  whether  the  Constitution  they  were 
framing  could  ever  be  passed  at  all  by  the 
people  of  America;  that  to  give  it  its  best 
chance,  however,  they  should  make  it  as 
palatable  as  possible,  and  put  nothing  into  it 
not  very  essential  which  might  raise  up 
enemies;  that  his  colleague,  Robert  Morris, 
well  knew  that  "  a  bank "  was  in  their 
State  (Pennsylvania)  the  very  watchword  of 
party ;  that  a  bank  had  been  the  great  bone  of 
contention  between  the  two  parties  of  the 
State  from  the  establishment  of  their  constitu 
tion,  having  been  erected,  put  down  and 
erected  again  as  either  party  preponderated ; 
that,  therefore,  to  insert  this  power  would  in 
stantly  enlist  against  the  whole  instrument  the 
whole  of  the  anti-bank  party  in  Pennsylvania ; 
whereupon,  it  was  rejected,  as  was  every 
other  special  power  except  that  of  giving 
copyrights  to  authors  and  patents  to  invent 
ors,  the  general  power  of  incorporation  being 
whittled  down  to  this  shred.  Wilson  agreed 
to  the  fact.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  191.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
278.  (1798.) 

3881. .    A  proposition  was  made 

to  the  Convention  which  formed  the  [Federal] 
Constitution  to  open  canals,  and  an  amenda 
tory  one  to  empower  them  to  incorporate. 
But  the  whole  was  rejected,  and  one  of  the 
reasons  for  rejection  urged  in  debate  was, 
that  then  they  would  have  power  to  erect 
a  bank,  which  would  render  the  great  cities, 
where  there  were  prejudices  and  jealousies  on 
the  subject,  adverse  to  the  reception  of  the 
Constitution. — NATIONAL  BANK  OPINION,  vii, 
558.  FORD  ED.,  v,  287.  (1791-) 

3882.  INCORPORATION,  General  wel 
fare  clause  and. — We  are  here  [Philadel 
phia]  engaged  in  improving  our  Constitution 
by  construction,  so  as  to  make  it  what  the 
[federal]  majority  think  it  should  have  been. 
The  Senate  received  yesterday  a  bill  from 
the  Representatives  incorporating  a  company 
for  Roosevelt's  copper  mines  in  Jersey.  This 
is  under  the  sweeping  clause  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  supported  by  the  following  pedigree 
of  necessities :  Congress  are  authorized  to  de 
fend  the  country ;  ships  are  necessary  for  that 
defence;  copper  is  necessary  for  ships;  mines 
are  necessary  to  produce  copper;  companies 
are  necessary  to  work  mines ;  and  "  this  is 
the  house  that  Jack  built  ".—To  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  445.  (Pa.,  April 
1800.) 

3883. .  The  House  of  Represent 
atives  sent  [to  the  Senate]  yesterday  a  bill 


for  incorporating  a  company  to  work  Roose 
velt's  copper  mines  in  New  Jersey.  I  do  not 
know  whether  it  is  understood  that  the  Leg 
islature  of  Jersey  was  incompetent  to  this,  or 
merely  that  we  have  concurrent  legislation 
under  the  sweeping  clause.  Congress  are 
authorized  to  defend  the  nation.  Ships  arc 
necessary  for  defence;  copper  is  necessary  for 
ships ;  mines  necessary  for  copper ;  a  company 
necessary  to  work  mines;  and  who  can  doubt 
this  reasoning  who  has  ever  played  at  "  This 
is  the  House  that  Jack  built ".  Under  such 
a  process  of  filiation  of  necessities  the  sweeping 
clause  makes  clea  work. — To  E.  LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  329.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  444.  (Pa.,  April  1800.) 

3884.  INCORPORATION,      Republican 
party  and. — It  has  always  been  denied  by  the 
republican  party  in  this  country,  that  the  Con 
stitution  had  given  the  power  of  incorporation 
to   Congress.     On   the   establishment   of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  this  was  the  great 
ground  on  which  that  establishment  was  corn- 
batted  ;  and  the  party  prevailing  supported  it 
only  on  the  argument  of  its  being  an  incident 
to  the  power  given  them  for  raising  money. 
On  this  ground  it  has  been  acquiesced  in,  and 
will  probably  be  acquiesced  in,  as  subsequently 
confirmed  by  public  opinion.    But  in  no  other 
instance  have  they  ever  exercised  this  power 
of  incorporation  out  of  this  District,  of  which 
they  are  the  ordinary   Legislature. — To   DR. 
MAESE.    v,  412.    (W.,  Jan.  1809.)     See  BANK 
(U.    S.),    CONSTITUTIONALITY    OF,    GENERAL 
WELFARE  and  MONOPOLY. 

3885.  INDEMNIFICATION,  Adequate. 

— To  demand  satisfaction  beyond  what  is  ade 
quate  is  a  wrong. — OFFICIAL  OPINION,  vii, 
628.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  258.  (1793.) 

3886.  INDEMNIFICATION,   Effectual. 
— One   thousand   ships   taken,    six   thousand 
seamen  impressed,   savage  butcheries  of  our 
citizens,  and  incendiary  machinations  against 
our  Union,  declare  that  they  and  their  allies, 
the  Spaniards,  must  retire  from  the  Atlantic 
side  of  our  continent  as  the  only  security  or 
indemnification   which  will  be  effectual. — To 
THOMAS  LETRE.    vi,  79.    (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

3887.  INDEMNIFICATION,    Frigate 
Chesapeake  and.— We  now  send  a  vessel  to 
call  upon  the  British  government  for  repa 
ration   for  the  past  outrage    [attack  on   the 
Chesapeake]  and  security  for  the  future. — To 
JOHN  ARMSTRONG,    v,  134.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  116. 
(W.,  1807.) 

3888. .     Reparation  for  the  past 

and  security  for  the  future  is  our  motto. — To 
DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  127.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
in.  (W.,  July  1807.) 

3889. .    An  armed  vessel  of  the 

United  States  was  dispatched  with  instruc 
tions  to  our  ministers  at  London  to  call  on 
that  government  for  the  satisfaction  and  se 
curity  required  by  the  outrage.  [Attack  on 
the  Chesapeake.] — SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  84.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  153.  (1807.) 


Indemnification 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


42O 


3890.  INDEMNIFICATION,      National 

retribution. — That  retribution  which  the 
laws  of  every  country  mean  to  extend  to 
those  who  suffer  unjustly. — To  COUNT  DE 
VERGENNES.  i,  486.  (P.,  1785.) 

3891.  INDEMNIFICATION,      National 
usage. — The  usage  of  nations  requires  that  we 
shall    give    the    offender    an    opportunity    of 
making    reparation    and    avoiding    war. — To 
VICE-PRESIDENT  CLINTON,     v,  116.     FORD  ED., 
ix.  100.     (W.,  1807.) 

3892.  INDEMNIFICATION,     Principle 

of. — I  take  the  true  principle  to  be,  that  "  for 
violations  of  jurisdiction,  with  the  consent  of 
the  sovereign,  or  his  voluntary  sufferance,  in 
demnification  is  due;  but  that  for  others  he  is 
bound  only  to  use  all  reasonable  means  to  ob 
tain  indemnification  from  the  aggressor, 
which  must  be  calculated  on  his  circum 
stances,  and  these  endeavors  bond  fide  made; 
and  failing,  he  is  no  further  responsible  ".  It 
would  be  extraordinary,  indeed,  if  we  were 
to  be  answerable  for  the  conduct  of  bellig 
erents  through  our  whole  coasts,  whether  in 
habited  or  not. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  v,  69. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  47.  (M.,  April  1807.) 

3893.  INDEMNIFICATION,      Security 
and. — The    sword    once    drawn,    full    justice 
must  be  done.     "  Indemnification  for  the  past 
and    security    for    the    future"     should    be 
painted  on  our  banners. — To  MR.  WRIGHT,  vi, 
78.     (M.,  Aug.  1812.) 

3894.  INDEMNIFICATION,       For 
slaves. — The   President    *    *    *    authorized 
Mr.   Gouverneur   Morris   to   enter   into   confer 
ence  with  the  British  ministers  in  order  to  dis 
cover  their  sentiments  on  the  *  *   *  indemnifi 
cation   for  the  negroes  carried  off  against  the 
stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  peace.     The  letters 
of   Mr.   Morris  *  *  *   [to  the   President]    state 
the    communications,    oral    and    written,    which 
have   passed   between    him    and   the    ministers , 
and  from  these  the  Secretary  of  State  draws  the 
following  inference  :     That  as  to  indemnification 
for  the  negroes,  their  measures  for  concealing 
them  were  in  the  first  instance  so  efficacious,  as 
to  reduce  our  demand  for  them,  so  far  as  we 
can  support  it  by  direct  proof,  to  be  very  small 
indeed.     Its  smallness  seems  to  have  kept  it  out 
of  discussion.     Were  other  difficulties  removed, 
they  would  probably  make  none  of  this  article. 

*  *  *  The    Secretary    of    State    is    of    opinion 

*  *  *  that  the  demands  *   *  *  of  indemnifica 
tion   should  not  be   again   made  till  we  are  in 
readiness  to  do  ourselves  the  justice  which  may 
be  refused. — REPORT  ON  BRITISH  NEGOTIATIONS. 
vii,  517.     FORD  ED.,  v,  261.     (1790.) 

3895.  INDEPENDENCE,  First  idea  of 
American. — In  July  1775,  a  separation  from 
Great  Britain  and  establishment  of  republican 
government  had  never  yet  entered  into  any 
person's  mind.     *     *     *     Independence,  and 
the  establishment  of  a  new  form  of  govern 
ment,  were  not  even  the  objects  of  the  people 
at    large.      One    extract    from    the    pamphlet 
called  "  Common  Sense  "  had  appeared  in  the 
Virginia  papers  in  February,  and  copies  of  the 
pamphlet  itself  had  got  in  a  few  hands.     But 
the  idea  had  not  been  opened  to  the  mass  of 
the  people  in  April,  much  less  can  it  be  said 
that  they  had   made   up   their  minds   in   its 


favor.* — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  363.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  225.  (1782.)  See  COLONIES,  DECLARA 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  PARLIAMENT  and 
REVOLUTION  (AMERICAN). 

3896.  INDIANS,  Agriculture  and.— The 

decrease  of  game  rendering  their  subsistence  by 
hunting  insufficient,  we  wish  to  draw  them  to 
agriculture,  to  spinning  and  weaving.  The  lat 
ter  branches  they  take  up  with  great  readiness, 
because  they  fall  to  the  women,  who  gain  by 
quitting  the  labors  of  the  field  for  those  which 
are  exercised  within  doors. — To  GOVERNOR  HAR 
RISON,  iv,  472.  (W.,  1803.) 

3897. .    I  consider  the  business  of 

hunting  as  already  become  insufficient  to  fur 
nish  clothing  and  subsistence  to  the  Indians. 
The  promotion  of  agriculture,  therefore,  and 
household  manufacture,  are  essential  in  their 
preservation,  and  I  am  disposed  to  aid  and  en 
courage  it  liberally. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS. 
iv,  467.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  213.  (1803.) 

3898.  INDIANS  AS  ALLIES.— They  are 
a    useless,    expensive,    ungovernable    ally. — To 
JOHN  PAGE.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  88.    (Pa.,  1776.) 

3899.  INDIANS,     Amalgamation.— The 

ultimate  point  of  rest  and  happiness  for  them 
is  to  let  our  settlements  and  theirs  meet  and 
blend  together,  to  intermix,  and  become  one 
people.  Incorporating  themselves  with  us  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  this  is  what  the 
natural  progress  of  things  will  of  course  bring 
on,  and  it  will  be  better  to  promote  than  to 
retard  it. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,  iv,  467. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  214.  (1803.) 

3900.  -  — .     Our      settlements     will 
gradually    circumscribe    and    approach    the    In 
dians,  and  they  will  in  time  either  incorporate 
with   us    as   citizens   of  the   United    States,    or 
remove  beyond  the  Mississippi.     The  former  is 
certainly  the  determination  of  their  history  most 
happy  for  themselves  ;  but,  in  the  whole  course 
of  this  it  is  essential  to  cultivate  their  love. — To 
GOVERNOR  HARRISON,     iv,  472.     (W.,   1803.) 

3901. .     I  shall  rejoice  to  see  the 

day  when  the  red  men,  our  neighbors,  become 
truly  one  people  with  us,  enjoying  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  we  do,  and  living  in  peace 
and  plenty  as  we  do,  without  any  one  to  make 
them  afraid,  to  injure  their  persons,  or  to  take 
their  property  without  being  punished  for  it 
according  to  fixed  laws. — To  THE  CHEROKEE 
CHIEFS,  viii,  214.  (1808.) 

3902.  INDIANS,      American      Nations 
and. — [It  is]  an  established  principle  of  public 
law;  among  the  white  nations  of  America^  that 
while  the  Indians  included  within  their  limits 
retain  all  other  natural  rights,   no  other  white 
nations  can  become  their  patrons,  protectors  or 
mediators,    nor    in    any    shape    intermeddle   be 
tween  them  and  those  within  whose  limits  they 
are. — ANAS.      ix,      433.      FORD      ED.,    i,      210. 
(1792.) 

3903.  —     .     We  consider  it  as  estab 
lished  by  the  usage  of  different  nations  into  a 

*  In  the  FORD  EDITION  (iii,  226)  attention  is  called  to 
a  letter  written  by  Jefferson  from  Philadelphia,  May, 
16,  1776,  to  Thomas  Nelson,  in  which  he  said  :  "  I  wish 
much  to  see  you  here,  yet  hope  you  will  contrive 
to  bring  on  as  early  as  you  can  in  convention  the 
great  questions  of  the  session.  I  suppose  they  will 
tell  us  what  to  say  on  the  subject  of  Independence, 
but  hope  respect  will  be  expressed  to  the  right  opin 
ion  in  other  Colonies  who  may  happen  to  differ  from 
them.  When  at  home  I  took  great  pains  to  enquire 
into  the  sentiments  of  the  people  on  that  head,  in  the 
upper  counties  I  think  I  may  safely  say  nine  out  of 
ten  are  for  it."— EDITOR. 


421 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Indians 


kind  of  Jus  gentium  for  America,  that  a  white 
nation  settling  down  and  declaring  that  such 
and  such  are  their  limits,  makes  an  invasion  of 
those  limits  by  any  other  white  nation  an  act  of 
war,  but  gives  no  right  of  soil  against  the  native 
possessors. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  429.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
197.  (1792.) 

3904.  INDIAN'S,  Brotherhood  of.— Made 
by  the  same  Great  Spirit,  and  living  in  the  same 
land  with  our  brothers,  the  red  men,  we  consider 
ourselves  as  of  the  same  family ;  we  wish  to  live 
with  them  as  one  people,  and  to  cherish  their 
interests    as    our    own. — ADDRESS    TO    INDIANS. 
viii,  184.     (1802.) 

3905.  INDIANS,    Catherine    of    Russia 
and. — What  Professor  Adelung  mentions  of 
the  Empress  Catherine's  having  procured  many 
vocabularies    of    our    Indians,    is    correct.     She 
applied  to   M.  de   Lafayette,   who,  through   the 
aid  of   General   Washington,   obtained   several; 
but  I  never  learnt  of  what  particular  tribes. — 
To  MR.  DUPONCEAU.     vii,  96.     (M.,  1817.) 

3906.  INDIANS,  Citizenship  and.— We 
have  already  had  an  application  from  a  settle 
ment    of    Indians    to    become    citizens    of    the 
United  States.     It  is  possible,  perhaps  probable, 
that  this  idea  may  be  so  novel  as  that  it  might 
shock  the  Indians,  were  it  even  hinted  to  them. 
Of  course,  you  will  keep   it  for  your  own  re 
flection  ;  but,  convinced  of  its  soundness,  I  feel 
it  consistent  with  pure  morality  to  lead  them 
towards  it,  to  familiarize  them  to  the  idea  that 
it  is  for  their  interest  to  cede  lands  at  times  to 
the  United  States,  and  for  us  to  procure  grat 
ifications  to  our  citizens,  from  time  to  time,  by 
new  acquisitions  of  land. — To  BENJAMIN  HAW 
KINS,    iv,  468.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  215,  (W.,  1803.) 

3907.  INDIANS,   Civilizing.— It  is  evi 
dent  that  your  society   has  begun  at  the  right 
end   for  civilizing  the   Indians.     Habits  of  in 
dustry,    easy    subsistence,    attachment   to    prop 
erty,  are  necessary  to  prepare  their  minds  for 
the  first  elements  of  science,  and  afterwards  for 
moral  and  religious  instruction.     To  begin  with 
the  last  has  ever  ended  either  in  effecting  noth 
ing,    or    ingrafting   bigotry    on    ignorance,    and 
setting  them  to  tomahawking  and  burning  old 
women    and    others    as    witches,    of    which    we 
have  seen  a  commencement  among  them. — To 
JAMES  PEMBERTON.    v,  212.     (W.,  1807.) 

3908. .     They  are  our  brethren, 

our  neighbors ;  they  may  be  valuable  friends, 
and  troublesome  enemies.  Both  duty  and  inter 
est  enjoin,  that  we  should  extend  to  them  the 
blessings  of  civilized  life,  and  prepare  their 
minds  for  becoming  useful  members  of  the 
American  family. — R.  TO  A.  viii,  118.  (1807.) 

3909.  — .    The  plan  of  civilizing  the 

Indians    is    undoubtedly    a    great    improvement 
on  the  ancient  and  totally  ineffectual  one  of  be 
ginning   with   religious   missionaries.      Our   ex 
perience  has  shown  that  this  must  be  the  last 
step    of   the    process.      The    following    is    what 
has  been  successful :  ist,  to  raise  cattle,  &c.,  and 
thereby   acquire   a   knowledge    of   the   value   of 
property ;     2d,     arithmetic,     to     calculate     that 
value  ;   3d,  writing,  to  keep  accounts,  and  here 
they   begin  to   enclose   farms,   and  the   men   to 
labor,  the  women   to   spin  and  weave ;   4th,   to 
read  "  Aesop's  Fables  "  and  "  Robinson  Crusoe  " 
are  their  first  delight.     The  Creeks  and  Chero- 
kees  are  advanced  thus  far,  and  the  Cherokees 
are  now  instituting  a  regular  government. — To 
JAMES  JAY.     v,  440.     (M.,  April  1809.) 

3910.  — .     The  civilization  and  im 
provement   of  the   Indian   tribes  *  *  *  I   have 


ever  had  much  at  heart,  and  never  omitted  an 
occasion  of  promoting  while  I  have  been  in  sit 
uations  to  do  it  with  effect ;  and  nothing,  even 
now,  in  the  calm  of  age  and  retirement,  would 
excite  in  me  a  more  lively  interest  than  an  ap- 
provable  plan  of  raising  that  respectable  and 
unfortunate  people  from  the  state  of  physical 
and  moral  abjection,  to  which  they  have  been 
reduced  by  circumstances  foreign  to  them. — To 
JEDEDIAH.  MORSE,  vii,  233.  FORD  ED.,  x,  203. 
(M.,  1822.)  See  CIVILIZATION. 

3911.  INDIANS,     Coercing.— Nothing 

ought  more  to  be  avoided  than  the  embarking 
ourselves  in  a  system  of  military  coercion  on  the 
Indians.  If  we  do  this,  we  shall  have  general 
and  perpetual  war. — To  MERIWETHER  LEWIS. 
v,  350.  (M.,  1808.) 

3912.  INDIANS,       Commiseration.— In 
the  early  part  of  my  life,  I  was  very  familiar 
with  the  Ind'ans,  and  acquired  impressions  of 
attachment  and  commiseration  for  them  which 
have  never  been  obliterated. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  61.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  358.    (M.,  1812.) 

3913.  INDIANS,   Controlling.— The  In 
dians  can  be  kept  in  order  only  by  commerce  or 
war.     The  former  is  the  cheaper. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.    v,  227.     (W.,  1808.) 

3914.  INDIANS,  Descent  of.— Moreton's 
deduction   of   the   origin   of   our   Indians   from 
the    fugitive    Trojans,  *  *  *  and    his    manner 
of  accounting  for  the  sprinkling  of  their  Latin 
with    Greek,    is   really   amusing.      Adair   makes 
them  talk  Hebrew.    Reinold  Foster  derives  them 
from  the  soldiers  sent  by  Kouli  Khan  to  conquer 
Japan.     Brerewood,   from  the  Tartars,   as  well 
as  our  bears,  wolves,  foxes,  &c.,  which,  he  says, 
"  must  of  necessity  fetch  their  beginning  from 
Noah's  ark,  which  rested,   after  the  deluge  in 
Asia,    seeing    they    could    not    proceed    by    the 
course  of  nature,  as  the  imperfect  sort  of  living 
creatures    do,     from    putrefaction ".      Bernard 
Romans    is    of    opinion    that    God    created    an 
original   man   and   woman   in   this   part   of   the 
globe.      Doctor    Barton    thinks    they    are    not 
specifically    different    from    the    Persians ;    but, 
taking  afterwards  a  broader  range,  he  thinks, 
"  that  in  all  the  vast  countries  of  America,  there 
is  but  one  language,  nay,  that  it  may  be  proven, 
or   rendered   highly   probable,   that  all   the  lan 
guages  of  the  earth  bear  some  affinity  together  ". 
This  reduces  it  to  a  question  of  definition,  in 
which  every  one  is  free  to  use  his  own :  to  wit, 
what  constitutes  identity,  or  difference  in  two 
things,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  sameness. 
All  languages  may  be  called  the  same,  as  be 
ing  all  made  up  of  the  same  primitive  sounds, 
expressed  by  the  letters  of  the  different  alpha 
bets.     But,  in  this  sense,  all  things  on  earth  are 
the  same  as  consisting  of  matter.     This  gives 
up    the    useful    distribution    into    genera    and 
species,  which  we  form,  arbitrarily  indeed,  for 
the  relief  of  our  imperfect  memories.     To  aid 
the   question,    from    whence   our    Indian    tribes 
are   descended,   some   have   gone   into  their  re 
ligion,    their    morals,    their    manners,    customs, 
habits,   and  physical   forms.      By  such   helps   it 
may   be   learnedly   proved,    that   our   trees    and 
plants  of  every  kind  are  descended  from  those 
of   Europe ;    because,    like   them,   they   have   no 
locomotion,    they    draw    nourishment    from    the 
earth,    they    clothe    themselves    with    leaves    in 
spring,  of  which  they  divest  themselves  in  au 
tumn  for  the  sleep  of  winter,  &c.     Our  animals, 
too,  must  be  descended  from  those  of  Europe, 
because    our    wolves    eat   lambs,    our   deer    are 
gregarious,  our  ants  hoard,  &c.     But,  when  for 
convenience    we    distribute    languages,    accord 
ing  to  common  understanding,  into  classes  orig- 


Indians 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


422 


inally  different,  as  we  choose  to  consider  them, 
as  the  Hebrew,  the  Greek,  the  Celtic,  the 
Gothic ;  and  these  again  into  genera,  or  families, 
as  the  Icelandic,  German,  Swedish,  Danish, 
English ;  and  these  last  into  species,  or  dialects, 
as  English,  Scotch,  Irish,  we  then  ascribe  other 
meanings  to  the  terms  "  same "  and  "  differ 
ent  ".  In  some  of  these  senses,  Barton,  and 
Adair,  and  Foster,  and  Brerewood,  and  Mor 
ton,  may  be  right,  every  one  according  to  his 
own  definition  of  what  constitutes  "  identity  ". 
Romans,  indeed,  takes  a  higher  stand,  and  sup 
poses  a  separate  creation.  On  the  same  un- 
scriptural  ground,  he  had  but  to  mount  one 
step  higher,  to  suppose  no  creation  at  all,  but 
that  all  things  have  existed  without  beginning 
in  time,  as  they  now  exist,  and  may  forever  ex 
ist,  producing  and  reproducing  in  a  circle, 
without  end.  This  would  very  summarily  dis 
pose  of  Mr.  Moreton's  learning,  and  show  that 
the  question  of  Indian  origin,  like  many  others, 
pushed  to  a  certain  height,  must  receive  the 
same  answer,  "  Ignoro  ". — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
121.  (M.,  May  1813.)  See  ABORIGINES. 

3915.  INDIANS,    Driven   westward.— I 

am  sorry  to  hear  that  the  Indians  have  com 
menced  war,  but  greatly  pleased  you  have  been 
so  decisive  on  that  head.  Nothing  will  re 
duce  those  wretches  so  soon  as  pushing  the 
war  into  the  heart  of  their  country.  But  I 
would  not  stop  there.  I  would  never  cease  pur 
suing  them  while  one  of  them  remained  on  this 
side  the  Mississippi. — To  JOHN  PAGE.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  73.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

3916.  — -      —.The    Indians    backward 
[in    civilization]     will    yield,    and    be    thrown 
further  back.     They  will  relapse  into  barbarism 
and  misery,  lose  numbers  by  war  and  want,  and 
we    shall    be    obliged   to    drive    them    with    the 
beasts  of  the  forest  into  the  stony  mountains. — 
To  JOHN   ADAMS,     vi,  62.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   358. 
(M.,  1812.) 

3917.  INDIANS,     Fire-hunting     by.— 

You  ask  if  the  usage  of  hunting  in  circles  has 
ever  been  known  among  any  of  our  tribes  of 
Indians  ?  It  has  been  practiced  by  them  all ; 
And  is  to  this  day,  by  those  still  remote  from 
the  settlements  of  the  whites.  But  their  num 
bers  and  enabling  them  like  Genghis  Khan's 
seven  hundred  thousand,  to  form  themselves 
into  circles  of  one  hundred  miles  diameter, 
they  make  their  circle  by  firing  the  leaves  fallen 
on  the  ground,  which  gradually  forcing  the 
animals  to  a  centre,  they  there  slaughter  them 
with  arrows,  darts  and  other  missiles. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  122.  (M.,  1813.) 

3918.  INDIANS,    Fortifications.— I   be 
lieve  entirely  with  you  that  the  remains  of  forti 
fications,   found   in   the   western   country,   have 
been  the  works  of  the  natives. — To  HARRY  IN- 
NES.     iii,  217.     FORD  ED.,  v,  294.     (Pa.,   1791.) 

3919.  INDIANS,    Friendship.— It  is   on 

their  interests  we  must  rely  for  their  friendship, 
and  not  on  their  fears. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN. 
v,  349-  (M.,  1808.) 

3920.  INDIANS,  Genius.— It  is  in  North 
America   we   are   to   seek  their    [the   Indians'] 
original  character.     And  I  am  safe  in  affirming, 
that  the  proofs  of  genius  given  by  the  Indians 
of  North  America  place  them  on  a  level  with 
whites    in    the    same    uncultivated    state.      The 
North  of  Europe  furnishes  subjects  enough  for 
comparison  with  them,  and  for  a  proof  of  their 
equality,   I   have   seen   some  thousands   myself, 
and  conversed  much  with  them,  and  have  found 
in    them    a    masculine,    sound    understanding. 
*  *  *  I  believe  the  Indian  to  be  in  body  and 


mind  equal  to  the  white  man. — To  GENERAL 
CHASTELLUX.  i,  341.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  137.  (P., 
1785.) 

3921.  INDIANS,    Government.— The 

practice  [of  dividing  themselves  into  small  so 
cieties]  results  from  the  circumstance  of  their 
having  never  submitted  themselves  to  any  laws, 
any  coercive  power,  any  shadow  of  government. 
Their  only  controls  are  their  manners,  and  that 
moral  sense  of  right  and  wrong,  which,  like 
the  sense  of  tasting  and  feeling  in  every  man, 
makes  a  part  of  his  nature.  An  offence  against 
these  is  ^punished  by  contempt,  by  exclusion 
from  society,  or,  where  the  case  is  serious,  as 
that  of  murder,  by  the  individuals  whom  it  con 
cerns.  Imperfect  as  this  species  of  coercion  may 
seem,  crimes  are  very  rare  among  them ;  in 
somuch  that  were  it  made  a  question,  whether 
no  law,  as  among  the  savage  Americans,  or  too 
much  law,  as  among  the  civilized  Europeans, 
submits  man  to  the  greatest  evil,  one  who  has 
seen  both  conditions  of  existence  would  pro 
nounce  it  to  be  the  last ;  and  that  the  sheep 
are  happier  of  themselves,  than  under  the  care 
of  the  wolves.  It  will  be  said  that  great  socie 
ties  cannot  exist  without  government.  The 
savages,  therefore,  break  them  into  small  ones. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  338.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
195.  (1782.) 

3922.  INDIANS,   Great  Britain  and.— 

You  know  the  benevolent  plan  we  were  pur 
suing  here  for  the  happiness  of  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants  in  our  vicinities.  We  spared  noth 
ing  to  keep  them  at  peace  with  one  another. 
To  teach  them  agriculture  and  the  rudiments 
of  the  most  necessary  arts,  and  to  encourage 
industry  by  establishing  among  them  separate 
property.  In  this  way  they  would  have  been 
enabled  to  subsist  and  multiply  on  a  moderate 
scale  of  landed  possession.  They  would  have 
mixed  their  blood  with  ours,  and  been  amal 
gamated  and  identified  with  us  within  no  distant 
period  of  time.  On  the  commencement  of  the 
present  war  [with  Great  Britain],  we  pressed 
on  them  the  observance  of  peace  and  neutrality, 
but  the  interested  and  unprincipled  policy  of 
England  has  defeated  all  our  labors  for  the 
salvation  of  these  unfortunate  people.  They 
have  seduced  the  greater  part  of  the  tribes 
within  our  neighborhood,  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  us,  and  the  cruel  massacres  they  have 
committed  on  the  women  and  children  of  our 
frontiers  taken  by  surprise  will  oblige  us  now 
to  pursue  them  to  extermination,  or  drive 
them  to  new  seats  beyond  our  reach.  *  *  * 
The  confirmed  brutalization,  if  not  the  extermi 
nation  of  this  race  in  our  America,  is  there 
fore  to  form  an  additional  chapter  in  the  Eng 
lish  history  of  the  same  colored  man  in  Asia, 
and  of  the  brethren  of  their  own  color  in  Ire 
land,  and  wherever  else  Anglo-mercantile  cu 
pidity  can  find  a  two-penny  interest  in  delu 
ging  the  earth  with  human  blood. — To  BARON  DE 
HUMBOLDT.  vi,  269.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  431.  (Dec. 
1813.) 

3923.  INDIANS,  Justice    to.— The    two 
principles   on   which   our   conduct   towards   the 
Indians  should  be  founded  are  justice  and  fear. 
After   the    injuries   we   have    done   them,    they 
cannot  love  us,  which  leaves  us  no  alternative 
but  that  of  fear  to  keep  them  from  attacking 
us.     But  justice  is  what  we  should  never  lose 
sight    of    and,    in    time,    it    may    recover    their 
esteem. — To   MR.   HAWKINS,     ii,   3.    (P.,   1786.) 

3924. .     Nothing  must  be  spared 

to  convince  the  Indians  of  the  justice  and  lib 
erality  we  are  determined  to  use  towards  thern, 
and  to  attach  them  to  us  indissolubly. — To  DR. 
SIBLEY.  iv,  581.  (W.,  1805.) 


423 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Indians 


3925.  INDIANS,  Lands    of.— It  may  be 

regarded  as  certain,  that  not  a  foot  of  land  will 
ever  be  taken  from  the  Indians,  without  their 
own  consent.  The  sacredness  of  their  rights  is 
felt  by  all  thinking  persons  in  America  as  much 
as  in  Europe. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  260. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  166.  (P.,  1786.) 

3926. .  When  they  withdraw 

themselves  to  the  culture  of  a  small  piece  of 
land,  they  will  perceive  how  useless  to  them 
are  their  extensive  forests,  and  will  be  willing 
to  pare  them  off  from  time  to  time  in  ex 
change  for  necessaries  for  their  farms  and  fam 
ilies. — To  GOVERNOR  HARRISON,  iv,  472.  (W., 
1803.) 

3927. .  To  promote  the  disposi 
tion  to  exchange  lands,  which  they  have  to 
spare  and  we  want,  for  necessaries,  which  we 
have  to  spare  and  they  want,  we  shall  push  our 
trading  uses,  and  be  glad  to  see  the  good  and  in 
fluential  individuals  among  them  run  in  debt, 
because  we  observe  that  when  these  debts  get 
beyond  what  the  individuals  can  pay,  they  be 
come  willing  to  lop  them  off  by  a  cession  of 
lands.  At  our  trading  houses,  too,  we  mean 
to  sell  so  low  as  merely  to  repay  us  cost  and 
charges,  so  as  neither  to  lessen  nor  enlarge  our 
capital. — To  GOVERNOR  HARRISON,  iv,  472.  (W., 
1803.) 

3928. .  I  am  myself  alive  to  the 

obtaining  lands  from  the  Indians  by  all  honest 
and  peaceable  means,  and  I  believe  that  the 
honest  and  peaceable  means  adopted  by  us  will 
obtain  them  as  fast  as  the  expansion  of  our 
settlements  with  due  regard  to  compactness,  will 
require. — To  ANDREW  JACKSON,  iv,  464.  (Wu 
1803.) 

—  INDIANS,    Languages   of. — See   AB 
ORIGINES. 

3929.  INDIANS,    Outacite.— Before    the 
Revolution,   the   Indians   were   in   the   habit   of 
coming  often  and  in  great  numbers  to  the  seat 
of  government  [in  Virginia],  where  I  was  verv 
much    with    them.      I    knew    much    the    great 
Outacite,  the  warrior  and  orator  of  the  Chero- 
kees ;   he  was   always   the  guest  of  my   father. 
on  his  journeys  to  and  from  Williamsburg.     I 
was  in  his  camp  when  he  made  his  great  fare 
well   oration  to   his   people  the   evening  before 
his    departure    for    England.      The    moon    was 
in  full  splendor,  and  to  her  he  seemed  to  ad 
dress  himself  in  his  prayers  for  his  own  safety 
on  the  voyage,   and  that  of  his  people  during 
his  absence  ;  his  sounding  voice,  distinct  artic 
ulation,  animated  action,  and  the  solemn  silence 
of   his   people   at  their   several   fires,   filled   me 
with   awe   and  veneration,   although   I   did   not 
understand  a  word  he  uttered. — To  JOHN  AD 
AMS,     vi,  61.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  358.     (M.,  1812.) 

3930.  INDIANS,  Peace  with.— Our  sys 
tem  is  to  live  in  perpetual  peace  with  the  In 
dians,   to   cultivate   an    affectionate    attachment 
from  them,  by  everything  just  and  liberal  which 
we  can  do  for  them  within  the  bounds  of  reason, 
and  by  giving  them  effectual  protection  against 
wrongs    from    our    own   people. — To    GOVERNOR 
HARRISON,     iv,  472.      (W.,   1803.) 

—  INDIANS,     Policy     respecting.— See 

SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  in  APPENDIX. 

3931.  INDIANS,    Priesthood.— You    ask 

if  the  Indians  have  any  order  of  priesthood 
among  them,  like  the  Druids,  Bards  or  Min 
strels  of  the  Celtic  nations?  Adair  alone,  de 
termined  to  see  what  he  wished  to  see  in  every 
object,  metamorphoses  their  conjurers  into  an 


order  of  priests,  and  describes  their  sorceries 
as  if  they  were  the  great  religious  ceremonies 
of  the  nation.  Lafitau  called  them  by  their 
proper  names,  Jongleurs,  Devins,  Sortileges; 
De  Bry,  praestigiatores ;  Adair  himself  some 
times  Magi,  Archimagi,  cunning  men,  Seers, 
rain-makers ;  and  the  modern  Indian  interpre 
ters  call  them  conjurers  and  witches.  They 
are  persons  pretending  to  have  communications 
with  the  devil  and  other  evil  spirits,  to  foretell 
future  events,  bring  down  rain,  find  stolen 
goods,  raise  the  dead,  destroy  some  and  heal 
others  by  enchantment,  lay  spells,  &c.  And 
Adair,  without  departing  from  his  parallel  of 
the  Jews  and  Indians,  might  have  found  their 
counterpart  much  more  aptly  among  the  sooth 
sayers,  sorcerers  and  wizards  of  the  Jews,  their 
Cannes  and  Gambres,  their  Simon  Magus,  Witch 
of  ^Endor,  and  the  young  damsel  whose  sor 
ceries  disturbed  Paul  so  much ;  instead  of 
placing  them  in  a  line  with  their  high-priest, 
their  chief-priests,  and  their  magnificent  hier 
archy  generally.  In  the  solemn  ceremonies  of 
the  Indians,  the  persons  who  direct  or  officiate, 
are  their  chiefs,  elders  and  warriors,  in  civil 
ceremonies  or  in  those  of  war ;  it  is  the  head  of 
the  cabin  in  their  private  or  particular  feasts 
or  ceremonies ;  and  sometimes  the  matrons,  as 
in  their  corn  feasts.  And  even  here,  Adair  might 
have  kept  up  his  parallel,  without  ennobling  his 
conjurers.  For  the  ancient  patriarchs,  the 
Noahs,  the  Abrahams,  Isaacs  and  Jacobs,  and 
even  after  the  consecration  of  Aaron,  the  Sam 
uels  and  Elijahs,  and  we  may  say  further, 
every  one  for  himself  offered  sacrifices  on  the 
altars.  The  true  line  of  distinction  seems  to  be, 
that  solemn  ceremonies,  whether  public  or  pri 
vate,  addressed  to  the  Great  Spirit,  are  con 
ducted  by  the  worthies  of  the  nation,  men  or 
matrons,  while  conjurers  are  resorted  to  only 
for  the  invocation  of  evil  spirits.  The  present 
state  of  the  Indian  tribes,  without  any  public 
order  of  priests,  is  proof  sufficient  that  they 
never  had  such  an  order.  Their  steady  habits 
permit  no  innovations,  not  even  those  which 
the  progress  of  science  offers  to  increase  the 
comforts,  enlarge  the  understanding,  and  im 
prove  the  morality  of  mankind.  Indeed,  so 
little  idea  have  they  of  a  regular  order  of 
priests,  that  they  mistake  ours  for  their  con 
jurers,  and  call  them  by  that  name. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  60.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  357.  (M.,  1812.) 

3932.  INDIANS,  Protection  of.— It  is  a 

leading  object  of  our  present  government  to 
guarantee  the  Indians  in  their  present  posses 
sions,  and  to  protect  their  persons  with  the 
same  fidelity  which  is  extended  to  its  own  citi 
zens.— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  iii,  260.  (Pa., 
1791.) 

3933.  INDIANS,  The  Revolution  and.— 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war  [of  the  Revo 
lution],  the  United  States  laid  it  down  as  a 
rule  of  their  conduct,  to  engage  the  Indian  tribes 
within  their  neighborhood  to  remain  strictly 
neutral.  They  accordingly  strongly  pressed  it 
on  them,  urging  that  it  was  a  family  quarrel 
with  which  they  had  nothing  to  do,  and  in 
which  we  wished  them  to  take  no  part ;  and 
we  strengthened  these  recommendations  by 
doing  them  every  act  of  friendship  and  good 
neighborhood,  which  circumstances  left  in  our 
power.  With  some,  these  solicitations  pre 
vailed  ;  but  the  greater  part  of  them  suffered 
themselves  to  be  drawn  into  the  war  against  us. 
They  waged  it  in  their  usual  cruel  manner, 
murdering  and  scalping  men,  women  and  chil 
dren,  indiscriminately,  burning  their  houses,  and 
desolating  the  country.  They  put  us  to  vast 
expense,  as  well  by  the  constant  force  we  were 
obliged  to  keep  up  in  that  quarter,  as  by  the 


Indians 
Industry 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


424 


expeditions  of  considerable  magnitude  which 
we  were  under  the  necessity  of  sending  into 
their  country  from  time  to  time. — To  CAR- 
MICHAEL  AND  SHORT,  iv,  9.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  331. 

/  pp  T  <7Q  O      \ 

3934. .     Peace    being    at    length 

concluded  with  England,  we  had  it  also  to  con 
clude  with  them.     They  had  made  war  on  us 
without   the   least   provocation    or   pretence   of 
injury.     They  had  added  greatly  to  the  cost  of 
that  war.     They  had  insulted  our  feelings  b.v 
their  savage  cruelties.     They  were  by  our  arms 
completely    subdued    and   humbled.      Under   all 
these  circumstances,  we  had  a  right  to  demand 
substantial     satisfaction     and     indemnification. 
We   used  that   right,   however,   with   real   mod 
eration.     Their  limits  with  us  under  the  former 
government    were    generally    ill    defined,    ques 
tionable,  and  the  frequent  cause  of  war.     Sin 
cerely  desirous  of  living  in  their  peace,  of  cul 
tivating  it  by  every  act  of  justice  and  friend 
ship,  and  of  rendering  them  better  neighbors  by 
introducing    among    them    some    of    the    most 
useful  arts,  it  was  necessary  to  begin  by  a  pre 
cise    definition    of    boundary.      Accordingly,    at 
the  treaties  held  with  them,  our  mutual  bound 
aries  were  settled ;  and  notwithstanding  our  just 
right   to    concessions   adequate   to   the   circum 
stances  of  the  case,  we  required  such  only  as 
were    inconsiderable ;    and    for    even    these,    in 
order  that  we  might  place  them  in  a  state  of 
perfect   conciliation,   we  paid   them   a  valuable 
consideration,    and   granted   them    annuities    in 
money    which    have    been    regularly    paid,    and 
were  equal  to  the  prices   for  which  they  have 
usually  sold  their  lands. — To  CARMICHAEL  AND 
SHORT,    iv,  10.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  331.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

3935.  INDIANS,  Bights  of.— The  want 
of  attention  to  their  rights  is  a  principal  source 
of  dishonor  to  the  American  character. — To  MR. 
HAWKINS,    ii,  3-     (P-,  1786.) 

3936.  INDIANS,     Schools    for.— The 
teaching  the  Indian  boys  and  girls  to  read  and 
write,   agriculture  and  mechanic  trades  to  the 
former,  spinning  and  weaving  to  the  latter,  may 
perhaps  be  acceded  to  by  us  advantageously  for 
the   Indians. — To   HENRY   DEARBORN,     vii,   278. 
(1808.) 

3937.  INDIANS,   Sioux.— On  the   Sioux 
nation   we   wish   most   particularly   to  ^make    a 
friendly  impression,  because  of  their  immense 
power,  and  because  we  learn  that  they  are  very 
desirous  of  being  on  the   most  friendly  terms 
with    us. — To     CAPTAIN     MERIWETHER    LEWIS. 
iv,  522.     (W.,  1804.) 

3938.  INDIANS,  Temperance.— Our  en 
deavors  are  to  impress  on  them  all  profoundly, 
temperance,   peace   and  agriculture ;   and   I   am 
persuaded    they    begin    to    feel    profoundly    the 
soundness  of  the  advice. — To  DR.   LOGAN,     v, 
404.      (W.,    1808.) 

3939.  INDIANS,    Trade   vs.    Armies.— 

As  soon  as  our  factories  on  the  Missouri  and 
Mississippi  can  be  in  activity,  they  will  have 
more  powerful  effects  than  so  many  armies. — 
To  MERIWETHER  LEWIS,  v,  351.  (M.,  1808.) 

3940. .     Have  you  thought  of  the 

Indian  drawback?  The  Indians  can  be  kept 
in  order  only  by  commerce  or  war.  The  former 
is  the  cheaper.  Unless  we  can  induce  in 
dividuals  to  employ  their  capital  in  that  trade., 
it  will  require  an  enormous  sum  of  capital  from 
the  public  treasury,  and  it  will  be  badly  man 
aged.  A  drawback  for  four  or  five  years  is  the 
cheapest  way  of  getting  that  business  off  our 
hands. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  227.  (Wv 
1808.) 


3941.  INDIANS,     Traditions.— Some 

scanty    accounts    of    the    traditions    of    the    In 
dians,    but    fuller   of   their   customs    and   char 
acters,  are  given  us  by  most  of  the  early  travel 
ers  among  them  ;  these  you  know  were  mostly 
French.      Lafitau,   among   them,    and   Adair   an 
Englishman,     have    written     on     this     subject. 
*  *  *  But   unluckily    Lafitau    had    in    his    head 
a  preconceived  theory  on  the  mythology,  man 
ners,   institutions,    and   government   of   the   an 
cient  nations  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  and 
seems   to    have    entered    on    those    of   America 
only  to  fit  them  into  the  same  frame,  and  to 
draw  from  them  a  confirmation  of  his  general 
theory.      He  keeps  up   a  perpetual  parallel,   in 
all  those  articles,  between  the  Indians  of  Amer 
ica  and  the  ancients  of  the  other  quarters  of 
the  globe.     He  selects,  therefore,  all  the  facts 
and  adopts  all  the  falsehoods  which  favor  his 
theory,  and  very  gravely  retails  such  absurdities 
as  zeal  for  a  theory  could  alone  swallow.     He 
was   a   man    of   much    classical    and    scriptural 
reading,  and  has  rendered  h'is  book  not  unenter- 
taining.      He    resided    five    years    among    the 
northern  Indians  as  a  missionary,  but  collects 
his    matter   much    more    from    the   writings    of 
others,  than  from  his  own  observation.     Adair. 
too,  had  his  kink.     He  believed  all  the  Indians 
of  America  to  be  descended  from  the  Jews ;  the 
same   laws,    usages,    rites   and   ceremonies,    the 
same    sacrifices,    priests,    prophets,    fasts    and 
festivals,    almost   the    same    religion,    and    that 
they  all  spoke  Hebrew.     For,  although  he  writes 
particularly  of  the   southern   Indians   only,   the 
Catawbas,    Creeks,    Cherokees.    Chickasaws   and 
Choctaws,  with  whom  alone  he  was  personally 
acquainted,    yet    he    generalizes    whatever    he 
found  among  them,  and  brings  himself  to  be 
lieve  that  the  hundred  languages  of  America, 
differing   fundamentally   every   one   from   every 
other,  as  much  as  Greek  from  Gothic,  yet  have 
all  one  common  prototype.     He  was  a  trader, 
a   man   of   learning,    a   self-taught   Hebraist,    a 
strong  religionist,  and  of  as  sound  a  mind  as 
Don    Quixote    in    whatever    did   not   touch   his 
religious  chivalry.     His  book  contains  a  great 
deal  of  real  instruction  on  its  subject,  only  re 
quiring  the  reader  to  be  constantly  on  his  guard 
against  the  wonderful  obliquities  of  his  theory. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vi,  59.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  355. 
(M.,  1812.) 

3942.  INDUSTBY,  Fruits  of.— Our  wish 

is  that  *  *  *  [there  be]  maintained  that 
state  of  property,  equal  or  unequal,  which  re 
sults  to  every  man  from  his  own  industry,  or 
that  of  his  fathers. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  44.  FORD  EDV  viii,  347.  (1805.) 

3943.  -  — .     The  rights  of  the  people 
to  the  exercise  and   fruits  of  their  own  in 
dustry,    can   never   be   protected   against   the 
selfishness  of  rulers  not  subject  to  their  con 
trol  at  short  periods. — To  ISAAC  H.  TIFFANY. 
vii,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

3944. .  To  take  from  one,  be 
cause  it  is  thought  that  his  own  industry  and 
that  of  his  father's  has  acquired  too  much, 
in  order  to  spare  to  others,  who,  or  whose 
fathers  have  not  exercised  equal  industry  and 
skill,  is  to  violate  arbitrarily  the  first  principle 
of  association — the  guarantee  to  every  one  of 
a  free  exercise  of  his  industry,  and  the  fruits 
acquired  by  it. — NOTE  IN  DESTUTT  TRACY'S 
POLITICAL  ECONOMY,  vi,  574.  (1816.) 

3945.  -  — .    The  Republican  party  be 

lieved  that  men,  enjoying  in  ease  and  security 


425 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Industry 
Injury 


the  full  fruits  of  their  own  industry,  enlisted 
by  all  their  interests  on  the  side  of  law  and 
order,  habituated  to  think  for  themselves,  and 
to  follow  their  reason  as  their  guide,  would 
be  more  easily  and  safely  governed,  than  with 
minds  nourished  in  error,  and  vitiated  and 
debased,  as  in  Europe,  by  ignorance,  indigence 
and  oppression. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii, 
292.  FORD  ED.,  x,  227.  (M.,  1823.) 

3946.  INDUSTRY,  Gambling  and.— I 

told  the  President  [Washington]  that  a  sys 
tem  had  there  [in  the  Treasury  Department] 
been  contrived  for  deluging  the  States  with 
paper  money  instead  of  gold  and  silver,  for 
withdrawing  our  citizens  from  the  pursuits  of 
commerce,  manufactures,  buildings,  and  other 
branches  of  useful  industry,  to  occupy  them 
selves  and  their  capitals  in  a  species  of 
gambling,  destructive  of  morality,  and  which 
had  introduced  its  poison  into  the  govern 
ment  itself. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  104.  FORD  ED., 
i,  177.  (Feb.  1792.) 

3947.  INDUSTRY,    Goodness    and.— Be 

food  and  be  industrious  and  you  will  be  what 
most  love  in  the  world. — To  MARTHA  JEF 
FERSON.    FORD  ED. ,  iv,  389.  (1787.) 

3948.  INDUSTRY,  Improvement  and.— 
Restrain    men    from    injuring    one    another, 
*     *     *     [but]  leave  them  otherwise  free  to 
regulate  their  own  pursuits  of  industry  and 
improvement. — FIRST     INAUGURAL     ADDRESS. 
viii,  3.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.     (1801.) 

3949.  INDUSTRY,    Shackles    on.— Nor 

should  we  wonder  at  *  *  *  [the]  pressure 
[for  a  fixed  constitution  in  1788-9]  when  we 
consider  the  monstrous  abuses  of  power  un 
der  which  *  *  *  [the  French]  people  were 
ground  to  powder;  when  we  pass  in  review 
the  *  *  *  shackles  on  industry  by  guilds 
and  corporations. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  i,  86. 
FORDED.,  i,  118.  (1821.) 

3950.  INDUSTRY,  Taxing.— Sound  prin 
ciples  will  not  justify  our  taxing  the  industry 
of  our  fellow  citizens  to  accumulate  treasure 
for  wars  to  happen  we  know  not  when,  and 
which  might  not  perhaps  happen  but  from  the 
temptations  offered  by  that  treasure. — FIRST 
INAUGURAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  9.    FORD  ED.,  viii, 
119.     (1801.) 

-  INFLATION.— See  BANKS,  and  PAPER 
MONEY. 

3951.  INFORMATION,  Essential  to  Ex 
ecutive. — It  is  essential  for  the  public  interest 
that    I    should    receive    all    the    information 
possible  respecting  either  matters  or  persons 
connected  with  the  public.     To  induce  people 
to  give  this  information,  they  must  feel  as 
sured    that    when    deposited    with    me    it    is 
secret  and  sacred.     Honest  men  might  justi 
fiably  withhold  information,  if  they  expected 
the  communication  would  be  made  public,  and 
commit  them  to  war  with  their  neighbors  and 
friends.    This  imposes  the  duty  on  me  of  con 
sidering    such    information   as    mere    sugges 
tions  for  inquiry,  and  to  put  me  on  my  guard ; 
and  to  injure  no  man  by  forming  any  opinion 
until  the   suggestion  be  verified.     Long  ex 


perience  in  this  school  has  by  no  means 
strengthened  the  disposition  to  believe  too 
easily.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  begotten  an 
incredulity  which  leaves  no  one's  character 
in  danger  from  any  hasty  conclusion. — To 
JOHN  SMITH,  v,  77.  (M.,  1807.)  See  PUB 
LICITY. 

3952.  INJURY,  Accumulated.— The  In 
dian  chief  said  he  did  not  go  to  war  for  every 
petty  injury  by  itself,  but  put  it  into  his  pouch, 
and  when  that  was  full,  he  then  made  war. 
Thank   Heaven,    we   have   provided   a   more 
peaceable  and  rational  mode  of  redress. — To 
WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    vii,    295.     FORD   ED.,  x, 
230.     (M.,  1823.) 

3953.  INJURY,    The    Colonies    and.— 

[During]  the  reigns  which  preceded  his 
Majesty's  [George  III.],  the  violations  of  our 
rights  were  less  alarming,  because  repeated  at 
more  distant  intervals  than  that  rapid  and 
bold  succession  of  injuries  which  is  likely 
to  distinguish  the  present  from  all  other 
periods  of  American  history.  Scarcely  have 
our  minds  been  able  to  emerge  from  the  as 
tonishment  into  which  one  stroke  of  parlia 
mentary  thunder  had  involved  us,  before  an 
other  more  heavy,  and  more  alarming,  is 
fallen  on  us. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA. 
i,  130.  FORD  ED.,  i,  435.  (1774.)  See  COL 
ONIES. 

3954.  .      Our    complaints    were 

either  not  heard  at  all,  or  were  answered  with 
new    and    accumulated    injuries. — REPLY    TO 
LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i,  481. 
(July  I775-) 

3955.  -  — .     The  rapid  and  bold  suc 
cession  of  injuries,  which,  during  a  course  of 
eleven  years,  have  been  aimed  at  the  Colonies. 
— REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.   FORD 
ED.,  i,  481.     (July  1775.) 

3956.  INJURY,    By    George    III.— He, 
[George  III.],  has  endeavored  to  pervert  the 
exercise  of  the  kingly  office  in  Virginia  into 
a  detestable  and  insupportable  tyranny  *   *   * 
by  answering  our  repeated  petitions  for  re 
dress  with  a  repetition  of  injuries. — PROPOSED 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  12.     (June 
1776.) 

3957.  INJURY,    Peaceable    Remedy.— 
Some  of  these  injuries  may  perhaps  admit  a 
peaceable  remedy.     Where  that  is  competent, 
it  is  always  the  most  desirable. — FIFTH  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  49.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  391. 
(1805.) 

3958.  INJURY,  Private.— An  individual, 
thinking  himself  injured,   makes  more  noise 
than    a    state. — To    GEORGIA    DELEGATES    IN 
CONGRESS,    i,  501.     (1785.) 

3959.  INJURY,   Redressed   by   war.— I 
did   not  think  war  the   surest   means  of  re 
dressing   the    French   injuries. — To   ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,     iv,   269.     FORD  ED.,  vii,   329.      (Pa., 
I799-) 

3960. .     If  nations  go  to  war  for 

every  degree  of  injury,  there  would  never  be 
peace  on  earth. — To  MADAME  DE  STAEL.  v, 
133-  (W.,  1807.) 


iDjury 
Insult 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


426 


3961.  INJURY,  Unceasing. — To  show 
they  [Parliament]  mean  no  discontinuance  of 
injury,  they  pass  acts,  at  the  very  time  of 
holding  out  this  proposition,  for  restraining 
the  commerce  and  fisheries  of  the  province 
of  New  England,  and  for  interdicting  the 
trade  of  the  other  colonies  with  all 
foreign  nations. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S 
PROPOSITION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  480.  (July  1775.) 

3962. .  The  history  of  the  pres 
ent  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of 
unremitting*  injuries  *  *  *  . — DECLARA 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 

3963.  INHERITANCES,  Equal.— If  the 
overgrown  wealth  of  an  individual  be  deemed 
dangerous  to  the  State,  the  best  corrective 
is  the  law  of  equal  inheritance  to  all  in  equal 
degree;  and  the  better,  as  this  enforces  a  law 
of  nature,  while  extra  taxation  violates  it. — 
NOTE  TO  TRACY'S  POLITICAL  ECONOMY,  vi, 
575-  (1816.) 

3964. .  Equal  partition  of  in 
heritances  [is]  the  best  of  all  agrarian  laws. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  49.  FORD  ED.,  i,  69.  (1821.) 

3965.  INHERITANCES,    Legislation.— 

The  General  Government  is  incompetent  to 
legislate  on  the  subject  of  inheritances. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  133. 
(1792.)  See  ENTAIL  IN  VIRGINIA. 

3966.  INNES  (Henry),  Ability.— I  wish 
you  would  come  forward  to  the  Federal  Leg 
islature,  and  give  your  assistance  on  a  larger 
scale  than  that  on  which  you  are  acting  at 
present.  I  am  satisfied  you  could  render  es 
sential  service,  and  I  have  such  confidence  in 
the  purity  of  your  republicanism,  that  I  know 
your  efforts  would  go  in  a  right  direction. 
Zeal  and  talents  added  to  the  republican  scale 
will   do  no   harm   in    Congress. — To   HENRY 
INNES.      iii,  224.      FORD  ED.,  v,  300.      (Pa., 
1791-) 

3967.  INNOVATION,  Forced.— Great  in 
novations   should   not  be   forced  on   slender 
majorities.— To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.    v,  282. 
(1808.) 

3968.  INNOVATION,    Opposition   to.— 
Innovation  in  England  is  heresy  and  treason. 
— To  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,     vii,  89.     (M., 
1817.) 

3969.  INNOVATION, Reasonable.— lam 
not  myself  apt  to  be  alarmed  at  innovations 
recommended  by  reason.    That  dread  belongs 
to  those  whose  interests  or  prejudices  shrink 
from  the  advance  of  truth  and  science. — To 
DR.  JOHN  MANNERS,    vi,  323.     (M.,  1814.) 

3970.  INSTITUTIONS,       Flexibility.— 

Time  indeed  changes  manners  and  notions 
and  so  far  we  must  expect  institutions  to  bend 
to  them. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  211.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  188.  (M.,  1821.) 

3971.  INSTRUCTIONS,    Congress   and. 

— Congress,  as  a  body,  if  left  to  themselves, 
will  in  my  opinion  say  nothing  on  the  subject 

*  Congress  struck  out  "  unremitting  "  and  inserted 
"  repeated  ".—EDITOR. 


[Society  of  the  Cincinnati].  They  may,  how 
ever,  be  forced  into  a  declaration  by  instruc 
tions  from  some  of  the  States. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  i,  335.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  467.  (A., 
1784.) 

3972.  INSTRUCTIONS,  Principles  and. 
— I   am   in   great  pain   for   the    Marquis   de 
Lafayette.     His  principles    *    *    *    are  clearly 
with  the  people;  but  having  been  elected  for 
the  Noblesse  of  Auvergne,  they  have  laid  him 
under  express  instructions  to  vote  for  the  de 
cision  by  orders  and  not  persons.    This  would 
ruin  him  with  the  Tiers  Etat,  and  it  is  not 
possible  he  could  continue  long  to  give  satis 
faction  to  the  noblesse.     I  have  not  hesitated 
to  press  on  him  to  burn  his  instructions,  and 
follow  his  conscience  as  the  one  sure  clew, 
which   will   eternally  guide   a  man   clear   of 
all  doubts  and  inconsistencies. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,      iii,    31.      FORD    ED.,    v,    96. 
(1789.) 

3973.  INSTRUCTIONS,  Representatives 
and. — [Your  book*]  settles  unanswerably  the 
right  of  instructing  representatives,  and  their 
duty  to  obey. — To  JOHN   TAYLOR,     vi,   605. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  28.    (M.,  1816.) 

3974.  INSULT,    Acquiescence   under.— 
It  is  an  eternal  truth  that  acquiescence  under 
insult  is  not  the  way  to  escape  war. — To  H. 
TAZEWELL.     iv,  121.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  31.     (M., 
I795-) 

3975.  INSULT,  National  character  and. 
— It  should  ever  be  held  in  mind,  that  insult 
and  war  are  the  consequences  of  a  want  of 
respectability  in  the  national   character. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,     i,  531.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  192. 
(P.,  1786.) 

3976.  INSULT,    Pocketing.— One    insult 
pocketed  soon  produces  another. — To  PRESI 
DENT  WASHINGTON,     vii,  510.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
239.     (1790.) 

3977.  INSULT,  Punishing.— I  think  it  to 
our  interest  to  punish  the  first  insult ;  because 
an  insult  unpunished  is  the  parent  of  many 
others. — To  JOHN  JAY.     i,  405.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
89.    (P.,  1785.) 

3978.  INSULT,    Reparation    for.— Both 
reason  and  the  usage  of  nations  required  we 
should  give  Great  Britain  an  opportunity  of 
disavowing  and  repairing  the  insult  of  their 
officers.    It  gives  us  at  the  same  time  an  op 
portunity  of  getting  home  our  vessels,   our 
property  and  our  seamen, — the  only  means  of 
carrying  on  the  kind  of  war  we  should  at 
tempt. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,     v,   121.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  102.     (W.,  July  1807.) 

3979.  INSULT,  Resenting.— It  is  incon 
sistent  for  a  nation  which  has  been  patiently 
bearing  for  ten  years  the  grossest  insults  and 
injuries  from  their  late  enemies  [the  British] 
to  rise  at  a  feather  against  their  friends  and 
benefactors   [the  French].— OPINION  ON  LIT 
TLE  SARAH,  ix,  154.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  342.    (1793.) 

3980.  INSULT,  War  and.— Let  it  be  our 

endeavor  to    *    *    *    maintain  the  character 

*  "  Enquiry  into  the  Principles  of  our  Government," 
—EDITOR. 


427 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Insurrection 
Intemperance 


of  an  independent  nation,  preferring  every 
consequence  to  insult  and  habitual  wrong. — 
THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  28.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  272.  (1803.) 

3981.  INSURRECTION,  American  peo 
ple  and. — My  long  and  intimate  knowledge  of 
my  countrymen  satisfies  me,  that  let  there  be 
occasion  to  display  the  banners  of  the  law, 
and  the  world  will  see  how  few  and  pitiful 
are  those  who  shall  array  themselves  in  op 
position. — To  JAMES  BROWN,  v,  379.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  211.  (W.,  1808.) 

3982. .     In  no  country  on  earth  is 

[forcible  opposition  to  the  law]  so  imprac 
ticable  as  in  one  where  every  man  feels  a 
vital  interest  in  maintaining  the  authority  of 
the  laws,  and  instantly  engages  in  it  as  in  his 
own  personal  cause. — To  BENJAMIN  SMITH. 
v,  293.  FORD  EDV  ix,  195.  (M.,  1808.) 

3983.  INSURRECTION,     George     III. 
and. — He    [George  III.]    has  endeavored  to 
pervert  the  exercise  of  the  Kingly  office  in 
Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insupportable 
tyranny  ^  by  inciting  insurrections 
of  our  fellow   subjects  with  the  allurements 
of  forfeiture  and  confiscation. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.    FORDED.,  ii,  11.     (June  1776.) 

3984.  —     .     He  has  incited    treason 
able  insurrections  of  our  fellow  citizens,  with 
the  allurements  of  forfeiture  and  confiscation 
of  our  property.* — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3985. .   He  has  [excited  domestic 

insurrection  among  us  and  has]  endeavoured 
to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the 
merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule 
of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruc 
tion  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions  of  ex 
istence,  t — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS 
DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

3986.  INSURRECTION,        Precautions 

against. — In  a  country  whose  Constitution  is 
derived  from  the  will  of  the  people,  directly 
expressed  by  their  free  suffrages ;  where  the 
principal  executive  functionaries,  and  those  of 
the  legislature,  are  renewed  by  them  at  short 
periods;  where  under  the  character  of  jurors, 
they  exercise  in  person  the  greatest  portion  of 
the  judiciary  powers ;  where  the  laws  are  con 
sequently  so  framed  and  administered  as  to 
bear  with  equal  weight  and  favor  on  all,  re 
straining  no  man  in  the  pursuits  of  honest 
industry,  and  securing  to  every  one  the  prop 
erty  which  that  acquires,  it  would  not  be  sup 
posed  that  any  safeguards  could  be  needed 
against  insurrection  or  enterprise  on  the  pub 
lic  peace  or  authority.  The  laws,  however, 
aware  that  these  should  not  be  trusted  to 
moral  restraints  only,  have  wisely  provided 
punishments  for  these  crimes  when  com 
mitted.  But  would  it  not  be  salutary  to  give 
also  the  means'  of  preventing  their  commis 
sion?  Where  an  enterprise  is  meditated  by 
private  individuals  against  a  foreign  nation  in 

*  Struck  out  by  Congress.— EDITOR. 
t  Congress   inserted   the   words   in   brackets   and 
struck  out  the  words  "  of  existence  ".—EDITOR. 


amity  with  the  United  States,  powers  of  pre 
vention  to  a  certain  extent  are  given  by  the 
laws;  would  they  not  be  as  reasonable  and 
useful  were  the  enterprise  preparing  against 
the  United  States?  While  adverting  to  this 
branch  of  the  law,  it  is  proper  to  observe, 
that  in  enterprises  meditated  against  foreign 
nations,  the  ordinary  process  of  binding  to 
the  observance  of  the  peace  and  good  be 
havior,  could  it  be  extended  to  acts  to  be 
done  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States,  would  be  effectual  in  some  cases 
where  the  offender  is  able  to  keep  out  of 
sight  every  indication  of  his  purpose  which 
could  draw  on  him  the  exercise  of  the  powers 
now  given  by  law. — SIXTH  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  65.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  490.  (Dec. 
1806.) 

3987.  INSURRECTION,      Provoking.— 

An  exasperated  people,  who  feel  that  they 
possess  power,  are  not  easily  restrained 
within  limits  strictly  regular. — RIGHTS  OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  132.  FORD  ED.,  i,  437. 
(I774-) 

3988.  INSURRECTION,      Punishing.— 
Where  to  stay  the  hand  of  the  executioner 
is  an  important  question.     Those  who  have 
escaped    from    the    immediate    danger,    must 
have  feelings  which  would  dispose  them  to 
extend   the   executions.       Even   here,    where 
everything    has   been    perfectly    tranquil,    but 
where  a  familiarity  with  slavery,  and  a  possi 
bility   of  danger   from   that   quarter  prepare 
the  general   mind  for  some  severities,   there 
is   a    strong    sentiment   that   there   has   been 
hanging  enough.     The  other  States,  and  the 
world  at  large  will  forever  condemn  us  if  we 
indulge  a  principle  of  revenge,  or  go  one  step 
beyond  absolute  necessity.     They  cannot  lose 
sight  of  the  rights  of  the  two  parties,  and  the 
object  of  the  unsuccessful  one.  Our  situation 
is,  indeed,  a  difficult  one ;  for  I  doubt  whether 
these  people  can  ever  be  permitted  to  go  at 
large   among  us   with   safety.      To   reprieve 
them  and  keep  them  in  prison  till  the  meeting 
of  the  Legislature  will  encourage  efforts  for 
their  release.     Is  there  no  fort  or  garrison  of 
the  State  or  of  the  Union,  where  they  could 
be  confined,  and  where  the  presence  of  the 
garrison  would  preclude  all  ideas  of  attempt 
ing  a  rescue  ?     Surely  the  Legislature  would 
pass  a  law  for  their  exportation,  the  proper 
measure  on  this  and  all  similar  occasions. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  457.     (M., 
Sep.  1800.) 

3989.  INSURRECTION,  Suppressing.— 
I  hope,  on  the  first  symptom  of  an  open  op 
position  to  the  law  [Embargo]  by  force,  you 
will  fly  to  the  scene  and  aid  in  suppressing 
any  commotion. — To   HENRY  DEARBORN,     v, 
334.     (M.,  Aug.  1808.)     See  REBELLION. 

3990.  INTEMPERANCE,    Greatest    ca 
lamity. — Of  all  calamities  this  is  the  greatest. 
— To  MARY  JEFFERSON  EPPES.     D.  L.  J.,  246. 
(Pa.,  1798.) 

3991.  INTEMPERANCE,    Havoc    by.— 
Spirituous  liquors,  the  small  pox,  war,  and  an 
abridgment    of    territory    to    a    people    who 


Intemperance 
Interest 


THE  JEFFERSON  I  AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


428 


lived  principally  on  the  spontaneous  pro 
ductions  of  nature,  committed  terrible  havoc 
among  the  Virginia  Indians.— NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,  viii,  339.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  196.  (1782.) 

3992.  INTEMPERANCE,  Restriction.— 
The   drunkard,   as  much  as  the  maniac,   re 
quires  restrictive  measures  to  save  him  from 
the  fatal  infatuation  tinder  which  he  is  des 
troying   his    health,    his    morals,    his    family, 
and  his  usefulness  to  society.     One  powerful 
obstacle  to  his  ruinous  self-indulgence  would  be 
a  price  beyond  his  competence.— To  SAMUEL 
SMITH,      vii,    285.      FORD  ED.,  x,  252.      (M., 
1823.) 

3993.  INTEREST,    Government    and.— 
Alexander  Hamilton  avowed  the  opinion  that 
man  could  be  governed  by  one  of  two  motives 
only  _force  or  interest.     Force,  he  observed, 
in  this  country  was  out  of  the  question;  and 
the  interests,  therefore,  of  the  members  must 
be  laid  hold  of  to  keep  the  Legislature  in 
unison  with  the  Executive.     And  with  grief 
and  shame  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  his 
machine  was  not  without  effect;  that  even  in 
this,  the  birth  of  our  government,  some  mem 
bers    were    found    sordid    enough    to    bend 
their  duty  to  their  interests,  and  to  look  after 
personal  rather  than  public  good.— THE  ANAS. 
ix,  91.    FORD  ED.,  i,.i6o.     (1818.) 

3994.  INTEREST,    Judgment 
is  not  enough  that 


plicable  to  our  case,  that  I  shall  cite  it  as  a 
text,  and  apply  it  to  the  circumstances  of 
our  case.  It  is  laid  down  in  Vin.  Abr.  In 
terest,  c.  7,  and  2  Abr.  Eq.  5293,  and  else- 


lands  which  are  assigned  for  payment  of  in 
terest,  it  ought  not  to  run  on  during  the  time 
of  such  calamity."     This  is  exactly  the  case 
in  question.      Can  a  more  general  national 
calamity  be  conceived  than  that  universal  dev 
astation  which  took  place  in  many  of  these 
States  during  the  war?    Was  it  ever  more  ex 
actly  the   case   anywhere,    that   nothing   was 
made  out  of  the  lands  which  were   to  pay 
the  interest?    The  produce  of  those  lands,  for 
want  of  the  opportunity  of  exporting  it  safely, 
was  down  to  almost  nothing  in  real  money. 
For  example,  tobacco  was  less  than  a  dollar 
the   hundred    weight.      Imported    articles    of 
clothing  or  consumption  were  from  four  to 
eight  times  their  usual  price.     A  bushel  of 
salt  was  usually  sold  for  100  Ibs.  of  tobacco. 
At   the    same   time,   these    lands,    and   other 
property,  in  which  the  money  of  the  British 
creditor  was  vested,  were  paying  high  taxes 
for  their  own  protection,  and  the  debtor,  as 
nominal    holder,    stood    ultimate    insurer    of 
their  value  to  the  creditor,  who  was  the  real 
proprietor,  because  they  were  bought  with  his 
money.     And  who  will  estimate  the  value  of 


i,    81. 
(1821.) 

3995.  INTEREST,      Motives      of.— The 

known  bias  of  the  human  mind  from  motives 
of  interest  should  lessen  the  confidence  of 
each  party  in  the  justice  of  their  reasoning.— 
To  JAMES  Ross,  i,  562.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  218. 
(P.,  1786.) 

3996.  INTEREST,  The  passions  and. — 
Interest  is  not  the  strongest  passion  in  the 
human  breast.— To  JAMES  Ross,    i,  561.    FORD 
ED.,  iv,  217.     (P.,  1786.) 

3997.  INTEREST,  Private.— In  selecting 
persons  for  the  management  of  affairs,  I  am 
influenced  by  neither  personal  nor  family  in 
terests.— To    DR.    HORATIO    TURPIN.     v,    90. 
(W.,  1807.) 

3998. .    Bringing   into   office   no 

desires  of  making  it  subservient  to  the  ad 
vancement  of  my  own  private  interests,  it 
has  been  no  sacrifice,  by  postponing  them,  to 
strengthen  the  confidence  of  my  fellow  citi 
zens  _TO  DR.  HORATIO  TURPIN.  v,  90.  (W., 
1807.) 

3999.  INTEREST,   Virtue   and.— Virtue 
and  interest  are  inseparable.— To  GEORGE  LO 
GAN.    FORD  ED.,  x,  69.     (P.P.,  1816.) 

4000.  INTEREST  (Money),  Forfeited.— 
There    is    one    rule    of    your    [the    English] 
and  our  law,  which,  while  it  proves  that  every 
title  of  debt  is  liable  to  a  disallowance  of  in 
terest  under  special  circumstances,  is  so  ap- 


Gen- 


of  profit.     The  creditor  says,  indeed,  he  has 
laid  out  of  his  money;  he  has,  therefore,  lost 
the  use  of  it.     The   debtor  replies,   that,   if 
the  creditor  has  lost,  he  has  not  gained  it; 
that  this  may  be  a  question  between  two  par 
ties,  both  of  whom  have  lost.     In  that  case, 
the  courts  will  not  double  the  loss  of  the  one, 
to  save  all  loss  from  the  other.    That  is  a  rule 
of  natural  as  well  as  municipal  law,  that  in 
questions  "  de  damno  evitando  melior  est  con- 
ditio  possidentis".      If  this  maxim  be  just, 
where   each  party  is   equally   innocent,   how 
much  more  so,  where  the  loss  has  been  pro 
duced  by  the  act  of  the  creditor?     For,   a 
nation,  as  a  society,  forms  a  moral  person, 
and    every    member    of    it    is   personally    re 
sponsible  for  his  society.     It  was  the  act  of 
the  lender,  or  of  his  nation,  which  annihilated 
the  profits  of  the  money  lent ;  he  cannot  then 
demand    profits    which    he    either    prevented 
from   coming  into   existence,   or  burned,   or 
otherwise    destroyed,    after    they    were    pro 
duced.     If,  then,  there  be  no  instrument,  or 
title  of  debt  so  formal  and  sacred  as  to  give 
right  to   interest  under  all   possible   circum 
stances,    and    if    circumstances    of    exemp 
tion     stronger    than    in    the    present    case, 
cannot     possibly    be     found,     then     no     in 
strument    or    title    of    debt,    however    for 
mal    or    sacred,    can    give    right    to    interest 
under  the  circumstances  of  our  case.    Let  us 
present  the  question  in  another  point  of  view. 
Your  own  law  forbade  the  payment  of  in- 


429 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Interest 

Interim!  Improvements 


terest,  when  it  forbade  the  receipt  of  Ameri 
can  produce  into  Great  Britain,  and  made 
that  produce  fair  prize  on  its  way  from  the 
debtor  to  the  creditor,  or  to  any  other,  for 
his  use  of  reimbursement.  All  personal  ac 
cess  between  creditor  and  debtor  was  made 
illegal;  and  the  debtor  who  endeavored  to 
make  a  remitment  of  his  debt,  or  interest, 
must  have  done  it  three  times,  to  ensure  its 
getting  once  to  hand;  for  two  out  of  three 
vessels  were  generally  taken  by  the  creditor 
nation,  and,  sometimes,  by  the  creditor  him 
self,  as  many  of  them  turned  their  trading 
vessels  into  privateers. — To  GEORGE  HAM 
MOND,  iii,  418.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  58.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4001.  INTEREST    (Money),    Law    and 
custom. — Nothing  is  said    [in  the  treaty  of 
peace]    of  interest  on  these  debts;   and   the 
sole   question    is,    whether,   where   a   debt   is 
given,  interest  thereon  flows  from  the  general 
principles  of  the  law  ?     Interest  is  not  a  part 
of  the  debt,  but  something  added  to  the  debt 
by   way   of   damage   for  the   detention   of  it. 
This  is  the  definition  of  the  English  lawyers 
themselves,  who  say,  "  Interest  is  recovered 
by   way  of   damages  ratione   detentionis   de- 
biti".    2  Salk.  622,  623.     Formerly,  all  inter 
est    was    considered    as    unlawful,    in    every 
country  of  Europe.     It  is  still  so  in  Roman 
Catholic  countries,  and  countries  little  com 
mercial.     From  this,  as  a  general  rule,  a  few 
special  cases  are  excepted.     In  France,  par 
ticularly,  the  exceptions  are  those  of  minors, 
marriage  portions,   and  money,   the  price  of 
lands.      So    thoroughly    do    their    laws    con 
demn  the  allowance  of  interest,  that  a  party 
who  has  paid  it  voluntarily  may  recover  it 
back  again   whenever  he   pleases.     Yet   this 
has  never  been  taken  up  as  a  gross  and  fla 
grant  denial  of  justice,  authorizing  national 
complaint    against    those    governments.       In 
England,  also,  all  interest  was  against  law, 
till   the   stat.   37,   H.   8,   c.   9.     The  growing 
spirit  of  commerce,  no  longer  restrained  by 
the   principles    of   the   Roman    Church,   then 
first  began  to  tolerate  it.     The  same  causes 
produced   the   same   effect   in   Holland,    and, 
perhaps,  in  some  other  commercial  and  Catho 
lic  countries.     But,  even  in  England,  the  al 
lowance  of  interest  is  not  given  by  express 
law,  but  rests  on  the  discretion  of  judges  and 
juries,  as  the  arbiters  of  damages. — To  GEORGE 
HAMMOND,    iii,  416.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  57.     (Pa., 
1792.) 

4002.  INTEREST  (Money),  Right  to.— 

There  is  not  a  single  title  to  debt  so  formal 
and  sacred  as  to  give  a  right  to  interest 
under  all  possible  circumstances  either  in 
England  or  America. — To  MR.  HAMMOND,  iii, 
426.  (1792.) 

4003.  INTEREST  (Money),  Sacred  obli 
gation. — A  sacred  payment  of  interest  is  the 
only  way  to  make  the  most  of  our  resources, 
and    a    sense   of   that    renders   your    income 
from  our  funds  more  certain  than  mine  from 
lands.— To  WILLIAM   SHORT,     vi,  402.     (M., 
1814-) 


4004.  INTEREST   (Money),  Tax  for.— 

The  new  government  should  by  no  means  be 
left  by  the  old,  to  the  necessity  of  borrowing 
a  stiver,  before  it  can  tax  for  its  interest. 
This  will  be  to  destroy  the  credit  of  the  new 
government  in  its  birth. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  378.  (P.,  1788.) 

4005.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 

Advocated. — I  experience  great  satisfaction 
at  seeing  my  country  proceed  to  facilitate  the 
intercommunications  of  its  several  parts,  by 
opening  rivers,  canals  and  roads.  How  much 
more  rational  is  this  disposal  of  public  money, 
than  that  of  waging  war. — To  JAMES  Ross,  i, 
560.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  216.  (P.,  1786.) 

4006.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 

Constitutional  Amendment. — For  authority 
to  apply  the  surplus  [taxes  imposed  for  the 
support  of  the  government  and  the  payment 
of  the  Revolutionary  debt]  to  objects  of  [in 
ternal]  improvement,  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  would  have  been  necessary. — To 
J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  195.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  395. 
(P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

4007. .     Supposing  that  it  might 

be  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  as  some  of  its 
co-States  seem  to  think,  that  this  power  of 
making  roads  and  canals  should  be  added  to 
those  directly  given  to  the  Federal  branch, 
as  more  likely  to  be  systematically  and  bene 
ficially  directed,  than  by  the  independent  ac 
tion  of  the  several  States,  this  Common 
wealth  [Virginia],  from  respect  to  these  opin 
ions,  and  a  desire  of  conciliation  with  its 
co-States,  will  consent,  in  concurrence  with 
them,  to  make  this  addition,  provided  it  be 
done  regularly  by  an  amendment  of  the  com 
pact,  in  the  way  established  by  that  instru 
ment,  and  provided,  also,  it  be  sufficiently 
guarded  against  abuses,  compromises,  and 
corrupt  practices,  not  only  of  possible,  but  o£ 
probable  occurrence. — VIRGINIA  PROTEST.  ixt 
499.  FORD  ED.,  x,  352.  (1825.) 

4008.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 
Demand    for. — I   have   for  some  time  con 
sidered  the  question  of  internal  improvement 
as  desperate.    The  torrent  of  general  opinion 
sets  so  strongly  in  favor  of  it  as  to  be  ir 
resistible. — To    JAMES    MADISON,      vii,    422. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  348.     (M.,  1825.) 

4009.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 
Provision  for.— I  am  a  great  friend  to  the 
improvement  of   roads,   canals,   and   schools. 
But  I  wish  I  could  see  some  provision  for  the 
former  as  solid  as  that  of  the  latter, — some 
thing  better  than  fog.— To  CHARLES  YANCEY. 
vi,  517.    FORD  ED.,  x,  4.     (M.,  1816.) 

4010.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 

Reserved  Powers.— [The  Federal  author- 
ties]  claim  and  have  commencel  the  exercise 
of  the  right  to  construct  roads,  open  canals, 
and  effect  other  internal  improvements  within 
the  territories  and  jurisdictions  exclusively  be 
longing  to  the  several  States,  which  this  As 
sembly  [Virginia]  does  declare  has  not  been 
given  to  that  branch  by  the  constitutional 
compact,  but  remains  to  each  State  among  its 


Internal  Improvements      THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


430 


domestic  and  unalienated  powers,  exercisable 
within  itself  and  by  its  domestic  authorities 
alone. — VIRGINIA  PROTEST,  ix,  497.  FORD  ED., 
x,  350.  (1825.) 

4011.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 
State  rights  and. — When   we  consider  the 
extensive  and  deep-seated  opposition  to  this 
assumption     [power    of    Internal     Improve 
ments],    the    conviction    entertained    by    so 
many,  that  this  deduction  of  powers  by  elab 
orate   construction   prostrates   the   rights   re 
served    to    the    States,    the    difficulties    with 
which  it  will  rub  along  in  the  course  of  its 
exercise;  that  changes  of  majorities  will  be 
changing  the  system  backwards  and  forwards, 
so  that  no  undertaking  under  it  will  be  safe; 
that  there  is  not  a  State  in  the  Union  which 
would  not  give  the  power  willingly,  by  way 
of  amendment,  with  some  little  guard,  per 
haps,   against  abuse;   I   cannot  but  think  it 
would  be  the   wisest  course  to  ask  an   ex 
press  grant  of  the  powers.     *     *     *     This 
would  render  its  exercise  smooth  and  accept 
able  to  all  and  insure  to  it  all  the  facilities 
which  the  States  could  contribute,  to  prevent 
that  kind  of  abuse  which  all  will  fear,  because 
all   know   it  is   so  much  practiced   in  public 
bodies,    I   mean  the  bartering   of  votes.     It 
would  reconcile  everyone,   if  limited  by  the 
proviso,  that  the*  federal  proportion  of  each 
State  should  be  expended  within  the  State. 
With    this    single    security    against   partiality 
and  corrupt  bargaining,  I  suppose  there  is  not 
a  State,  perhaps  not  a  man  in  the  Union,  who 
would  not  consent  to  add  this  to  the  powers 
of  the  General  Government. — To  EDWARD  LIV 
INGSTON,     vii,  343.     FORD  ED.,  x,  300.     (M., 
1824.) 

4012.  INTERNAL    IMPROVEMENTS, 
Surplus  taxes  and. — The  fondest  wish   of 
my  heart  ever  was  that  the  surplus  portion  of 
these  taxes,  destined  for  the  payment  of  that 
[Revolutionary]   debt,  should,  when  that  ob 
ject  was  accomplished,  be  continued  by  an 
nual  or  biennial   reenactments,   and   applied, 
in  time  of  peace,  to  the  improvement  of  our 
country  by  canals,   roads  and  useful  institu 
tions,  literary  or  others;  and  in  time  of  war 
to  the  maintenance  of  the  war. — To  J.   W. 
EPPES.    vi,    195.    FORD   ED.,   ix,   395.     (P.F., 
1813.) 

4013. .  We  consider  the  employ 
ment  [in  public  improvements]  of  the  con 
tributions  which  our  citizens  can  spare,  after 
feeding,  and  clothing,  and  lodging  themselves 
comfortably,  as  more  useful,  more  moral,  and 
even  more  splendid,  than  that  preferred  by 
Europe,  of  destroying  human  life,  labor,  and 
happiness. — To  BARON  VON  HUMBOLDT.  vii, 
75.  FORD  ED.,  x,  89.  (M.,  1817.) 

4014.  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS, 
Veto  of  Bill  for. — An  act  for  internal  im 
provement,  after  passing  both  Houses,  was 
negatived  by  the  President.  The  act  was 
founded,  avowedly,  on  the  principle  that  the 
phrase  in  the  Constitution  which  authorizes 
Congress  "  to  lay  taxes,  to  pay  the  debts  and 
provide  for  the  general  welfare  ",  was  an  ex 
tension  of  the  powers  specifically  enumerated 


to  whatever  would  promote  the  general  welfare ; 
and  this,  you  know,  was  the  federal  doctrine. 
Whereas,  our  tenet  ever  was,  and,  indeed,  it 
is  almost  the  only  landmark  which  now 
divides  the  federalists  from  the  republicans, 
that  Congress  had  not  unlimited  powers  to 
provide  for  the  general  welfare,  but  were  re 
strained  to  those  specifically  enumerated ;  and 
that,  as  it  was  never  meant  they  should  pro 
vide  for  that  welfare  but  by  the  exercise  of 
the  enumerated  powers,  so  it  could  not  have 
been  meant  they  should  raise  money  for  pur 
poses  which  the  enumeration  did  not  place 
under  their  action;  consequently,  that  the 
specification  of  powers  is  a  limitation  of  the 
purposes  for  which  they  may  raise  money.  I 
think  the  passage  and  rejection  of  this  bill  a 
fortunate  incident.  Every  State  will  certainly 
concede  the  power;  and  this  will  be  a  national 
confirmation  of  the  grounds  of  appeal  to 
them,  and  will  settle  forever  the  meaning  of 
this  phrase,  which,  by  a  mere  grammatical 
quibble,  has  countenanced  the  General  Gov 
ernment  in  a  claim  of  universal  power.  For 
in  the  phrase,  "  to  lay  taxes,  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  general  welfare  ", 
it  is  a  mere  question  of  syntax,  whether  the 
two  last  infinitives  are  governed  by  the  first 
or  are  distinct  and  coordinate  powers ;  a  ques 
tion  unequivocally  decided  by  the  exact  def 
inition  of  powers  immediately  following.  It 
is  fortunate  for  another  reason,  as  the  States, 
in  conceding  the  power,  will  modify  it,  either 
by  requiring  the  Federal  ratio  of  expense  in 
each  State,  or  otherwise,  so  as  to  secure  us 
against  its  partial  exercise.  Without  this 
caution,  intrigue,  negotiation,  and  the  barter 
of  votes  might  become  as  habitual  in  Con 
gress,  as  they  are  in  those  Legislatures  which 
have  the  appointment  of  officers,  and  which, 
with  us,  is  called  "  logging ",  the  term  of 
the  farmers  for  their  exchanges  of  aid  in  roll 
ing  together  the  logs  of  their  newly-cleared 
grounds. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  91.  (M.,  1817.) 

4015.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 

War  and. — Farewell,  then  [should  war  with 
England  take  place],  all  our  useful  improve 
ments  of  canals  and  roads,  reformation  of 
laws,  and  other  rational  employments. — To 
JAMES  Ross,  i,  563.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  219.  (P., 
1786.) 

4016. .     Give   us   peace   till    our 

revenues  are  liberated  from  debt,  and  then, 
if  war  be  necessary,  it  can  be  carried  on  with 
out  a  new  tax  or  loan,  and  during  peace  we 
may  chequer  our  whole  country  with  canals, 
roads,  &c.  This  is  the  object  to  which  all 
our  endeavors  should  be  directed. — To  MR. 
LIEPER.  v,  296.  (M.,  May  1808.) 

4017. .    The  late  pacification  with 

England  gives  us  a  hope  of  eight  years  of 
peaceable  and  wise  administration,  within 
which  time  our  revenue  will  be  liberated  from 
debt,  and  be  free  to  commence  that  splendid 
course  of  public  improvement  and  wise  ap 
plication  of  the  public  contributions,  of  which 
it  remains  for  us  to  set  the  first  example. — To 
DR.  E.  GRIFFITH,  v,  451.  (M.,  May  1809.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Internal  Improvements 
Inventions 


4018.  INTERNAL     IMPROVEMENTS, 
Western   people   and.— A    majority    of   the 
people  are  against  us  on  this  question.      The 
Western  States  have  especially  been  bribed  by 
local  considerations  to  abandon  their  ancient 
brethren,  and  enlist  under  banners  alien  to 
them  in  principles  and  interest. — To  WILLIAM 
F.  GORDON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  338.  (M.,  Jan.  1826.) 

4019.  INTOLERANCE,  Defiance  of.— I 

never  will,  by  any  word  or  act,  bow  to  the 
shrine  of  intolerance,  or  admit  a  right  of  in 
quiry  into  the  religious  opinions  of  others. — 
To  EDWARD  DOWSE,  iv,  478.  (1803.) 

4020.  INTOLERANCE,          Delusion 
through. — Your  part  of  the  Union,  though  as 
absolutely    republican    as    ours,    had    drunk 
deeper    of    the    delusion,    and    is,    therefore, 
slower  in  recovering  from  it.      The  aegis  of 
government,  and  the  temples  of  religion  and 
of  justice,  have  all  been  prostrated  there  to 
toll  us  back  to  the  times  when   we  burned 
witches.      But  your  people   will   rise   again. 
They    will    awake    like    Samson    from    his 
sleep,  and  carry  away  the  gates  and  posts  of 
the  city. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,    iv,  390.    FORD 
ED.,  viii,  41.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

4021.  INTOLERANCE,    Religious    and 
political. — Having  banished   from   our  land 
that  religious  intolerance  under  which  man 
kind  so  long  bled  and  suffered,  we  have  yet 
gained  little  if  we  countenance  a  political  in 
tolerance  as  despotic,  as  wicked,  and  capable 
of  as  bitter  and  bloody  persecutions. — FIRST 
INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  2.     FORD  EDV  viii, 
2.     (1801.) 

4022.  INTOLERANCE,       Victims.— I 

have  seen  with  great  grief  yourself  and  so 
many  other  venerable  patriots,  retired  and 
weeping  in  silence  over  the  rapid  subversion 
of  those  principles  for  the  attachment  of 
which  you  had  sacrificed  the  ease  and  com 
forts  of  life;  but  I  rejoice  that  you  have 
lived  to  see  us  revindicate  our  rights,  and  re 
gain  manfully  the  ground  from  which  fraud, 
not  force,  had  for  a  moment  driven  us. — To 
GENERAL  WARREN,  iv,  375.  (W.,  1801.) 

4023.  INTRIGUE,     Abhorrence     of.— I 

meddled  in  no  intrigues,  pursued  no  concealed 
object. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  65.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
91.  (1821.) 

4024.  INTRODUCTION     (Letters     of), 
Apology  for. — Solicitations,  which  cannot  be 
directly  refused,  oblige  me  to  trouble  you  often, 
with  letters  recommending  and  introducing  to 
you  persons   who   go   hence   from   America.      I 
will  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  distinguish  the  let 
ters  wherein  I  appeal  to  recommendations  from 
other  persons,  from  those  which  I  write  on  my 
own  knowledge.     In  the  former,  it  is  never  my 
intention   to    compromit   myself,    nor   you.      In 
both  instances,  I  must  beg  you  to  ascribe  the 
trouble  I  give  you  to  circumstances  which  do 
not  leave  me  at  liberty  to  decline  it. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,  447.    FORD  ED.,  v,  48.     (P.,  1788.} 

4025.  INTRODUCTION     (Letters     of), 
Refused. — I  have  been  obliged  to  make  it  a 
rule  to  give  no  letters  of  introduction  while  in 
my  present   office. — To   JAMES   MONROE.      FORD 
ED.,  viii,  286.     (W.,  1804.) 


4026.  INTRODUCTION     (Letters     of), 

Value  of. — It  is  rendering  mutual  service  to 
men  of  virtue  and  understanding  to  make  them 
acquainted  with  one  another. — To  DR.  PRICE 
",  354-  (P-,  1788.) 

4027.  INVASION,  Not  feared.— I  as  lit 
tle  fear  foreign  invasion   [as  domestic  insur 
rection].     I  have  indeed  thought  it  a  duty  to 
be  prepared  to  meet  even  the  most  powerful, 
that  of  a  Bonaparte,  for  instance,  by  the  only 
means  competent,  that  of  a  classification  of 
the  militia,  and  placing  the  junior  classes  at 
the  public  disposal ;  but  the  lesson  he  receives 
in  Spain  extirpates  all  apprehensions  from  my 
mind.     If,  in  a  peninsula,  the  neck  of  which  is 
adjacent  to  him  and  at  his  command,  where 
he  can  march  any  army  without  the  possibility 
of  interception  or  obstruction  from  any  for 
eign  power,  he  finds  it  necessary  to  begin  with 
an    army   of   three    hundred    thousand    men, 
to  subdue  a  nation  of  five  millions,  brutalized 
by  ignorance,   and  enervated  by  long  peace, 
and   should  find   constant  reinforcements   of 
thousands  after  thousands,  necessary  to  effect 
at  last  a  conquest  as  doubtful  as  deprecated, 
what    numbers    would    be    necessary    against 
eight  millions  of  free  Americans,  spread  over 
such  an  extent  of  country  as  would  wear  him 
down  by  mere  marching,  by  want  of  food, 
autumnal  diseases,  &c.  ?    How  would  they  be 
brought,  and  how  reinforced  across  an  ocean 
of  three  thousand  miles,   in   possession  of  a 
bitter  enemy,  whose  peace,  like  the  repose  of 
a  dog,  is  never  more  than  momentary?    And 
for  what?     For  nothing  but  hard  blows.     If 
the    Orleanese    Creoles    would    but    contem 
plate  these  truths,   they  would  cling  to  the 
American    Union,    soul    and    body,    as    their 
first  affection,  and  we  would  be  as  safe  there 
as  we  are  everywhere  else. — To  DR.  JAMES 
BROWN,     v,   379.     FORD  EDV   ix,   211.      (W., 
1808.) 

4028.  INVENTIONS,    Air    screw    pro 
peller. — I  went  some  time  ago  to  see  a  ma 
chine    which    offers    something    new.      A    man 
had  applied  to  a  light  boat  a  very  large  screw, 
the  thread  of  which  was  a  thin  plate,  two  feet 
broad,    applied   by    its    edge    spirally    around    a 
small    axis.      It    somewhat    resembled    a    bottle 
brush,  if  you  will  suppose  the  hairs  of  the  bottle 
brush   joining   together,    and    forming   a    spiral 
plane.     This,  turned  on  its  axis  in  the  air,  car 
ried  the  vessel  across  the  Seine.    It  is,  in  fact, 
a  screw  which  takes  hold  of  the  air  and  draws 
itself  along  by  it;   losing,  indeed,  much  of  its 
effort  by  the  yielding  nature  of  the  body  it  lays 
hold  of  to  pull   itself  on  by.        I  think  it  may 
be  applied  in  the  water  with  much  greater  ef 
fect  and  to  very  useful  purposes.     Perhaps   it 
may  be  used  also  for  the  balloon. — To  PROFES 
SOR  JAMES  MADISON,    i,  447.     (P.,  1785.) 

4029.  INVENTIONS,  Copying  press.— 
When  I  was  in  England,   I  formed  a  portable 
copying  press  on  the  principle  of  the  large  one 
they    make    here    [Paris]    for    copying    letters. 
I  had  a  model  made  there,  and  it  has  answered 
perfectly.     A  workman  here  has  made  several 
from  that  model.  *  *  *  You   must  do   me  the 
favor    to    accept    of    one. — To  WILLIAM   CAR- 
MICHAEL,    ii,  81.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  347.     (P.,  1786.) 

4030.  INVENTIONS,  Essence  d'Orient. 

— The  manner  of  curing  the  Essence  d'Orient 


Inventions 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


432 


is,  as  you  are  apprised,  kept  secret  here 
[Paris].  There  is  no  getting  at  it,  there 
fore,  openly,  A  friend  has  undertaken  to  try 
whether  it  can  be  obtained  either  by  proposing 
the  partnership  you  mention,  or  by  finding  out 
the  process. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  270.  (P.,  1786.) 

4031. .  Your  two  phials  of  Es 
sence  d'Orient  *  *  *  got  separated  from  the 
letters  which  accompanied  them.  *  *  *  The 
pearl  merchant  *  *  *  said  you  had  a  very  con 
siderable  knowledge  in  the  manner  of  prepar 
ing,  but  that  there  was  still  one  thing  wanting 
which  made  the  secret  of  the  art ;  that  this  is 
not  only  a  secret  of  the  art,  but  of  every  in 
dividual  workman  who  will  not  communicate  to 
his  fellows,  believing  his  own  method  best; 
that  of  ten  different  workmen,  all  will  practice 
different  operations,  and  only  one  of  the  ten  be 
the  right  one ;  that  the  secret  consists  only  In 
preparing  the  fish,  all  the  other  parts  of  the 
process  in  the  pearl  manufactory  being  known. 
That  experience  has  provide  it  to  be  absolutely 
impossible  for  the  matter  to  cross  the  sea  with 
out  being  spoiled ;  but  that  if  you  will  send 
some  in  the  best  state  you  can,  he  will  make 
pearls  of  it,  and  send  to  you  that  you  may  judge 
of  them  yourself. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  ii, 
202.  (P.,  1787.) 

4032.  INVENTIONS,     Teller    Hydrau- 
lique. — I  am  thankful  to  you  for  the  trouble 
you  have  taken   in   thinking  of  the   felier   hy- 
draulique.     To  be.  put  in  motion  by  the  same 
power  which  was  to   continue  the  motion  was 
certainly  wanting  to  that  machine,  as  a  better 
name  still  is.     I  would  not  give  you  the  trouble 
of  having  a  model  made,  as   I   have  workmen 
who  can  execute  from  the  drawing. — To  ROBERT 
FULTON,    v,  517.     (M.,  1810.) 

4033.  INVENTIONS,    Government    in 
terposition.— Though    the    interposition    of 
government  in  matters  of  invention  has  its  use, 
yet  it  is  in  practice  so  inseparable  from  abuse 
that  the  government  of  my  country  think  it  bet 
ter  not  to  meddle  with  it. — To  M.  HOMMANDE. 
ii,  236.      (P.,   1787.) 

4034.  INVENTIONS,       Hemp-brake.— 

The  braking  and  beating  hemp,  which  has 
been  always  done  by  hand,  is  so  slow,  so  la 
borious,  and  so  much  complained  of  by  our  la 
borers,  that  I  had  given  it  up  and  purchased  and 
manufactured  cotton  for  their  shirting.  The 
advanced  price  of  this,  however,  makes  it  a 
serious  item  of  expense ;  and,  in  the  meantime, 
a  method  of  removing  the  difficulty  of  prepar 
ing  hemp  occurred  to  me,  so  simple  and  so 
cheap,  that  I  return  to  its  culture  and  manu 
facture.  To  a  person  having  a  threshing  ma 
chine,  the  addition  of  a  hemp-brake  will  not 
cost  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen  dollars.  You 
know  that  the  first  mover  in  that  machine  is  a 
horizontal  horse-wheel  with  cogs  on  its  upper 
face.  On  these  is  placed  a  wallower  and  shaft, 
which  give  motion  to  the  threshing  apparatus. 
On  the  opposite  side  of  this  same  wheel  I  place 
another  wallower  and  shaft,  through  which,  and 
near  its  outer  end,  I  pass  a  cross-arm  of  suf 
ficient  strength,  projecting  on  each  side  fifteen 
inches  in  this  form : 


Nearly  under  the  cross-arm  is  placed  a  very 
strong  hemp-brake,  much  stronger  and  heavier 
than  those  for  the  hand.  Its  head  block  particu 


larly  is  massive,  and  four  feet  high,  and  near  its 
upper  end  in  front,  is  fixed  a  strong  pin  (which 
we  may  call  its  horn)  ;  by  this  the  cross-arm  lifts 
and  lets  fall  the  brake  twice  in  every  revolution 
of  the  wallower.  *  *  *  Something  of  this  kind 
has  been  so  long  wanted  by  the  cultivators  of 
hemp,  that  as  soon  as  I  can  speak  of  its  effect 
with  certainty  I  shall  probably  describe  it 
anonymously  in  the  public  papers,  in  order  to 
forestall  the  prevention  of  its  use  by  some  in 
terloping  patentee. — To  GEORGE  FLEMING,  vi, 
506.  (M.,  1815.) 

—  INVENTIONS,      Patents      for.— See 

PATENTS. 

4035.  INVENTIONS,         Pedometer.— I 

send  your  pedometer.  To  the  loop  at  the  bottom 
of  it,  you  must  sew  a  tape,  and  at  the  other 
end  of  the  tape,  a  small  hook.  *  *  *  Cut  a  lit 
tle  hole  in  the  bottom  of  your  left  watch  pocket, 
pass  the  hook  and  tape  tnrough  it,  and  down 
between  the  breeches  and  drawers,  and  fix  the 
hook  on  the  edge  of  your  knee  band,  an  inch 
from  the  knee  buckle  ;  then  hook  the  instrument 
itself  by  its  swivel  hook,  on  the  upper  edge  of 
the  watch  pocket.  Your  tape  being  well  ad 
justed  in  length.  Your  double  steps  will  be  ex 
actly  counted  by  the  instrument. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  ii,  379.  (P.,  1788.) 

4036.  INVENTIONS,        Polygraph.— A 

Mr.  Hawkins,  of  Frankford,  near  Philadelphia, 
has  invented  a  machine  which  he  calls  a  poly 
graph,  and  which  carries  two,  three,  or  four 
pens.  That  of  two  pens,  is  best ;  and  is  so  per 
fect  that  I  have  laid  aside  the  copying  press, 
for  a  twelve-month  past,  and  write  always  with 
the  polygraph.  I  have  directed  one  to  be  made, 
of  which  I  ask  your  acceptance. — To  C.  F. 

VOLNEY.     iv,   572.       (W.,    1805.) 

4037. .     It   is   for   copying    with 

one   pen   while  you  write  with   the   other,    and 
without  the   least   additional   embarrassment  or 
exertion  to  the  writer.     I  think  it  the  finest  in 
vention  of  the  present  age.  *  *  *  As  a  secre 
tary  which  copies  for  us  what  we  write  without 
the   power    of    revealing    it,    I    find    it   a    most 
precious   possession   to   a.   man   in   public   busi 
ness. — To  JAMES  BOWDOIN.   vi,  17.     (W.,  1806.) 

4038.  INVENTIONS,  Preserving  flour. 
— Every  discovery  which  multiplies  the  sub 
sistence  of  man  must  be  a  matter  of  joy  to  every 
friend    of    humanity.      As    such,    I    learn    with 
great    satisfaction,    that    you    have    found    the 
means  of  preserving  flour  more  perfectly  than 
has  been  done  hitherto.     But  I  am  not  author 
ized  to  avail  my  country  of  it,  by  making  any 
offer  to  its  communication.     Their  policy  is  to 
leave    their    citizens    free,    neither    restraining 
nor   aiding  them   in   their   pursuits. — To    MON 
SIEUR  L'HOMMANDE.     ii,  236.      (P.,   1787.) 

4039.  INVENTIONS,   Seed  box.— The 
seed-box  described  in  the  agricultural  transac 
tions  of  New  York,  reduces  the  expense  of  seed 
ing  from  six  shillings  to  two  shillings  and  three 
pence   the   acre,   and   does   the   business   better 
than  is  possible  to  be  done  by  the  human  hand. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,   117.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
n.  (M.,  I795-) 

4040.  INVENTIONS,   Stylograph.— The 

apparatus  for  stylographic  writing  *  *  *  is  cer 
tainly  very  ingenious.  *  *  *  I  had  never  heard 
of  the  invention  till  your  letter  announced  it, 
for  these  novelties  reach  us  very  late. — To 
WILLIAM  LYMAN.  v,  270.  (W.,  1808.) 

4041.  INVENTIONS,     Threshing    ma 
chine. — My  threshing  machine  has  arrived  at 


433 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Inventions 
Ireland 


New  York.  Mr.  Pinckney  writes  me  word  that 
the  original  from  which  this  is  copied  threshes 
one  hundred  and  fifty  bushels  of  wheat  in  eight 
hours,  with  six  horses  and  five  men.  It  may  be 
moved  either  by  water  or  horses.  Fortunately 
the  workman  who  made  it  (a  millwright)  is 
come  in  the  same  vessel  to  America.  I  have 
written  to  persuade  him  to  go  on  immediately 
to  Richmond,  offering  him  the  use  of  my  model 
to  exhibit,  and  to  give  him  letters  to  get  him 
into  immediate  employ  in  making  them. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  54.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  403.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

4042.  INVENTIONS,  Useful.— I  am  not 
afraid  of  new  inventions  or  improvements,  nor 
bigoted    to    the    practices    of    our    forefathers. 
*  *  *  Where  a  new  invention  is  supported  by 
well  known  principles,  and  promises  to  be  use 
ful,  it  ought  to  be  tried. — To  ROBERT  FULTON. 
v,  516.     (M.,  1810.)     See  TORPEDO. 

4043.  INVENTIONS,    Wooden    wheels. 
— I  was  in  Philadelphia  when  the  first  set  of 
wheels  arrived  from  London,  and  were  spoken 
of    by    the    gentleman    (an    Englishman)    who 
brought  them   as  a  wonderful  discovery.     The 
idea  of  its  being  a  new  discovery  was  laughed 
at  by   the   Philadelphians,   who,   in   their   Sun 
day  parties  across  the  Delaware,  had  seen  every 
farmer's   cart   mounted   on   such   wheels.      The 
writer  in  the  paper  supposes  the  English  work 
man  got  his  idea  from  Homer.     But  it  is  more 
likely   the   Jersey   farmer   got   his   idea   thence, 
because  ours  are  the  only  farmers  who  can  read 
Homer ;  because,  too,  the  Jersey  practice  is  pre 
cisely  that  stateu  by  Homer :  the  English  prac 
tice  very  different,     homer's  words  are   (com 
paring  a  young  hero  killed  by  Ajax  to  a  poplar 
felled  by  a  workman)   literally  thus  :  "  He  fell 
on  the  ground,  like  a  poplar,  which  has  grown 
smooth,  in  the  west  part  of  a  great  meadow  : 
with    its    branches    shooting    from    its    summit. 
But    the    chariot    maker,    with    the    sharp    axe 
has  felled  it,  that  he  may  bend  a  wheel  for  a 
beautiful  chariot.      It  lies  drying  on  the  banks 
of  the  river."     Observe  the  circumstances  which 
coincide   with   the   Jersey   practice,      i.  It   is    a 
tree  growing  in  a  moist  place,  full  of  juices  and 
easily  bent.     2.   It  is  cut  while  green.     3.  It  is 
bent  into  the  circumference  of  a  wheel.     4.  It 
is  left  to  dry  in  that  form.     You  should  write 
a  line  for  the  Journal  to  reclaim  the  honor  or 
our   farmers. — To    M.   DE   CREVECOEUR.     ii,   97. 
(P.,  1787-) 

4044. .     I  see  by  the  Journal  that 

they  are  robbing  us  of  another  of  our  inventions 
to  give  it  to  the  English.  The  writer,  indeed, 
only  admits  them  to  have  revived  what  he 
thinks  was  known  to  the  Greeks,  that  is,  the 
making  the  circumference  of  a  wheel  of  one 
single  piece.  The  farmers  in  New  Jersey  were 
the  first  who  practiced  it  commonly.  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  in  one  of  his  trips  to  London,  mentioned 
this  practice  to  the  man  now  in  London,  who 
has  the  patent  for  making  those  wheels.  The 
idea  struck  him.  The  Doctor  promised  to  go 
to  his  shop,  and  assist  him  in  trying  to  make 
the  wheel  of  one  piece.  The  Jersey  farmers 
do  it  by  cutting  a  young  sapling,  and  bending 
it,  while  green  and  juicy,  into  a  circle;  and 
leaving  it  so  until  it  becomes  perfectly  sea 
soned.  But  in  London  there  are  no  saplings. 
The  difficulty  was,  then,  to  give  to  old  wood  the 
pliancy  of  young.  The  Doctor  and  the  work 
man  labored  together  some  weeks,  and  succeed 
ed  :  and  the  man  obtained  a  patent  for  it, 
which  has  made  his  fortune.  I  was  in  his  shop 
in  London  :  he  told  me  the  story  himself,  and 
acknowledged,  not  onlv  the  origin  of  the  idea, 
but  how  much  the  assistance  of  Dr.  Franklin 


had  contributed  to  perform  the  operation  on 
dry  wood.  He  spoke  of  him  with  love  and 
gratitude. — To  M.  DE  CREVECOEUR.  ii,  97.  (P., 
1787.) 

4045.  INVENTORS,  Rights  of.— It  has 
been    pretended    by     some     (and    in     England 
especially)    that   inventors   have   a   natural   and 
exclusive    right    to    their    inventions,    and    not 
merely  for  their  own  lives,  but  inheritable  to 
their  heirs.      But  while   it  is   a  moot  question 
whether  the  origin  of  any  kind  of  property  is 
derived   from    nature    at   all.,    it   would   be   sin 
gular  to  admit  a  natural  and  even  an  hereditary 
right  to  inventors.     It  is  agreed  by  those  who 
have    seriously    considered    the    subject,    that 
no  individual  has,  of  natural  right,  a  separate 
property  in  an  acre  of  land,  for  instance.     By 
an    universal    law,    indeed,    whatever,    whether 
fixed  or  movable,  belongs  to  all  men  equally  and 
in  common,  is  the  property  for  the  moment  of 
him  who  occupies  it ;  but  when  he  relinquishes 
the  occupation,  the  property  goes  with  it.     Sta 
ble  ownership  is  the  gift  of  social  law,  and  \ci 
given  late  in  the  progress  of  society.     It  would 
be    curious,    then,     if    an    idea,    the    fugitive 
fermentation  of  an  individual  brain,  could,  of 
natural  right,  be  claimed  in  exclusive  and  sta 
ble  property.     If  nature  has  made  any  one  thing 
less    susceptible    than    all    others    of    exclusive 
property,  it  is  the  action  of  the  thinking  power 
called   an    idea,   which    an    individual   may   ex 
clusively  possess  as  long  as  he  keeps  it  to  him 
self  ;   but  the  moment  it  is  divulged,   it  forces 
itself  into  the  possession  of  every  one,  and  the 
receiver   cannot   dispossess   himself   of   it.      Its 
peculiar  character,  too,  is  that  no  one  possesses 
the  less,  because  every  other  possesses  the  whole 
of  it.     He  who  receives  an  idea  from  me,  re 
ceives    instruction    himself    without    lessening 
mine ;  as  he  who  lights  his  taper  at  mine,  re 
ceives    light    without    darkening    mine.      That 
ideas  should  freely  spread  from  one  to  another 
over  the  globe,   for  the  moral  and  mutual  in 
struction  of  man,  and  improvement  of  his  con 
dition,    seems    to    have    been    peculiarly    and 
benevolently    designed    by    nature.      When    she 
made  them  like  fire,  expansible  over  all  space, 
without   lessening   their   density    in   any   point, 
and   like   the  air   in   which   we   breathe,   move, 
and  have  our  physical  being,  incapable  of  con 
finement  or  exclusive  appropriation.    Inventions 
then  cannot,   in  nature,   be  a  subject  of  prop 
erty.     Society  may  give  an  exclusive  right  to  the 
profits    arising    from    them,    as    an    encourage 
ment  to  men  to  pursue  ideas  which  may  produce 
utility,  but  this  may  or  may  not  be  done  ac 
cording    to    the    will    and    convenience    of    the 
society,  without  claim  or  complaint  from  any 
body.     Accordingly,  it  is  a  fact,  as  far  as  I  am 
informed,   that    England   was,   until   we   copied 
her  the  only  country  on  earth  which  ever,  by  a 
general  law,  gave  a  legal  right  to  the  exclusive 
use  of  an  idea.     In  some  countries  it  is  some 
times  done,   in   a  great  case,   and  by  a  special 
and  personal  act,  but  generally  speaking,  other 
nations  have  thought  that  these  monopolies  pro 
duce    more    embarrassment    than    advantage    to 
society  ;  and  it  may  be  observed  that  the  nations 
which   refuse   monopolies   of   invention,   are   as 
fruitful    as    England    in    new    and    useful    de 
vices. — To    ISAAC    MCPHERSON.      vi,    180.    (M., 
1813.) 

4046.  IRELAND,     America    and.— You 
shall  find  me  zealous  in  whatever  may  con 
cern    the    interests    of    the    two    countries. 
[United    States    and    Ireland.]— To    W.    W. 
SEWARD.    i,  479.     (P.,  1785.) 

4047.  -  — .     The    freedom    of    com 
merce  between  Ireland  and  America  is  un- 


Ireland 

Jackson  (Andrew) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


434 


doubtedly  very  interesting  to  both  countries. 
If  fair  play  be  given  to  the  natural  advan 
tages  of  Ireland,  she  must  come  in  for  a 
distinguished  share  of  that  commerce.  She  is 
entitled  to  it  from  the  excellence  of  some  of 
her  manufactures,  the  cheapness  of  most  of 
them,  their  correspondence  with  the  Ameri 
can  taste,  a  sameness  of  language,  laws  and 
manners,  a  reciprocal  affection  between  the 
people,  and  the  singular  circumstance  of  her 
being  the  nearest  European  land  to  the 
United  States.*— To  W.  W.  SEWARD.  i,  478. 
(P.,  1785.) 

4048. .  The  defeat  of  the  Irish 

propositions  is  also  in  our  favor. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  i,  414.  (P.,  1785.) 

4049.  IRELAND,  Commerce.— It  is  to  be 
considered  how  far  an  exception  in  favor  of 
Ireland  in  our  commercial  regulations  might 
embarrass  the  councils  of  England  on  the  one 
hand,  and  on  the  other  how  far  it  might  give 
room  to  an  evasion  of  the  regulations. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  41.  (P., 
1785.) 

4050. .  I  am  sure  the  United 

States  would  be  glad,  if  it  should  be  found 
practicable,  to  make  that  discrimination  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  which  their 
commercial  principles,  and  their  affection  for 
the  latter,  would  dictate. — To  W.  W.  SEWARD. 
i,  479.  (P.,  1785.) 

4051. .  I  am  not  at  present  so 

well  acquainted  with  the  trammels  of  Irish  com 
merce,  as  to  know  what  they  are,  partic 
ularly,  which  obstruct  the  intercourse  between 
Ireland  and  America ;  nor,  therefore,  ^  what 
can  be  the  object  of  a  fleet  stationed  in  the 
western  ocean,  to  intercept  that  intercourse. 
Experience,  however,  has  taught  us  to  infer 
that  the  fact  is  probable,  because  it  is  impo 
lite.— To  W.  W.  SEWARD.  i,  478.  (P.,  1785.) 

4052.  IRELAND,  Great  Britain  and.— 
Bonaparte     *     *     *      seems   to   be   looking 
towards  the  East  Indies,  where  a  most  for 
midable  cooperation  has  been  prepared  for  de 
molishing  the  British  power.  I  wish  the  af 
fairs  of  Ireland  were  as  hopeful. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,  280.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  341.     (Pa., 
Jan.  1799-) 

_  IRISH,  The.— See  474  and  480. 

4053.  IRON,    Indians    and.— Nothing    I 
have  ever  yet  heard  of  proves  the  existence  of  a 
nation  here  who  knew  the  use  of  iron.     I  have 
never  heard  even  of  burnt  bricks,  though  they 
might  be  made  without  iron.     The  statue  you 
*  *  *  send  me  would,  because  of  the  hardness 
of  the  stone,  be  a  better  proof  of  the  use  of  iron 
than   I    ever  yet   saw ;   but   as   it  is   a   solitary 
fact,  and  possible  to  have  been  made  with  im 
plements    of    stone,    and    great    patience,    for 
which  the   Indians  are  remarkable,   I   consider 
it  to  have  been  so  made.    It  is  certainly  the  best 
piece   of   workmanship   I    ever   saw   from   their 
hands. — To  HARRY  INNESS.    iii,  217.    FORD  ED., 
v,  294-     (Pa.,  1791-) 

4054.  IRON,   Swedish. — We  cannot  make 
iron  in  competition  with  Sweden,  or  any  other 

*  Mr.  Seward,  by  direction  of  the  associated  com 
pany  of  Irish  merchants  in  London,  had  written  to 
Jefferson  on  the  subject. — EDITOR. 


nation  of  Europe,  where  labor  is  so  much 
cheaper. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  493.  (P.,  1785.) 

4055.  — .     The  United  States  have 

much  occasion  for  the  productions  of  Sweden, 
particularly    for    its    iron. — To    BARON    STAHE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  242.     (P.,  1786.) 

4056.  IVERNOIS  (Francois  d'),  Patriot. 

— M.  d'lvernois  is  a  Genevan  of  considerable 
distinction  for  science  and  patriotism,  and  that, 
too,  of  the  republican  kind,  though  he  does  not 
carry  it  so  far  as  our  friends  of  the  National 
Assembly  of  France.  While  I  was  in  Paris, 
I  knew  him  as  an  exile  from  his  democratic 
principles,  the  aristocracy  having  then  the  upper 
hand  in  Geneva.  He  is  now  obnoxious  to  the 
democratic  party. — To  WILSON  NICHOLAS,  iv, 
109.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  513.  (M.,  1794.)  See 
ACADEMY,  GENEVA. 

4057.  JACKSON  (Andrew),   Faithful.— 

Be  assured  that  Tennessee,  and  particularly 
General  Jackson  are  faithful.  * — To  GENERAL 
WILKINSON,  v,  25.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  2.  (W., 
Jan.  1807.) 

4058.  JACKSON   (Andrew),   Invitation 
to. — In  your  passages  to  and  from  Washing 
ton,    should    your    travelling    convenience    ever 
permit   a   deviation   to    Monticello,    I    shall   re 
ceive    you    with    distinguished    welcome.  *  *  * 
I  recall  with  pleasure  the  remembrance  of  our 
joint  labors  while  in  Senate  together  in  times 
of   great   trial    and    of   hard   battling.      Battles, 
indeed,  of  words,   not  of  blood,  as  those  you 
have  since  fought  so  much  for  your  own  glory,, 
and  that  of  your  country. — To  ANDREW  JACK 
SON.     FORD  ED.,  x,   286.      (M.,   1823.) 

4059.  JACKSON  (Andrew),  Life  of.— I 

have  lately  read,  with  great  pleasure,  Reid  and 
Eaton's  Life  of  Jackson,  if  "  Life "  may  be 
called  what  is  merely  a  history  of  his  cam 
paign  of  1814.  Reid's  part  is  well  written. 
Eaton's  continuation  is  better  for  its  matter 
than  style.  The  whole,  however,  is  valuable. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  82.  (P.P.,  1817.) 

4060.  JACKSON  (Andrew),  Passionate. 

— I  feel  much  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  see 
ing  General  Jackson  President.  He  is  one  of 
the  most  unfit  men  I  know  of  for  such  a  place. 
He  has  had  very  little  respect  for  laws  or  con 
stitutions,  and  is,  in  fact,  an  able  military  chief. 
His  passions  are  terrible.  When  I  was  Presi 
dent  of  the  Senate  he  was  a  Senator ;  and  he 
could  never  speak  on  account  of  the  rashness 
of  his  feelings.  I  have  seen  him  attempt  it 
repeatedly,  and  as  often  choke  with  rage.  His 
passions  are  no  doubt  cooler  now ;  he  has  been 
much  tried  since  I  knew  him,  but  he  is  a  dan 
gerous  man. — DANIEL  WEBSTER'S  INTERVIEW 
WITH  JEFFERSON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  331.  (1824.) 

4061.  JACKSON    (Andrew),    Presiden 
tial  contest. — A  threatening  cloud  has  very 
suddenly  darkened  [General  Jackson's]  horizon. 
A  letter  has  become  public,  written  by  him  when 
Colonel    Monroe    first    came    into    office,    advi 
sing  him  to  make  up  his  administration  without 
regard  to  party.     (No  suspicion  has  been  enter 
tained  of  any  indecision  in  his  political  prin 
ciples,  and  this  evidence  of  it  threatens  a  revo 
lution  of  opinion  respecting  him.  t  )     The  solid 
republicanism    of    Pennsylvania,    his    principal 
support,  is  thrown  into  great  fermentation  by 

*  The  reference  is  to  Aaron  Burr's  enterprise.-— 
EDITOR. 
t  This  sentence  was  struck  out.— NOTE  IN  FORD 

EDITION. 


435 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jackson  (Andrew) 
Jay  (John) 


this  apparent  indifference  to  political  principle. 
— To  RICHARD  RUSH.  FORD  ED.,  x,  304. 
(1824.) 

4062.  JACKSON     (Andrew),     Seminole 
War  and. — I  observe  Ritchie  imputes  to  you 
and  myself  opinions  against  Jackson's  conduct 
in  the  Seminole  war.     I  certainly  never  doubted 
that  the  military  entrance  into  Florida,  the  tem 
porary   occupation   of  their  posts,   and  the  ex 
ecution   of  Arbuthnot   and  Ambrister  were  all 
justifiable.  *  *  *  I    at   first    felt    regret   at   the 
execution ;    but   I   have   ceased   to   feel    [manu 
script  torn]   on  mature  reflection,  and  a  belief 
the  example  will  save  much  blood. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  x,  124.     (M.,  1819.) 

4063.  JACOBINS,  Battle  for  liberty.— 
In    the    struggle    which    was    necessary,    many 
guilty  persons   fell  without  the  forms  of  trial, 
and  with  them  some  innocent.    These  I  deplore 
as  much  as  anybody,  and  shall  deplore  some  of 
them  to  the  day  of  my  death.    But  I  deplore 
them  as  I  should  have  done  had  they  fallen  in 
battle.     It  was  necessary  to  use  the  arm  of  the 
people,   a  machine   not  quite  so  blind  as  balls 
and  bombs,  but  blind  to  a  certain  degree.     A 
few  of  their  cordial  friends  met  at  their  hands 
the  fate  of  enemies.     But  time  and  truth  will 
rescue  and  embalm  their  memories,  while  their 
posterity  will  be  enjoying  that  very  liberty  for 
which  they  would  never  have  hesitated  to  offer 
up  their  lives.     The  liberty  of  the  whole  earth 
was  depending  on  the  issue  of  the  contest,  and 
was  ever  such  a  prize  won  with  so  little  innocent 
blood?      My   own   affections   have   been   deeply 
wounded  by  some  of  the  martyrs  to  this  cause, 
but  rather  than  it  should  have  failed  I  would 
have  seen  half  the  earth  desolated ;  were  there 
but  an   Adam   and   Eve   left  in   every  country, 
and   left   free,    it   would   be   better   than   as   it 
now   is. — To   WILLIAM    SHORT,    iii,   502.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  153.     (Pa.,  January  1793-) 

4064.  JACOBINS,    Censured.— The   tone 
of  your  letters  had  for  some  time  given  me  pain, 
on  account  of  the  extreme  warmth  with  which 
they  censured  the  proceedings  of  the  Jacobins 
of  France.     I  considered  that  sect  as  the  same 
with  the  republican  patriots,  and  the  Feuillants 
as  the  monarchical  patriots,  well  known  in  the 
early  part  of  the  Revolution,  and  but  little  dis 
tant  in  their  views,  both  having  in  object  the 
establishment   of  a   free   constitution,   differing 
only   on  the  question  whether  their  chief   Ex 
ecutive  should  be  hereditary  or  not.     The  Ja 
cobins    (as  since  called)    yielded  to  the   Feuil 
lants,    and    tried    the    experiment    of    retaining 
their    hereditary    Executive.     The    experiment 
failed  completely,   and  would  have  brought  on 
the   reestablishment   of   despotism   had   it  been 
pursued.     The  Jacobins  saw  this,  and  that  the 
expunging  that  office  was  of  absolute  necessity. 
And  the  nation  was  with  them  in  opinion,  for 
however    they    might    have    been    formerly    for 
the  constitution   framed   by   the  first  assembly, 
they   were   come    over    from    their   hope   in    it, 
and  were  now  generally  Jacobins. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,     iii,  501.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  153.     (Pa.,  Jan 
uary  1793.) 

4065.  JACOBINS,      Degeneration.— The 

society  of  Jacobins  was  instituted  on  principles 
and  views  as  virtuous  as  ever  kindled  the  hearts 
of  patriots.  It  was  the  pure  patriotism  of  their 
purposes  which  extended  their  association  to 
the  limits  of  the  nation,  and  rendered  their 
power  within  it  boundless ;  and  it  was  this 
power  which  degenerated  their  principles  and 
practices  to  such  enormities  as  never  before 
could  have  been  imagined. — To  JEDEDIAH 
MORSE,  vii,  235,  FORD  ED.,  x,  205.  (M.,  1822.) 


4066.  JACOBINS,   Favorable  to  Amer 
ica. — The  Jacobin  party  cannot  but  be  favor 
able    to    America.      Notwithstanding    the    very 
general  abuse  of  the  Jacobins,  I  begin  to  con 
sider  them  as  representing  the  true  revolution- 
spirit  of  the  whole  nation,  and  as  carrying  the 
nation  with  them. — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  96.     (Pa.,  June  1792.) 

4067.  JACOBINS,      Inexperience.— The 

only  things  wanting  with  the  Jacobins  is  more 
experience  in  business,  and  a  little  more  con 
formity  to  the  established  style  of  communica 
tion  with  foreign  powers.  The  latter  want  will, 
I  fear,  bring  enemies  into  the  field,  who  would 
have  remained  at  home.  The  former  leads  them 
to  domineer  over  their  executive,  so  as  to  ren 
der  it  unequal  to  its  proper  objects. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  96.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4068.  JACOBINS,  Kepublicanism.— The 

reserve  of  President  Washington  had  never  per 
mitted  me  to  discover  the  light  in  which  he 
viewed  [your  censure  of  the  Jacobins],  and 
as  I  was  more  anxious  that  you  should  satisfy 
him  than  me,  I  had  still  avoided  explanations 
with  you  on  the  subject.  But  your  letter  in 
duced  him  to  break  silence,  and  to  notice  the 
extreme  acrimony  of  your  expressions.  He 
added  that  he  had  been  informed  the  sentiments 
you  expressed  in  your  conversations  were  equal 
ly  offensive  to  our  allies,  and  that  you  should 
consider  yourself  as  the  representative  of  your 
country,  and  that  what  you  say  might  be  im 
puted  to  your  constituents.  He  desired  me, 
therefore,  to  write  to  you  on  this  subject.  He 
added  that  he  considered  France  as  the  sheet 
anchor  of  this  country,  and  its  friendship  as  a 
first  object.  There  are  in  the  United  States 
some  characters  of  opposite  principles  ;  some  of 
them  are  high  in  office,  others  possessing  great 
wealth,  and  all  of  them  hostile  to  France,  and 
fondly  looking  to  England  as  the  staff  of  their 
hope.  *  *  *  Their  prospects  have  certainly  not 
brightened.  Excepting  them,  this  country  is  en 
tirely  republican,  friends  to  the  Constitution, 
anxious  to  preserve  it,  and  to  have  it  adminis 
tered  according  to  its  own  republican  principles. 
The  little  party  above  mentioned  have  espoused 
it  only  as  a  stepping-stone  to  monarchy,  and 
have  endeavored  to  approximate  it  to  that  in 
its  administration  in  order  to  render  its  final 
transition  more  easy.  The  successes  of  republic 
anism  in  France  have  given  the  coup  de  grace 
to  their  prospects,  and  I  hope  to  their  projects. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  502.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  154. 
(Pa.,  Jan.  1793-) 

4069.  JAY   (John),   Chief  Justice.— Jay 
[has  been]  nominated  Chief  Justice.    We  were 
afraid  of  something  worse. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  343.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  471.     (W.,  Dec.   1800.) 

4070.  JAY  (John),  Monarchical  princi 
ples. — Jay,  covering  the  same  [monarchical] 
principles   under  the  veil   of   silence,   is   rising 
steadily  on  the  ruins  of  his  friends. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,    iii,  268.    FORD  ED.,  v,  352.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

4071.  JAY  (John),  Newspaper  attacks. 
— I   observe  by  the  public  papers   that   Mr. 
Littlepage  has  brought  on   a  very  disagreeable 
altercation  with  Mr.  Jay.  in  which  he  has  given 
to  the  character  of  the  latter  a  coloring  which 
does  not  belong  to  it.     *     *     *     In  truth  it  is 
afflicting  that  a  man  who  has  passed  his  life  in 
serving  the  public,  who  has  served  them  in  the 
highest  stations  with  universal  approbation,  and 
with    a   purity   of   conduct   which   has   silenced 
even  party  opprobrium  ;  who,  though  poor,  has 
never  permitted  himself  to  make  a  shilling  in 
the  public  employ,  should  yet  be  liable  to  have 


Jay  (John) 
Jay  '.Treaty 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


436 


his  peace  of  mind  so  much  disturbed  by  any 
individual  who  shall  think  proper  to  arraign 
him  in  a  newspaper.  It  is,  however,  an  evil 
for  which  there  is  no  remedy.  Our  liberty  de 
pends  on  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  that 
cannot  be  limited  without  being  lost.  To  the 
sacrifice  of  time,  labor,  fortune,  a  public  servant 
must  count  upon  adding  that  of  peace  of  mind 
and  even  reputation. — To  DR.  JAMES  CURRIE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  131.  (P.,  1786.) 

4072. .  It  is  really  to  be  la 
mented  that  after  a  public  servant  has  passed  a 
life  in  important  and  faithful  services,  after 
having  given  the  most  plenary  satisfaction  in 
every  station,  it  should  yet  be  in  the  power  of 
every  individual  to  disturb  his  quiet,  by  arraign 
ing  him  in  a  gazette  and  by  obliging  him  to 
act  as  if  he  needed  a  defence,  an  obligation  im 
posed  on  him  by  unthinking  minds  which  never 
give  themselves  the  trouble  of  seeking  a  reflec 
tion  unless  it  is  presented  to  them.  However 
it  is  a  part  of  the  price  we  pay  for  our  liberty,, 
which  cannot  be  guarded  but  by  the  freedom  of 
the  press,  nor  that  be  limited  without  danger  of 
losing  it.  To  the  loss  of  time,  of  labor,  of 
money,  then,  must  be  added  that  of  quiet,  to 
which  those  must  offer  themselves  who  are  ca 
pable  of  serving  the  public  *  *  *  .  Your 
quiet  may  have  suffered  for  a  moment  on  this 
occasion,  but  you  have  the  strongest  of  all  sup 
ports,  that  of  the  public  esteem. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  186.  (P.,  1786.) 

4073.  JAY     (John),    Treaty-foundered. 

— Mr.  Jay  and  his  advocate,  "  Camillus  ",  are 
completely  treaty-foundered. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  iv,  149.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  90.  (M.,  July 
1796.) 

4074.  JAY   (John),   Tribute  to.— I  can- 
not  take  my  departure  without  paying  to  your 
self  and  your  worthy  colleague  my  homage  for 
the  good  work  you  have  completed  for  us,  and 
congratulating  you  on  the  singular  happiness  of 
having  borne  so  distinguished  a  part  both  in  the 
earliest  and  latest  transactions  of  this  Revolu 
tion.     *     *     *     I  am  in  hopes  you  will  continue 
at  some  one  of  the  European  courts  most  agree 
able   to   yourself,    that   we   may   still   have   the 
benefit  of  your  talents. — To  JOHN  JAY.     i,  332. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  316.     (Pa.,  April  1783.) 

4075.  JAY  TREATY,  Bad.— No  man  in 
the  United  States  has  had  the  effrontery  to  af 
firm  that  the  treaty  with   England   was  not 
a   very   bad   one   except   A.    H.    [Alexander 
Hamilton]    under  the   signature  of  "  Camil 
lus  ".      Its  most  zealous  defenders  only  pre 
tended  that  it  was  better  than  war,  as  if  war 
was  not  invited,  rather  than  avoided,  by  un 
founded  demands.     I  have  never  known  the 
public  pulse  beat  so  full  and  in  such  universal 
union  on  any  subject  since  the  Declaration  of 
Independence. — To     JAMES      MONROE.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  58.     (M.,  March  1796.) 

4076.  JAY     TREATY,     Dissatisfaction 
with. — So  general  a  burst  of  dissatisfaction 
never  before  appeared  against  any  transaction. 
Those  who  understand  the  particular  articles 
of  it,  condemn  these  articles.     Those  who  dp 
not   understand   them   minutely,    condemn   it 
generally  as  wearing  a  hostile  face  to  France. 
This  last  is  the  most  numerous  class,  compre 
hending  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  who 
have  taken  a  greater  interest  in  this  trans 
action  than  they  were  ever  known  to  do  in 
any  other.     It  has,  in  my  opinion,  completely 


demolished  the  monarchical  party  here. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  27.  (M.,  Sep. 
I795-) 

4077. .     A  very  slight  notice  of 

[the  Jay  treaty]  sufficed  to  decide  my  mind 
against  it.  I  am  not  satisfied  we  should  not 
be  better  without  treaties  with  any  nation. 
But  I  am  satisfied  we  should  be  better  with 
out  such  as  this.  The  public  dissatisfaction, 
too,  and  dissension  it  is  likely  to  produce, 
are  serious  evils. — To  H.  TAZEWELL.  iv,  120. 
FORD  EDV  vii,  30.  (M.,  Sep.  1795.) 

4078.  JAY  TREATY,  Execrable.— I  join 
with  you  in  thinking  the  treaty  an  execrable 
thing.     But  both  negotiators  must  have  un 
derstood,   that,   as   there   were   articles   in   it 
which    could   not   be   carried    into   execution 
without  the  aid  of  the  Legislatures  on  both 
sides,  that  therefore  it  must  be  referred  to 
them,  and  that  these  Legislatures  being  free 
agents,    would   not   give   it   their   support   if 
they  disapproved  of  it.     I  trust  the  popular 
branch  of  our  Legislature  will  disapprove  of 
it,  and  thus  rid  us  of  this  infamous  act,  which 
is  really  nothing  more  than   a  treaty  of  al 
liance  between  England  and  the  Anglomen  of 
this  country,  against  the  Legislature  and  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States.— To  EDWARD  RUT- 
LEDGE,      iv,    124.      FORD    ED.,    vii,    40.      (M., 
Nov.  1 795.) 

4079.  JAY  TREATY,  House  of  repre 
sentatives  and.— [John]  Marshall's  doctrine 
that  the  whole  commercial  part  of  the  [Jay] 
treaty  (and  he  might  have  added  the  whole 
unconstitutional  part  of  it),  rests  in  the  power 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  is  certainly 
the  true  doctrine ;  and  as  the  articles  which 
stipulate   what   requires   the    consent   of   the 
three  branches  of  the  Legislature,  must  be  re 
ferred  to  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
their  concurrence,  so  they,  being  free  agents, 
may  approve  or  reject  them,  either  by  a  vote 
declaring  that,   or  by  refusing  to  pass  acts. 
I  should  think  the  former  mode  the  most  safe 
and  honorable. — To  JAMES   MADISON.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  38.     (Nov.  1795.) 

4080. .     It  is,  indeed,  surprising 

you  [the  House  of  Representatives]  have  not 
yet  received  the  British  treaty  in  form.  I 
presume  you  would  never  receive  it  were 
not  your  cooperation  on  it  necessary. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  131.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  62. 
(M.,  March  1796.) 

4081. .     The    British    treaty   has 

been  formally,  at  length,  laid  before  Congress. 
All  America  is  on  tiptoe  to  see  what  the 
House  of  Representatives  will  decide  on  it. 
We  conceive  the  constitutional  doctrine  to  be, 
that  though  the  President  and  Senate  have 
the  general  power  of  making  treaties,  yet, 
whenever,  they  include  in  a  treaty  matters 
confided  by  the  Constitution  to  the  three 
branches  of  the  Legislature,  an  act  of  legis 
lation  will  be  requisite  to  confirm  these  ar 
ticles,  and  that  the  House  of  Representatives, 
as  one  branch  of  the  Legislature,  are  perfectly 
free  to  pass  the  act  or  to  refuse  it,  governing 
themselves  by  their  own  judgment  whether 


437 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jay  Treaty 


it  is  for  the  good  of  their  constituents  to  let 
the  treaty  go  into  effect  or  not.  On  the 
precedent  now  to  be  set  will  depend  the 
future  construction  of  our  Constitution,  and 
whether  the  powers  of  legislation  shall  be 
transferred  from  the  President.  Senate,  and 
House  of  Representatives,  to  the  President 
and  Senate,  and  Piamingo  or  any  other  Indian, 
Algerine,  or  other  chief.  It  is  fortunate  that  the 
first  decision  is  to  be  in  a  case  so  palpably 
atrocious,  as  to  have  been  predetermined  by 
all  America. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  134. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  67.  (M.,  March  1796.) 

4082. .  The  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  has  manifested  its  disapprobation 
of  the  treaty.  We  are  yet  to  learn  whether 
they  will  exercise  their  constitutional  right  of 
refusing  the  means  which  depend  on  them 
for  carrying  it  into  execution.  Should  they 
be  induced  to  lend  their  hand  to  it,  it  will  be 
hard  swallowing  with  their  constituents ;  but 
will  be  swallowed  from  the  habits  of  order 
and  obedience  to  the  laws  which  so  much 
distinguish  our  countrymen. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  59.  (M.,  March  1796.) 

4083.  -  — .     Randolph  seems  to  have 
hit  upon  the  true  theory  of  our  Constitution; 
that  when  a  treaty  is  made,  involving  matters 
confided    by    the    Constitution    to    the    three 
branches    of   the    Legislature    conjointly,    the 
Representatives  are  as  free  as  the  President 
and  Senate  were,  to  consider  whether  the  na 
tional  interest  requires  or  forbids,  their  giv 
ing  the  forms  and   force  of  law  to  the  ar 
ticles   over   which   they   have   a   power. — To 
WM.   B.   GILES,     iv,   125.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  41. 
(M.,  Nov.  1795.) 

4084.  -  — .     I  am  well  pleased  with 
the  manner  in  which  your  House  have  tes 
tified  their  sense  of  the  treaty.     While  their 
refusal  to  pass  the  original  clause  of  the  re 
ported  answer  proved  their  condemnation  of 
it,  the  contrivance  to  let  it  disappear  silently 
respected  appearances  in  favor  of  the  Presi 
dent,  who  errs  as  other  men  do,  but  errs  with 
integrity. — To  W.  B.  GILES,     iv,   125.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  41.     (M.,  Dec.  1795.) 

4085.  JAY    TREATY,    The    Merchants 
and. — The    Chamber  of   Commerce   in   New 
York,  against  the  body  of  the  town ;  the  mer 
chants   in   Philadelphia,   against  the  body  of 
their  town,  also,  and  our  town  of  Alexandria 
have  come  forward  in  its  support.  Some  in 
dividual    champions    also    appear.      Marshall, 
Carrington,    Harvey,    Bushrod    Washington, 
Doctor    Stewart.      A   more   powerful    one   Is 
Hamilton,    under   the   signature   of   "  Camil- 
lus ".        Adams   holds    his   tongue    with    an 
address  above  his  character. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  27.     (M.,  Sep.  1795.) 

4086. .      The     merchants     were 

certainly    (except    those    of    them    who    are 
English)  as  open  mouthed  at  first  against  the 
treaty,  as  any.     But  the  general  expression  of 
indignation  has  alarmed  them  for  the  strength 
of  the   Government.     They   have   feared   the 
shock  woul  1  be  too  great,  and  have  chosen 
to  tack  about  and   support  both  treaty  and 


Government,  rather  than  risk  the  Govern 
ment.  Thus  it  is,  that  Hamilton,  Jay,  &c., 
in  the  boldest  act  they  ever  ventured  on  to 
undermine  the  government,  have  the  address 
to  screen  themselves,  and  direct  the  hue  and 
cry  against  those  who  wish  to  drag  them  into 
light.  A  bolder  party-stroke  was  never 
struck.  For  it  certainly  is  an  attempt  of 
a  party,  who  find  they  have  lost  their  majority 
in  one  branch  of  the  Legislature,  to  make  a 
law  by  the  aid  of  the  other  branch  and  of 
the  Executive,  under  color  of  a  treaty, 
which  shall  bind  up  the  hands  of  the  adverse 
branch  from  ever  restraining  the  commerce 
of  their  patron  nation.  There  appears  a  pause 
at  present  in  the  public  sentiment,  which  may 
be  followed  by  a  revulsion.  This  is  the  effect 
of  the  desertion  of  the  merchants,  of  the  Pres 
ident's  chiding  answer  to  Boston  and  Rich 
mond,  of  the  writings  of  "  Curtius "  and 
"  Camillus  ",  and  of  the  quietism  into  which 
the  people  naturally  fall  after  first  sensations 
are  over. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  122.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  32.  (M.,  Sep.  I795-) 

4087.  JAY    TREATY,    A    millstone.— 
Jay's    treaty    [should    never]    be    quoted,    or 
looked   at,    or   even   mentioned.     That   form 
will  forever  be  a  millstone  round  our  necks 
unless  we  now  rid  ourselves  of  it  once  for 
all. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,     v,  444.      (M., 
April  1809.)  , 

4088.  JAY  TREATY,   Political  effects 
of. — The   British   treaty   produced   a    schism 
that  went  on  widening  and  rankling  till  the 
years  '98  and  '99.  when  a  final  dissolution  of 
all  bonds,  civil  and  social,  appeared  imminent. 
In    that    awful    crisis,    the    people    awakened 
from   the   frenzy   into   which   they   had   been 
thrown,  began  to  return  to  their  sober  and 
ancient  principles,  and  have  now  become  five- 
sixths   of  one   sentiment,   to   wit,   for  peace, 
economy,    and    a    government    bottomed    on 
popular  election  in  its  legislative  and  execu 
tive  branches. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,    iv, 
465.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  212.     (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4089.  JAY  TREATY,  Publication  of.— 

The  treaty  is  now  known  here  by  a  bold  act 
of  duty  in  one  of  our  Senators. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  28.  (M.,  1795.) 

4090.  JAY     TREATY,     Ratification.— 

The  campaign  in  Congress  has  closed.  Though 
the  Anglomen,*  have  in  the  end  got  their 
treaty  through,  and  so  have  triumphed  over 
the  cause  of  republicanism,  yet  it  has  been 
to  them  a  dear  bought  victory.  It  has  given 

*  William  Cobbett,  who  was  then  in  the  United 
States,  was  one  of  the  newspaper  and  pamphleteer 
ing  advocates  of  the  ratification  of  the  Jay  treaty, 
and  against  Jefferson  and  his  followers.  Cobbett, 
after  his  return  to  England,  writing  to  William  Pitt, 
:'n  1804,  said  with  respect  to  the  Jay  treaty  :  "  The  im 
portance  of  that  victory  to  England  it  would,  per 
haps,  be  difficult  to  render  intelligible  to  the  mind  of 
Lord  Melville,  without  the  aid  of  a  comparison  •  and, 
therefore,  it  may  be  necessary  to  observe,  that  it  was 
infinitely  more  important  than  all  his  victories  in  the 
West  Indies  put  together,  which  latter  victories  cost 
England  thirty  thousand  men,  and  fifty  millions  of 
money."  Mr.  Windham,  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
referring  to  this  service  of  Cobbett,  said  that  Cob 
bett  had  u  rendered  in  America  such  service  to  his 
country  as  entitled  him  to  a  statue  of  gold". — ED 
ITOR. 


Jealousy 
Jefferson  (Thomas) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


438 


the  most  radical  shock  to  their  party  which 
it  has  ever  received;  and  there  is  no  doubt, 
they  would  be  glad  to  be  replaced  on  the 
ground  they  possessed  the  instant  before  Jay's 
nomination  extraordinary.  They  see  that 
nothing  can  support  them  but  the  Colossus  of 
the  President's  merits  with  the  people,  and  the 
moment  he  retires,  that  his  successor,  if  a 
monocrat,  will  be  overborne  by  the  republic 
an  sense  of  his  constituents;  if  a  republican, 
he  will,  of  course,  give  fair  play  to  that 
sense,  and  lead  things  into  the  channel  of 
harmony  between  the  governors  and  the  gov 
erned.  In  the  meantime,  patience. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  148.  (July  1796.) 

4091.  JEALOUSY,  Doubt  and.— Doubts 
and  jealousies  often  beget  the  facts  they  fear. 
—To   ALBERT  GALLATIN.     v,   23.     FORD  EDV 
viii,  476.     (W.,  1806.) 

4092.  JEALOUSY,   Government  and. — 
Free  government  is  founded  in  jealousy,  and 
not  in  confidence;  it  is  jealousy,  and  not  con 
fidence,    which    prescribes    limited    Constitu 
tions,    to    bind    down    those    whom    we    are 
obliged    to    trust    with    power.— KENTUCKY 
RESOLUTIONS,     ix,   470.     FORD  ED.,   vii,   304. 
(1798.) 

_  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Ancestry.— 
See  ANCESTRY. 

_  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Birthday.— 
See  BIRTHDAY. 

4093.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Educa 
tion.— My  father  placed  me  at  the  English 
school  at  five  years  of  age;  and  at  the  Latin 
at  nine,   where   I   continued  until  his   death 
[in    1757].      My    teacher,    Mr.    Douglas,    a 
clergyman    from    Scotland,    with    the    rudi 
ments    of   the    Latin    and    Greek    languages, 
taught  me  the  French;  and  on  the  death  of 
my    father,    I    went    to    the    Reverend    M. 
Maury,  a  correct  classical  scholar,  with  whom 
I  continued  two  years;  and  then,  to  wit,  in 
the  spring  of  1760,  went  to  William  and  Mary 
College  where  I  continued  two  years. — AU 
TOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  2.    FORD  ED.,  i,  3.     (1821.) 
See  CONDUCT,  SMALL  (WILLIAM ), and  WYTHE 
(GEORGE). 

_  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Epitaph  of. 
— See  EPITAPH. 

4094.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Family 
of.— In     Colonel     Peter     Jefferson's     Prayer 
Book,  in  the  handwriting  of  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  are  the  following  entries : 

Tane  Jefferson,  born  1740,  June  17  ;  died  1765,  Oct.  i. 

Mary  Jefferson,  born  1741,  Oct.  i ;  married  1760, 
June  24. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  born  1743,  Apr.  2  ;  married,  1772, 
Jan.  i. 

Elizabeth  Jefferson,  born  1744,  Nov.  4 ;   died  1773, 

Martha  Jefferson,  born  1746,  May  29  ;  married,  1765, 
Tu-lv  20. 
Peter  Field  Jefferson,  born  1748,  Oct.  16 ;  died  1748, 

A  son,  born  1750,  March  9  ;  died  1750,  March  9. 
Lucy  Jefferson,  born  1752,  Oct.  10;   married,  1769, 

6Anna  Scott  Randolph  Jefferson,  born  1755,  Oct.  i ; 
married,  1788,  October. 

—NOTE  IN  FORD  EDITION,    i,  3.    (I743-)     See 
ANCESTRY  and  ARMS. 


4095.  JEFFERSON     (Thomas),     Farm- 
ing"' — I  am  indeed  an  unskillful  manager  of 
my  farms,  and  sensible  of  this  from  its  ef 
fects,  I  have  now  committed  them  to  better 
hands.*— To    JOHN    W.    EPPES.     D.     L.    J., 
364.      (1816.)      See    AGRICULTURE,    FARMER, 
FARMERS  and  FARMING. 

4096.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Father 
of.— My   father's   education   had   been   quite 
neglected ;  but  being  of  a  strong  mind,  sound 
judgment,    and    eager   after   information,    he 
read  much  and  improved  himself,,  insomuch 
that  he  was  chosen,  with  Joshua  Fry,   Pro 
fessor  of  Mathematics  in  William  and  Mary 
College,    to   continue   the   boundary    line   be 
tween   Virginia   and   North   Carolina,    which 
had  been  begun  by  Colonel  Byrd;  and  was 
afterwards  employed  with  the  same  Mr.  Fry, 
to  make  the  first  map  of  Virginia  which  had 
ever  been  made,  that  of  Captain  Smith  being 
merely  a  conjectured  sketch.    They  possessed 
excellent  materials  for  so  much  of  the  country 
as  is  below  the  Blue  Ridge;  little  being  then 
known  beyond  that  ridge.     He  was  the  third 
or   fourth    settler,    about   the   year    1737,    of 
the  part  of  the  country  in  which  I  live.     He 
died,  August  17,  1757,  leaving  my  mother  a 
widow,  who  lived  till  1776,  with  six  daughters 
and   two    sons,    myself   the   elder.       To    my 
younger  brother  he  left  his  estate  on  James 
River,    called    Snowdpn,    after   the   supposed 
birthplace  of  the  family;  to  myself  the  lands 
on  which   I  was  born  and  live. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,      i,  2.    FORD  ED.,  i,  2.     (1821.) 

—  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Habits    of 
life.— See  LIFE. 

4097.  JEFFERSON      (Thomas),      Har 
vard's  honors. — I  have  been  lately  honored 
with  your  letter  of  September  24th,  1788,  ac 
companied  by  a  diploma  for  a  Doctorate  of 
Laws,  which  the  University  of  Harvard  has 
been   pleased   to   confer   on   me.      Conscious 
how  little  I  merit  it,  I  am  the  more  sensible 
of    their    goodness     and     indulgence     to    a 
stranger,  who  has  had  no  means  of  serving 
or  making  himself  known  to  them.    I  beg  you 
to  return   them   my  grateful   thanks,   and  to 
assure  them  that  this  notice  from  so  eminent 
a  seat  of  science  is  very  precious  to  me. — 
To  DR.  WILLARD.    iii,  14.     (P.,  1789.) 

4098.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),  History 
and. — Nothing  is  so  desirable  to  me,  as  that 
after  mankind  shall  have  been  abused  by  such 
gross  falsehoods  as  to  events  while  passing, 
their  minds  should  at  length  be  set  to  rights 
by  genuine  truth.    And  I  can  conscientiously 
declare  that  as  to  myself,  I  wish  that  not  only 
no  act  but   no   thought  of  mine   should   be 
unknown. — To  JAMES  MAIN,     v,  373.     (W., 
Oct.  1808.) 

4099. .    As  to  what  is  to  be  said 

of  myself,  I  of  course  am  not  the  judge.  But 
my  sincere  wish  is  that  the  faithful  historian, 
like  the  able  surgeon,  would  consider  me  in 
his  hands,  while  living,  as  a  dead  subject,  that 
the  same  judgment  may  now  be  expressed 

*  His  grandson,  Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph.— ED 
ITOR. 


439 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jefferson  (Thomas) 


which  will  be  rendered  hereafter,  so  far  as 
my  small  agency  in  human  affairs  may  at 
tract  future  notice;  and  I  would  of  choice 
now  stand  as  at  the  bar  of  posterity,  "  cum 
semel  occidaris,  et  de  ultima  Minos  fecerit 
arbitria " .  The  only  exact  testimony  of  a 
man  is  his  actions,  leaving  the  reader  to 
pronounce  on  them  his  own  judgment.  In 
anticipating  this,  too  little  is  safer  than  too 
much;  and  I  sincerely  assure  you  that  you 
will  please  me  most  by  a  rigorous  suppres 
sion  of  all  friendly  partialities.  This  can 
did  expression  of  sentiments  once  delivered, 
passive  silence  becomes  the  future  duty. — To 
L.  H.  GIRARDIN.  vi,  455.  (M.,  1815.) 

4100.  —        _.     Of   the   public    transac 
tions  in  which  I  have  borne  a  part,  I  have 
kept  no  narrative  with  a  view  of  history.    A 
life  of  constant  action  leaves  no  time  for  re 
cording.    Always  thinking  of  what  is  next  to 
be  done,   what  has  been  done   is  dismissed, 
and  soon  obliterated  from  the  memory. — To 
MR.    SPAFFORD.    vii,    118.     (M.,    1819.)     See 
HISTORY. 

_  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Home  of.— 

See  MONTICELLO. 

4101.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Lawyer. 
—In  1767,  Mr.   [George]  Wythe  led  me  into 
the   practice   of  the   law   at   the   bar   of   the 
General  Court,  at  which  I  continued  until  the 
Revolution   shut  up  the  courts  of  justice. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.    1,3.    FORD  ED.,  i,  4.     (1821.) 
See  WYTHE  (GEORGE). 

4102.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Letters 
of« — Selections    from    my    letters,    after    my 
death,    may    come    out    successively    as    the 
maturity  of  circumstances  may  render  their 
appearance  seasonable. — To  WILLIAM  JOHN 
SON,    vii,  277.    FORD  ED.,  x,  248.     (M.,  1823.) 

—  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Library  of. 
— See  LIBRARY. 

4103.  JEFFERSON      (Thomas),      Mar 
riage. — On  the  ist  of  January,  1772,  I  was 
married     to     Martha     Skelton,     widow     of 
Bathurst     Skelton,     and    daughter    of    John 
Wayles,   then   twenty-three  years  old.      Mr. 
Wayles  was  a  lawyer  of  much  practice,  to 
which  he  was  introduced  more  by  his  great 
industry,  punctuality  and  practical  readiness 
than  by  eminence  in  the  science  of  his  pro 
fession.     He  was  a  most  agreeable  compan 
ion,  full  of  pleasantry  and  good  humor,  and 
welcomed  in  every  society.     He  acquired  a 
handsome   fortune,   and   died   in   May,    1773, 
leaving  three   daughters:   the  portion  which 
came  on  that  event  to  Mrs.  Jefferson,  after 
the  debts  should  be  paid,   which  were  very 
considerable,    was    about    equal    to    my   own 
patrimony,  and  consequently  doubled  the  ease 
of  our  circumstances. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  4. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  5.     (1821.) 

4104.  JEFFERSON      (Thomas),      Mrs. 
Jefferson's  death.— Your  letter  found  me  a 
little    emerging    from    the    stupor    of    mind 
which  had  rendered  me  as  dead  to  the  world 
as   she   whose   loss   occasioned    it.     *     *     * 
Before  that  event  my  scheme  of  life  had  been 


determined.  I  had  folded  myself  in  the  arms 
of  retirement,  and  rested  all  prospects  of 
future  happiness  on  domestic  and  literary  ob 
jects.  A  single  event  wiped  away  all  my 
plans  and  left  me  a  blank  which  I  had  not  the 
spirits  to  fill  up.  In  this  state  of  mind  an 
appointment  from  Congress  [mission  to 
France]  found  me,  requiring  me  to  cross  the 
Atlantic.— To  CHEVALIER  DE  CHASTELLUX  i 
322.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  64.  (A.,  Nov.  1782.) 

4105.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  A  Nail- 
maker. — In  our  private  pursuits  it  is  a  great 
advantage  that  every  honest  employment   is 
deemed  honorable.    I  am  myself  a  nail-maker, 
On  returning  home  after  an  absence  of  ten 
years,  I  found  my  farms  so  much  deranged 
that  I  saw  evidently  they  would  be  a  burden 
to  me  instead  of  a  support  till  I  could  re 
generate  them ;  and,  consequently,  that  it  was 
necessary  for  me  to  find  some  other  resource 
in  the  meantime.     I  thought  for  a  while  of 
taking  up  the  manufacture  of  potash,  which 
requires  but  small  advances  of  money.    I  con 
cluded  at  length,  however,  to  begin  a  manu 
facture    of    nails,    which    needs    little    or    no 
capital,    and    I    now    employ    a    dozen    little 
boys  from  ten  to  sixteen  years  of  age,  over 
looking  all  the  details  of  their  business  my 
self,  and  drawing  from  it  a  profit  on  which  I 
can  get  along  till  I  can  put  my  farms  into  a 
course  of  yielding  profit.     My  new  trade  of 
nail-making  is   to  me  in   this  country  what 
an  additional  title  of  nobility  or  the  ensigns 
of  a  new  order  are  in   Europe. — To  M.  DE 
MEUNIER.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  14.     (M.,  1795.) 

4106.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Offices 
held  by.— In  1769,  I  became  a  member  of  the 
[Virginia]   Legislature  by  the  choice  of  the 
county  [Albemarle]  in  which  I  live,  and  con 
tinued  in  that  until  it  was  closed  by  the  Revo 
lution.— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  3.    FORD  ED.,  i,  5. 
(1821.) 

4107.-- .  The  Virginia  Conven 
tion,  at  their  *  *  *  session  of  March, 
I77S,  *  *  *  added  me  *  *  *  to  the  del 
egation  [to  Congress].  *  *  *  I  took  my 
seat  with  them  [Congress]  on  the  2ist  of 
June. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  9.  FORD  ED.,  i,  14 
(1821.) 

4108.  — - .     Soon    after   my   leaving 

Congress,  in  September,  '76,  to  wit,  on 
the  last  day  of  that  month*,  I  had  been  ap 
pointed,  with  Dr.  Franklin,  to  go  to  France, 
as  a  Commissioner,  to  negotiate  treaties  of 
alliance  and  commerce  with  that  government. 
Silas  Deane,  then  in  France,  acting  as 
agent  for  procuring  military  stores,  was 
joined  with  us  in  commission.  But  such  was 
the  state  of  my  family  that  I  could  not  leave 
it,  nor  could  I  expose  it  to  the  dangers  of 
the  sea,  and  of  capture  by  the  British  ships, 
then  covering  the  ocean.  I  saw,  too,  that  the 
laboring  oar  was  really  at  home,  where  much 
was  to  be  done  of  the  most  permanent  in 
terest,  in  new  moodelling  our  governments, 
and  much  to  defend  our  fanes  and  firesides 

*  According  to  a  note  in  the  FORD  EDITION,  the  Se 
cret  Journal  of  Congress  shows  that  Jefferson  was 
appointed  on  Sept.  26.— EDITOR. 


Jefferson  (Thomas) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


440 


from  the  desolations  of  an  invading  enemy, 
pressing  on  our  country  in  every  point.  I 
declined,  therefore,  and  Dr.  Lee  was  ap 
pointed  in  my  place. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  51. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  70.  (1812.) 

4109. .     On  the  ist  of  June,  1779, 

I  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  Common 
wealth,  and  retired  from  the  Legislature. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  50.  FORD  ED.,  i,  69. 
(1821.) 

4110.  -  — .     On   the    i5th   of  June,* 

1781,  I  had  been  appointed,  with  Mr.  Adams, 
Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Jay,  and  Mr.  Laurens,  a 
Minister      Plenipotentiary      for     negotiating 
peace,  then  expected  to  be  effected  through 
the  mediation  of  the  Empress  of  Russia.    The 
same    reasons    obliged    me    still    to    decline ; 
and  the  negotiation  was  in  fact  never  entered 
on. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,  51.     FORD  ED.,  i,  71. 
(1821.) 

4111. .     In  the  autumn  of  *  *  * 

1782,  Congress    receiving   assurances    that   a 
general    peace    would    be    concluded    in    the 
winter    and    spring,    they    renewed    my    ap 
pointment  on  the  I3th  of  November  of  that 
year.   I     had,   two  months  before  that,   lost 
the  cherished  companion  of  my  life,  in  whose 
affections,    unabated    on    both    sides,    I    had 
lived  the  last  ten  years  in  unchequered  hap 
piness.    With  the  public  interests,  the  state  of 
my    mind    concurred    in    recommending    the 
change  of  scene  proposed ;  and  I  accepted  the 
appointment,  and  left  Monticello  on  the  I9th 
of  December,  1782,  for  Philadelphia,  where  I 
arrived    on    the    27th.       The    Minister    of 
France,    Luzerne,    offered    me   a   passage    in 
the  Romulus  frigate,   which  I  accepted ;  but 
she  was  then  a  few  miles  below  Baltimore, 
blocked  up  in  the  ice.     I  remained,  therefore, 
a   month   in    Philadelphia,    looking   over   the 
papers   in    the   office   of    State,    in    order   to 
possess   myself  of  the   general   state  of  our 
foreign    relations,    and   then   went   to    Balti 
more,  to  await  the  liberation  of  the  frigate 
from  the  ice.     After  waiting  there  nearly  a 
month,  we  received  information  that  a  Pro- 
visional  Treaty  of  Peace  had  been  signed  by 
our  Commissioners  on  the  3d  of  September, 

1782,  to  become  absolute  on  the  conclusion  of 
peace    between    France    and    Great    Britain. 
Considering  my  proceeding  to  Europe  as  now 
of  no   utility   to   the   public,    I   returned   im 
mediately  to  Philadelphia,  to  take  the  orders 
of  Congress,  and  was  excused  by  them  from 
further   proceeding.       I,    therefore,    returned 
home,  where  I  arrived  on  the  i5th  of  May, 
1783. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  51.    FORD  ED.,  i,  71. 
(1821.) 

4112.  -  — .    On    the    6th    of    June, 

1783,  I  was  appointed  by  the  [Virginia]  Leg 
islature  a  Delegate  to  Congress,  the  appoint 
ment  to  take  place  on  the  ist  of  November 
ensuing,  when  that  of  the  existing  delegation 
would  expire.     I,   accordingly,   left  home  on 
the  i6th  of  October,  arrived  at  Trenton,  where 
Congress  was  sitting,  on  the  3d  of  November, 
and  took  my  seat  on  the  4th,  on  which  day 

*  The  Secret  Journal  of  Congress  gives  the  date  as 
June  14.— NOTE  IN  FORD  EDITION. 


Congress  adjourned,  to  meet  at  Annapolis  on 
the  26th. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  52.  FORD  ED., 
i,  72.  (1821.) 

4113. .  In  July,  1785,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  returned  to  America,  and  I  was  appointed 
his  successor  at  Paris. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 
63.  FORD  ED.,  i,  88.  (1821.) 

4114. .  On  the  i4th  of  May, 

(1785)  I  communicated  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  my  appointment  as  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary  *  *  *  on  the  1 7th  delivered  my 
letter  of  credence  to  the  King  at  a  private 
audience,  and  went  through  the  other  cere 
monies  usual  on  such  occasions. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  i,  344.  (P.,  1785.) 

4115. .     I  had  been  more  than  a 

year  soliciting  leave  to  go  home,  with  a 
view  to  place  my  daughters  in  the  society 
and  care  of  their  friends,  and  to  return  for  a 
short  time  to  my  station  in  Paris.  But  the 
metamorphosis  through  which  our  govern 
ment  was  then  passing  from  its  chrysalid  to 
its  organic  form  suspended  its  action  in  a 
great  degree;  and  it  was  not  till  the  last  of 
August,  1789,  that  I  received  the  permission 
I  had  asked.  *  *  *  On  the  26th  of 
September,  I  left  Paris  for  Havre,  where  I 
was  detained  by  contrary  winds  until  the  8th 
of  October.  On  that  day,  and  the  9th,  I 
crossed  o.er  to  Cowes,  where  I  had  engaged 
the  Clermont,  Capt.  Colley,  to  touch  for  me. 
She  did  so,  but  here  again  we  were  detained 
by  contrary  winds,  until  the  22nd,  when  we 
embarked,  and  landed  at  Norfolk  on  the  23rd 
of  November.  On  my  way  home,  I  passed 
some  days  at  Eppington,  in  Chesterfield,  the 
residence  of  my  friend  and  connection,  Mr. 
Eppes,  and  while  there,  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  President,  General  Washington,  by 
express,  covering  an  appointment  to  be  Sec 
retary  of  State. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  i,  107. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  148.  (1821.) 

4116. .  I  received  it  [appoint 
ment  as  Secretary  of  State]  with  real  regret. 
My  wish  had  been  to  return  to  Paris,  where 
I  had  left  my  household  establishment,  as  if 
there  myself,  and  to  see  the  end  of  the  Revo 
lution,  which  I  then  thought  would  be  cer 
tainly  and  happily  closed  in  less  than  a  year. 
I  then  meant  to  return  home,  to  withdraw 
from  political  life,  into  which  I  had  been  im 
pressed  by  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  to 
sink  into  the  bosom  of  my  family  and  friends, 
and  devote  myself  to  studies  more  congenial 
to  my  mind.  In  my  answer  of  December 
1 5th,  I  expressed  these  dispositions  candidly 
to  the  President,  and  my  preference  of  a  re 
turn  to  Paris;  but  assured  him  that  if  it  was 
believed  I  could  be  more  useful  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  government,  I  would  sac 
rifice  my  own  inclinations,  without  hesitation 
and  repair  to  that  destination ;  this  I  left  to 
his  decision.  I  arrived  at  Monticello  on  the 
23rd  of  December,  where  I  received  a  second 
letter  from  the  President,  expressing  his  con 
tinued  wish  that  I  should  take  my  station 
there,  but  leaving  me  still  at  liberty  to  con 
tinue  in  my  former  office,  if  I  could  not  rec 
oncile  myself  to  that  now  proposed.  This  si- 


441 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jefferson  (Thomas) 


lenced  my  reluctance,  and  I  accepted  the  new 
appointment. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  108.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  149.  (1821.) 

4117.  -          — .     The    President    [Wash 
ington]  observed,  that  though  I  had  unfixed 
the  day  on  which  I  had  intended  to  resign, 
yet  I  appeared  fixed  in  doing  it  at  no  great 
distance  of  time;   that  in  this  case,*  he  could 
not  but  wish  that  I  would  go  to  Paris ;    that 
the  moment  was  important;    I  possessed  the 
confidence  of  both  sides,  and  might  do  great 
good ;    that  he  wished  I  could  do  it,  were  it 
only  to  stay  there  a  year  or  two.     I  told  him 
that  my  mind  was  so  bent  on  retirement  that 
I  could  not  think  of  launching  forth  again  in 
a  new  business;    that   I   could  never   again 
cross  the  Atlantic;    and  that  as  to  the  oppor 
tunity  of  doing  good,   this  was  likely  to  be 
the  scene  of  action,   as  Genet  was  bringing 
powers  to  dp  the  business  here;    but  that  I 
could  not  think  of  going  abroad.    He  replied 
that  I  had  pressed  him  to  remain  in  the  pub 
lic  service,  and  refused  to  do  the  same  my 
self.     I  said  the  case  was  very  different;    he 
united    the    confidence    of    all    America,    and 
was  the  only  person  who  did  so ;   his  services, 
therefore,  were  of  the  last  importance;    but 
for  myself,  my  going  out  would  not  be  noted 
or  known.     A  thousand  others  could  supply 
my  place  to  equal  advantage,  therefore  I  felt 
myself  free. — THE  ANAS,     ix,  133.     FORD  ED., 
i,  217.     (Feb.  20,  1793.) 

4118.  -  _.    [President  Washington] 
returned  to  the  difficulty  of  naming  my  suc 
cessor.     *    *    *     He    said    if    I    would   only 
stay  in  till  the  end  of  another  quarter  (the 
last  of  December)   it  would  get  us  through 
the  difficulties  of  this  year,  and  he  was  sat 
isfied   that   the   affairs   of   Europe   would   be 
settled  with  this  campaign;    for  that  either 
France  would  be  overwhelmed  by  it,  or  the 
confederacy  would  give  up  the  contest.     By 
that  time,  too,   Congress  would  have  mani 
fested  its  character  and  view.     I  told  him  that 
I  had  set  my  private  affairs  in  motion  in  a 
line    which    had    powerfully    called    for    my 
presence  the  last  spring,  and  that  they  had 
suffered  immensely  from  my  not  going  home ; 
that  I  had  now  calculated  them  to  my  re 
turn  in  the  fall,  and  to  fail  in  going  then, 
would    be    the    loss    of    another    year,    and 
prejudicial     beyond     measure.     *    *    *    He 
asked  me  whether  I  could  not  arrange  my 
affairs  by  going  home.     I  told  him  I  did  not 
think  the  public  business  would  admit  of  it; 
that  there  never  was  a  day  now  in  which  the 
absence  of  the  Secretary  of  State  would  not 
be  inconvenient  to  the  public.      And  he  con 
cluded  by  desiring  that  I  would  take  two  or 
three  days  to  consider  whether  I  could  not 
stay  in  till  the  end  of  another  quarter,  for  that 
like   a   man   going   to    the   gallows,    he   was 
willing  to  put  it  off  as  long  as  he  could ;  but  if 
I  persisted,  he  must  then  look  about  him  and 
make  up  his  mind  to  do  the  best  he  could. — 

*  The  French  government  was  then  complaining  of 
the  unfriendliness  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  Wash 
ington  deemed  a  change  of  ministers  advisable.— ED 
ITOR. 


THE  ANAS,  ix,  167.  FORD  ED.,  i,  257.  (Aug. 
1793.)  See  ELECTIONS  (PRESIDENTIAL). 

4119.  JEFFEBSON    (Thomas),    Offices 
refused. — No  circumstances  will   ever  more 
tempt  me  to  engage  in  anything  public.     I 
thought    myself    perfectly    fixed    in    this    de 
termination    when    I    left    Philadelphia,    but 
every  day  and  hour  since  has  added  to  its 
inflexibility.     It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  me  to 
retain  the  esteem  and  approbation  of  the  Pres 
ident,  and  this  forms  the  only  ground  of  any 
reluctance   at   being   unable   to   comply   with 
every  wish  of  his.* — To  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 
iv,  108.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  512.     (M.,  Sep.  1794.) 

4120.  -  — .    President  [John]  Adams 
said  he  was  glad  to  find  me  alone,  for  that 
he  wished  a  free  conversation  with  me.     He 
entered  immediately  on  an  explanation  of  the 
situation  of  our  affairs   in   France,   and  the 
danger  of  rupture  with  that  nation,  a  rupture 
which  would  convulse  the  attachments  of  this 
country;    that    he    was    impressed    with    the 
necessity    of    an    immediate    mission    to    the 
Directory;  that  it  would  have  been  the  first 
wish    of   his    heart    to    have    got    me    to    go 
there,  but  that  he  supposed  it  was  out  of  the 
question,   as   it  did  not   seem  justifiable  for 
him  to  send  away  the  person  destined  to  take 
his  place  in  case  of  accident  to  himself,  nor 
decent  to  remove  from  competition  one  who 
was  a  rival  in  the  public  favor.     *     *     *     I 
told  him  I  concurred  in  the  opinion  of  the  im 
propriety  of  my  leaving  the  post  assigned  me, 
and   that   my   inclinations,    moreover,   would 
never  permit  me  to  cross  the  Atlantic  again. — 
THE    ANAS.       ix,    185.      FORD   ED.,    i,    272. 
(March  2,  1797.) 

4121. .     You    wish    to    see    me 

again  in  the  Legislature,  but  this  is  impos 
sible;  my  mind  is  now  so  dissolved  in  tran 
quillity,  that  it  can  never  again  encounter  a 
contentious  assembly.  The  habits  of  think 
ing  and  speaking  off-hand,  after  a  disuse  of 
five  and  twenty  years,  have  given  place  to 
the  slower  process  of  the  pen. — To  JOHN  TY 
LER,  v,  525.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  277.  (M.,  1810.) 

4122.  -  — .     The   assurance    *    *    * 
that  my  aid  in  the  councils  of  our  government 
would  increase  the  public  confidence  in  them ; 
because  it  admits  an  inference  that  they  have 
approved    of    the    course    pursued,    when    I 
heretofore    bore    a    part  in    those    councils. 
*    *    *    But  I  am  past  service.    The  hand  of 
age  is  upon  me.     The  debility  of  bodily  fac 
ulties   apprizes   me   that   those   of   the   mind 
cannot  be  unimpaired,  had  I  not  still  better 
proofs.— To  WILLIAM  DUANE.     vi,  79.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  367.     (M.,  Oct.  1812.) 

4123.  JEFFEBSON     (Thomas),     Paine 
and. — A   writer,   under  the  name  of  "  Pub- 
licola"    [John  Quincy  Adams],   in  attacking 
all  [Thomas]   Paine's  [political]  principles,  is 
very  desirous  of  involving  me  in  the  same 
censure   with  the  author.     I   certainly   merit 
the  same,  for  I  profess  the  same  principles ; 
but  it  is  equally  certain  I  never  meant  to  have 

*  Washington  wished  to  send  Jefferson  to  France- 

—EDITOR. 


Jefferson  (Thomas) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


442 


entered  as  a  volunteer  into  the  cause. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  iii,  267.  FORD  ED.,  v,  351. 
(Pa.,  1791.)  See  PAINE. 

4124.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Portrait. 
— I  am  duly  sensible  of  the  honor  proposed 
of  giving  to  my  portrait  a  place  among  the 
benefactors  of  our  nation,  and  of  the  estab 
lishment  of  West  Point  in  particular.    : 

Mr.  Sully,  I  fear,  however,  will  consider  the 
trouble  of  the  journey  [to  Monticello],  and 
the  employment  of  his  fine  pencil,  as  illy 
bestowed  on  an  atomy  of  78. — To  JARED 
MANSFIELD,  vii,  203.  (M.,  1821.) 

—  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),    Principles 
of. — See  PRINCIPLES. 

—  JEFFERSON   (Thomas),   Retirement 
of. — See  RETIREMENT. 

4125.  JEFFERSON    (Thomas),     Scien 
tific  Societies. — Being  to  remove  within  a 
few     months     from     my    present     residence 
[Washington]  to  one  still  more  distant  from 
the   seat   of  the   meetings   of   the   American 
Philosophical  Society  [Philadelphia],  I  feel  it 
a  duty  no  longer  to  obstruct  its  service  by 
keeping  from  the  chair  members  whose  posi 
tion    as    well    as    qualifications,    may    enable 
them   to   discharge   its   duties   with   so   much 
more    effect.*— To    THE    VICE-PRESIDENT    OF 
THE  A.  P.  S.    v,  392.     (W.,  Nov.  1808.) 

4126. .     I  am  duly  sensible  of  the 

honor  done  me  by  the  first  class  of  the 
Royal  Institute  of  Sciences,  of  Literature,  and 
of  Fine  Arts  [Holland],  in  associating  me  to 
their  class,  and  by  the  approbation  which  his 
Majesty,  the  King  of  Holland,  has  conde 
scended  to  give  to  their  choice. — To  G. 
VOOLIF.  v,  517.  (M.,  1810.) 

4127. .  I  recieved  with  much 

gratification  the  diploma  of  the  Agronomic 
Society  of  Bavaria,  conferring  on  me  the  dis 
tinction  of  being  honorary  member  of  their 
societyt — To  BARON  DE  MOLL,  v,  363.  (M., 
1814.) 

4128.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Services 
of. — I  have  sometimes  asked  myself,  whether 
my  country  is  the  better  for  my  having  lived 
at  all?  I  do  not  know  that  it  is.  I  have  been 
the  instrument  of  doing  the  following  things; 
but  they  would  have  been  done  by  others; 
some  of  them,  perhaps,  a  little  better: 

The  Rivanna  had  never  been  used  for  nav 
igation;  scarcely  an  empty  canoe  had  ever 
passed  down  it.  Soon  after  I  came  of  age, 
I  examined  its  obstructions,  set  on  foot  a 
subscription  for  removing  them,  got  an  act  of 
Assembly  passed,  and  the  thing  effected,  so 

*  Franklin  was  the  first  President  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society.  He  was  succeeded  by  David 
Rittenhouse,  who  died  in  1796,  and  after  him  came 
Jefferson.  In  accepting  the  office  Jefferson  said  :  "  I 
feel  no  qualification  for  this  distinguished  post,  but  a 
sincere  zeal  for  all  the  objects  of  our  institution,  and 
an  ardent  desire  to  see  knowledge  so  disseminated 
through  the  mass  of  mankind,  that  it  may,  at  length, 
reach  even  the  extremes  of  society,  beggars  and 
kings."— EDITOR. 

t  Jeff erson  was  an  active  or  honorary  member  of 
nearly  every  literary  and  scientific  society  existing 
in  his  day.— EDITOR. 


as  to  be  used  completely  and  fully  for  carry 
ing  down  all  our  produce. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence. 

I  proposed  the  demolition  of  the  Church 
Establishment,  and  the  Freedom  of  Religion. 
It  could  only  be  done  by  degrees;  to  wit,  the 
Act  of  1776,  c.  2,  exempted  dissenters  from 
contributions  to  the  Church,  and  left  the 
Church  clergy  to  be  supported  by  voluntary 
contributions  of  their  own  sect;  was  contin 
ued  from  year  to  year,  and  made  perpetual 
I779>  c.  36.  I  prepared  the  Act  for  Religious 
Freedom  in  1777,  as  part  of  the  Revisal, 
which  was  not  reported  to  the  Assembly  till 
1779,  and  that  particular  law  not  passed  till 

1785,  and  then  by  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Madison. 
The  Act  putting  an  end  to  Entails. 

The  Act  prohibiting  the  Importation  of 
Slaves. 

The  Act  concerning  Citizens  and  establisft- 
ing  the  natural  right  of  man  to  expatriate 
himself,  at  will. 

The  Act  changing  the  course  of  Descents, 
and  giving  the  inheritance  to  all  the  children, 
&c.,  equally,  I  drew  as  part  of  the  Revisal. 

The  Act  for  Apportioning  Crimes  and  Pun 
ishments,  part  of  the  same  work,  I  drew. 
When  proposed  to  the  Legislature,  by  Mr. 
Madison,  in  1785,  it  failed  by  a  single  vote. 
G.  K.  Taylor  afterwards,  in  1796,  proposed  the 
same  subject;  avoiding  the  adoption  of  any 
part  of  the  diction  of  mine,  the  text  of  which 
had  been  studiously  drawn  in  the  technical 
terms  of  the  law,  so  as  to  give  no  occasion 
for  new  questions  by  new  expressions.  When 
I  drew  mine,  public  labor  was  thought  the 
best  punishment  to  be  substituted  for  death. 
But,  while  I  was  in  France,  I  heard  of  a 
society  in  England,  who  had  successfully  in 
troduced  solitary  confinement,  and  saw  the 
drawing  of  a  prison  at  Lyons,  in  France, 
formed  on  the  idea  of  solitary  confinement. 
And,  being  applied  to  by  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  for  the  plan  of  a  Capitol  and 
Prison,  I  sent  him  the  Lyons  plan,  accom 
panying  it  with  a  drawing  on  a  smaller  scale, 
betted  adapted  to  our  use.  This  was  in  June, 

1786.  Mr.   Taylor  very  judiciously  adopted 
this  idea   (which  had  now  been  acted  on  in 
Philadelphia,     probably     from    the     English 
model),  and  substituted  labor  in  confinement, 
for  the  public  labor  proposed  by  the  Com 
mittee  of  Revisal;   which  themselves  would 
have  done,  had  they  been  to  act  on  the  sub 
ject  again.     The  public  mind   was   ripe   for 
this  in   1796,  when  Mr.   Taylor  proposed  it, 
and    ripened    chiefly    by    the    experiment    in 
Philadelphia;  whereas,  in  1785,  when  it  had 
been  proposed  to  our  Assembly,   they  were 
not  quite  ripe  for  it. 

In  1789  and  1790,  I  had  a  great  number  of 
olive  plants,  of  the  best  kind,  sent  from 
Marseilles  to  Charleston,  for  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia.  They  were  planted,  and  are 
flourishing;  and,  though  not  yet  multiplied, 
they  will  be  the  germ  of  that  cultivation  in 
those  States. 

In  1790,  I  got  a  cask  of  heavy  upland  rice, 
from  the  river  Denbigh,  in  Africa,  about 
Latitude  9°  30'  North,  which  I  sent  to 


443 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA  Jefferson  (Thomas) 


Charleston,  in  hopes  it  might  supersede  the 
culture  of  the  wet  rice,  which  renders  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia  so  pestilential  through 
the  summer.  It  was  divided  and  a  part  sent 
to  Georgia.  I  know  not  whether  it  has  been 
attended  to  in  South  Carolina;  but  it  has 
spread  in  the  upper  parts  of  Georgia,  so  as  to 
have  become  almost  general,  and  is  highly 
prized.  Perhaps  it  may  answer  in  Tennessee 
and  Kentucky.  The  greatest  service  which 
can  be  rendered  any  country  is,  to  add  an 
useful  plant  to  its  culture;  especially  a 
bread  grain;  next  in  value  to  bread  is  oil. 

Whether  the  Act  for  the  more  General  Dif 
fusion  of  Knowledge  will  ever  be  carried  into 
complete  effect,  I  know  not.  It  was  received 
by  the  Legislature  with  great  enthusiasm  at 
first;  and  a  small  effort  was  made  in  1796, 
by  the  act  to  establish  public  schools,  to 
carry  a  part  of  it  into  effect,  viz.,  that  for  the 
establishment  of  free  English  schools :  but  the 
option  given  to  the  courts  has  defeated  the 
intention  of  the  act.* — JEFFERSON  PAPERS,  i, 
174.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  475.  (1800.) 

4129. .     I  came  of  age  in  1764, 

and  was  soon  put  into  the  nomination  of  jus 
tice  of  the  county  in  which  I  lived,  and,  at 
the  first  election  following,  I  became  one  of 
its  representatives  in  the  Legislature.     I  was 
thence  sent  to  the  old  Congress.     Then  em 
ployed  two  years  with  Mr.  Pendleton  and  Mr'. 
Wythe,    on   the   revisal    and    reduction   to   a 
single  code  of  the  whole  body  of  the  British 
Statutes,  the  acts  of  our  Assembly,  and  cer 
tain  parts  of  the  common  law.     Then  elected 
Governor.     Next,  to  the  Legislature,  and  to 
Congress  again.     Sent  to  Europe  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary.    Appointed  Secretary  of  State 
to  the  new  Government.     Elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent,   and   President.     And   lastly,   a  Visitor 
and  Rector  of  the  University   [of  Virginia]. 
In  these  different  offices,  with  scarcely  any 
interval   between   them,   I   have  been   in   the 
public  service  now  sixty-one  years ;   and  dur 
ing  the  far  greater  part  of  the  time,  in  for 
eign   countries   or   in   other   States.     *    *    * 
If  it   were  thought  worth   while   to   specify 
any    particular    services    rendered,    I    would 
refer    to    the    specification    of    them    made 
by  the  [Virginia]  Legislature  itself   in   their 
Farewell  Address/f  on  my  retiring  from  the 
Presidency,   February,   1809.       There  is  one, 
however,  not  therein  specified  the  most  im 
portant  in  its  consequences,  of  any  transaction 
in  any  portion  of  my  life ;  to  wit,  the  head  I 
personally  made  against  the  federal  principles 
and  proceedings  during  the  Administration  of 
Mr.   Adams.     Their   usurpations   and   viola 
tions  of  the  Constitution  at  that  period,  and 
their  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
were   so   great,    so   decided,    and    so   daring, 
that  after  combating  their  aggressions,  inch 
by  inch,   without  being  able  in  the  least  to 
check    their    career,    the    republican    leaders 

*  It  appears  from  a  blank  space  at  the  bottom  of 
this  paper,  that  a  continuation  had  been  intended. 
Indeed,  from  the  loose  manner  in  which  the  above 
notes  are  written,  it  may  be  inferred  that  they  were 
originally  intended  as  memoranda  only,  to  be  used 
in  some  more  permanent  form. — NOTE  IN  CONGRESS 
EDITION. 

t  Printed  in  the  APPENDIX  to  this  work.— EDITOR. 


thought  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  give  up 
their  useless  efforts  there,  go  home,  get  into 
their  respective  Legislatures,  embody  what 
ever  of  resistance  they  could  be  formed  into, 
and  if  ineffectual,  to  perish  there  as  in  the 
last  ditch.  All,  therefore,  retired  leaving  Mr. 
Gallatin  alone  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  and  myself  in  the  Senate,  where  I 
then  presided  as  Vice-President.  Remaining 
at  our  posts,  and  bidding  defiance  to  the 
browbeatings  and  insults  by  which  they  en 
deavored  to  drive  us  off  also,  we  kept  the 
mass  of  republicans  in  phalanx  together,  until 
the  Legislature  could  be  brought  up  to  the. 
charge;  and  nothing  on  earth  is  more  cer 
tain,  than  that  if  myself  particularly,  placed 
by  my  office  of  Vice-President  at  the  head 
of  the  republicans,  had  given  way  and  with 
drawn  from  my  post,  the  republicans  through 
out  the  Union  would  have  given  up  in 
despair,  and  the  cause  would  have  been  lost 
forever.  By  holding  on,  we  obtained  time  for 
the  Legislature  to  come  up  with  their  weight ; 
and  those  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  partic 
ularly,  but  more  especially  the  former,  by 
their  celebrated  resolutions,  saved  the  Con 
stitution  at  its  last  gasp.  No  person  who  was 
not  a  witness  of  the  scenes  of  that  gloomy 
period,  can  form  any  idea  of  the  afflicting 
persecutions  and  personal  indignities  we  had 
to  brook.  They  saved  our  country,  however. 
The  spirits  of  the  people  were  so  much  sub 
dued  and  reduced  to  despair  by  the  X.  Y.  Z. 
imposture,  and  other  stratagems  and  machi 
nations,  that  they  would  have  sunk  into 
apathy  and  monarchy,  as  the  only  form  of 
government  which  could  maintain  itself. 

If  Legislative  services  are  worth  mention 
ing,  and  the  stamp  of  liberality  and  equality, 
which  was  necessary  to  be  imposed  on  our 
laws  in  the  first  crisis  of  our  birth  as  a  na 
tion,  was  of  any  value,  they  will  find  that 
the  leading  and  most  important  laws  of  that 
day  were  prepared  by  myself,  and  carried 
chiefly  by  my  efforts;  supported,  indeed,  by 
able  and  faithful  coadjutors  from  the  ranks 
of  the  house,  very  effective  as  seconds,  but 
who  would  not  have  taken  the  field  as 
leaders.  The  prohibition  of  the  further  im 
portation  of  slaves  was  the  first  of  these 
measures  in  time.  This  was  followed  by  the 
abolition  of  entails,  which  broke  up  the  hered 
itary  and  high-handed  aristocracy,  which,  by 
accumulating  immense  masses  of  property  in 
single  lines  of  families,  had  divided  our 
country  into  two  distinct  orders,  of  nobles 
and  plebeians.  But  further  to  complete  the 
equality  among  our  citizens  so  essential  to  the 
maintenance  of  republican  government,  it 
was  necessary  to  abolish  the  principle  of 
primogeniture.  I  drew  the  law  of  descents, 
giving  equal  inheritance  to  sons  and  daugh 
ters,  which  made  a  part  of  the  Revised  Code. 
The  attack  on  the  establishment  of  a  domi 
nant  religion  was  first  made  by  myself.  It 
could  be  carried  at  first  only  by  a  suspension 
of  salaries  for  one  year,  by  battling  it  again 
at  the  next  session  for  another  year,  and  so 
from  year  to  year,  until  the  public  mind  was 
ripened  for  the  bill  for  establishing  religious 


Jefferson  (Thomas) 
Johnson  (Joshua) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


444 


freedom,  which  I  had  prepared  for  the  Re 
vised  Code  also.  This  was  at  length  estab 
lished  permanently,  and  by  the  efforts  chiefly 
of  Mr.  Madison,  being  myself  in  Europe  at 
the  time  that  work  was  brought  forward. 

To  these  particular  services,  I  think  I  might 
add  the  establishment  of  our  University,  as 
principally  my  work,  acknowledging  at  the 
same  time,  as  I  do,  the  great  assistance  re 
ceived  from  my  able  colleagues  of  the  Visi 
tation.  But  my  residence  in  the  vicinity 
threw,  of  course,  on  me  the  chief  burthen  of 
the  enterprise,  as  well  of  the  buildings  as  of 
the  general  organization  and  care  of  the 
whole.  The  effect  of  this  institution  on  the 
future  fame,  fortune  and  prosperity  of  our 
country,  can  as  yet  be  seen  but  at  a  distance. 
But  an  hundred  well-educated  youth,  which  it 
will  turn  out  annually,  and  ere  long,  will  fill 
all  its  offices  with  men  of  superior  qualifica 
tions,  and  raise  it  from  its  humble  state  to  an 
eminence  among  its  associates  which  it  has 
never  yet  known;  no,  not  in  its  brightest 
days.  That  institution  is  now  qualified  to 
raise  its  youth  to  an  order  of  science  un 
equalled  in  any  other  State;  and  this  supe 
riority  will  be  the  greater  from  the  free  range 
of  mind  encouraged  there,  and  the  restraint 
imposed  at  other  seminaries  by  the  shackles 
of  a  domineering  hierarchy,  and  a  bigoted  ad 
hesion  to  ancient  habits.  Those  now  on  the 
theatre  of  affairs  will  enjoy  the  ineffable  hap 
piness  of  seeing  themselves  succeeded  by  sons 
of  a  grade  of  science  beyond  their  own  ken. 
Our  sister  States  will  also  be  repairing  to  the 
same  fountains  of  instruction,  will  bring 
hither  their  genius  to  be  kindled  at  our  fire, 
and  will  carry  back  the  fraternal  affections 
which,  nourished  by  the  same  Alma  Mater, 
will  knit  us  to  them  by  the  indissoluble  bonds 
of  early  personal  friendships.  The  good  Old 
Dominion,  the  blessed  mother  of  us  all, 
will  then  raise  her  head  with  pride  among 
the  nations,  will  present  to  them  that  splen 
dor  of  genius  which  she  has  ever  possessed, 
but  has  too  long  suffered  to  rest  uncultivated 
and  unknown,  and  will  become  a  centre  of 
ralliance  to  the  States  whose  youth  she  has 
instructed,  and,  as  it  were,  adopted.  I  claim 
some  share  in  the  merits  of  this  great  work 
of  regeneration.  My  whole  labors,  now  for 
many  years,  have  been  devoted  to  it,  and  I 
stand  pledged  to  follow  it  up  through  the 
remnant  of  life  remaining  to  me.  And  what 
remuneration  do  I  ask?  Money  from  the 
treasury?  Not  a  cent.  I  ask  nothing  from 
the  earnings  or  labors  of  my  fellow  citizens. 
I  wish  no  man's  comforts  to  be  abridged  for 
the  enlargement  of  mine.  For  the  services 
rendered  on  all  occasions,  I  have  been  always 
paid  to  my  full  satisfaction.  I  never  wished  a 
dollar  more  than  what  the  law  had  fixed  on. 
My  request  is,  only  to  be  permitted  to  sell  my 
own  property  freely  to  pay  my  own  debts. 
To  sell  it,  I  say,  and  not  to  sacrifice  it,  not 
to  have  it  gobbled  up  by  speculators  to  make 
fortunes  for  themselves,  leaving  unpaid  those 
who  have  trusted  to  my  good  faith,  and  my 
self  without  resource,  in  the  last  and  most 
helpless  stage  of  life.  If  permitted  to  sell  it 


in  a  way  which  will  bring  me  a  fair  price, 
all  will  be  honestly  and  honorably  paid,  and 
a  competence  left  for  myself,  and  for  those 
who  look  to  me  for  subsistence.  To  sell  it  in 
a  way  which  will  offend  no  moral  principle. 
and  expose  none  to  risk  but  the  willing,  and 
those  wishing  to  be  permitted  to  take  the 
chance  of  gain.  To  give  me,  in  short,  that 
permission  which  you  often  allow  to  others 
for  purposes  not  more  moral.* — THOUGHTS  ON 
LOTTERIES,  ix,  506.  FORD  ED.,  x,  368.  (M., 
1826.) 

4130.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Univer 
sity  of  Virginia  and.— Against  this  tedium 
vita,  I  am  fortunately  mounted  on  a  hobby, 
which,  indeed,  I  should  have  better  managed 
some  thirty  or   forty  years  ago ;   but  whose 
easy  amble  is  still  sufficient  to  give  exercise 
and  amusement  to  an  octogenary  rider.     This 
is    the    establishment    of    a    University. — To 
JOHN   ADAMS,     vii,   313.     FORD  ED.,  x.   272. 
(M.,  1823.)     See  UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA. 

—  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Views  on 
religion.— See  RELIGION. 

4131.  JEFFERSON  (Thomas),  Weary  of 
office. — The  motion  of  my  blood  no  longer 
keeps    time    with    the   tumult   of   the    world. 
It  leads  me  to  seek  for  happiness  in  the  lap 
and  love  of  my  family,  in  the  society  of  my 
neighbors  and  my  books,   in  the  wholesome 
occupations  of  my  farm  and  my  affairs,  in  an 
interest  or  affection  in  every  bud  that  opens, 
in  every  breath  that  blows  around  me,  in  an 
entire  freedom  of  rest,  of  motion,  of  thought, 
owing  account  to  myself  alone  of  my  hours 
and  actions.     What  must  be  the  principle  of 
that  calculation  which  should  balance  against 
these   the   circumstances   of   my   present   ex 
istence   [Secretaryship  of  State],  worn  down 
with    labors    from    morning    to    night,    and 
day   to   day;   knowing  them   as   fruitless   to 
others  as  they  are  vexatious  to  myself;  com 
mitted  singly  in  desperate  and  eternal  con 
test  against  a  host  who  are  systematically  un 
dermining  the  public  liberty  and  prosperity; 
even  the  rare  hours  of  relaxation  sacrificed  to 
the  society  of  persons  in  the  same  intentions, 
of  whose  hatred  I  am  conscious  even  in  those 
moments    of    conviviality    when    the    heart 
wishes  most  to  open  itself  to  the  effusions  of 
friendship  and  confidence;   cut  off  from  my 
family  and  friends,  my  affairs  abandoned  to 
chaos    and    derangement;    in    short,    giving 
everything    I    love  in    exchange    for    every 
thing   I   hate,   and   all  this   without  a   single 
gratification    in    possession    or    prospect,    in 
present     enjoyment     or     future     wish.— To 
JAMES  MADISON,     iii,  578.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  291. 
(June  I793-) 

4132.  JOHNSON    (Joshua),    Consul    at 
London. — The  President  of  the  United  States, 
desirous  of  availing  his  country  of  the  talents 
of  its  best  citizens,  in  their  respective  lines,  has 
thought  proper  to  nominate  you  consul  for  the 

*  Jefferson  wrote  the  paper  of  which  the  foregoing 
is  an  extract  in  February,  1826,  less  than  five  months 
before  his  death.  Oppressed  by  age  and  harassed 
by  debt,  he  asked  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  to  pass 
a  law  enabling  him  to  dispose  of  his  property  by  a 
lottery.  The  act  was  passed.— EDITOR. 


445 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jones  (John  Paul) 


United  States  at  the  port  of  London.  The  ex 
tent  of  our  commercial  and  political  connections 
with  that  country  marks  the  importance  of  the 
trust  he  confides  to  you,  and  the  more,  as  we 
have  no  diplomatic  character  at  that  court. — To 
JOSHUA  JOHNSON,  iii,  176.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4133.  JONES  (John  Paul),  Disinterest 
edness. — Captain  John  Paul  Jones  refuses  to 
accept    any    indemnification    for    his    expenses 
[connected  with   Peyrouse's  expedition],  which 
is  an  additional  proof  of  his  disinterested  spirit, 
and  of  his  devotion  to  the  service  of  America. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.    i,  454.      (P.,    1785-) 

4134.  JONES  (John  Paul),  Justice  for. 
— Nobody  can  wish  more  that  justice  be  done 
you,  nor  is  more  ready  to  be  instrumental  in  do 
ing   whatever   may    insure    it. — To    COMMODORE 
JONES,     i,  594.      (P.,  1786.) 

4135.  JONES   (John  Paul),   Mission  to 
Algiers.— The     President     having     thought 
proper  to  appoint  you  commissioner  for  treating 
with  the  Dey  and  government  of  Algiers,  on  the 
subjects  of  peace  and  ransom  of  our  captives, 
I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  the  commission, 
of  which    Mr.    Thomas    Pinckney,   now   on   his 
way  to  London  as  our  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
there,  will  be  the  bearer.     Supposing  that  there 
exists  a  disposition  to  thwart  our  negotiations 
with    the    Algerines,    and    that    this    would    be 
very  practicable,  we  have  thought  it  advisable 
that  the  knowledge  of  this  appointment  should 
rest  with  the  President,  Mr.  Pinckney  and  my 
self  ;  for  which  reason  you  will  perceive  that  the 
commissions    are   all    in   my   own    handwriting. 
For  the  same  reason,  entire  secrecy  is  recom 
mended  to  you,  and  that  you  so  cover  from  the 
public  your  departure  and  destination,  as  that 
they   may   not   be   conjectured   or   noticed. — To 
JOHN  PAUL  JONES,     iii,  431.     (Pa.,  June  1792.) 

4136.  JONES   (John  Paul),   Newspaper 
attacks. — What  the  English  newspapers  said 
of  remonstrances  against  Paul  Jones  being  re 
ceived  into  the  service,  as  far  as  I   can  learn 
from    those    who    would    have    known    it,    and 
would  have  told  it  to  me,  was  false,  as  is  every 
thing  those  papers  say,  ever  did  say,  and  ever 
will    say. — To     MR.    CUTTING,      ii,    437.      (P., 
1788.) 

4137.  JONES  (John  Paul),  Prize  money. 
— I  consider  Captain  Jones  as  agent  from  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  interested  in  the 
prizes  taken  in  Europe  under  his  command,  and 
that  he   is   properly   authorized   to   receive   the 
money  due  to  them,  having  given  good  security 
to  transmit  it  to  the  treasury  office  of  the  United 
States,  whence  it  will  be  distributed,  under  the 
care    of    Congress,    to    the    officers    and    crews 
originally  entitled,  or  to  their  representatives. — 
To  M.  DE  CASTRIES,    i,  361.     (P.,   1785.) 

4138.  —         — .     I  have  had  the  honor  of 
enclosing  to    Mr.   Jay,    Commodore  Jones's   re 
ceipts  for  one  hundred  and  eighty-one  thousand 
and  thirty-nine  livres,  one  sol  and  ten  deniers, 
prize   money,   which    (after   deducting   his   own 
proportion)  he  is  to  remit  to  you,  for  the  officers 
and  soldiers  who  were  under  his  command.     I 
take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  whether  the  ex 
pense  and  risk  of  double  remittances  might  not 
be  saved,  by  ordering  it  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Grand,    immediately,    for    the    purposes    of   the 
Treasury  in  Europe,  while  you  could  make  pro 
vision   at   home    for   the   officers    and    soldiers, 
whose  demands  will   come   in   so   slowly,   as  to 
leave    the    use    of    a    great    proportion    of    this 
money  for  a  considerable  time,  and  some  of  it 


forever.  We  could,  then,  immediately  quiet 
the  French  officers. — To  THE  TREASURY  COM 
MISSIONERS,  i,  522.  (P.,  1786.) 

4139.  JONES  (John  Paul),  Russian 
services. — The  war  between  the  Russians  and 
the  Turks  has  made  an  opening  for  our  Commo 
dore  Paul  Jones.  The  Empress  has  invited  him 
into  her  service.  She  insures  to  him  the  rank 
of  rear  admiral ;  will  give  him  a  separate  com 
mand,  and,  it  is  understood,  that  he  is  never  to 
be  commanded.  I  think  she  means  to  oppose 
him  to.  the  Captain  Pacha,  on  the  Black  Sea. 
He  has  made  it  a  condition,  that  he 
shall  be  free  at  all  times  to  return  to  the  orders 
of  Congress,  *  *  *  and  also,  that  he  shall 
not  in  any  case  be  expected  to  bear  arms  against 
France.  I  believe  Congress  had  it  in  contem 
plation  to  give  him  the  grade  of  admiral,  from 
the  date  of  his  taking  the  Serapis.  Such  a 
measure  would  now  greatly  gratify  him,  sec 
ond  the  efforts  of  fortune  in  his  favor,  and 
better  the  opportunity  of  improving  him  for  our 
service,  whenever  the  moment  may  come  in 
which  we  shall  want  him. — To  GENERAL  WASH 
INGTON,  ii,  372.  (1788.) 

4140. .   Paul  Jones  is  invited  into 

the  service  of  the  Empress  [of  Russia],  with  the 
rank  of  rear  admiral,  and  to  have  a  separate 
command.  I  wish  it  corresponded  with  the 
views  of  Congress  to  give  him  that  rank  from 
the  taking  of  the  Serapis.  I  look  to  this  officer 
as  our  great  future  dependence  on  the  sea, 
where  alone  we  should  think  of  ever  having 
a  force.  He  is  young  enough  to  see  the  day 
when  we  shall  be  more  populous  than  the  whole 
British  dominions,  and  able  to  fight  them  ship 
to  ship.  We  should  procure  him,  then,  every 
possible  opportunity  of  acquiring  experience. — 
To  E.  CARRINGTON.  ii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  v,  22. 
(P.,  1788.) 

4141. .     You  have  heard  of  the 

great  victory  [in  the  Black  Sea]  obtained  by 
the  Russians  under  command  of  Admiral  Paul 
Jones,  over  the  Turks  commanded  by  the  Cap 
tain  Pacha. — To  M.  LIMOZIN.  ii,  443.  (P., 
1788.) 

4142. .     I   am   pleased   with   the 

promotion  of  our  countryman,  Paul  Jones.  He 
commanded  the  right  wing,  in  the  first  engage 
ment  between  the  Russian  and  Turkish  galleys ; 
his  absence  from  the  second  proves  his  superior 
ity  over  the  Captain  Pacha,  as  he  did  not  choose 
to  bring  his  ships  into  the  shoals  in  which  the 
Pacha  ventured,  and  lost  those  entrusted  to  him. 
I  consider  this  officer  as  the  principal  hope  of 
our  future  efforts  on  the  ocean. — To  WILLIAM 
CARMICHAEL.  ii,  466.  (P.,  1788.) 

4143. .  I  understand,  in  a  general 

way,  that  some  persecution  on  the  part  of  his 
officers  occasioned  his  being  recalled  to  St. 
Petersburg,  and  that  though  protected  against 
them  by  the  Empress,  he  is  not  yet  restored  to 
his  station. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  101. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  113.  (P.,  1789.) 

4144.  JONES  (John  Paul),  St.  Anne 
Decoration. — In  answer  to  your  request  to 
obtain  and  transmit  the  proper  authority  of  the 
United  States  for  your  retaining  the  Order  of 
St.  Anne,  conferred  on  you  by  the  Empress  [of 
Russia].  The  Executive  are  not  authorized 
either  to  grant  or  refuse  the  permission  you  ask, 
and  consequently  cannot  take  on  themselves  to 
do  it.  Whether  the  Legislature  would  under 
take  to  do  it  or  not,  I  cannot  say.  In  general, 
there  is  an  aversion  to  meddle  with  anything  of 
that  kind  here.  And  the  event  would  be  so 


Joseph  II. 
Judges 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


446 


doubtful  that  the  Executive  would  not  commit 
themselves  by  making  the  proposition  to  the 
Legislature. — To  ADMIRAL  PAUL  JONES,  iii,  294. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

4145.  JOSEPH      II.,      Ambitious.— We 
have  here  under  our  contemplation  the  future 
miseries  of  human  nature,  like  to  be  occasioned 
by  the  ambition  of  a  young  man,  who  has  been 
taught  to  view  his  subjects  as  his  cattle.     The 
pretensions  he  sets  up  to  the  navigation  of  the 
Scheldt  would  have  been  good,  if  natural  right 
had  been  left  uncontrolled,  but  it  is  impossible 
for  express  compact  to  have  taken  away  a  right 
more  effectually  than   it  has  the   Emperor's. — 
To  HORATIO  GATES.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  23.     (P.,  Dec. 
1784.) 

4146.  .     He    is    a    restless    am 
bitious  character,  aiming  at  everything,  perse 
vering  in  nothing,  taking  up  designs  without  cal 
culating  the  force  which  will  be  opposed  to  hirn, 
and  dropping  them  on  the  appearance  of  a  firm 
opposition.     He  has  some  just  views  and  much 
activity. — To  JOHN  PAGE,     i,  400.     (P.,   1785.) 

4147.  JOSEPH  II.,  Capricious.— The  en 
terprising,   unpersevering,   capricious,   thrasonic 
character  of  their  sovereign  renders  it  probable 
he  will  avail  himself  of  this  little  condescendence 
in  the  Brabantines  to  recede  from  all  his  inno 
vations. — To  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,     ii,  212.     (P., 
1787.) 

4148.  JOSEPH  II.,  Eccentric.— The  pub 
lic  acts  of  the  Emperor  speak  him  much  above 
the  common  level.     Those  who  expect  peace  say 
that  they  have  in  view  the  Emperor's  character 
which  they  represent  as  whimsical  and  eccen 
tric,   and  that  he  is  especially  affected  in  the 
dog  days. — To  JAMES  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  21. 
(P.,  Dec.   1784.) 

4149.  JOSEPH   II.,    Foreign   complica 
tions. — The  league  formed  by  the  King  of 
Prussia  against  the  Emperor  [of  Austria]   is  a 
most  formidable  obstacle  to   his  ambitious  de 
signs.     It  certainly  has  defeated  his  views  on 
Bavaria,  and  will  render  doubtful  the  election  of 
his  nephew  to  be  King  of  tne  Romans.     Matters 
are  not  yet  settled  between  him  and  the  Turk. 
In  truth,  he  undertakes  too  much.     At  home  he 
has  made  some  good  regulations. — To  R.  IZARD. 
i,  442.     (P.,  1785.) 

4150.  JOSEPH    II.,     Innovations.— 

Weighing  the  fondness  of  the  Emperor  for  inno 
vation,  against  his  want  of  perseverance,  it  is 
difficult  to  calculate  what  he  will  do  with  his  dis 
contented  subjects  in  Brabant  and  Flanders.  If 
those  provinces  alone  were  concerned  he  would 
probably  give  them  back  ;  but  this  would  induce 
an  opposition  to  his  plan  in  all  his  other  do 
minions. — JOHN  JAY.  ii,  158.  (P.,  1787.) 

4151. .  The  Emperor's  reforma 
tions  have  occasioned  the  appearance  of  in 
surrection  in  Flanders,  and  he,  according  to 
character,  will  probably  tread  back  his  steps. — 
To  J.  BANNISTER,  JR.  ii,  150.  (P.,  1787.) 

4152.  JOSEPH  II.,  And  Holland.— The 
Emperor  [of  Austria]  seems  to  prefer  the  glory 
of  terror  to  that  of  justice ;  and,  to  satisfy  this 
tinsel  passion,  plants  a  dagger  in  the  heart  of 
every  Dutchman  which  no  time  will  extract. — 
To  JAMES   MONROE,     i,  358.     FORD  ED.,  iv.  64. 
(1785.) 

4153.  JOSEPH  II.,  Unprincipled.— The 
Emperor  has  a  head  too  combustible  to  be  quiet. 
He    is    an    eccentric    character,    all    enterprise, 
without  calculation,   without  principle,   without 


feelings.  Ambitious  in  the  extreme  but  too  un 
steady  to  surmount  difficulties.  He  had  in  view 
at  one  time  to  open  the  Scheldt,  to  get  Mae- 
stricht  from  the  Dutch,  to  take  a  large  district 
from  the  Turks,  to  exchange  some  of  his  Aus 
trian  dominions  for  Bavaria,  to  create  a  ninth 
electorate,  to  make  his  nephew  King  of  the 
Romans,  and  to  change  totally  the  constitution 
of  Hungary.  Any  one  of  these  was  as  much 
as  a  wise  prince  would  have  undertaken  at 
any  one  time.  To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  44.  (P.,  1785.) 


The  Emperor  [has]  un- 


4154. 

measurable  ambition,  and  his"  total "  want  of 
moral  principle  and  honor  is  suspected.  A 
great  share  of  Turkey,  the  recovery  of  Silesia,, 
the  consolidation  of  his  dominions  by  the  Ba 
varian  exchange,  the  liberties  of  the  Germanic 
body,  all  occupy  his  mind  together,  and  his 
head  is  not  well  enough  organized,  to  pursue 
so  much  only  of  all  this  as  is  practicable. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  371.  (P.,  17,88.) 

4155.  JUDGES,  Biased.— It  is  better  to 
toss  up  cross  and  pile  in  a  cause,  than  to  refer 
it  to  a  judge  whose  mind  is  warped  by  any 
motive  whatever,  in  that  particular  case. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  372.  FORD  ED  iii, 
236.  (1782.) 

4156. .  We  all  know  that  per 
manent  judges  acquire  an  esprit  de  corps; 
that  being  known,  they  are  liable  to  be 
tempted  by  bribery;  that  they  are  misled  by 
favor,  by  relationship,  by  a  spirit  of  party, 
by  a  devotion  to  the  Executive  or  Legisla 
tive  power;  that  it  is  better  to  leave  a  cause 
to  the  decision  of  cross  and  pile,  than  to  that 
of  a  judge  biased  to  one  side. — To  M.  L'ABBE 
ARNOND.  iii,  81.  FORD  ED.,  v,  103.  (P., 
1789.) 

4157. - — .  As,  for  the  safety  of  so 
ciety,  we  commit  honest  maniacs  to  Bedlam, 
so  judges  should  be  withdrawn  from  their 
bench,  whose  erroneous  biases  are  leading  us 
to  dissolution.  It  may,  indeed,  injure  them 
in  fame  or  in  fortune ;  but  it  saves  the  Repub 
lic,  which  is  the  first  and  supreme  law. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED.,  i,  114. 
(1821.) 

4158.  JUDGES,      Compensation. — Their 
salaries    [should   be]    ascertained   and   estab 
lished  by  law. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.    FORD  ED., 
ii,  60.     (1776.) 

4159.  JUDGES,  Election.-—!  hope  to  see 
the  time  when  the  election  of  judges  of  the 
Supreme   Courts    [of  Virginia]    shall   be   re 
strained  to  the  bars  of  the  General  Court  and 
High      Court      of      Chancery. — To      GEORGE 
WYTHE.   i,  212.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  167.    (F.,  1779.) 

4160.  JUDGES,   Executive  and. — I  was 
against  writing  letters  to  judiciary  officers.     I 
thought  them  independent  of  the  Executive, 
not  subject  to  its  coercion,  and  therefore  not 
obliged  to  attend  to  its  admonitions. — ANAS. 
ix,  175.    FORD  ED.,  i,  265.     (1793.) 

4161.  JUDGES,  Fallibility  of.— When  a 
cause   has   been    adjudged   according  to   the 
rules   and   forms   of  the  country,   its  justice 
ought  to  be  presumed.      Even  error  in  the 
highest   court   which   has   been   provided    as 


4A7 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Judges 


the  last  means  of  correcting  the  errors  of 
others,  and  whose  decrees  are,  therefore,  sub 
ject  to  no  further  revisal,  is  one  of  those  in 
conveniences  flowing  from  the  imperfection  of 
our  faculties,  to  which  every  society  must 
submit;  because  there  must  be  somewhere  a 
last  resort,  wherein  contestations  may  end. 
Multiply  bodies  of  revisal  as  you  please,  their 
number  must  still  be  finite,  and  they  must 
finish  in  the  hands  of  fallible  men  as  judges. 
— To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  415.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  56.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4162.  JUDGES,    George   III.    and.— He 

has  made  our*  judges  dependent  on  his  will 
alone,  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the 
amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. — DEC 
LARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4163.  JUDGES,   Impeachment  of.— Our 

different  States  have  differently  modified  their 
several  judiciaries  as  to  the  tenure  of  office. 
Some  appoint  their  judges  for  a  given  term  of 
time ;  some  continue  them  during  good  beha 
vior,  and  that  to  be  determined  on  by  the  con 
curring  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  legislative 
house.  In  England  they  are  removable  by  a 
majority  only  of  each  house.  The  last  is  a 
practicable  remedy ;  the  second  is  not.  The 
combination  of  the  friends  and  associates  of 
the  accused,  the  action  of  personal  and  party 
passions,  and  the  sympathies  of  the  human 
heart,  will  forever  find  means  of  influencing 
one-third  of  either  the  one  or  the  other  house, 
will  thus  secure  their  impunity,  and  establish 
them  in  fact  for  life.  The  first  remedy  is  the 
better,  that  of  appointing  for  a  term  of  years 
only,  with  a  capacity  of  reappointment  if  their 
conduct  has  been  approved. — To  A.  CORAY. 
vii,  321.  (M.,  1823.) 

4164.  JUDGES,      Independent.— The 

judges  should  not  be  dependent  upon  any 
man,  or  body  of  men. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  60.  (1776.) 

4165.  JUDGES,    Interested.— It    is    not 
enough  that  honest  men  are  appointed  judges. 
All  know  the  influence  of  interest  on  the  mind 
of  man,  and  how  unconsciously  his  judgment 
is  warped  by  that  influence.    To  this  bias  add 
that  of  the  esprit  de  corps,  of  their  peculiar 
maxim  and  creed,  that  "  it  is  the  office  of  a 
good  judge  to  enlarge  his  jurisdiction  ",  and 
the  absence  of  responsibility,  and  how  can  we 
expect  impartial  decision  between  the  General 
Government,  of  which  they  are  themselves  so 
eminent  a  part,  and  an  individual  State,  from 
which  they  have  nothing  to  hope  or  fear? — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,    81.     FORD    ED.,    i,     112. 
(1821.) 

4166.  JUDGES,      Life     tenure.— The 
judges  should  hold  estates  for  life  in  their 
offices,  or,  in  other  words,  their  commissions 
should  be  made  during  good  behavior. — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  60.     (1776.) 

4167.  JUDGES,  Power  of. — Whatever  of 
the  enumerated  objects  [in  the  Constitution] 
is   to   be   done   by   a   judicial    sentence,    the 

*  Congress  struck  out  u  our". — EDITOR. 


judges  may  pass  the  sentence. — To  WILSON 
C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  506.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  248. 
(M.,  1803.) 

4168. .    We  have  seen,  too,  that, 

contrary  to  all  correct  example,  the  judges  are 
in  the  habit  of  going  out  of  the  question  be 
fore  them,   to  throw  an  anchor  ahead,  and 
grapple  further  hold  for  future  advances  of 
power. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,  82.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
113.     (1821.) 

4169.  JUDGES,     Prejudices     of     old.— 
Knowing    that     religion     does    not     furnish 
grosser  bigots  than  law,  I  expect  little  from 
old  judges.     Those  now  at  the  bar  may  be 
bold   enough   to   follow   reason   further  than 
precedent,   and   may  bring  that  principle   on 
the  bench  when  promoted  to  it;  but  I  fear 
this  effort  is  not  for  my  day. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,    v,  532.     (M.,  1810.) 

4170.  JUDGES,      Qualifications.— The 

judges  should  always  be  men  of  learning  and 
experience  in  the  laws,  of  exemplary  morals, 
great  patience,  calmness  and  attention;  their 
minds  should  not  be  distracted  with  jarring 
interests. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
59.  (1776.) 

4171.  JUDGES,  Seats  in  State  Senate.— 
The  judges  of  the  General  Court  and  of  the 
High  Court  of  Chancery   [of  Virginia]   shall 
have  session  and  deliberative  voice,  but  not 
suffrage,    in    the    House    of    Senators.— PRO 
POSED  VA.   CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,   ii,    16. 
(June  1776.) 

4172.  JUDGES,    Superfluous.— By    a 
fraudulent  use  of  the  Constitution,  which  has 
made    judges    irremovable,    the    [federalists] 
have    multiplied    useless    judges    merely    to 
strengthen  their  phalanx.— To  JOHN  DICKIN 
SON,    iv,  425.     (W.,  1 80 1.) 

4173. .     I   should  greatly  prefer 

*  *  *  four  judges  to  any  greater  num 
ber.  Great  lawyers  are  not  over  abundant, 
and  the  multiplication  of  judges  only  enables 
the  weak  to  out-vote  the  wise,  and  three  con 
current  opinions  put  of  four  give  a  strong 
presumption  of  right.— To  WILLIAM  JOHN 
SON,  vii,  278.  FORD  ED.,  x,  249.  (M.,  1823.) 

4174.  JUDGES,     Usurpation     by.— One 
single    object,     if    your    provision     [in    the 
Louisiana  Code]  attains  it,  will  entitle  you  to 
the  endless  gratitude  of  society;  that  of  re 
straining    judges    from    usurping   legislation. 
And  with  no  body  of  men  is  this  restraint 
more  wanting  than  with  the  judges  of  what  is 
commonly    called    our    General    Government, 
but  what  I  call  our  Foreign  Department. — To 
EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,    vii,  403-     (M.,  1825.) 

4175.  JUDGES,   Venality  of  French.— 
Nor  should  we  wonder  at     *     *     *      [the] 
pressure  [for  a  fixed  constitution  in  1788-9] 
when  we  consider  the  monstrous  abuses  of 
power  under  which     *     *     *     [the  French] 
people  were  ground  to  powder ;  when  we  pass 
in  review    *    *    *    the  venality  of  the  judges 
and  their  partialities  to  the  rich. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,    i,  86.    FORD  ED.,  i,  118.     (1821.) 


Judgment 
Judiciary 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


448 


4176.  JUDGMENT,    Errors    of.— I    fear 
not  that  any  motives  of  interest  may  lead  me 
astray;    I   am   sensible   of  no  passion   which 
could  seduce  me  knowingly  from  the  path  of 
justice;  but  the  weaknesses  of  human  nature, 
and  the  limits  of  my  own  understanding,  will 
produce   errors    of    judgment    sometimes    in 
jurious  to  your  interests.    I  shall  need,  there 
fore,  all  the  indulgence  which   I  have  here 
tofore  experienced.— SECOND  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,     viii,  45.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  347.     (1805.) 

4177.  JUDGMENT,  Warped.— All  know 
the  influence  of  interest  on  the  mind  of  man, 
and     how     unconsciously     his     judgment     is 
warped  by  that  influence.— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,   i, 
81.    FORD  ED.,  i,  112.    (1821.) 

4178.  JUDICIARY   (Federal),   Central 
ization  and. — We  already  see  the  power,  in 
stalled   for  life,   responsible   to   no   authority 
(for  impeachment  is  not  even  a  scare-crow), 
advancing  with  a  noiseless  and  steady  pace  to 
the  great  object  of  consolidation.   The  founda 
tions  are  already  deeply  laid  by  their  deci 
sions,    for   the   annihilation   of  constitutional 
State  rights,  and  the  removal  of  every  check, 
every  counterpoise  to  the  ingulphing  power  of 
which   themselves  are  to  make  a   sovereign 
part.     *     *     *     Let  the  future  appointments 
of  judges  be  for  four  or  six  years,  and  re 
movable  by  the  President  and  Senate.     This 
will  bring  their  conduct,  at  regular  periods, 
under  revision  and  probation,  and  may  keep 
them   in   equipoise  between   the   general   and 
special  governments.     We  have  erred  in  this 
point,  by  copying  England,  where  certainly  it 
is  a  good  thing  to  have  the  judges  independ 
ent  of  the   King.     But  we  have  omitted  to 
copy  their  caution  also,  which  makes  a  judge 
removable  on  the  address  of  both  legislative 
houses.     That   there   should  be  public   func 
tionaries  independent  of  the  nation,  whatever 
may  be  their  demerit,  is  a  solecism  in  a  re 
public,    of   the   first   order   of   absurdity   and 
inconsistency.— To  WM.  T.  BARRY,     vii,  256. 
(M.,  1822.)    See  CENTRALIZATION. 

4179.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  Coercion 

of. — In  the  General  Government,  *  *  *  the 
Judiciary  is  independent  of  the  nation,  their 
coercion  by  impeachment  being  found  nuga 
tory.— To  JOHN  TAYLOR,  vi,  607.  FORD  ED., 
x,  30.  (M.,  1816.) 

4180.  JUDICIARY     (Federal),     Confi 
dence  in. — The  Judiciary,  if  rendered  inde 
pendent,   and  kept   strictly  to  their  own  de 
partment,    merits    great    confidence    for   their 
learning  and  integrity.— To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iii,  3.     FORD  ED.,  v,  81.     (P.,  1789.) 

4181.  JUDICIARY    (Federal),    Control 
over. — The  Judiciary  [branch  of  the  Govern 
ment]    possessing   the   rights   of   self-govern 
ment  from  nature,  cannot  be  controlled  in  the 
exercise  of  them  but  by  a  law,  passed  in  the 
forms  of  the   Constitution.— OFFICIAL  OPIN 
ION,    vii,  499.    FORD  ED.,  v,  209.     (1790.) 

4182.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  Curbing. 
—You  will  have  a    *    *    *     difficult  task  in 


curbing  the  Judiciary  in  their  enterprises  on 
the  Constitution.     I  doubt  whether  the  erec 
tion  of  the  Senate  into  an  appellate  court  on 
constitutional  questions  would  be  deemed  an 
unexceptionable  reliance ;  because  it  would  en 
able  the  Judiciary,  with  the  representatives  in 
Senate  of  one-third  only  of  our  citizens,  and 
that  in  a  single  house,  to  make  by  construction 
what  they  should  please  of  the  Constitution, 
and  thus  bind  in  a  double  knot  the  other  two- 
thirds;    for   I   believe  that   one-third    of   our 
citizens  choose  a  majority  of  the  Senate,  and 
these,  too,  of  the  smaller  States  whose  in 
terests    lead    to    lessen    State    influence,    and 
strengthen  that  of  the  General  Government. 
A  better  remedy  I  think,  and  indeed  the  best 
I  can  devise  would  be  to  give  future  com 
missions  to  judges  for  six  years    (the  sen 
atorial  term)    with  a  reappointability  by  the 
President     with     the     approbation     of     both 
houses.     That  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  imports  a  majority  of  citizens,  that  of 
the    Senate   a   majority   of   States,   and   that 
of  both  a  majority  of  the  three  sovereign  de 
partments  of  the  existing  government,  to  wit, 
of  its  Executive  and  Legislative  branches.     If 
this    would   not   be    independence   enough,    I 
know  not  what  would  be  such,  short  of  the 
total  irresponsibility  under  which  we  are  act 
ing  and  sinning  now.     The  independence  of 
the  judges  in  England  on  the  King  alone  is 
good;  but  even  there  they  are  not  independ 
ent  on   the   Parliament,   being   removable  on 
the  joint  address  of  both  houses,  by  a  vote 
of   a    majority    of   each,    but    we    require    a 
majority  of  one  house  and  two-thirds  of  the 
other,   a  concurrence  which,   in  practice,  has 
been  and  ever  will  be  found  impossible;  for 
the  judiciary  perversions  of  the  Constitution 
will  forever  be  protected  under  the  pretext  of 
errors   of  judgment,   which  by  princiole   are 
exempt     from     punishment.        Impeachment, 
therefore,  is  a  bugbear  which  they  fear  not 
at  all.    But  they  would  be  under  some  awe  of 
the  canvass  of  their  conduct  which  would  be 
open    to   both    houses    regularly    every    sixth 
year.     It  is  a  misnomer  to  call  a  government 
republican,  in  which  a  branch  of  the  supreme 
power  is  independent  of  the  nation.     By  this 
change  of  tenure  a  remedy  would  be  held  up 
to  the  States,  which,  although  very  distant, 
would  probably  keep  them  quiet.     In  aid  of 
this  a  more  immediate  effect  would  be  pro 
duced  by  a  joint  protestation  of  both  houses 
of  Congress,  that  the  doctrines  of  the  judges 
in  the  case  of  Cohens,  adjudging  a  State  ame 
nable  to  their  tribunal,  and  that  Congress  can 
authorize    a    corporation    of    the    District    of 
Columbia  to  pass  any  act  which   shall   have 
the  force  of  law  within  a  State,  are  contrary 
to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.     This  would  be  effectual;  as 
with  such  an  avowal  of  Congress,   no  State 
would  permit  such  a  sentence  to  be  carried 
into  execution  within  its  limits.     If,  by  the 
distribution  of  the  sovereign  powers  among 
three    branches,    they    were    intended    to    be 
checks  on  one  another,  the  present  case  calls 
loudly  for  the  exercise  of  that  duty,  and  such 
a  counter  declaration,  while  proper  in  form, 


449 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Judiciary 


would  be  most  salutary  as  a  precedent. — To 
JAMES  PLEASANTS.  FORD  ED.,  x,  198.  (M., 
Dec.  1821.) 

4183.  .      There     was     another 

amendment  [to  the  Federal  Constitution]  of 
which  none  of  us  thought  at  the  time  [when 
the    Constitution    was    framed],    and    in    the 
omission  of  which  lurks  the  germ  that  is  to 
destroy  this  happy  combination   of  national 
powers     in     the     General     Government     for 
matters  of  national  concern,  and  independent 
powers  in  the  States,  for  what  concerns  the 
States  severally.     In  England,  it  was  a  great 
point  gained  at  the  Revolution,  that  the  com 
missions  of  the  judges,  which  had  hitherto 
been  during  pleasure,  should  thenceforth  be 
made    during   good   behavior.      A   Judiciary, 
dependent  on  the  will  of  the  king,  had  proved 
itself  the  most  oppressive  of  all  tools  in  the 
hands  of  that  magistrate.   Nothing  then  could 
be  more  salutary  than  a  change  there  to  the 
tenure  of  good  behavior;  and  the  question  of 
good  behavior,  left  to  the  vote  of  a  simple 
majority  in  the  two  Houses  of   Parliament. 
Before  the  Revolution  we  were  all  good  Eng 
lish   Whigs,   cordial   in   their   free  principles, 
and   in    their   jealousies    of   their    Executive 
Magistrate.     These   jealousies   are   very   ap 
parent  in  all  our  State  constitutions;  and,  in 
the  General  Government  in  this  instance,  we 
have  gone  even  beyond  the  English  caution, 
by  requiring  a  vote  of  two-thirds  in  one  of 
the  houses,  for  removing  a  Judge ;  a  vote  so 
impossible,  where*  any  defence  is  made,  be 
fore  men  of  ordinary  prejudices  and  passions, 
that  our  judges  are  effectually  independent 
of  the  nation.     But  this  ought  not  to  be.     I 
would  not,  indeed,  make  them  dependent  on 
the    Executive    authority,    as    they    formerly 
were  in  England ;  but  I  deem  it  indispensable 
to  the  continuance  of  this  Government  that 
they  should  be  submitted  to  some  practical 
and  impartial  control ;   and  that  this,  to  be 
impartial,  must  be  compounded  of  a  mixture 
of  State  and  Federal  authorities. — AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY,    i,  80.    FORD  ED.,  i,  in.     (1821.) 

4184.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  Danger 
ous  Decisions. — At  the  establishment  of  our 
Constitutions,  the  judiciary  bodies  were  sup 
posed  to  be  the  most  helpless  and  harmless 
members    of    the    government.      Experience, 
however,  soon  showed  in  what  way  they  were 
to  become  the  most  dangerous;  that  the  in 
sufficiency  of  the  means  provided  for  their  re 
moval   gave   them   a   freehold   and   irrespon 
sibility  in  office ;   that  their  decisions,   seem 
ing  to  concern  individual   suitors  only,  pass 
silent  and  unheeded  by  the  public  at  large ; 
that    these    decisions,     nevertheless,    become 
law  by  precedent,  sapping,  by  little  and  little, 
the    foundations    of    the    Constitution,    and 
working   its   change   by   construction,   before 
any  one  has  perceived  that  that  invisible  and 
helpless  worm  has  been  busily  employed  in 
consuming  its   substance.     In  truth,   man   is 

*  In  the  impeachment  of  Judge  Pickering  of  New 
Hampshire,  a  habitual  and  maniac  drunkard,  no  de 
fence  was  made.  Had  there  been,  the  party  vote  of 
more  than  one-third  of  the  Senate  would  have  ac 
quitted  him.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


not  made  to  be  trusted  for  life,  if  secured 
against  all  liability  to  account— To  A.  CORAY. 
vii,  322.  (M.,  1823.) 

4185.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  Legisla 
tive,  Executive  and.— The  dignity  and  sta 
bility  of  government  in  all  its  branches,  the 
morals  of  the  people,  and  every  blessing  of 
society,  depend  so  much  upon  an  upright  and 
skillful    administration    of    justice,    that    the 
judicial    power    ought    to    be    distinct    from 
both  the  legislative  and  executive,  and  inde 
pendent  upon  both,  that  so  it  may  be  a  check 
upon  both,   as  both  should  be   checks   upon 
that. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  59. 
(July  1776.) 

4186.  JUDICIARY    (Federal),    Sappers 

and  miners. — The  Judiciary  of  the  United 
States  is  the  subtle  corps  of  sappers  and 
miners  constantly  working  under  ground  to 
undermine  the  foundations  of  our  confeder 
ated  fabric.  They  are  construing  our  Con 
stitution  from  a  coordination  of  a  general  and 
special  government  to  a  general  and  supreme 
one  alone.  This  will  lay  all  things  at  their  feet, 
and  they  are  too  well  versed  in  English  law  to 
forget  the  maxim,  "  boni  judicis  est  ampliare 
jurisdictionem  ".  *  *  *  Having  found  from 
experience,  that  impeachment  is  an  imprac 
ticable  thing,  a  mere  scare-crow,  they  con 
sider  themselves  secure  for  life ;  they  skulk 
from  responsibility  to  public  opinion,  the  only 
remaining  hold  on  them,  under  a  practice  first 
introduced  into  England  by  Lord  Mansfield. 
An  opinion  is  huddled  up  in  conclave,  per 
haps  by  a  majority  of  one,  delivered  as  if 
unanimous,  and  with  the  silent  acquiescence 
of  lazy  or  timid  associates,  by  a  crafty  chief 
judge,  who  sophisticates  the  law  to  his  mind, 
by  the  turn  of  his  own  reasoning.  A  judi 
ciary  law  was  once  reported  by  the  Attorney 
General  to  Congress,  requiring  each  judge  to 
deliver  his  opinion  seriatim  and  openly,  and 
then  to  give  it  in  writing  to  the  clerk  to  be 
entered  in  the  record.  A.  judiciary  independ 
ent  of  a  king  or  executive  alone,  is  a  good 
thing;  but  independence  of  the  will  of  the 
nation  is  a  solecism,  at  least  in  a  republican 
government.— To  THOMAS  RITCHIE,  vii,  192. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  170.  (M.,  1820.) 

4187. .    The  judges  are,  in  fact, 

the  corps  of  sappers  and  miners,  steadily  work 
ing  to  undermine  the  independent  rights  of 
the  States,  and  to  consolidate  all  power  in  the 
hands  of  that  government  in  which  they  have 
so  important  a  freehold  estate. — AUTOBIOGRA 
PHY,  i,  82.  FORD  ED.,  i,  113.  (1821.) 

4188. .  This  member  of  the  Gov 
ernment  was  at  first  considered  as  the  most 
harmless  and  helpless  of  all  its  organs.  But 
it  has  proved  that  the  power  of  declaring  what 
the  law  is,  ad  libitum,  by  sapping  and  mining, 
slyly,  and  without  alarm,  the  foundations  of 
the  Constitution,  can  do  what  open  force 
would  not  dare  to  attempt. — To  EDWARD 
LIVINGSTON,  vii,  404.  (M.,  1825.) 

4189.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  The  Sen 
ate  and. — The  Constitution  has  vested  the  Ju 
diciary  power  in  the  courts  of  justice,  with 


Judiciary 
Jury  (Trial  by) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


450 


certain  exceptions  in  favor  of  the  Senate. — 
OPINION  ON  THE  POWERS  OF  THE  SENATE,  vii, 
465.  FORD  ED.,  v,  161.  (1790.) 

4190.  JUDICIARY  (Federal),  Suprem 
acy. — The  courts  of  justice  exercise  the  sov 
ereignty  of  this  country,  in  judiciary  matters, 
are   supreme  in  these,   and  liable   neither  to 
control  nor  opposition  from  any  other  branch 
of  the  government. — To  E.  C.  GENET,    iv,  68. 
FORD   ED.,   vi,    421.     (Pa.,    Sep.    1793.)     See 
CONSTITUTION,     MARSHALL     and      SUPREME 
COURT. 

4191.  JUDICIARY   (State),    Elevate.— 
Render  the  judiciary  [of  the  State]   respect 
able   by   every   means   possible,   to   wit,   firm 
tenure  in  office,  competent  salaries,  and  reduc 
tion     of     their     numbers. — To     ARCHIBALD 
STUART,     iii,   315.     FORD  ED.,  v,  410.      (Pa., 
1791.) 

4192.  JURISDICTION,    Foreign.— He 
has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a 
jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  constitutions  and 
unacknowledged  by  our  laws;  giving  his  as 
sent   to   their   acts    of   pretended    legislation 
*     *     *     for     protecting     them     [bodies     of 
armed  troops],  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punish 
ment,    for   any    murders    which    they    should 
commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4193.  JURISDICTION",  Unwarrantable. 
— We  have  warned  them   [our  British  breth 
ren]   from  time  to  time  of  attempts  by  their 
legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  juris 
diction  over  these  our  States.     We  have  re 
minded    them    of   the    circumstances    of   our 
emigration    and    settlement   here,   no   one   of 
which  could  warrant  so  strange  a  pretension.* 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN 
BY  JEFFERSON. 

4194.  JURY    (Grand),    Federal   Judges 
and. — The  proceedings  in  the  Federal  court 
of  Virginia,  to  overawe  the  communications 
between  the  people  and  their  representatives, 
excite   great   indignation.     Probably   a   great 
fermentation  will  be  produced  by  it  in  that 
State.     Indeed  it  is  the  common  cause  of  the 
confederacy,    as    it    is    one    of    their    courts 
which  has  taken  the  step.    The  charges  of  the 
Federal  judges  have  for  a  considerable  time 
been  inviting  the  grand  juries  to  become  in 
quisitors  on  the  freedom  of  speech,  of  writing, 
and  of  principle  of  their  fellow  citizens.    Per 
haps  the  grand  juries  in  the  other  States,  as 
well  as  in  that  of  Virginia,  may  think  it  in 
cumbent  in  their  next  presentment  to  enter 
protestations  against  this  perversion  of  their 
institution  from  a  legal  to  a  political  machine, 
and  even  to  present  those  concerned  in  it. — 
To  PEREGRINE  FITZHUGH.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  137. 
(Pa.,  June  1797.) 

4195.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Anchor  of  Gov 
ernment. — I  consider  trial  by  jury  as  the  only 

*  Congress  changed  so  as  to  read :  "  We  have 
warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts  by  their 
legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction 
over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circum 
stances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here."— 
EDITOR. 


anchor  ever  yet  imagined  by  man,  by  which  a 
government  can  be  held  to  the  principles  of 
its  constitution. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iii,  71. 
(P.,  1789.) 

—  JURY     (Trial     by),     In     Chancery 
Courts. — See  COURTS  OF  CHANCERY. 

4196.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Common  sense 
of  Jurors. — It  is  better  to  toss  up  cross  and 
pile  in  a  cause  than  to  refer  it  to  a  judge 
whose  mind  is  warped  by  any  motive  what 
ever,  in  that  particular  case.    But  the  common 
sense  of  twelve  honest  men  gives  a  still  better 
chance  of  just  decision,  than   the  hazard  of 
cross   and   pile. — NOTES   ON   VIRGINIA,     viii, 
372.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  236.    (1782.) 

4197.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Denied  by  par 
liament.— They   [Parliament]   have  deprived 
us  of  the  inestimable  privilege  of  trial  by  a 
jury  of  the  vicinage  in  cases  affecting  both 
life  and  property. — DECLARATION  ON  TAKING 
UP  ARMS.    FORD  ED.,  i,  468.     (July  1775.) 

4198.  -  — .     The  proposition  [of  Lord 
North]   is  altogether  unsatisfactory     *     *     * 
because    it    does    not   propose    to    repeal    the 
several  acts  of  Parliament     *     *     *     taking 
from  us  the  right  of  a  trial  by  jury  of  the 
vicinage,  in  cases  affecting  both  life  and  prop 
erty. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  480.     (July  1775.) 

4199.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Lack  of  Uni 
form  Laws.— I  do  not  like  [in  the  new  Fed 
eral   Constitution]    the  omission  of  a  bill  of 
rights,  providing  clearly  and  without  the  aid 
of  sophisms  for    *    *    *    trials  by  jury  in  all 
matters   of   fact   triable   by   the   laws   of   the 
land,  and  not  by  the  law  of  nations. 

It  was  a  hard  conclusion  to  say,  because 
there  has  been  no  uniformity  among  the 
States  as  to  the  cases  triable  by  jury,  because 
some  have  been  so  incautious  as  to  abandon 
this  mode  of  trial,  therefore,  the  more  prudent 
States  shall  be  reduced  to  the  same  level  of 
calamity.  It  would  have  been  much  more  just 
and  wise  to  have  concluded  the  other  way 
that,  as  most  of  the  States  had  judiciously 
preserved  this  palladium,  those  who  had 
wandered  should  be  brought  back  to  it,  and 
to  have  established  general  right  instead  of 
general  wrong.— To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  329. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  476.  (P.,  Dec.  1787.) 

4200.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Essential  prin 
ciple. — Trial  by  juries  impartially  selected,  I 
deem    [one    of    the]    essential    principles    of 
our    government    and,     consequently,     [one] 
which    ought   to    shape    its    administration. — 
FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  4.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  5.     (1801.) 

4201.  JURY  (Trial  by),  In  France.— I 
doubt  whether  France  will  obtain  [in  its  pro 
posed  Constitution]  the  trial  by  jury,  because 
they  are  not   sensible  of  its  value. — To   DR. 
PRICE,     ii,  557.     (P.,  Jan.  1789.) 

4202.  JURY   (Trial  by),   Fundamental 
right. — There  are  instruments  for  adminis 
tering   the   government,    so   peculiarly    trust 
worthy,  that  we  should  never  leave  the  leg- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Jury  (Trial  by) 


islature  at  liberty  to  change  them.  The  new 
Constitution  has  secured  these  in  the  exec 
utive  and  legislative  departments;  but  not  in 
the  judiciary.  It  should  have  established 
trials  by  the  people  themselves,  that  is  to  say, 
by  jury. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  iii,  13. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  90.  (P.,  1789.) 

4203.  JURY    (Trial    by),    George    III. 
and. — He    [George  III.]    has  endeavored  to 
pervert   the   exercise   of   the   kingly   office   in 
Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insupportable 
tyranny     *     *     *     by  combining  with  others 
to  subject  us  to  a  foreign  jurisdiction,  giving 
his  assent  to  their  pretended  acts  of  legisla 
tion    *         *    for  depriving  us  of  the  benefits 
of  trial   by  jury. — PROPOSED   VA.    CONSTITU 
TION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  n.     (June  1776.) 

4204.  -        .     He  has  combined,  with 

others,    *    *    *    for  depriving  us*  of  the  ben 
efits  of  trial  by  jury. — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4205.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Law  and  fact. 

— The  people  are  not  qualified  to  judge  ques 
tions  of  law ;  but  they  are  very  capable  of 
judging  questions  of  fact.  In  the  form  of 
juries,  therefore,  they  determine  all  matters 
of  fact,  leaving  to  the  permanent  judges  to 
decide  the  law  resulting  from  those  facts. 
*  *  *  It  is  left  to  the  juries,  if  they  think 
permanent  judges  are  under  any  bias  whatever 
in  any  cause,  to  take  on  themselves  to 
judge  the  law  as  well  as  the  fact.  They 
never  exercise  this  power  but  when  they  sus 
pect  partiality  in  the  judges;  and  by  the  ex 
ercise  of  this  power  they  have  been  the  firmest 
bulwarks  of  English  liberty. — To  L'ABBE  AR- 
NOND.  iii.  81.  FORD  ED.,  v,  103.  (P.,  1789.) 

4206. .     If  the  question    [before 

justices  of  the  peace]   relate  to  any  point  of 
public   liberty,   or   if   it   be   one  of  those   in 
which  the  judges  may  be  suspected  of  bias, 
the  jury  undertake  to  decide  both   law   and 
fact. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  372.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  236.     (1782.) 

4207. .  The  people  *  *  *  be 
ing  competent  to  judge  of  the  facts  occurring 
in  ordinary  life,  have  retained  the  functions 
of  judges  of  facts,  under  the  name  of  jurors. 
— To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  590.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  22.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

4208.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Medietas  Lin 
guae. — I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the  acceptance  of 
our  new  Constitution  by  nine  States.  It  is 
a  good  canvas,  on  which  some  strokes  only 
want  retouching.  What  these  are,  I  think 
are  sufficiently  manifested  by  the  general  voice 
from  north  to  south  which  calls  for  a  bill  of 
rights.  It  seems  pretty  generally  understood 
that  this  should  go  to  juries  *  *  .  In 
disputes  between  a  foreigner  and  a  native,  a 
trial  by  jury  may  be  improper.  But  if  this 
exception  cannot  be  agreed  to,  the  remedy 
will  be  to  model  the  jury  by  giving  the 
mcdietas  lingua,  in  civil  as  well  as  criminal 
cases. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  445.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  45-  (P.,  July  1788.) 


*  Congress  inserted    after 
many  cases". — EDITOR. 


us  "    the  words   u  in 


4209.  JURY    (Trial    by),    Safeguard.— 

Trial  by  jury  is  the  best  of  all  safeguards 
for  the  person,  the  property,  and  the  fame  of 
every  individual. — To  M.  CORAY.  vii.  323. 
(M.,  1823.) 

4210.  JURY   (Trial  by),   Scope.— I   like 
the  declaration  of  rights  as  far  as  it  goes,  but 
I  should  have  been  for  going  further.     For 
instance,  the  following  alterations  and  addi 
tions  would  have  pleased  me.     *     *     *     Ar 
ticle  7.  All  facts  put  in  issue  before  any  ju 
dicature,   shall   be  tried  by  jury,   except:    i, 
in  cases  of  admiralty  jurisdiction,  wherein  a 
foreigner  shall  be  interested;  2,  in  cases  cog 
nizable    before    a    court-martial,    concerning 
only  the  regular  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
United  States,  or  members  of  the  militia  in 
actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  insurrection ; 
3,  in  impeachments  allowed  by  the  Constitu 
tion. — To   JAMES    MADISON,     iii,    100.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  112.     (P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

4211.  JURY    (Trial    by),    Selection    of 

Jurors.— An  officer  *  *  *  who  selects 
judges  for  principles  which  necessarily  lead  to 
condemnation,  might  as  well  lead  his  culprits 
to  the  scaffold  at  once  without  the  mockery 
of  trial. — To  MRS.  SARAH  MEASE.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  35.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

4212. .     An.  officer    who    is    en 


trusted  by  the  law  with  the  sacred  duty  of 
naming  judges  of  life  and  death  for  his  fellow 
citizens,  and  who  selects  them  exclusively 
from  among  his  political  and  party  enemies, 
ought  never  to  have  in  his  power  a  second 
abuse  of  that  tremendous  magnitude. — To 
MRS.  SARAH  MEASE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  35.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

4213.  -  — .     It  will  be  worthy    your 
consideration  whether  the  protection  of  the 
inestimable  institution  of  juries  has  been  ex 
tended  to  all  the  cases  involving:  the  security 
of  our  persons  and  property.    Their  impartial 
selection  also  being  essential  to  their  value, 
we  ought  further  to  consider  whether  that  is 
sufficiently  secured  in  those  States  where  they 
are  named  by  a  marshal  depending  on  Exec 
utive  will,  or  designated  by  the  court  or  by 
officers  dependent  on  them. — FIRST  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,    viii,  14.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  123.     (Dec. 
1801.) 

4214.  —        — .     I  enclose  you  a  petition 
for  a  reformation  in  the  manner  of  appointing 
our  juries,  and  a  remedy  against  the  jury  of 
all  nations.    *     *     *     I  know  it  will  require 
but  little  ingenuity  to  make  objections  to  the 
details  of  its  execution ;   but  do  not  be  dis 
couraged  by  small  difficulties ;  make  it  as  per 
fect  as  you  can  at  a  first  essay,  and  depend  on 
amending  its  defects  as  they  develop  them 
selves  in  practice.    *   *   *    It  is  the  only  thing 
which  can  yield  us  a  little  present  protection 
against  the  dominion  of  a  faction,  while  cir 
cumstances    are    maturing    for   bringing    and 
keeping  the  government  in  real  unison  with 
the    spirit    of    their    constituents. — To    JOHN 
TAYLOR,     iv,   260.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  311.     (M., 
1798.) 


Jury  (Trial  by) 
Justice 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


452 


4215.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Powers  of  Ju 
rors. — All  fines,  or  amercements,  shall  be  as 
sessed,  and  terms  of  imprisonment  for  con 
tempts  and  misdemeanors  shall  be  fixed  by 
the  verdict  of  a  jury. — PROPOSED  VA.   CON 
STITUTION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  24.     (June  1776.) 

4216.  JURY  (Trial  by),  Universal.— By 
a   declaration  of  rights,   I   mean  one  which 
shall   stipulate     *     *     *     trial   by  juries   in 
all  cases    *    *    *    .—To  A.  DONALD,    ii,  355. 
(P.,  1788.) 

4217.  JUSTICE,    Administration    of.— 
He  has  suffered*  the  administration  of  jus 
tice  totally  to  cease  in  some  of  these  States, 
refusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing 
judiciary     powers. — DECLARATION     OF     INDE 
PENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4218. .     Justice  is  administered 

in  all  the  States  with  a  purity  and  integrity 
of  which  few  countries  can  afford  an  ex 
ample. — To  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  ix,  241. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  127.  (P.,  1785.) 

4219.  JUSTICE,  Courts  of.— Courts  of 
justice,  all  over  the  world,  are  held  by  the 
laws  to  proceed  according  to  certain  forms, 
which  the  good  of  the  suitors  themselves  re 
quires  they  should  not  be  permitted  to  depart 
from. — To  CHARLES  HELLSTEDT.  iii,  210. 
(Pa,  1791.) 

4220. .  No  nation  can  answer 

for  perfect  exactitude  of  proceedings  in  all 
their  inferior  courts.  It  suffices  to  provide  a 
supreme  judicature,  where  all  error  and  par 
tiality  will  be  ultimately  corrected.— To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  414.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  55. 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

4221.  JUSTICE,     Deaf    to.— They,     too 
[the  British  people],  have  been  deaf  to  the 
voice    of    justice    and    of    consanguinity. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4222.  JUSTICE,     Equal     and    exact.— 
Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  of  what 
ever  state  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political, 
I  deem  [one  of  the]  essential  principles  of  our 
government   and,    consequently    [one]    which 
ought  to  shape  its  administration. — FIRST  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  4.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

4223.  JUSTICE,   Foundation  of. — I  be 
lieve  that  justice  is  instinct  and  innate,  that 
the  moral  sense  is  as  much  a  part  of  our  con 
stitution  as  that  of  feeling,  seeing,  or  hear 
ing;  as  a  wise  Creator  must  have  seen  to  be 
necessary  in  an  animal  destined  to  live  in  so 
ciety;  that  every  human  mind  feels  pleasure 
in  doing  good  to  another;   that  the  non-ex 
istence  of  justice  is  not  to  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  the  same  act  is  deemed  virtuous 
and  right  in  one  society  which  is  held  vicious 
and  wrong  in  another;  because,  as  the  cir 
cumstances  and  opinions  of  different  societies 
vary,  so  the  acts  which  may  do  them  right  or 
wrong  must  vary  also;  for  virtue  does  not 

*  For  "  suffered",  Congress  substituted  "  ob 
structed"  ;  struck  out  the  words  in  italics  and  in 
serted  u  by".— EDITOR. 


consist  in  the  act  we  do,  but  in  the  end  it  is 
to  effect.  If  it  is  to  effect  the  happiness  of  him 
to  whom  it  is  directed,  it  is  virtuous,  while  in 
a  society  under  different  circumstances  and 
opinions,  the  same  act  might  produce  pain, 
and  would  be  vicious.  The  essence  of  virtue 
is  in  doing  good  to  others,  while  what  is  good 
may  be  one  thing  in  one  society,  and  its  con 
trary  in  another.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  39. 
(M.,  1816.) 

4224.  JUSTICE,    Fundamental    Law.— 

Justice  is  the  fundamental  law  of  society.-^ 
To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  591.  FORD  ED., 
x,  24.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

4225.  JUSTICE,  Government  and.— The 
most  sacred  of  the  duties  of  a  government  is 
to  do  equal  and  impartial  justice  to  all   its 
citizens. — NOTE  IN  TRACY'S  POLITICAL  ECON 
OMY,    vi,  574.     (1816.) 

4226.  JUSTICE,     Impartial.— Deal     out 

justice  without  partiality  or  favoritism. — To 
HUGH  WILLIAMSON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  492.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

4227. .     The    sword  of  the  law 

should  never  fall  but  on  those  whose  guilt  is 
so  apparent  as  to  be  pronounced  by  their 
friends  as  well  as  foes. — To  MRS.  SARAH 
MEASE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  35.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

4228. .     When  one  undertakes  to 

administer  justice,  it  must  be  with  an  even 
hand,  and  by  rule ;  what  is  done  for  one,  must 
be  done  for  every  one  in  equal  degree. — To 
DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  iv,  507.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
264.  (W.,  1803.) 

4229.  JUSTICE,      International.— We 

must  make  the  interest  of  every  nation  stand 
surety  for  their  justice,  and  their  own  loss 
to  follow  injury  to  us,  as  effect  follows  its 
cause. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv,  191. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  154.  (Pa.,  1797.) 

4230.  -  — .    We  think  that  peaceable 
means  may  be  devised  of  keeping  nations  in  the 
path  of  justice  towards  us,  by  making  justice 
their  interest,  and  injuries  to  react  on  them 
selves. — To    MR.    CABANIS.    iv,    497.       (W., 
1803.) 

4231. .    We  are  firmly  convinced, 

and  we  act  on  that  conviction,  that  with  na 
tions,  as  with  individuals,  our  interests 
soundly  calculated,  will  ever  be  found  insep 
arable  from  our  moral  duties ;  and  history 
bears  witness  to  the  fact,  that  a  just  nation 
is  trusted  on  its  word,  when  recourse  is  had 
to  armaments  and  wars  to  bridle  others. — 
SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  40.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  343.  (1805.) 

4232. .  A  just  nation  is  taken  on 

its  word,  when  recourse  is  had  to  armaments 
and  wars  to  bridle  others. — SECOND  INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS.  viii,  40.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  343. 
(1805.) 

4233. .  We    ask    for    peace    and 

justice  from  all  nations. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
v,  12.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  450.  (W.,  May  1806.) 


453 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Justice 
Kentucky 


4234.  JUSTICE,     National     and     indi 
vidual. — A  character  of  justice  is  valuable  to 
a  nation  as  to  an  individual. — To  REV.   MR. 
WORCESTER,    vi,  540.     (1816.) 

4235.  JUSTICE,  Partial.— The  public  se 
curity  against  a  partial  dispensation  of  jus 
tice  depends  on  its  being  dispensed  by  cer 
tain   rules.      The   slightest   deviation   in   one 
circumstance    becomes    a    precedent    for    an 
other,   that  for  a  third,   and   so  on  without 
bounds.     A  relaxation  in  a  case  where  it  is 
certain  no  fraud  is  intended,  is  laid  hold  of  by 
others,     afterwards,     to     cover     fraud. — To 
GEORGE  JOY.     iii,   130.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4236.  JUSTICE,  Peace  and. — Peace  and 
justice    [should]    be   the   polar   stars   of   the 
American  Societies. — To  J.  CORREA.    vii,  184. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  164.     (M.,  1820.) 

4237.  JUSTICE,      Pre-Revolutionary.— 

Before  the  Revolution,  a  judgment  could  not 
be  obtained  under  eight  years  in  the  Supreme 
Court  [in  Virginia]  where  the  suit  was  in 
the  department  of  the  common  law,  which 
department  embraces  about  nine-tenths  of  the 
subject  of  legal  contestation.  In  that  of  the 
Chancery,  from  twelve  to  twenty  years  were 
requisite.  This  did  not  proceed  from  any  vice 
in  the  laws,  but  from  the  indolence  of  the 
judges  appointed  by  the  King;  and  these 
judges  holding  their  office  during  his  will 
only,  he  could  have  reformed  the  evil  at 
any  time.  This  reformation  was  among  the 
first  works  of  the  Legislature  after  our  In 
dependence.  A  judgment  can  now  be  ob 
tained  in  the  Supreme  Court  in  one  year  at 
the  common  law,  and  in  about  three  years  in 
the  Chancery.* — REPORT  TO  CONGRESS,  ix,  240. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  126.  (P.,  1785.) 

4238.  JUSTICE,    Procurement    of.— [It 
is  my]   belief  that  a  just  and  friendly  con 
duct   on   our   part   will   procure   justice   and 
friendship  from  others. — To  EARL  OF  BUCHAN. 
iv,  494-     (W.,  1803.) 

4239.  JUSTICE,    Safeguard.— The    pro 
visions  we  have  made  [for  our  government] 
are  such  as  please  ourselves ;  they  answer  the 
substantial   purposes   of  government   and  of 
justice,  and  other  purposes  than  these  should 
not  be  answered. — REPLY  TO  LORD   NORTH'S 
PROPOSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i,  479.     (July  I775-) 

4240.  JUSTICE,  Sense  of .— Destutt  Tracy 
promises  a  work  on  morals,  in  which  I  la 
ment  to  see  that  he  will  adopt  the  principles 
of  Hobbes,  or  humiliation  to  human  nature; 
that  the  sense  of  justice  and  injustice  is  not 
derived   from   our   natural    organization,    but 
founded  on  convention  only.     *     *  As 
suming    the    fact,    that    the    earth    has    been 
created  in  time,  and  consequently  the  dogma 
of  final  causes,  we  yield,  of  course,  to  this 
short  syllogism:     Man  was  created   for  so 
cial  intercourse;  but  social  intercourse  cannot 
be  maintained  without  a  sense  of  justice;  then 
man   must   have   been   created   with   a    sense 
of  justice.— To  F.  W.  GILMER.     vii,  4.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

*  Report  of  Conference  with  Count  de  Vergennes 
on  Commerce.— EDITOR. 


4241.  JUSTICE,    Universal.— Justice    is 
to  be  denied  to  no  man.— To  E.  C.  GENET. 
iii,  585.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  311.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

4242.  JUSTICE,      Unswerving.— I      am 

sensible  of  no  passion  which  could  seduce  me 
knowingly  from  the  path  of  justice.— SECOND 
INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  45.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
347-  (1805.) 

4243.  JUSTICE,  Views  of.— All  our  pro 
ceedings  have  flowed  from  views  of  justice. — 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,     viii,   70.     FORD  ED.    viii, 
496.     (Dec.  1806.) 

4244.  KAMES,  Writings  of  Lord.— Your 

objection  to  Lord  KameSj  that  he  is  too  meta 
physical,  is  just,  and  it  is  the  chief  objection  to 
which  his  writings  are  liable.  It  is  to  be  ob 
served,  also,  that  though  he  has  given  us  what 
should  be  the  system  of  equity,  yet  it  is  not  the 
one  actually  established,  at  least  not  in  all  its 
parts. — To  PETER  CARR.  iii,  452.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
92.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4245.  KENTUCKY,  Asks  separation.— 
We   have   transmitted   a   copy   of  a   petition 
from   the   people   of   Kentucky   to    Congress 
praying  to  be  separated  from  Virginia.     Con 
gress  took  no  notice  of  it.     We   [delegates] 
sent  the  copy  to  the  Governor  desiring  it  to 
be  laid  before  the  Assembly.     Our  view  was 
to  bring  on  the  question.    It  is  for  the  interest 
of  Virginia  to  cede  so  far  immediately,  be 
cause   the  people  beyond  that   will   separate 
themselves,  because  they  will  be  joined  by  all 
our  settlements  beyond  the  Alleghany  if  they 
are  the  first  movers.     Whereas  if  we  draw 
the  line,  those  at  Kentucky  having  their  end, 
will  not  interest  themselves  for  the  people  of 
Indiana,  Greenbriar,  &c.,  who  will  of  course 
be  left  to  our  management,  and  I  can  with  cer 
tainty  almost   say  that   Congress   would  ap 
prove  of  the  meridian  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Kanawha,  and  will  consider  it  as  the  ultimate 
point  to  be  desired  from  Virginia.     I   form 
this   opinion    from    conversation    with    many 
members.        Should     we     not    be     the    first 
movers,  and  the  Indianians  and  Kentuckians 
take  themselves  off  and  claim  to  the   Alle 
ghany,  I  am  afraid  Congress  would  secretly 
wish  them  well. — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  401.     (A.,  Feb.  1784.) 

4246.  KENTUCKY,    Danger    of    seces 
sion. — I    fear,    from    an    expression    in   your 
letter,  that  the  people  of  Kentucky  think  of 
separating,  not  only  from  Virginia  (in  which 
they  are  right),   but  also   from  the  confed 
eracy.     I  own  I  should  think  this  a  most  cal- 
amitious  event,  and  such  a  one  as  every  good 
citizen  should  set  himself  against. — To  ARCH 
IBALD  STUART,    i,  518.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  188.    (P., 
Jan.   1786.) 

4247.  KENTUCKY,    Independence    de 
clared.— The  General  Assembly  of  Virginia, 
at  their   session  in    1785,   passed  an   act  de 
claring    that    the    district,    called    Kentucky, 
shall  be  a  separate  and  independent  State,  on 
these  conditions,     i.  That  the  people  of  that 
district  shall  consent  to  it.     2.  That  Congress 
shall    consent   to   it,    and   shall    receive   them 
into  the  Federal  Union.     3.  That  they  shall 


Kentucky 

Kentucky  Resolutions 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


454 


take  on  themselves  a  proportionable  part  of 
the  public  debt  of  Virginia.  4.  That  they 
shall  confirm  all  titles  to  lands  within  their 
district,  made  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  be 
fore  their  separation. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER. 
ix,  258.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  162.  (P.,  1786.) 

4248. .     Virginia     has     declared 

Kentucky  an  independent  State,  provided  its 
inhabitants  consent  to  it,  and  Congress  will 
receive  them  into  a  union. — To  WILLIAM 
CARMICHAEL.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  244.  (P.,  1786.) 

4249.  KENTUCKY,  Statehood.— I  wish 
to  see  that  country  in  the  hands  of  people 
well  disposed,  who  know  the  value  of  the 
connection  between  that  and  the  maritime 
States,  and  who  wish  to  cultivate  it.  I  con 
sider  their  happiness  as  bound  up  together, 
and  that  every  measure  should  be  taken  which 
may  draw  the  bands  of  union  tighter.  It  will 
be  an  efficacious  one  to  receive  them  into 
Congress,  as  I  perceive  they  are  about  to  de 
sire.  If  to  this  be  added  an  honest  and  dis 
interested  conduct  in  Congress,  as  to  every 
thing  relating  to  them,  we  may  hope  for  a 
perfect  harmony. — To  JOHN  BROWN,  ii,  395. 
FORD  ED.,  v.  1 6.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

4250. .     There   are   now    100,000 

inhabitants  at  Kentucky.  They  have  ac 
cepted  the  offer  of  independence  on  the  terms 
proposed  by  Virginia,  and  they  have  decided 
that  their  independent  government  shall  be 
gin  on  the  ist  day  of  the  next  year.  In  the 
meantime,  they  claim  admittance  into  Con 
gress. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  FORD  ED., 
v,  23.  (P.,  June  1788.) 

4251.  KENTUCKY,  Union  and.— Faith 
ful  to  the  Federal  compact,  according  to  the 
plain  intent  and  meaning  in  which  it  was  un 
derstood  and  acceded  to  by  the  several  par 
ties,  *  *  *  Kentucky  is  sincerely  anxious 
for  its  preservation.— KENTUCKY  RESOLU 
TIONS,  ix,  468.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  300.  (1798.) 

4252. .     This         Commonwealth 

continues  in  the  same  esteem  of  their  [the 
States]  friendship  and  union  which  it  has 
manifested  from  that  moment  at  which  a 
common  danger  first  suggested  a  common 
union. — KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS.  ix,  468. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  300.  (1798.) 

4253.  KENTUCKY,      Vermont      and.— 

Congress  referred  the  decision  as  to  the  in 
dependence  of  Kentucky  to  the  new  govern 
ment.  Brown  ascribes  this  to  the  jealousy  of 
the  northern  States,  who  want  Vermont  to 
be  received  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  pre 
serve  a  balance  of  interests  in  Congress. 
He  was  just  setting  out  for  Kentucky,  dis 
gusted,  yet  disposed  to  persuade  to  an  ac 
quiescence,  though  doubting  they  would  im 
mediately  separate  from  the  Union.  The 
principal  obstacle  to  this,  he  thought,  would 
be  the  Indian  war. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  ii, 
480.  FORD  ED.,  v,  50.  (P.,  Sep.  1788.) 

4254.  KENTUCKY,     Virginia       and.— 
I  am  deeply  impressed  with  the  importance  of 
Virginia   and   Kentucky   pursuing   the    same 


track  at  the  ensuing  sessions  of  their  Legis 
latures. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  304. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  389.  (M.,  Aug.  26,  1799.) 

4255.  KENTUCKY      RESOLUTIONS 
(1798),  Draft  of.— I  enclose  you  a  copy  of 
the  draft*   of  the   Kentucky  resolves.     I  think 
we    should    distinctly    affirm    all   the    important 
principles  they   contain,   so  as  to  hold  to  that 
ground  in  future,  and  leave  the  matter  in  such 
a  train  as  that  we  may  not  be  committed  abso 
lutely  to  push  the  matter  to  extremities,  and  yet 
may  be  free  to  push  as  far  as  events  will  render 
prudent. — To  JAMES   MADISON,     iv,   258.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  288.      (M.,   Nov.    17,    1798-) 

4256.  KENTUCKY      RESOLUTIONS 
(1798),  History  of.— At  the  time  when  the 
Republicans    of    our    country    were    so    much 
alarmed  at  the  proceedings  of  the  Federal  as 
cendency   in    Congress,    in    the    Executive    and 
the  Judiciary  departments,  it  became  a  matter 
of    serious    consideration    how    head    could    be 
made  against  their  enterprises  on  the  Constitu 
tion.      The    leading    Republicans    in    Congress 
found  themselves  of  no  use  there,  browbeaten, 
as  they  were,  by  a  bold  and  overwhelming  ma 
jority.     They  concluded  to  retire  from  that  field, 
take  a  stand  in  the  State  Legislatures,  and  en 
deavor    there    to    arrest    their    progress.      The 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws  furnished  the  particu 
lar  occasion.     The  sympathy  between   Virginia 
and  Kentucky  was  more  cordial,  and  more  in 
timately   confidential,   than   between   any   other 
two    States    of    Republican   policy.     Mr.    Madi 
son  came  into  the  Virginia  Legislature.     I  was 
then  in  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  could  not  leave 
my    station.     But   your   father.    Colonel   W.    C. 
Nicholas,  and  myself  happening  to  be  together, 
the   engaging  the   cooperation   of   Kentucky   in 
an  energetic  protestation  against  the  constitu 
tionality    of   those    laws,   became    a   subject   of 
consultation.      Those     gentlemen     pressed     me 
strongly  to  sketch  resolutions  for  that  purpose, 
your   father  undertaking  to   introduce  them  to 
that  Legislature,  with  a  solemn  assurance,  which 
I  strictly  required,  that  it  should  not  be  known 
from  what  quarter  they  came.     I  drew  and  de 
livered  them  to  him,  and  in  keeping  their  origin 
secret,  he  fulfilled  his  pledge  of  honor.     Some 
years  after  this,  Colonel  Nicholas  asked  me  if  I 
would  have  any   objection   to   its  being  known 
that  I  had  drawn  them.     I  pointedly  enjoined 
that  it  should  not.     Whether  he  had  unguard 
edly   intimated   it   before   to    any   one,    I    know 
not;   but   I   afterwards  observed  in  the  papers 
repeated  imputations  of  them  to  me ;  on  which, 
as   has   been   my   practice   on   all   occasions   of 
imputation,     I     have    observed     entire    silence. 
The   question,    indeed,    has    never   before   been 
put  to  me,  nor  should  I  answer  it  to  any  other 
than  yourself ;   seeing  no  good  end  to  be  pro 
posed  by  it,  and  the  desire  of  tranquillity  indu 
cing  with  me  a  wish  to  be  withdrawn  from  pub 
lic  notice,  t — To  NICHOLAS,    vii,  229.  (M., 

Dec.  1821.) 

4257.  KENTUCKY      RESOLUTIONS 
(1798),  Phrasing  of.— The  more  I  have  re 
flected  on  the  phrase  in  the  paper  you  showed 
me,    the    more    strongly    I    think    it    should    be 
altered.     Suppose    you    were     instead     of    the 
invitation  to  cooperate  in  the  annulment  of  the 
acts,  to  make  it  an  invitation  "  to  concur  with 
this    commonwealth    in    declaring,    as    it    does 
hereby  declare,  that  the  said  acts  are,  and  were 

*  The  Resolutions  are  printed  in  the  Appendix  to 
this  volume.  The  principles,  &c.,  declared  in  them 
are  arranged  under  appropriate  titles. — EDITOR. 

t  In  the  FORD  EDITION,  vii,  ago,  but  addressed  to 
John  Cabel  Breckenridge. — EDITOR, 


455 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Kentucky  Resolutions 
Kings 


ab  initio,  null,  void,  and  of  no  force,  or  effect  ', 
I  should  like  it  better.— To  W.  C.  NICHOLAS. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  312.  (Nov.  1798.) 

4258.  KENTUCKY      RESOLUTIONS 
(1798),  Presentation  of. — I  entirely  approve 
of    the    confidence    you    have    reposed    in    Mr. 
Breckenridge,    as    he    possesses    mine    entirely. 
1  had  imagined  it  better  these  resolutions  should 
have  originated  with  North  Carolina.     But  per 
haps   the   late   changes   in   their   representation 
may   indicate   some   doubt  whether   they   could 
have   passed.     In    that   case,    it   is   better   they 
should  come  from  Kentucky.     I  understand  you 
intend  soon  to  go  as  far  as  Mr.  Madison's.     You 
know  of  course  I  have  no  secrets  from  him.     I 
wish  him,  therefore,  to  be  consulted  as  to  these 
resolutions. — To   W.    C.    NICHOLAS.     FORD   EDV 
vii,  281.     (M.,  Oct.  5,  1798.) 

4259.  KENTUCKY      RESOLUTIONS 
(1799),   Outlines  of. — I  thought  something 
essentially    necessary    to    be    said,    in    order    to 
avoid  the  inference  of  acquiescence  ;  that  a  reso 
lution  or  declaration  should  be  passed:    i.  An 
swering  the   reasonings   of  such   of  the   States 
as  have  ventured  into  the  field  of  reason,  and 
that  of  the  Committee  of  Congress,  taking  some 
notice,    too,    of   those    States   who    have   either 
not  answered  at  all,  or  answered  without  rea 
soning.     2,  Making  firm  protestation  against  the 
precedent  and  principle,  and  reserving  the  right 
to  make  this  palpable  violation  of  the  Federal 
Compact  the  ground  of  doing  in  future  what 
ever  we  might  now  rightfully  do,  should  repeti 
tions  of  these  and  other  violations  of  the  com 
pact    render    it    expedient.      3.  Expressing    in 
affectionate  and  conciliatory  language  our  warm 
attachment    to    union    with    our    sister    States, 
and  to  the  instrument  and  principles  by  which 
we  are  united ;  that  we  are  willing  to  sacrifice 
to  this  everything  but  the  rights  of  self-govern 
ment  in  those  important  points  which  we  have 
never  yielded,  and  in  which  alone  we  see  lib 
erty,    safety    and    happiness ;    that    not    at    all 
disposed  to  make  every  measure  of  error  or  of 
wrong  a  cause  of  scission,  we  are  willing  to  look 
on  with  indulgence,  and  to  wait  with  patience 
till    those    passions    and    delusions    shall    have 
passed    over,    which    the    Federal    Government 
have  artfully   excited  to  cover  its  own  abuses 
and    conceal    its    designs,    fully    confident    that 
the  good  sense  of  the  American  people,  and  their 
attachment  to  those  very  rights  which  we   are 
now  vindicating,  will,  before  it  shall  be  too  late, 
rally  with  us  round  the  true  principles  of  our 
Federal  compact.     This  was  only  meant  to  give 
a  general  idea  of  the  complexion  and  topics  of 
such  an  instrument.     Mr.   Madison  *  *   *  does 
not  concur  in  the  reservation  proposed  above ; 
and  from  this  I  recede  readily,  not  only  in  def 
erence    to    his    judgment,    but    because,    as    we 
should   never   think   of   separation   but    for   re 
peated  and  enormous  violations,  so  these,  when 
they    occur,    will    be    cause    enough    of    them 
selves.      To   these   topics,    however,    should   be 
added  animadversions  on  the  new   pretensions 
to  a  common  law  of  the  United  States.  *  *  * 
As  to  the  preparing  anything,  I  must  decline  it, 
to  avoid  suspicions    (which  were  pretty  strong 
in  some  quarters  on  the  late  occasion),  and  be 
cause  there  remains  still   (after  their  late  loss) 
a   mass   of   talents    in    Kentucky    sufficient    for 
every  purpose.     The  only  object  of  the  present 
communication   is  to  procure  a  concert  in  the 
general  plan  of  action    [as   it  is  extremely  de 
sirable  that  Virginia  and  Kentucky  should  pur 
sue   the    same   track   on    this    occasion  *].     Be- 

*  Part  in  brackets  not  in  letter-press  copy.— FORD 


sides,  how  could  you  better  while  away  the  road 
from  hence  to  Kentucky,  than  in  meditating 
this  very  subject,  and  preparing  something 
yourself,  than  whom  nobody  will  do  it  better. 
— To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  305.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  390.  (M.,  Sep.  5,  1799.) 

—  KENTUCKY   RESOLUTIONS,    Text 
of. — See  APPENDIX. 

4260.  KINGS,    Abhorrence    of.— Let    us 
turn    with   abhorrence    from   these    sceptered 
scelerats,    and    disregarding    our    own    petty 
differences  of  opinion  about  men  and  meas 
ures,  let  us  cling  in  mass  to  our  country  and 
to  one  another,  and  bid  defiance,  as  we  can  if 
united,  to  the  plundering  combinations  of  the 
old  world. — To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN,     vii,  20. 
(M.,  1816.) 

4261.  KINGS,    Absolutism   and.— There 

is  no  king,  who,  with  sufficient  force,  is  not 
always  ready  to  make  himself  absolute. — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.  ii,  8.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  270.  (P., 
1786.) 

4262.  KINGS,  American.— It  is  lawful  to 
wish  to  see  no  emperor  or  king  in  our  hemi 
sphere. — To  JAMES  MONROE.      FORD  ED.,  x,  244. 
(M.,  1822.) 

4263.  KINGS,  Bourbon.— France  has  now 
a   family  of  fools  at  its  head,   from  whom, 
whenever  it  can  shake  off  its  foreign  riders, 
it  will  extort  a  free  constitution,  or  dismount 
them,  and  establish  some  other  on  the  solid 
basis  of  national  right. — To  BENJAMIN  AUS 
TIN,     vi,    554.     FORD   ED.,    x,    n.     (M.,  Feb. 
1816.) 

4264.  KINGS,    Breeding.— When    I    ob 
served    that    the    King    of    England    was    a 
cipher,  I  did  not  mean  to  confine  the  observa 
tion  to  the  mere  individual  [George  III.]  now 
on  that  throne.    The  practice  of  kings  marry 
ing  only  in  the  families  of  kings,  has  been 
that   of   Europe   for   some   centuries.      Now, 
take  any  race  of  animals,  confine  them  in  idle 
ness  and  inaction,  whether  in  a  sty,  a  stable  or 
a  state-room,   pamper  them   with   high   diet, 
gratify    all    their    sexual    appetites,    immerse 
them  in  sensualities,  nourish  their  passions,  let 
everything    bend    before    them,    and    banish 
whatever  might  lead  them  to  think,  and  in  a 
few  generations  they  become  all  body,  and  no 
mind ;    and  this,  too,  by  a  law  of  nature,  by 
that  very  law  by  which  we  are  in  the  constant 
practice  of  changing  the  characters  and  pro 
pensities  of  the  animals  we  raise  for  our  own 
purposes.      Such    is    the    regimen    in    raising 
kings,  and  in  this  way  they  have  gone  on  for 
centuries. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.    v,  514.     (M., 
1810.) 

—  KINGS,  Cannibal. — See  1123. 

4265.  KINGS,  Character  of  European.— 
While    in    Europe,    I    often    amused    myself 
with  contemplating  the  characters  of  the  then 
reigning  monarchs   of   Europe.     Louis   XVI. 
was  a  fool,  of  my  own  knowledge,   and  in 
despite  of  the  answers  made  for  him  at  his 
trial.     The   King  of   Spain   was  a   fool,  and 
of  Naples  the  same.     They  passed  their  lives 
in   hunting,    and    despatched    two   couriers   a 
week,  one  thousand  miles,  to  let  each  other 


Kings 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


456 


know  what  game  they  had  killed  the  preceding 
days.  The  King  of  Sardinia  was  a  fool.  All 
these  were  Bourbons.  The  Queen  of  Portu 
gal,  a  Braganza,  was  an  idiot  by  nature.  And 
so  was  the  King  of  Denmark.  Their  sons, 
as  regents,  exercised  the  powers  of  govern 
ment.  The  King  of  Prussia,  successor  to  the 
great  Frederick,  was  a  mere  hog  in  body  as 
well  as  in  mind.  Gustavus  of  Sweden,  and 
Joseph  of  Austria,  were  really  crazy,  and 
George  of  England,  you  know,  was  in  a 
straight  waistcoat.  There  remained,  then, 
none  but  old  Catherine,  who  had  been  too 
lately  picked  up  to  have  lost  her  common 
sense.  In  this  state  Bonaparte  found  Europe; 
and  it  was  this  state  of  its  rulers  which  lost 
it  with  scarce  a  struggle.  These  animals  had 
become  without  mind  and  powerless;  and  so 
will  every  hereditary  monarch  be  after  a  few 
generations.  Alexander,  the  grandson  of 
Catherine,  is  as  yet  an  exception.  He  is  able 
to  hold  his  own.  But  he  is  only  of  the  third 
generation.  His  race  is  not  yet  worn  out. 
And  so  endeth  the  Book  of  Kings,  from  all 
of  whom  the  Lord  deliver  us. — To  JOHN 
LANGDON.  v,  514.  (M.,  1810.) 

4266.  KINGS,  Common  sense  and. — No 
race  of  kings  has  ever  presented  above  one 
man  of  common  sense  in  twenty  generations. 
— To   BENJAMIN   HAWKINS,     ii,  221.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  426.     (P.,  1787.) 

4267.  KINGS,  Confederacy  of  .—I  am  not 

*  *  *  for  joining  in  the  confederacy  of 
kings  to  war  against  the  principles  of  liberty. 
— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
328.  (Pa,  I799-) 

4268.  KINGS,  Enemies  to  happiness. — 
These  descriptions  of  men  [kings,  nobles,  and 
priests]      are      an      abandoned      confederacy 
against  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  peo 
ple. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.    ii,  7.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
269.     (P.,  1786.) 

4269.  KINGS,    Evil    passions    of.— The 
pride,    the    dissipations,    and   the   tyranny   of 
kings,   keep  this  hemisphere   constantly   em 
broiled   in   squabbles. — To   MR.    BELLINI,     ii, 
440.     (P.,  1788.) 

4270.  KINGS,      Extirpation      of.— Our 
young  Republic    *     *     *     should  besiege  the 
throne  of  Heaven  wit'h  eternal  prayers,  to  ex 
tirpate    from   creation    this    class    of   human 
lions,    tigers    and    mammoths    called    Kings ; 
from  whom,  let  him  perish  who  does  not  say, 
"  Good  Lord  deliver  us  ". — To  DAVID  HUM 
PHREYS,    ii,  253.     (P.,  1787.) 

4271.  KINGS,    Lessons    from. — If    any 
body  thinks  that  kings,  nobles,  or  priests  are 
good   conservators   of   the   public   happiness, 
send    them    here    [France].     It    is    the    best 
school  in  the  universe  to  cure  them  of  that 
folly.    They  will  see  with  their  own  eyes  that 
these  descriptions  of  men  are  an  abandoned 
confederacy  against  the  happiness  of  the  mass 
of  the  people. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.    ii,  7.    FORD 
ED.,  iv,  268.     (P.,  i?86.) 

4272.  KINGS,  Ministers  of.— No  race  of 
kings  has  ever  presented  above  one  man  of 


common  sense  in  twenty  generations.  The 
best  they  can  do  is  to  leave  things  to  their 
ministers;  and  what  are  their  ministers  but  a 
committee  badly  chosen?  If  the  king  ever 
meddles  it  is  to  do  harm. — To  BENJAMIN 
HAWKINS,  ii,  221.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  426  (P 
1787.) 

4273.  KINGS,    Bepresentative   Govern 
ment    and. — Representative    government    is 
now  well  understood  to  be  a  necessary  check 
on  kings,  whom  they  will  probably  think  it 
more   prudent   to   chain   and   tame,    than   to 
exterminate. — To    JOHN    ADAMS,      vii,    307. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  270.    (M.,  1823.) 

4274.  KINGS,     Republicanism.— If      all 
the  evils  which  can  arise  among  us  from  the 
republican  form  of  our  government,  from  this 
day  to  the  day  of  judgment,  could  be  put  into 
a   scale  against   what  this  country    [France] 
suffers  from  its  monarchical  form  in  a  week, 
or  England  in  a  month,  the  latter  would  pre 
dominate. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,    ii,  221. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  426.     (P.,  1787.) 

4275.  KINGS,   Scaffolds  for.— Over  the 
foreign  powers  I  am  convinced  the  French 
will    triumph    completely,    and    I    cannot   but 
hope  that  that  triumph,  and  the  consequent 
disgrace  of  the  invading  tyrants,  is  destined, 
in  the  order  of  events,  to  kindle  the  wrath  of 
the  people  of  Europe  against  those  who  have 
dared  to  embroil   them  in  such  wickedness, 
and   to   bring   at   length   kings,    nobles,   and 
priests  to  the  scaffolds  which  they  have  been 
so  long  deluging  with  human  blood.     I  am 
still  warm  whenever  I  think  of  those  scoun 
drels,  though  I  do  it  as  seldom  as  I  can,  pre 
ferring  infinitely  to  contemplate  the  tranquil 
growth  of  my  lucerne  and  potatoes.     I  have 
so  completely  withdrawn  myself  from  these 
spectacles  of  usurpation  and  misrule,  that  I  do 
not  take  a  single  newspaper,  nor  read  one  a 
month ;  and  I  feel  myself  infinitely  the  hap 
pier  for  it. — To  TENCH  COXE.    iv,  104.    FORD 
ED.,  vi,  507.     (M.,  May  1794.) 

—  KINGS,    Self-government    and. — See 
SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

4276.  KINGS,  Servants  of  the  People.— 

Kings  are  the  servants,  not  the  proprietors  of 
the  people. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i, 
141.  FORD  ED.,  i,  446.  (1774.) 

4277.  KINGS,    Stupidity    of.— There    is 
not  a  crowned  head  in  Europe,  whose  talents 
or  merits  would  entitle  him  to  be  elected  a 
vestryman    by   the    people   of   any   parish    in 
America. — To     GENERAL     WASHINGTON.      ii, 
375.    FORD  ED.,  v,  8.     (P.,  1788.) 

4278.  KINGS,  Vicious.— I  am  much  in 
debted  to  you  for  the  memoirs  of  the  Mar 
grave  of  Bayreuth.     This  singular  morsel  of 
history  has  given  us  a  certain  view  of  kings, 
queens  and  princes,  disrobed  of  their  formali 
ties.     It  is  a  peep  into  the  state  of  the  Egyp 
tian  God  Apis.     It  would  not  be  easy  to  find 
grosser  manners,  coarser  vices,  or  more  mean 
ness  in  the  poorest  huts  of  our  peasantry.  The 
princess  shows  herself  the  legitimate  sister  of 


457 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Kin  ITS 

Knox  (Henry) 


Frederick,  cynical,  selfish  and  without  a  heart. 
— To  MADAME  DE  TESSE.  vi,  271.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  437.  (M.,  1813.) 

4279.  KINGS,  Vulgarity.— The  memoirs 
of  Mrs.  Clarke  and  of  her  darling  prince,  and 
the  book,  emphatically  so  called,  because  it  is 
the    Biblia    Sacra    Deorum    et   Diarum   sub- 
c&lestium,the  Prince  Regent,  his  Princess  and 
the  minor  deities  of  his  sphere,  form  a  worthy 
sequel  to  the  memoirs  of  Bayreuth;  instead 
of  the  vulgarity  of  the  court  of  Berlin,  giving 
us   the    vulgarity    and    profusion    of   that    of 
London,  and  the  gross  stupidity  and  profligacy 
of  the  latter,  in  lieu  of  the  genius  and  mis- 
anthropism  of  the  former.     The  whole  might 
be  published  as  a  supplement  to  M.  de  Buffon, 
under  the  title  of  the  "Natural  History  of 
Kings  and  Princes",  or  as  a  separate  work 
and    called    "  Medicine    for    Monarchists " . 
The  'Intercepted  Letters",  a  later  English 
publication  of  great  wit  and  humor,  has  put 
them  to  their  proper  use  by  holding  them  up 
as   butts    for   the    ridicule   and    contempt    of 
mankind.     Yet  by  such  worthless  beings  is  a 
great  nation  to  be  governed  and  even  made  to 
deify  their  old  king  because  he  is  only  a  fool 
and  a  maniac,  and  to  forgive  and  forget  his 
having  lost  to  them  a  great  and  flourishing 
empire,  added  nine  hundred  millions  sterling 
to  their  debt,  for  which  the  fee  simple  of  the 
whole  island  would  not  sell,  if  offered  farm 
by    farm    at    public    auction,    and    increased 
their    annual    taxes    from    eight    to    seventy 
millions  sterling,  more  than  the  whole  rent- 
roll  of  the  island.     What  must  be  the  dreary 
prospect  from  the  son  when  such  a  father  is 
deplored  as  a  national  loss?    But  let  us  drop 
these  odious  beings  and  pass  to  those  of  an 
higher    order,    the    plants    of    the    field. — To 
MADAME  DE  TESSE.     vi,   271.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
437-     (M.,  1813.) 

4280.  KINGS,  Wishing  for.— If  any  of 
our  countrymen  wish  for  a  king,  give  them 
jiEsop's  fable  of  the  frogs  who  asked  a  king ; 
if  this  does  not  cure  them,  send  them  to  Eu 
rope.    They  will  go  back  good  republicans.— 
To  DAVID  RAMSAY,     ii,  217.     (P.,  1787.) 

—  KING'S  MOUNTAIN,  Battle  of.— See 
1085. 

4281.  KNOWLEDGE,     Diffusion     of.— 

The  most  important  bill  in  our  whole  [Vir 
ginia]  code  is  that  for  the  diffusion  of 
knowledge  among  the  people.  No  other  sure 
foundation  can  be  devised  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  freedom  and  happiness. — To  GEORGE 
WYTHE.  ii,  7.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  268.  (P.,  1786.) 

4282.  KNOWLEDGE,     Honesty    and.— 

An  honest  heart  being  the  first  blessing,  a 
knowing  head  is  the  second. — To  PETER  CARR. 
i,  397-  (P.,  1785.) 

4283.  KNOWLEDGE,     Pursuit     of.— A 
patient  pursuit  of  facts,  and  cautious  combina 
tion  and  comparison  of  them,  is  the  drudgery 
to  which  man  is  subjected  by  his  Maker,  if 
he  wishes  to  attain  sure  knowledge. — NOTES 
ON   VIRGINIA,    viii,   314.     FORD  ED.,   iii,    170. 
(1782.)     See  EDUCATION  and  SCIENCE. 


4284.  KNOX    (Henry),    Cabinet    opin 
ions. — We  [the    Cabinet]  determined    unani 
mously    that    Congress    should    not    be    called. 
*     *     *     I   believe   Knox's   opinion   was   never 
thought    worth    offering    or    asking    for. — THE 
ANAS,     ix,  143.     FORD  ED.,  i,  227.     (1793.) 

4285.  KNOX    (Henry),    Financial   fail 
ure. — General  Knox  has  become  bankrupt  for 
$400,000,    and   has   resigned   his   military   com 
mission.     He  took  in  General  Lincoln  for  $150,- 

000,  which   breaks  him.     Colonel   Jackson   also 
sunk  with  him. — To  JAMES  MADISON,     iv,  262. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  314.     (Pa.,  Jan.  1799.) 

4286.  KNOX      (Henry),     Gossip     of.— 
Knox   [at  a  Cabinet  meeting]    told  some  little 
stories  to  aggravate  the  President,  to  wit,  that 
Mr.   King  had  told  him,   that  a  lady   had  told 
him,  that  she  had  heard  a  gentleman  say  that 
the  President  was  as  great  a  tyrant  as  any  of 
them,  and  that  it  would  soon  be  time  to  chase 
him     out     of     the     city     [Philadelphia]. — THE 
ANAS.     FORD  ED.,  i,  247.     (i793-) 

4287.  KNOX  (Henry),  Hamilton  and.— 
Knox,  for  once,  dared  to  differ  from  Hamilton, 
and  to  express,  very  submissively,  an  opinion, 
that  a  convention  named  by  the  whole  body  of 
the  [French]  nation,  would  be  competent  to  dp 
anything. — THE  ANAS,      ix,   126.      FORD  ED.,  i, 
209.     (1792.) 

4288. .     Knox    joined    Hamilton 

in  everything. — THE  ANAS,     ix,  184.     FORD  ED., 

1,  271.     (1793.) 

4289. .     Knox  subscribed  at  once 

to  Hamilton's  opinion*  that  we  ought  to  de 
clare  the  [French]  treaty  void,  acknowledging 
at  the  same  time,  like  a  fool  that  he  is,  that 
he  knew  nothing  about  it. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  143. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  227.  (1793.) 

4290. .  Knox,  according  to  cus 
tom,  jumped  plump  into  all  Hamilton's  opinions. 
— THE  ANAS,  ix,  169.  FORD  ED.,  i,  259. 
(I793-) 

4291.  KNOX      (Henry),      Indiscreet.— 
Knox  [at  a  Cabinet  meeting]  said  we  [the  Ad 
ministration]    should    have    had    fine    work    if 
Congress  had  been  sitting  these  last  two  months. 
The  fool  thus  let  out  the  secret.     Hamilton  en 
deavored  to   patch  up   the   indiscretion   of  this 
blabber  by  saying  "  he  did  not  know ;  he  rather 
thought  they  would  have  strengthened  the  Ex 
ecutive  arm  ". — THE  ANAS,    ix,    165.    FORD  ED., 
i,  255.     (Aug.  1793.) 

4292.  KNOX  (Henry),  Naval  opinions. 
— I  think  General   Washington   approved  of 
building  vessels  of  war  to  the  extent  of  a  force 
sufficient  to  keep  the  Barbary  States  in  order. 
General  Knox,  I  know,  did.  t — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,  264.    FORD  ED.,  x,  240.     (M.,  1822.) 

4293.  KNOX  (Henry),  View  of  Federal 
Government. — In  the  course  of  our  [the  Cabi 
net]   conversation   [with  respect  to  the  manner 
and  place  of  swearing  in  the  President],  Knox, 
stickling  for  parade,  got  into  great  warmth,  and 

*  Though  the  question  whether  this  treaty  was  not 
terminated  by  the  French  Revolution  was  discussed 
in  the  Cabinet,  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that  it 
was  still  in  force.  Jefferson  is,  therefore,  in  error  in 
stating  that  Hamilton  declared  it  void,  as  all  he  ar 
gued  for  was  whether  it  "  ought  not  to  be  deemed 
temporarily  and  provisionally  suspended".  Cf.  HAM 
ILTON'S  Works  of  Hamilton^  iii,  574,  iv,  392,  394.— 
NOTE  IN  FORD  EDITION. 

t  Jefferson  advocated  this  measure  while  he  was 
Minister  to  France,  and,  subsequently,  when  he  be 
came  Secretary  of  State.— EDITOR. 


Kosciusko 

.Labor 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


458 


swore  that  our  Government  must  either  be 
entirely  new  modeled,  or  it  would  be  knocked 
to  pieces  in  less  than  ten  years ;  and  that  as  it 
is  at  present,  he  would  not  give  a  copper  for  it ; 
that  it  is  the  Presidents  character,  and  not 
the  written  Constitution,  which  keeps  it  to- 

?  ether. — THE  ANAS,     ix,  139.     FORD  ED.,  i,  222. 
Feb.  1793.) 

4294.  KOSCIUSKO      (General),    Affec 
tion    for. — For  yourself,   personally,   I   may 
express  with  safety  as  well  as  truth,  my  great 
esteem,  and  the  interest  I  feel  for  your  welfare. 
From  the  same  principles  of  caution,  I  do  not 
write  to  my   friend   Kosciusko.     I  know  he  is 
always  doing  what  he  thinks  is  right,  and  he 
knows  my  prayers  for  his  success  in  whatever 
he  does.     Assure  him  of  my  constant  affection 
*     *     *     m — To   JULIAN    V.    NIEMCEWICZ.*      v, 
72.     (April  1807.) 

4295.  KOSCIUSKO  (General),  Disinter 
ested  patriot. — May  heaven  have  in  store  for 
your  country  a  restoration  of  the  blessings  of 
freedom  and  order,  and  you  be  destined  as  the 
instrument   it  will   use   for  that  purpose.     But 
if  this  be  forbidden  by  fate,  I  hope  we  shall  be 
able  to  preserve  here  an  asylum  where  your  love 
of  liberty  and  disinterested  patriotism  will  be 
forever  protected  and  honored,  and  where  you 
will  find,  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people, 
a   good   portion    of   that    esteem    and    affection 
which   glow   in   the   bosom   of   the   friend   who 
writes  this     *     *  '   *     . — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUS 
KO.     iv,  295.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

4296.  KOSCIUSKO   (General),   Emanci 
pation  for  slaves. — The  brave  auxiliary  of 
my  country  in  its  struggle  for  liberty,  and  from 
the  year  1797,  when  our  particular  acquaintance 
began,    my    most    intimate    and    much    beloved 
friend.     On  his  last  departure  from  the  United 
States  in  1798,  he  left  in  my  hands  an  instru 
ment  appropriating  after  his  death  all  the  prop 
erty  he  had  in  our  public  funds,  the  price  of  his 
military    services    here,    to    the    education    and 
emancipation    of   as   many   of   the   children    of 
bondage  in  this  country  as  it  should  be  adequate 
to. — To  M.  JULIEN.    vii,  107.  (M.,  1818.) 


4297. 


You  have  seen  the  death 


of  General  Kosciusko  announced  in  the  papers. 
He  had  in  the  funds  of  the  United  States  a 
very  considerable  sum  of  money  on  the  inter 
est  of  which  he  depended  for  subsistence.  On 
his  leaving  the  United  States,  in  1798,  he  placed 
it  under  my  direction  by  a  power  of  attorney, 
which  I  executed  entirely  through  Mr.  Barnes, 
who  regularly  remitted  his  interest.  But  he 
left  also  in  my  hands  an  autograph  will,  dis 
posing  of  his  funds  in  a  particular  course  of 
charity,  and  making  me  his  executor. — To 
WILLIAM  WIRT.  vii,  98.  FORD  ED.,  x,  96.  (M., 
1818.) 

4298.  KOSCIUSKO  (General),  Hopes  for 
Poland. — General  Kosciusko  has  been  disap 
pointed   by   the   sudden   peace   between    France 
and  Austria.     A  ray  of  hope  seemed  to  gleam 
on  his  mind  for  a  moment,  that  the  extension 
of   the   revolutionary   spirit   through    Italy   and 
Germany  might  so  have  occupied  the  remnants 
of  monarchy  there,  as  that  his  country  might 
have  risen  again. — To  HORATIO  GATES,     iv,  213. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  205.     (Pa.,  1798). 

4299.  KOSCIUSKO    (General),    Son    of 
liberty. — He  is  as  pure  a  son  of  liberty  as  I 
have  ever  known,  and  of  that  liberty  which  is  to 

*  Kosciusko  returned  to  Europe  under  the  assumed 
name  of  Niemcewicz. — EDITOR. 


go  to  all,  and  not  to  the  few  or  the  rich  alone. — 
To  HORATIO  GATES,  iv.  212.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  304. 
(Pa.,  1798.) 

4300.  KOSCIUSKO    (General),    Tribute 
to- — Your   principles    and    dispositions    were 
made  to  be  honored,  revered  and  loved.     True 
to  a  single  object,  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  man,  they  have  not  veered  about  with  the 
changelings  and  apostates  of  our  acquaintance. 
— To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.     iv,  249.     (1798.) 

4301.  LABOR,  Destroying.— All  the  en 
ergies  [of  European  nations]  are  expended  in 
the   destruction   of   the   labor,   property   and 
lives  of  their  people.— To  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 
vii,  288.     FORD  ED.,  x,  257.     (M.,  1823.) 

4302.  LABOR,  Distribution.— In  Europe, 
the  best  distribution  of  labor  is  supposed  to 
be  that  which  places  the  manufacturing  hands 
alongside  the  agricultural;   so  that  the  one 
part  shall  feed  both,  and  the  other  part  fur 
nish  both   with  clothes  and  other  comforts. 
Would  that  be  best  here?     Egoism  and  first 
appearances  say  yes.     Or  would  it  be  better 
that  all  our  laborers  should  be  employed  in 
agriculture?     In  this  case  a  double  or  treble 
portion  of  fertile  lands  would  be  brought  into 
culture;  a  double  or  treble  creation  of  food 
be  produced,  and  its  surplus  go  to  nourish  the 
now  perishing  births  of  Europe,  who  in  re 
turn  would  manufacture  and  send  us  in  ex 
change  our  clothes  and  other  comforts. — To 
M.  SAY.    iv,  527.    (W.,  Feb.  1804.) 

4303. .     I    was    once    a    doubter 

whether  the  labor  of  the  cultivator,  aided  by 
the  creative  powers  of  the  earth  itself,  would 
not  produce  more  value  than  that  of  the  man 
ufacturer,  alone  and  unassisted  by  the  dead 
subject  on  which  he  acted.  In  other  words, 
whether  the  more  we  could  bring  into  action 
of  the  energies  of  our  boundless  territory,  in 
addition  to  the  labor  of  our  citizens,  the  more 
would  not  be  our  gain  ?  But  the  inventions  of 
later  times,  by  labor-saving  machines,  do  as 
much  now  for  the  manufacturer,  as  the  earth 
for  the  cultivator.  Experience,  too,  has  proved 
that  mine  was  but  half  the  question.  The  other 
half  is  whether  dollars  and  cents  are  to  be 
weighed  in  the  scale  against  real  independ 
ence?  The  whole  question  then  is  solved;  at 
least  as  far  as  respects  our  wants. — To 
WILLIAM  SAMPSON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  73.  (M., 
1817.)  See  MANUFACTURES. 

4304.  LABOR,   Earnings   of.— Take  not 
from  the   mouth  of  labor  the  bread  it  has 
earned. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  4. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.     (1801.) 

4305.  LABOR,  Economy  and.— Economy 
in    the    public    expense,    that    labor    may    be 
lightly  burdened,   I   deem    [one   of  the]    es 
sential  principles  of  our  government  and,  con 
sequently  [one]  which  ought  to  shape  its  ad 
ministration. — FIRST      INAUGURAL      ADDRESS. 
viii,    4.      FORD    ED.,    viii,    5.      (1801.)      See 
ECONOMY. 

4306.  LABOR,    European    governments 
and. — To  constrain  the  brute  force  of  the  peo 
ple,  the  European  governments  deem  it  nee- 


459 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Labor 
Laborers 


essary  to  keep  them  down  by  hard  labor, 
poverty  and  ignorance,  and  to  take  from 
them,  as  from  bees,  so  much  of  their  earn 
ings,  as  that  unremitting  labor  shall  be  nec 
essary  to  obtain  a  sufficient  surplus  to  sustain  a 
scanty  and  miserable  life. — To  WILLIAM 
JOHNSON,  vii,  291.  FORD  ED.,  x,  226.  (M., 
1823.) 

4307.  LABOR,  Fruits   of.— The  rights  of 
the  people  to  the  exercise  and  fruits  of  their 
own  industry  can  never  be  protected  against 
the  selfishness  of  rulers  not  subject  to  their 
control  at  short  periods. — To  ISAAC  H.  TIF 
FANY,     vii,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

4308.  LABOR,  Government  and.— It  be 
hooves  us  to  avail  ourselves  of  every  occa 
sion    *    *    *    for  taking  off  the  surcharge  [of 
offices  and  expense]  that  it  may  never  be  seen 
here  that,  after  leaving  t'o  labor  the  smallest 
portion  of  its  earnings  on  which  it  can  sub 
sist,  government  shall  itself  consume  the  res 
idue  of  what  it  was   instituted  to  guard. — 
FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.      viii,    10.      FORD 
ED.,  viii,  120.     (Dec.  1801.) 

4309.  LABOR,  Land    and.— Where    land 
is  cheap,  and  rich,  and  labor  dear,  the  same 
labor,  spread  in  a  slighter  culture  over  100 
acres,  will  produce  more  profit  than  if  con 
centrated  by  the  highest  degree  of  cultivation 
on  a  small  portion  of  the  lands.     When  the 
virgin  fertility  of  the  soil  becomes  exhausted, 
it  becomes  better  to  cultivate  less,  and  well. 
The  only  difficulty  is  to  know  at  what  point 
of  deterioration  in  the  land,  the  culture  should 
be  increased,  and  in  what  degree.* — NOTES  ON 
ARTHUR  YOUNG'S  LETTER.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  85. 
(1792.) 

4310.  LABOR,  Manufactures,  Commerce 
and. — Too  little  reliance  is  to  be  had  on  a 
steady  and  certain  course  of  commerce  with  the 
countries  of  Europe  to  permit  us  to  depend 
more   on   that   than    we   cannot   avoid.    Ouf 
best  interest  would  be  to  employ  our  principal 
labor  in  agriculture,  because  to  the  profits  of 
labor,  which  is  dear,  this  adds  the  profits  of 
our  lands,  which  are  cheap.     But  the  risk  of 
hanging    our    prosperity    on    the    fluctuating 
counsels   and   caprices    of   others    renders    it 
wise  in  us  to  turn  seriously  to  manufactures, 
and  if  Europe  will  not  let  us  carry  our  pro 
visions  to  their  manufactures,  we  must  en 
deavor   to  bring   their  manufactures  to   our 
provisions. — To    DAVID    HUMPHREYS.      FORD 
ED.,  v,  344.    (Pa.,  June  1791.)    See  COMMERCE 
and  MANUFACTURES. 

4311.  LABOR,     Nobility     of.— My  new 
trade  of  nail-making  is  to  me  in  this  country 
what  an  additional  title  of  nobility  is,  or  the 
ensigns  of  a  new  order  are  in  Europe. — To 
M.   DE    MEUNIER.      FORD   ED.,   vii,    14.      (M., 
I795-)     See  JEFFERSON. 

4312.  LABOR,    Parasites    on.— I    think 
we  have  more  machinery  of  government  than 
is  necessary,  too  many  parasites  living  on  the 

*  Arthur  Young,  an  English  writer  on  agriculture, 
wrote  to  President  Washington  respecting  American 
lands  and  their  cultivation.  Jefferson  was  consulted 
on  the  subject  by  Washington.— EDITOR. 


labor  of  the  industrious.— To  WILLIAM  LUD- 
LOW.  vii,  378.  (M.,  1824.)  See  ECONOMY. 

4313.  LABOR,     Plundering.— No    other 
depositories  of  power  [but  the  people  them 
selves]  have  ever  yet  been  found,  which  did 
not  end  in  converting  to  their  own  profit  the 

earnings  of  those  committed  to  tjieir  charge. 

To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.    vii,  36.    FORD  ED    x 
45-     (M.,  1816.) 

4314.  LABOR,   Prosperity,  Agriculture 

and.— A  prosperity  built  on  the  basis  of  agri 
culture  is  that  which  is  most  desirable  to  us, 
because  to  the  efforts  of  labor  it  adds  the 
efforts  of  a  greater  proportion  of  soil.— 
CIRCULAR  TO  CONSULS,  iii,  431.  (pa.,  1792.) 
See  AGRICULTURE. 

4315.  LABOR,    Protecting.— If    we    can 
prevent    the    government    from    wasting    the 
labors  of  the  people,  under  the  pretence  of 
taking  care  of  them,  they  must  become  happy. 
— To  THOMAS  COOPER,    iv,  453.    FORD  ED.,  viii, 
178.    (W.,  1802.)     See  PROTECTION. 

4316.  LABOR,  Rioting  on.— I  may  err  in 

my  measures,  but  never  shall  deflect  from  the 
intention  to  fortify  the  public  liberty  by  every 
possible  means,  and  to  put  it  out  of  the  power 
of  the  few  to  riot  on  the  labors  of  the  many. 
—To  JUDGE  TYLER,  iv,  548.  (W.,  1804.) 

4317.  LABOR,  War  and.— It  is  [the  peo 
ple's]  sweat  which  is  to  earn  all  the  expenses 
of  the  war,  and  their  blood  which  is  to  flow 
in    expiation    of   the   causes    of   it— To    EL- 
BRIDGE   GERRY,     iv,   272.     FORD  ED.,   vii,   334. 
(Pa.,  1799.) 

4318.  LABORERS,  America  settled  by. 
—Our  ancestors   who   migrated  hither   were 
laborers,    not    lawyers. — RIGHTS    OF    BRITISH 
AMERICA,    i,  139.    FORD  ED.,  i,  444.     (1774.) 

4319.  LABORERS,  American.— The  great 
mass  of  our  population   is  of  laborers;   our 
rich,  who  can  live  without  labor,  either  man 
ual  or  professional,  being  few.  and  of  moder 
ate    wealth.      Most    of    the    laboring    class 
possess  property,   cultivate   their  own  lands, 
have  families,  and  from  the  demand  for  their 
labor    are   enabled    to    exact    from    the    rich 
and  the  competent  such  prices  as  enable  them 
to   be    fed    abundantly,    clothed    above    mere 
decency,  to  labor  moderately  and  raise  their 
families.    They  are  not  driven  to  the  ultimate 
resources  of  dexterity  and  skill,  because  their 
wares  will  sell  although  not  quite  so  nice  as 
those  of  England.    The  wealthy,  on  the  other 
hand,  ai.l  those  at  their  ease,  know  nothing 
of   what   the    Europeans    call    luxury.      They 
have   only   somewhat  more   of  the   comforts 
and  decencies  of  life  than  those  who  furnish 
them.     Can  any  condition  of  life  be  more  de 
sirable  than  this? — To  THOMAS  COOPER,     vi, 
377-     (M.,  1814.) 

4320.  LABORERS,     Encouraging     for 
eign. — If  foreigners  come  of  themselves  they 
are  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  citizenship; 
but  I  doubt  the  expediency  of  inviting  them 
by  extraordinary  encouragements.    I  mean  not 
that  these  doubts  should  be  extended  to  the 


Laborers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


460 


importation  of  useful  artificers.  The  policy  of 
that  measure  depends  on  very  different  con 
siderations.  Spare  no  expense  in  obtaining 
them.  They  will  after  a  while  go  to  the  plow 
and  the  hoe;  but,  in  the  meantime,  they  will 
teach  us  something  we  do  not  know. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  332.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  190. 
(1782.) 

4321.  LABORERS,  English  aristocracy 
and. — In  the  hands  of  the  [English]  aristoc 
racy,  the  paupers  are  used  as  tools  to  main 
tain  their  own  wretchedness,  and  to  keep 
down  the  laboring  portion  by  shooting  them 
whenever  the  desperation  produced  by  the 
cravings  of  their  stomachs  drives  them  into 
riots.  Such  is  the  happiness  of  scientific  Eng 
land. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  377.  (M., 
1814.) 

4322. .  The  aristocracy  of  Eng 
land,  which  comprehends  the  nobility,  the 
wealthy  commoners,  the  high  grades  of  priest 
hood,  and  the  officers  of  government,  have  the 
laws  and  government  in  their  hands  [and] 
have  so  managed  them  as  to  reduce  the 
eleemosynary  class,  or  paupers,  who  are 
about  one-fifth  of  the  whole,  below  the 
means  of  supporting  life,  even  by  labor. 
[They]  have  forced  the  laboring  class, 
whether  employed  in  agriculture  or  the  arts, 
to  the  maximum  of  labor  which  the  construc 
tion  of  the  human  body  can  endure,  and  to 
the  minimum  of  food,  and  of  the  meanest 
kind,  which  will  preserve  it  in  life,  and  in 
strength  sufficient  to  perform  its  functions. 
To  obtain  food  enough,  and  clothing,  not 
only  their  whole  strength  must  be  unremit 
tingly  exerted,  but  the  utmost  dexterity  also, 
which  they  can  acquire ;  and  those  of  great 
dexterity  only  can  keep  their  ground,  while 
those  of  less  must  sink  into  the  class  of 
paupers.  Nor  is  it  manual  dexterity  alone, 
but  the  acutest  resources  of  the  mind  also, 
which  are  impressed  into  this  struggle  for 
life;  and  such  as  have  means  a  little  above 
the  rest,  as  the  master-workman,  for  instance, 
must  strengthen  themselves  by  acquiring  as 
much  of  the  philosophy  of  their  trade  as  will 
enable  them  to  compete  with  their  rivals,  and 
keep  themselves  above  ground.  Hence,  the 
industry  and  manual  dexterity  of  their 
journeymen  and  day-laborers,  and  the  science 
of  their  master-workmen,  keep  them  in  the 
foremost  ranks  of  competition  with  those  of 
other  nations ;  and  the  less  dexterous  individ 
uals,  falling  into  the  eleemosynary  ranks, 
furnish  materials  for  armies  and  navies  to 
defend  their  country,  exercise  piracy  on  the 
ocean,  and  carry  conflagration,  plunder  and 
devastation  to  the  shores  of  all  those  who 
endeavor  to  withstand  their  aggressions. — To 
THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  376.  (M.,  1814.) 

4323. .     No  earthly  consideration 

could  induce  my  consent  to  contract  such  a 
debt  as  England  has  by  her  wars  for  com 
merce  ;  to  reduce  our  citizens  by  taxes  to 
such  wretchedness,  as  that  laboring  sixteen 
of  the  twenty-four  hours,  they  are  still  un 
able  to  afford  themselves  bread,  or  barely  to 
earn  as  much  oatmeal  or  potatoes  as  will  keep 


soul  and  body  together.  And  all  this  to  feed 
the  avidity  of  a  few  millionary  merchants, 
and  to  keep  up  one  thousand  ships  of  war  for 
the  protection  of  their  commercial  specula 
tions.— To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD,  vii,  7. 
FORD  EDV  x,  35.  (M.,  1816.) 

4324.  LABOBEBS,  Federal  taxes  and.— 

The  poor  man  in  this  country  who  uses  noth 
ing  but  what  is  made  within  his  own  farm  or 
family,  or  within  the  United  States,  pays  not 
a  farthing  of  tax  to  the  General  Govern 
ment  but  on  his  salt;  and  should  we  go  into 
that  manufacture,  as  we  ought  to  do,  we  will 
pay  not  one  cent. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS. 
v,  584.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  321.  (M.,  1811.) 

4325.  LABOBEBS,      French.— The     en 
croachments   [in  France]  by  the  men  on  the 
offices  proper  for  the  women,  is  a  great  de 
rangement  in  the  order  of  things.     Men  are 
shoemakers,  tailors,  upholsterers,  staymakers, 
mantuamakers,    cooks,    housekeepers,    house- 
cleaners      [and]     bedmakers.     The     women, 
therefore,  to  live,  are  obliged  to  undertake  the 
offices  which   they  abandon.      They  become 
porters,  carters,  reapers,  sailors,  lock-keepers, 
smiters  on  the  anvil,  cultivators  of  the  earth, 
&c. — TRAVELS  IN  FRANCE,    ix,  351.    (1787.) 

4326. .  I  set  out  *  *  *  to 

take  a  view  of  Fontainbleau.  For  this  pur 
pose  I  shaped  my  course  towards  the  high 
est  of  the  mountains  in  sight,  to  the  top  of 
which  was  about  a  league.  As  soon  as  I 
had  got  clear  of  the  town  I  fell  in  with  a 
poor  woman  walking  at  the  same  rate  with 
myself,  and  going  in  the  same  course.  Wish 
ing  to  know  the  condition  of  the  laboring 
poor,  I  entered  into  conversation  with  her, 
which  I  began  by  enquiries  for  the  path  which 
would  lead  me  into  the  mountain ;  and  thence 
proceeded  to  enquiries  into  her  vocation,  con 
dition  and  circumstances.  She  told  me  she 
was  a  day  laborer,  at  eight  sous,  or  four 
pence  sterling  the  day;  that  she  had  two 
children  to  maintain,  and  to  pay  a  rent  of 
thirty  livres  for  her  house  (which  would  con 
sume  the  hire  of  seventy-five  days),  that  often 
she  could  get  no  employment,  and  of  course 
was  without  bread.  As  we  had  walked  to 
gether  near  a  mile,  and  she  had  so  far  served 
me  as  a  guide,  I  gave  her,  on  parting,  twenty- 
four  sous.  She  burst  into  tears  of  a  gratitude 
which  I  could  perceive  was  unfeigned  because 
she  was  unable  to  utter  a  word.  She  had 
probably  never  before  received  so  great  an 
aid. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
34.  (Pa.,  1785.) 

4327. .  The  laboring  people  in 

France  are  poorer  than  in  England.  They  pay 
about  one-half  their  produce  in  rent;  the 
English,  in  general,  about  a  third. — To  JOHN 
PAGE,  i,  549.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  213.  (P.,  1786.) 

4328.  LABOBEBS,  Importing. — Do  you 
not  think  it  would  be  expedient  to  take  meas 
ures  for  importing  a  number  of  Germans  and 
Highlanders?  This  need  not  be  to  such  an 
extent  as  to  prevent  the  employment  of 
eastern  laborers,  which  is  eligible  for  par 
ticular  reasons.  If  you  approve  of  the  im- 


46 1 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Laborers 

Lafayette  (Marquis  de) 


portation  of  Germans,  and  have  a  good 
channel  for  it,  you  will  use  it,  of  course.  If 
you  have  no  channel,  I  can  help  you  to  one.* 
— To  MESSRS.  JOHNSON,  CARROLL,  AND  STEW 
ART,  iii,  337.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4329.  LABORERS,  Imprisoned—Of 
fenders,  even  under  a  course  of  correction, 
might  be  rendered  useful  in  various  labors  for 
the  public,  and  would  be  living  and  long-con 
tinued  spectacles  to  deter  others  from  com 
mitting  the  like  offences. — CRIMES  BILL,  i, 
148.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  204.  (1779.) 

4330. .  Exhibited  as  a  public  spec 
tacle,  with  shaved  heads  and  mean  clothing, 
working  on  the  high  roads,  produced  in  the 
criminals  such  a  prostration  of  character,  such 
an  abandonment  of  self-respect,  as,  instead  of 
reforming,  plunged  them  into  the  most  des 
perate  and  hardened  depravity  of  morals  and 
character. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  45.  FORD  ED., 
i,  S3-  (1820.) 

4331.  LABORERS,     Jefferson     and.— I 

made  a  point  of  paying  my  workmen  in  pref 
erence  to  all  other  claimants.  I  never  parted 
with  one  without  settling  with  him,  and  giv 
ing  him  either  his  money  or  my  note.  Every 
person  that  ever  worked  for  me  can  attest 
this,  and  that  I  always  paid  their  notes  pretty 
soon. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD  EDV  v,  34. 
(P.,  1788.) 

4332.  LABORERS,    Skilled.— While   we 
have  land  to  labor,  let  us  never  wish  to  see 
our    citizens    occupied    at    a    work-bench    or 
twirling     a     distaff.         Carpenters,     masons, 
smiths,   are  wanting  in   husbandry ;   but,   for 
the  general  operations  of  manufacture,  let  our 
workshops  remain  in  Europe.     It  is  better  to 
carry   provisions   and   materials   to   workmen 
there,  than  bring  them  to  the  provisions  and 
materials,  and  with  them  their  manners  and 
principles. — NOTES    ON    VIRGINIA,      viii,    405. 
FORD   ED.,    iii,    269.     (1782.)     See    ARTISANS 
and  MANUFACTURERS. 

4333.  LABORERS,  Slave  vs.  English.— 
Nor  in  the  class  of  laborers  do  I  mean  to 
withhold   from   the   comparison   that  portion 
whose  color  has  condemned  them,  in  certain 
parts  of  our  Union,  to  a  subjection  to  the  will 
of  others.    Even  these  are  better  fed  in  these 
States,  warmer  clothed,  and  labor  less  than 
the  journeymen  or  day-laborers  of  England. 
They   have    the    comfort,    too,    of   numerous 
families,  in  the  midst  of  whom  they  live  with 
out  want,  or  fear  of  it ;  a  solace  which  few 
of  the  laborers  of  England  possess.    They  are 
subject,  it  is  true,  to  bodily  coercion ;  but  are 
not    the    hundreds    of   thousands    of    British 
soldiers  and  seamen  subject  to  the  same,  with 
out  seeing,  at  the  end  of  their  career,  when 
age  and   accident   shall   have   rendered  them 
unequal    to    labor,    the    certainty,    which    the 
other  has,   that   he   will   never   want?     And 
has  not  the  British  seaman,  as  much  as  the 
African,    been    reduced    to    this    bondage    by 
force,   in  flagrant  violation  of  his  own  con 
sent,  and  of  his  natural  right  in  his  own  per- 

*  Johnson,  Carroll,  and  Stewart  were  the  Commis 
sioners  of  Washington  City.— EDITOR. 


son?  And  with  the  laborers  of  England  gen 
erally,  does  not  the  moral  coercion  of  want 
subject  their  will  as  despotically  to  that  of 
their  employer,  as  the  physical  constraint  does 
the  soldier,  the  seaman  or  the  slave?  But 
do  not  mistake  me.  I  am  not  advocating 
slavery.  I  am  not  justifying  the  wrongs  we 
have  committed  on  a  foreign  people,  by  the 
example  of  another  nation  committing  equal 
wrongs  on  their  own  subjects.  On  the  con 
trary,  there  is  nothing  I  would  not  sacrifice 
to  a  practicable  plan  of  abolishing  every  ves 
tige  of  this  moral  and  political  depravitv.  But 
I  am,  at  present,  comparing  the  condition  and 
degree  of  suffering  to  which  oppression  has 
reduced  the  man  of  one  color,  with  the  con 
dition  and  degree  of  suffering  to  which  op 
pression  has  reduced  the  man  of  another 
color ;  equally  condemning  both. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,  vi,  378.  (M.,  1814.) 

4334.  LABORERS,  Treatment  of  slave. 

— My  first  wish  is  that  the  [colored]  laborers 
may  be  well  treated;  the  second  that  they 
may  enable  me  to  have  that  treatment  con 
tinued  by  making  as  much  as  will  admit  it. — 
To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  508.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

4335.  LABORERS,   White  vs.   Black.— 
The  negro  does  not  perform  quite  as  much 
work  [as  the  white  man  performs]  nor  with 
as    much    intelligence. — NOTES    ON    ARTHUR 
YOUNG'S  LETTER.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  84.     (1792.) 

4336.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  At 
las  of  Patriot  Party.— He  was  the  head  and 
Atlas    of    the    Patriot    party    [of    the    French 
Revolution], — AUTOBIOGRAPHY.      i,    106.     FORD 
ED.,  i,  147.     (1821.) 

4337.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Busts 

of. — The  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  in  grati 
tude  for  the  services  of  Major  General,  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  have  determined  to  erect 
his  bust  in  their  Capitol.  Desirous  to  place  a 
like  monument  of  his  worth,  and  of  their  sense 
of  it,  in  the  country  to  which  they  are  indebted 
for  his  birth,  they  have  hoped  that  the  city  of 
Paris  will  consent  to  become  the  depository  of 
this  second  testimony  of  their  gratitude.  Being 
charged  by  them  with  the  execution  of  their 
wishes,  I  have  the  honor  to  solicit  of  Messieurs 
Le  Prevot  des  Marchands  et  Echevins,  on  be 
half  of  the  city,  their  acceptance  of  a  bust  of 
this  gallant  officer,  and  that  they  will  be  pleased 
to  place  it  where,  doing  most  honor  to  him, 
it  will  most  gratify  the  feelings  of  an  allied 
nation.  It  is  with  true  pleasure  that  I  obey  the 
call  of  that  Commonwealth  to  render  just  hom 
age  to  a  character  so  great  in  its  first  develop 
ments,  that  they  would  honor  the  close  of  any 
other.  Their  country,  covered  by  a  small  army 
against  a  great  one,  their  exhausted  means  sup 
plied  by  his  talents,  their  enemies  finally  forced 
to  that  spot  whither  their  allies  and  confederates 
were  collecting  to  receive  them,  and  a  war 
which  had  spread  its  miseries  into  the  four 
quarters  of  the  earth,  thus  reduced  to  a  single 
point  where  one  blow  should  terminate  it,  and 
through  the  whole,  an  implicit  respect  paid  to 
the  laws  of  the  land ;  these  are  facts  which 
would  illustrate  any  character,  and  which  fully 
justify  the  warmth  of  those  feelings,  of  which 
I  have  the  honor  on  this  occasion  to  be  the 
organ. — To  THE  PREVOT  DES  MARCHANDS  ET 
ECHEVINS  DE  PARIS,  ii,  29.  (P.,  1786.) 


Lafayette  (Marquis  de)          THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


462 


4338. 


The  first  of  the  busts  of 


the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  will  be  finished  next 
month.  I  shall  present  that  one  to  the  city  of 
Paris,  because  the  delay  has  been  noticed  by 
some.* — To  GOVERNOR  HENRY,  i,  514.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  135.  (Pa.,  1786.) 

4339. .  The  inauguration  of  the 

bust  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  has  been  at 
tended  with  a  considerable  but  a  necessary  de 
lay.  The  principle  that  the  King  is  the  sole 
fountain  of  honor  in  this  country  opposed  a 
barrier  to  our  desires,  which  threatened  to  be 
insurmountable.  No  instance  of  a  similar  prop 
osition  from  a  foreign  power  had  occurred  in 
their  history.  The  admitting  it  in  this  case, 
is  a  singular  proof  of  the  King's  friendly  dis 
position  towards  the  States  of  America,  and 
of  his  personal  esteem  for  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette. — To  GOVERNOR  RANDOLPH,  ii,  118. 
(P.,  1787.) 

4340.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Dis 
honored. — The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for 
signing  the  prayer  which  the  deputies  from 
Bretagne  were  to  present,  *  *  *  has  been  dis 
graced  in  the  old-fashioned  language  of  the 
country ;  that  is  to  say,  the  command  in  the 
South  of  France  this  summer,  which  [the  gov 
ernment]  had  given  him,  is  taken  away.  This 
dishonors  him  at  Court,  *  *  *  but  It  will  prob 
ably  honor  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation. — To 
MRS.  CUTTING,  ii,  439.  (P.,  1788.) 

4341. —.  The  disgrace  of  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette,  which  at  any  other  period  of 
their  history  would  have  had  the  worst  conse 
quences  for  him,  will  on  the  contrary,  mark 
him  favorably  to  the  nation,  at  present.  During 
the  present  administration  he  can  expect  noth 
ing  ;  but  perhaps  it  may  serve  him  with  their 
successors. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  443.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  43.  (P.,  1788.) 

4342. .     He  is  disgraced,  in  the 

ancient  language  of  the  court,  but  in  truth 
honorably  marked  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation.  The 
ministers  are  so  sensible  of  this,  that  they  have 
had,  separately,  private  conferences  with  him, 
to  endeavor  through  him  to  keep  things  quiet. 
—To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  452.  (P.,  1788.) 

4343. .  The  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette  is  out  of  favor  with  the  Court,  but  in  high 
favor  with  the  nation.  I  once  feared  for  his 
personal  liberty,  but  I  hope  he  is  on  safe  ground 
at  present. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  538. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  60.  (P.,  1788.) 

4344. .     There  has  been  a  little 

foundation  for  the  reports  and  fears  relative  to 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  He  has  from  the 
beginning  taken  openly  part  with  those  who 
demand  a  constitution ;  and  there  was  a  mo 
ment  that  we  apprehended  the  Bastile ;  but 
they  ventured  on  nothing  more  than  to  take 
from  him  a  temporary  service  on  which  he 
had  been  ordered ;  and  this,  more  to  save  ap 
pearances  for  their  own  authority  than  any 
thing  else;  for  at  the  very  moment  they  pre 
tended  that  they  had  put  him  into  disgrace,  they 
were  constantly  conferring  and  communicating 

*  Jefferson,  in  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Vir 
ginia,  presented  a  bust  of  Lafayette  to  the  City  of 
Paris  in  September,  1786.  Carlyle,  in  his  history  of 
the  French  Revolution  (Book  v,  chapter  8)  refers  to 
this  bust  as  follows  :  "  But  surely,  for  one  thing,  the 
National  Guard  should  have  a  General  !  Moreau  de 
Saint-Mery,  he  of  the  '  three  thousand  orders',  casts 
one  of  his  significant  glances  on  the  Bust  of  Lafay 
ette,  which  has  stood  there  ever  since  the  American 
War  of  Liberty.  Whereupon,  by  acclamation,  La 
fayette  is  nominated." — EDITOR. 


with  him.  Since  this,  he  has  stood  on  safe 
ground,  and  is  viewed  as  among  the  foremost  ot 
the  Patriots. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  563. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  64.  (P.,  1789.) 

4345.  LAFAYETTE       (Marquis       de), 
Doyen  of  heroes. — Among  the  few  survivors 
of    our    Revolutionary    struggles,    you    are    as 
distinguished  in  my  affections,  as  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  and  especially  in  those  of  this  coun 
try.     You  are  now,  I  believe,  the  doyen  of  our 
military  heroes,  and  may  I  not  say  of  the  sol 
diers    of    liberty    in    the    world? — To    MARQUIS 
LAFAYETTE.     FORD  ED.,  x,  228.     (M.,   1822.) 

4346.  LAFAYETTE     (Marquis      de), 
Fame. — Of  him  we  may  truly  say,  as  was  said 
of   Germanicus,   "  fruitur  famd  sui ". — To    ED 
WARD  EVERETT,    vii,  381.     (M.,  1824.) 

4347.  LAFAYETTE      (Marquis      de), 
Foibles.— He    has    a    great    deal    of    sound 
genius,   is  well  remarked  by  the  King,  and  ri 
sing  in  popularity.     He  has  nothing  against  him 
but   the   suspicion   of   republican   principles.      I 
think  he  will  one  day  be  of  the  ministry.     His 
foible  is   a  canine  appetite  for  popularity  and 
fame ;   but  he  will  get  above  this. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,  108.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  366.  (P.,  1787.) 

4348.  LAFAYETTE     (Marquis     de), 
France  and  America.— Teach  your  children 
to  be,  as  you  are,  a  cement  between  our  two 
nations. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,     iii,   132. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  153.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4349. .  The  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette  stands  in  such  a  relation  between  America 
and  France,  that  I  should  think  him  perfectly 
capable  of  seizing  what  is  just  [commercially] 
as  to  both.  Perhaps  on  some  occasion  of  free 
conversation,  you  might  find  an  opportunity  of 
impressing  these  truths  [respecting  commerce 
with  the  West  Indies]  on  his  mind,  and  that 
from  him,  they  might  be  let  out  at  a  proper  mo 
ment,  as  matters  meriting  consideration  and 
weight,  when  [the  National  Assembly]  shall  be 
engaged  in  the  work  of  forming  a  constitution 
for  our  neighbors. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii, 
276.  FORD  ED.,  v,  364.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

4350. .  I  think  the  return  of  La 
fayette  to  Paris  insures  a  reconciliation  between 
them  and  us.  He  will  so  entwist  himself  with 
the  envoys  that  they  will  not  be  able  to  draw  off. 
— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  iv,  320.  FORD  ED.,  vii,, 
423.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1800.) 

4351.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  And 
French   liberty. — Behold  you,  then,  my  dear 
friend,  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  establish 
ing  the  liberties  of  your  country  against  a  for 
eign    enemy.      May    heaven    favor   your    cause, 
and  make  you  the  channel  through  which  it  may 
pour  its  favors. — To  GENERAL  LAFAYETTE,     iii, 
450.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  78.     (Pa.,  June  1792.) 

4352.  LAFAYETTE       (Marquis       de), 
Friendship  for. — I  have  never  ceased  to  cher 
ish  a  sincere   friendship   for  you,   and  to  take 
a  lively  interest  in  your  sufferings  and  losses. 
It  would  make  me  happy  to  learn  that  they  are 
to  have  an  end. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  iv, 
363.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

4353. .     Old    men  do  not  easily 

contract  new  friendships,  but  neither  do  they 
forget  old  ones.  Yours  and  mine.,  commenced 
in  times  too  awful,  has  continued  through  times 
too  trying  and  changeful  to  be  forgotten  at  the 
moment  when  our  chief  solace  is  in  our  recol 
lections. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  302.  (M.,  1811.) 


463 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA         Lafayette  (Marquis  de) 


4354.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de), 
Gifts  of  Land. — I  am  persuaded,  that  a  gift 
of  lands  by  the  State  of  Virginia  to  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette  would  give  a  good  opinion 
here  [France]  of  our  character,  and  would  re 
flect  honor  on  the  Marquis.  Nor,  am  I  sure 
that  the  day  will  not  come  when  it  might  be  an 
useful  asylum  to  him.  The  time  of  life  at 
which  he  visited  America  was  too  well  adapted 
to  receive  good  and  lasting  impressions  to  per 
mit  him  ever  to  accommodate  himself  to  the 
principles  of  monarchical  government ;  and  it 
will  need  all  his  own  prudence,  and  that  of  his 
friends,  to  make  this  country  a  safe  residence 
for  him.  How  glorious,  how  comfortable  in  re 
flection,  will  it  be,  to  have  prepared  a  refuge 
for  him  in  case  of  a  reverse.  In  the  meantime, 
he  could  settle  it  with  tenants  from  the  freest 
part  of  this  country,  Bretagne.  I  have  never 
suggested  the  smallest  idea  of  this  kind  to  him  ; 
because  the  execution  of  it  should  convey  the 
first  notice.  If  the  State  has  not  a  right  to  give 
him  lands  with  their  own  officers,  they  could 
buy  up  at  cheap  prices  the  shares  of  others. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  i,  533.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  195. 
(P.,  1786.) 

4355. .  The  acquisition  of  Lou 
isiana  *  *  *  has  enabled  us  to  do  a  handsome 
thing  for  Lafayette.  He  had  received  a  grant 
of  between  eleven  and  twelve  thousand  acres 
north  of  Ohio,  worth,  perhaps,  a  dollar  an  acre. 
We  have  obtained  permission  of  Congress  to 
locate  it  in  Louisiana.  Locations  can  be  found 
adjacent  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  in  the 
island  of  New  Orleans  and  in  its  vicinity,  the 
value  of  which  cannot  be  calculated. — To 
PHILIP  MAZZEI.  iv,  554.  (W.,  1804.) 

4356. .  I  wrote  in  April  to  Gov 
ernor  Claiborne  in  these  words  :  "  Congress  has 
permitted  lots  to  be  taken  for  M.  de  Lafayette 
as  low  as  five  hundred  acres.  This  secures  to 
us  the  parcel  on  the  canal  of  Carondelet ;  but 
at  the  same  time  cuts  off  those  similar  locations 
proposed  by  M'.  Duplantier.  Indeed,  it  would 
not  be  for  the  interest  of  the  General  to  let  his 
claim  get  into  collision  with  any  public  interest. 
Were  it  to  lose  its  popularity,  it  might  excite  an 
apparition  neither  agreeable  to  his  feelings  nor 
interest."  This  may  already  have  produced 
some  effect  towards  abating  the  expectations  of 
M.  Duplantier  and  the  fears  of  the  city.  Still, 
I  think  it  better  that  Mr.  Madison  should  write 
explicitly  to  him.  Indeed,  I  think  we  had  better 
have  a  consultation,  and  determine  on  the 
proper  limits  of  the  public  reservation.  For, 
however  justifiably  desirous  we  may  be  to  re 
lieve  a  man  who  stands  so  high  in  the  public 
affection  as  Lafayette,  still,  it  should  be  only  by 
granting  to  him  such  lands  as  would  be  granted 
to  others  if  not  located  by  him. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  454.  (M.,  June 
1806.) 

4357. .    M.  Duplantier's  zeal  had, 

in  one  instance,  led  us  to  fear  you  would  be  in 
jured  by  it.  He  had  comprehended  in  his 
location  not  only  the  grounds  vacant  of  all 
title  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Orleans,  which  had 
been  a  principal  object  in  my  eye  to  enable  you 
speedily  to  raise  a  sum  of  money,  but  also 
grounds  which  had  been  reserved  and  were 
necessary  for  the  range  of  the  forts,  which  had 
been  left  open  as  a  common  for  the  citizens. 
Knowing  this  would  excite  reclamations  danger 
ous  to  your  interests,  and  threatening  their 
popularity  both  there  and  here,  I  wrote  imme 
diately  to  Governor  Claiborne  to  get  him  to 
withdraw  to  a  certain  extent  (about  point  blank 
shot)  from  the  fort,  the  grounds  within  that 


being  necessary  for  the  public.  But,  in  the 
meantime,  an  alarm  was  excited  in  the  town, 
and  they  instructed  their  representative  in  Con 
gress  to  claim,  for  the  use  of  the  town  and 
public,  the  whole  of  the  vacant  lands  in  its 
vicinity.  Mr.  Gallatin,  however,  effected  a  com 
promise  with  him  by  ceding  the  grounds  next 
to  the  fort,  so  as  to  leave  your  claim  clear  to  all 
the  lands  we  originally  contemplated  for  you. — 
To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  65. 
(W.,  May  1807.) 

4358.  — .     I   hope  Congress  is  pre 
pared  to  go  through  with  their  compliment  [to 
Lafayette]  worthily ;  that  they  do  not  mean  to 
invite  him  merely  to  dine  ;  that  provision  should 
be  made  for  his  expenses  here,  which  you  know 
he  cannot  afford,   and  that  they  will   not  send 
him    back    empty-handed.      This    would    place 
us  under  indelible  disgrace  in   Europe.     Some 
three   or   four  good   townships   in    Missouri,   or 
Louisiana  or  Alabama,  &c.,  should  be  in  readi 
ness  for  him,  and  may  restore  his  family  to  the 
opulence  which  his  virtues  have  lost  to  them. — 
To  PRESIDENT  MONROE.    FORD  ED.,  x,  294.     (M., 
1824.) 

4359.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Ham 
pered  by  instructions.— As  it  becomes  more 
and   more   possible   that   the    Noblesse   will   go 
wrong,   I   become  uneasy   for  you.     Your  prin 
ciples   are  decidedly   with   the   Tiers  Etat,  and 
your  instructions  against  them.    A  complaisance 
to   the   latter   on    some   occasions,    and    an   ad 
herence    to    the    former    on    others,    may    give 
an    appearance    of   trimming   between    the   two 
parties,   which   may   lose   you   both.      You   will 
in  the  end  go  over  wholly  to  the  Tiers  Etat,  be 
cause  it  will  be  impossible  for  you  to  live  in 
a  constant  sacrifice  of  your  own  sentiments  to 
the  prejudices  of  the  Noblesse.     But  you  would 
be  received  by  the  Tiers  Etat  at  any  future  day, 
coldly,   and   without   confidence.      This   appears 
to  me  the  moment  to  take  at  once  that  honest 
and  manly  stand   with   them   which   your  prin 
ciples  dictate.     This  will  win  their  hearts  for 
ever,   be  approved  by  the  world,   which   marks 
and  honors  you  as  the  man  of  the  people,  and 
will  be  an  eternal  consolation  to  yourself.    The 
Noblesse,     and     especially     the     Noblesse     of 
Auvergne,  will  always  prefer  men  who  will  do 
their  dirty  work  for  them.     You  are  not  made 
for  that.     They  will,  therefore,  soon  drop  you, 
and  the  people  in  that  case  will  perhaps  not  take 

¥3U  up.  Suppose  a  scission  should  take  place, 
he  priests  and  Nobles  will  secede,  the  nation 
will  remain  in  place,  and,  with  the  King,  will 
do  its  own  business.  If  violence  should  be  at 
tempted,  where  will  you  be?  You  cannot  then 
take  side  with  the  people  in  opposition  to  your 
own  vote,  that  very  vote  which  will  have  helped 
to  produce  the  scission.  Still  less  can  you  array 
yourself  against  the  people.  That  is  impossible. 
Your  instructions  are  indeed  a  difficulty.  But 
to  state  this  at  its  worst,  it  is  only  a  single  dif 
ficulty,  which  a  single  effort  surmounts.  Your 
instructions  can  never  embarrass  you  a  second 
time,  whereas  an  acquiescence  under  them  will 
reproduce  greater  difficulties  every  day.  and 
without  end.  Besides,  a  thousand  circumstances 
offer  as  many  justifications  of  your  departure 
from  your  instructions.  Will  it  be  impossible 
to  persuade  all  parties  that  (as  for  good  legisla 
tion  two  houses  are  necessary)  the  placing  the 
privileged  classes  together  in  one  house,  and 
the  unprivileged  in  another,  would  be  better 
than  a  scission  ?  I  own,  I  think  it  would. 
People  can  never  agree  without  some  sacrifices  ; 
and  it  appears  but  a  moderate  sacrifice  in  each 
party,  to  meet  on  this  middle  ground.  The 
attempt  to  bring  this  about  might  satisfy  your 


JLafayette  (Marquis  de)         THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


464 


instructions,  and  a  failure  in  it  would  justify 
your  siding  with  the  people,  even  to  those  who 
think  instructions  are  laws  of  conduct.  Forgive 
me,  my  dear  friend,  if  my  anxiety  for  you 
makes  me  talk  of  things  I  know  nothing  about. 
You  must  not  consider  this  as  advice.  I  know 
you  and  myself  too  well  to  presume  to  offer 
advice. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  iii,  20. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  91.  (P.,  May  1789.) 

4360. .     I  am  in  great  pain  for 

the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  His  principles,  you 
know,  are  clearly  with  the  people ;  but  having 
been  elected  for  the  Noblesse  of  Auvergne, 
they  have  laid  him  under  express  instructions 
to  vote  for  the  decision  by  orders  and  not  per 
sons.  This  would  ruin  him  with  the  Tiers  Etat, 
and  it  is  not  possible  he  could  continue  long 
to  give  satisfaction  to  the  Noblesse.  I  have  not 
hesitated  to  press  on  him  to  burn  his  instruc 
tions,  and  follow  his  conscience  as  the  only 
sure  clue,  which  will  eternally  guide  a  man 
clear  of  all  doubts  and  inconsistencies.  If  he 
cannot  effect  a  conciliatory  plan,  he  will  surely 
take  his  stand  manfully  at  once  with  the  Tiers 
Etat.  He  will  in  that  case  be  what  he  pleases 
with  them,  and  I  am  in  hopes  that  base  is  now 
too  solid  to  render  it  dangerous  to  be  mounted 
on  it. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON.  iii,  31. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  96.  (P.,  1789.) 

4361. .  Forty-eight  of  the  Nobles 

have  joined  the  Tiers  Etat.  *  *  *  The  Marquis 
de  Lafayette  could  not  be  of  the  number,  be 
ing  restrained  by  his  instructions.  He  is  wri 
ting  to  his  constituents  to  change  his  instruc 
tions,  or  to  accept  his  resignation. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  iii,  62.  (P.,  June  1789.) 

4362.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Hap 
pier    in    France. — Measuring    happiness    by 
the  American  scale,  and  sincerely  wishing  that 
of  yourself  and  family,   we   had  been   anxious 
to  see  them  established  on  this  side  of  the  great 
water.     But  I  am  not  certain  that  any  equiva 
lent  can  be  found  for  the  loss  of  that  species 
of  society,  to  which  our  habits  have  been  formed 
from  infancy. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,     v, 
129.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  113.     (W.,  1807.) 

4363.  LAFAYETTE,     Imprisoned.— No 

one  has  wished  with  more  anxiety  to  see  him 
once  more  in  the  bosom  of  a  nation,  who,  know 
ing  his  works  and  his  worth,  desire  to  make 
him  and  his  family  forever  their  own.  * — To  M. 
DE  LAFAYETTE,  iv,  145.  (1796.) 

4364.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Im 
prudent  but  innocent. — From  what  I  learn 
from    Viscount    Noailles,    Lafayette    has    been 
more  imprudent  than  I  expected,  but  certainly 
innocent. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     iii,  550.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  240.     (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

4365.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Lou 
isiana  and. — I  very  much  wished  your  pres 
ence  in  New  Orleans  during  the  late  conspiracy 
of  Burr.  *  *  *  It  would  have  been  of  value^  as 
a  point  of  union  and  confidence,  for  the  ancient 
inhabitants,   American   as   well   as   Creole. — To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  665.  (W., 
May  1807.) 

4366. .     Had    you    been,     as    I 

wished,  at  the  head  of  the  government  of  Or 
leans,  Burr  would  never  have  given  me  one 

*  M.  de  Lafayette  was  the  son  of  Marquis  de  La 
fayette,  and  in  the  United  States  when  Jefferson 
wrote  to  him.  The  Washington  Administration  in 
terceded  in  behalf  of  Lafayette  and  secured  his  re 
lease.— EDITOR. 


moment's  uneasiness.  * — To  MARQUIS  DE  LA 
FAYETTE,  v,  129.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  113.  (W., 
1807.) 

4367.  LAFAYETTE    (Marquis   de),     A 

Notable. — Lafayette's  name  was  placed  on  the 
list  of  Notables  originally.  Afterwards  his 
name  disappeared,  but  finally  was  reinstated. 
This  shows  that  his  character  here  is  not  con 
sidered  as  an  indifferent  one,  and  that  it  excites 
agitation.  His  education  in  our  school  has 
drawn  on  him  a  very  jealous  eye  from  a  court 
whose  principles  are  the  most  absolute  despot 
ism.  *  *  *  The  King,  who  is  a  good  man,  is 
favorably  disposed  towards  him,  and  he  is  sup 
ported  by  powerful  family  connections,  and  by 
the  public  good  will.  He  is  the  youngest 
man  of  the  Notables  except  one  whose  office 
placed  him  on  the  list. — To  EDWARD  CARRING- 
TON.  ii,  99.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  358.  (P.,  1787.) 

4368.  LAFAYETTE    (Marquis   de),   In 

peace  and  war. — I  joy,  my  friends,  in  your 
joy,  inspired  by  the  visit  of  this  our  ancient  and 
distinguished  leader  and  benefactor.  His  deeds 
in  the  War  of  Independence  you  have  heard 
and  read.  They  are  known  to  you  and  em 
balmed  in  your  memories  and  in  the  pages  of 
faithful  history.  His  deeds  in  the  peace  which 
followed  that  war,  are  perhaps  not  known  to 
you ;  but  I  can  attest  them.  When  I  was  sta 
tioned  in  his  country,  for  the  purpose  of  cement 
ing  its  friendship  with  ours  and  of  advancing 
our  mutual  interests,  this  friend  of  both  was 
my  most  powerful  auxiliary  and  advocate.  He 
made  our  cause  his  own,  as  in  truth  it  was  that 
of  his  native  country  also.  His  influence  and 
connections  there  were  great.  All  doors  of  all 
departments  were  open  to  him  at  all  times ;  to 
me  only  formally  and  at  appointed  times.  In 
truth  I  only  held  the  nail,  he  drove  it.  Honor 
him,  then,  as  your  benefactor  in  peace  as  well 
as  in  war. — SPEECH  AT  CHARLOTTESVILLE  DIN 
NER.  D.  L.  J.,  391.  (1824.) 

4369.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Pro 
moter  of  commerce. — The  assistance  of  M. 
de  Lafayette  in  the  whole  of  this  business  [pro 
moting  commerce]   has  been  so  earnest  and  so 
efficacious,   that   I    am   in   duty   bound  to   place 
it  under  the  eye  of  Congress,  as  worthy  their 
notice  on  this  occasion.     Their  thanks,  or  such 
other    notice    as    they    think   proper,    would   be 
grateful  to  him  without  doubt.     He  has  richly 
deserved  and  will  continue  to  deserve  it,  when 
ever  occasions  shall  arise  of  rendering  services 
to   the   United   States. — To   JOHN   JAY.      ii,   47. 
(P.,   1786.) 

4370. .  The  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette  is  a  most  valuable  auxiliary  to  me.  His 
zeal  is  unbounded,  and  his  weight  with  those  in 
power  great.  His  education  having  been 
merely  military,  commerce  was  an  unknown 
field  to  him.  But  his  good  sense  enabling  him 
to  apprehend  perfectly  whatever  is  explained 
to  him,  his  agency  has  been  very  efficacious. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  108.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  366. 
(P.,  1787.) 

4371. .  The  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette  goes  hand  in  hand  with  me  in  all  these 
[commercial  treaty]  transactions,  and  is  an  in 
valuable  auxiliary  to  me.  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
imputed  either  to  partiality  or  affection,  my 
naming  this  gentleman  so  often  in  my  dis 
patches.  Were  I  not  to  do  it,  it  would  be  a  sup 
pression  of  truth,  and  the  taking  to  myself  the 
whole  merit  where  he  has  the  greatest  share. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  228.  (P.,  1787.) 

*  Lafayette  was  Jefferson's  first  choice  for  Gov 
ernor  of  Orleans  after  its  acquisition.  See  CLAI- 
BORNE.— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Lafayette  (Marquis  de) 
Land 


4372. .     I  was  powerfully  aided 

by  all  the  influence  and  the  energies  of  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  [in  the  commercial  nego 
tiations  with  France],  who  proved  himself 
equally  zealous  for  the  friendship  and  welfare 
of  both  nations. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  64.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  90.  (1821.) 

4373.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Rem 
iniscences. — What  a  history  have  we  to  run 
over  from  the  evening  that  yourself,  Monsieur 
Berman,  and  other  patriots  settled,  in  my  house 
in   Paris,   tht   outlines   of  the  constitution   you 
wished !     And  to  trace  it  through  all  the  dis 
astrous  chapters  of  Robespierre,  Barras,  Bona 
parte,  and  the  Bourbons !     These  things,  how 
ever,    are    for    pur    meeting. — To    MARQUIS    DE 
LAFAYETTE,     vii,    378.   FORD   ED.,  x,   320.      (M., 
1824.) 

4374.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Re 
visiting  America.— I  have  received    *    *    * 
your  letter  *  *  *  giving  the  welcome  assurance 
that  you  will  visit  the  neighborhood  which,  dur 
ing  the  march  of  our  enemy  near  it,  was  covered 
by  his  shield   from  his  robberies  and  ravages. 
In  passing  the  line  of  your  former  march  you 
will    experience    pleasing    recollections    of    the 
good    you    have    done.      My    neighbors    of    our 
academical  village  have  expressed  to  you  *  *  * 
their  hope  that  you  will  accept  manifestations 
of  their  feelings,  simple  indeed,  but  as  cordial 
as  any  you  will  have  received.     It  will  be  an 
additional  honor  to  the  University  of  the  State 
that  you  will  have  been  its  first  guest. — To  MAR 
QUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,    vii,  378.    FORD  ED.,  x,  320. 
(M.,  1824.) 

4375. .     You  will  have  seen  by 

our  papers  the  delirium  into  which  our  citizens 
are  thrown  by  a  visit  from  General  Lafayette. 
He  is  making  a  triumphant  progress  through  the 
States,  from  town  to  town,  with  acclamations 
of  welcome,  such  as  no  crowned  head  ever 
received.  It  will  have  a  good  effect  in  favor 
of  the  General  with  the  people  in  Europe,  but 
probably  a  different  one  with  their  sovereigns. 
Its  effect  here,  too,  will  be  salutary  as  to  our 
selves,  by  rallying  us  together  and  strengthen 
ing  the  habit  of  considering  our  country  as  one 
and  indivisible,  and  I  hope  we  shall  close  it  with 
something  more  solid  for  him  than  dinners  and 
balls.  The  eclat  of  this  visit  has  almost  merged 
the  presidential  question,  on  which  nothing 
scarcely  is  said  in  our  papers. — To  RICHARD 
RUSH,  vii,  380.  FORD  ED.,  x,  322.  (M.,  Octo 
ber  1824.) 

4376.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Value 
to   France.— Take  care  of  yourself,     *    *    * 
for  though   I   think  your  nation  would  in  any 
event  work  out  her  salvation,  I  am  persuaded 
were  she  to  lose  you,  it  would  cost  her  oceans 
of  blood,  and  years  of  confusion  and  anarchy. — 
To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,   iii,  132.     FORD  ED., 
v,   153-      (N.Y.,  April   1790.) 

4377.  LAFAYETTE       (Marquis       de), 
Washington    and.— The  President  has  seen 
with    satisfaction    that    the    Ministers    of    the 
United    States    in    Europe,    while    they    have 
avoided  an  useless  commitment  of  their  nation 
on  the  subject  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  have 
nevertheless  shown  themselves  attentive  to  his 
situation.      The    interest    which    the    President 
himself,  and  pur  citizens  in  general  take  in  the 
welfare  of  this  gentleman,  is  great  and  sincere, 
and    will    entirely    justify    all    prudent    efforts 
to   save   him.      I   am,   therefore,   to   desire  that 
you  will  avail  yourself  of  every  opportunity  of 
sounding    the    way    towards    his    liberation,    of 


finding  out  whether  those  in  whose  power  he  is 
are  very  tenacious  of  him,  of  insinuating 
through  such  channels  as  you  shall  think  suit 
able,  the  attentions  of  the  government  and  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  to  this  object,  and 
the  interest  they  take  in  it,  and  of  procuring  his 
liberation  by  informal  solicitations,  if  possible. 
But  if  formal  ones  be  necessary,  and  the  mo 
ment  should  arrive  when  you  shall  find  that 
they  will  be  effectual,  you  are  authorized  to 
signify,  through  such  channels  as  you  shall  find 
suitable,  that  our  government  and  nation,  faith 
ful  in  their  attachments  to  this  gentleman  for 
the  services  he  has  rendered  them,  feel  a  lively 
interest  in  his  welfare,  and  will  view  his  libera 
tion  as  a  mark  of  consideration  and  friendship 
for  the  United  States,  and  as  a  new  motive  for 
esteem,  and  a  reciprocation  of  kind  offices  to 
wards  the  power  to  whom  they  shall  be  indebted 
for  this  act.  A  like  letter  being  written  to  Mr. 
Pinckney,  you  will  of  course  take  care,  that 
however  you  may  act  through  different  chan 
nels,  there  be  still  a  sufficient  degree  of  concert 
in  your  proceedings. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 
iii,  524.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  202.  (Pa.,  March  1793.) 

4378. .     For  Lafayette  my  heart 

has  been  constantly  bleeding.  The  influence  of 
the  United  States  has  been  put  into  action,  as 
far  as  it  could  be  either  with  decency  or  effect. 
But  I  fear  that  distance  and  difference  of  prin 
ciple  give  little  hold  to  General  Washington  on 
the  jailers  of  Lafayette.  However,  his  friends 
may  be  assured  that  our  zeal  has  not  been  in 
active. — To  MRS.  CHURCH.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  454. 
(G.,  Nov.  I793-) 

4379.  LAFAYETTE  (Marquis  de),  Zeal 

of. — He  offered  his  services  with  that  zeal 
which  commands  them  on  every  occasion  re 
specting  America. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  567. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  224.  (P.,  1786/1  See  FRANCE, 
JEFFERSON  and  REVOLUTION  (FRENCH). 

—  LAFITATT   (Joseph  Francis),  Views 
on  Indians.— See  INDIANS. 

4380.  LAKE    GEORGE,    Beauties   of.— 

Lake  George  is,  without  comparison,  the  most 
beautiful  water  I  ever  saw  ;  formed  by  a  con 
tour  of  mountains  into  a  basin  thirty-five  miles 
long,  and  two  or  four  miles  broad,  finely  in 
terspersed  with  islands,  its  waters  limpid  as 
crystal,  and  the  mountain  sides  covered  with 
rich  groves  of  thuja,  silver  fir,  white  pine, 
aspen,  and  paper  birch  down  to  the  water-edge ; 
here  and  there  precipices  of  rock  to  checker 
the  scene  and  save  it  from  monotony.  *  *  * 
Lake  Champlain,  though  much  larger,  is  a  far 
less  pleasant  water.  It  is  muddy,  turbulent,  and 
yields  little  game. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RAN 
DOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  337.  (1791.) 

4381.  LAMPS,  Improvement  in. — There 
has  been  a  lamp  called  the  cylinder  lamp  *  lately 
invented   here.      It   gives    a   light   equal,    as   is 
thought,  to  that  of  six  or  eight  candles.     It  re 
quires  olive  oil,  but  its  consumption  is  not  great. 
The   improvement   is   produced   by   forcing  the 
wick  into  a  hollow  cylinder,  so  that  there  is  a 
passage  for  the  air  through  the  hollow.     The 
idea  had  occurred  to  Dr.  Franklin  a  year  or  two 
before,    but    he    tried    his    experiment    with    a 
rush,  which  not  succeeding  he  did  not  prosecute 
it.      The   fact  was   the   rush   formed  too   small 
a  cylinder ;  the  one  used  is  of  an  inch  diameter, 
— To    CHARLES    THOMSON.      FORD    ED.,    iv,    13. 
(P.,   1784.) 

4382.  LAND,  Allodial  and  Feudal  ten 
ures. — An  error  in  the  nature  of  our  land 

*  Argand's  lamp.— EDITOR. 


Land 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


466 


holdings  *  *  *  crept  in  at  a  very  early  period 
of    our    settlement.      The    introduction    of    the 
Feudal  tenures  into  the  Kingdom  of  England, 
though   ancient,   is   well   enough   understood  to 
set  this  matter  in  a  proper  light.     In  the  earlier 
ages    of    the    Saxon    settlement,    Feudal    hold 
ings    were    certainly    altogether    unknown,    and 
very   few,   if  any,   had  been  introduced  at  the 
time    of    the    Norman    Conquest.      Our    Saxon 
ancestors  held  their  lands,  as  they  did  their  per 
sonal  property,  in  absolute  dominion,  disencum 
bered   with   any   superior,   answering   nearly   to 
the    nature    of    those    possessions    which    the 
Feudalists    term    Allodial.      William,    the    Nor 
man,    first    introduced    that    system    generally. 
The  land  which  had  belonged  to  those  who  fell 
in  the  Battle  of  Hastings,  and  in  the  subsequent 
insurrections  of  his  reign,  formed  a  considerable 
proportion  of  the  lands  of  the  whole  Kingdom. 
These  he  granted  out,  subject  to  Feudal  duties, 
as  did  he  also  those  of  a  great  number  of  his 
new  subjects,   who,   by  persuasions   or  threats, 
were  induced  to  surrender  them  for  that  pur 
pose.     But  still,  much  was  left  in  the  hands  of 
his    Saxon   subjects,   held   of   no   superior,   and 
not  subject  to  Feudal  conditions.    These,  there 
fore,   by  express  laws,   enacted  to  render  uni 
form    the    system    of    military    defence,    were 
made  liable  to  the  same  military  duties  as  if 
they  had  been  Feuds;  and  the  Norman  lawyers 
soon  found  means  to  saddle  them,  also,  with  all 
the  other  Feudal  burthens.    But  still  they  had 
not  been   surrendered  to  the   King,  they  were 
riot  derived  from  his  grant,  and  therefore  they 
were  not  holden  of  him.     A  general  principle 
indeed,  was  introduced,  that  "  all  lands  in  Eng 
land  were  held  either  mediately  or  immediately 
of  the   Crown " ;   but  this  was  borrowed  from 
those   holdings   which   were   truly   Feudal,    and 
only  applied  to  others  for  the  purposes  of  illus 
tration.    Feudal  holdings  were  therefore  but  ex 
ceptions  out  of  the  Saxon  laws  of  possession, 
under   which   all    lands   were   held   in   absolute 
right.     These,  therefore,  still  form  the  basis,  or 
groundwork,    of    the    Common    law,    to    prevail 
wheresoever    the    exceptions    have    not    taken 
place.     America  was  not  conquered  by  William, 
the  Norman,  nor  were  its  lands  surrendered  to 
him  or  any  of  his  successors.    Possessions  there 
are,  undoubtedly,  of  the  Allodial  nature.     Our 
ancestors,  however,  who  emigrated  hither,  were 
laborers,  not  lawyers.     The  fictitious  principle, 
that   all    lands    belong   originally    to   the    King, 
they  were  early  persuaded  to  believe  real ;  and 
accordingly    took    grants    of    their    own    lands 
from  the   Crown.     And  while  the  Crown  con 
tinued  to  grant  for  small  sums,  and  on  reason 
able  rents,  there  was  no  inducement  to  arrest 
the  error,  and  lay  it  open  to  the  public  view. 
But  his  Majesty  has  lately  taken  on  him  to  ad 
vance  the  terms  of  purchase,  and  of  holding  to 
the  double  of  what  they  were,  by  which  means 
the  acquisition  of  lands  being  rendered  difficult., 
the  population   of  our   country   is  likely  to  be 
checked.     It  is  time,  therefore  to  lay  this  mat 
ter  before  his  Majesty,  and  to  declare,  that  he 
has    no    right    to    grant    lands    of    himself. — • 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,    i,  138.    FORD  ED., 
i,  443.     (1774.) 

4383. .    The    opinion    that    our 

lands  were  Allodial  possessions  is  one  which 
I  have  very  long  held,  and  had  in  my  eye  dur 
ing  a  pretty  considerable  part  of  my  law  read 
ing  which,  I  found,  always  strengthened  it. 
*  *  *  This  opinion  I  have  thought  and  still 
think  to  prove  if  ever  I  should  have  time  to 
look  into  books  again.  But  this  is  only  meant 
with  respect  to  the  English  law  as  transplanted 
here.  How  far  our  acts  of  Assembly,  or  ac 
ceptance  of  grants,  may  have  converted  lands 


which  were  Allodial  into  Feuds,  I  have  never 
considered.  This  matter  is  now  become  a  mere 
speculative  point ;  and  we  have  it  in  our  power 
to  make  it  what  it  ought  to  be  for  the  public 
good. — To .  FORD  ED.,  ii,  78.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

4384. .     [The    question    of    the 

public  lands]  may  be  considered  in  the  two 
points  of  view,  ist,  as  bringing  a  revenue  into 
the  public  treasury.  2d,  as  a  tenure.  *  *  * 
First,  is  it  consistent  with  good  policy  or  free 
government  to  establish  a  perpetual  revenue? 
Is  it  not  against  the  practice  of  our  wise  Brit 
ish  ancestors?  Have  not  the  instances  in 
which  we  have  departed  from  this,  in  Virginia, 
been  constantly  condemned  by  the  universal 
voice  of  our  country?  Is  it  safe  to  make  the 
governing  power,  when  once  seated  in  office,  in 
dependent  of  its  revenue?  Should  we  not  have 
in  contemplation  and  prepare  for  an  event 
(however  deprecated)  which  may  happen  in  the 
possibility  of  things ;  I  mean  a  reacknowledg- 
ment  of  the  British  tyrant  as  our  King,  and  pre 
viously  strip  him  of  every  prejudicial  posses 
sion?  Remember  how  universally  the  people 
ran  into  the  idea  of  recalling  Charles  II.,  after 
living  many  years  under  a  republican  govern 
ment.  As  to  the  second,  was  not  the  separation 
of  the  property  from  the  perpetual  use  of  lands 
a  mere  fiction?  Is  not  its  history  well  known, 
and  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  introduced, 
to  wit,  the  establishment  of  a  military  sys 
tem  of  defence?  Was  it  not  afterwards  made 
an  engine  of  immense  oppression?  Is  it  want 
ing  with  us  for  the  purpose  of  military  defence  ? 
May  not  its  other  legal  effects  (such  of  them 
at  least  as  are  valuable)  be  performed  in  other 
more  simple  ways  ?  Has  it  not  been  the  practice 
of  all  other  nations  to  hold  their  lands  as  their 
personal  estate  in  absolute  dominion  ?  Are  we 
not  the  better  for  what  we  have  hitherto  abol 
ished  of  the  Feudal  system  ?  Has  not  every 
restitution  of  the  ancient  Saxon  laws  had  happy 
effects  ?  Is  it  not  better  now  that  we  return  at 
once  into  that  happy  system  of  our  ancestors, 
the  wisest  and  most  perfect  ever  yet  devised  by 
the  wit  of  man,  as  it  stood  before  the  8th 

century?— To    .     FORD    ED.,    ii,    79.      (Pav 

1776.)      See  COLONIES. 

4385.  LAND,  Allotment.— From  the  na 
ture   and  purpose   of  civil   institutions,   all   the 
lands    within    the   limits   which    any   particular 
society  has  circumscribed  around  itself  are  as 
sumed    by    that    society,    and    subject    to    their 
allotment.      This    may   be   done   by   themselves 
assembled  collectively,   or  by  their  legislature, 
to   whom   they    may    have   delegated   sovereign 
authority;    and   if   they   allotted    in   neither   of 
these  ways,  each  individual  of  the  society,  may 
appropriate  to  himself  such   lands  as  he  finds 
vacant,    and    occupancy   will    give   him   title. — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,    i,  139.   FORD  ED. 
i,  444.     (1774-) 

4386.  LAND,  Appropriation.— Unappro 
priated,  or  forfeited  lands,  shall  be  appropriated 
by  the  Administrator  with  the  consent  of  the 
Privy     Council. — PROPOSED   VA.    CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  25.     (June  1776.) 

4387. .     Lands  heretofore  holden 

of  the  crown  in  fee  simple,  and  those  hereafter 
to  be  appropriated,  shall  be  holden  in  full  and 
absolute  dominion,  of  no  superior  whatever. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  25. 
(June  1776.) 

4388. .    Every  person,  of  full  age, 

neither  owning  nor  having  owned  fifty  acres 
of  land,  shall  be  entitled  to  an  appropriation  of 
fifty  acres,  or  to  so  much  as  shall  make  up  what 


467 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Land  Tax 


he  owns,  or  has  owned  in  full  and  absolute 
dominion.  And  no  other  person  shall  be  capable 
of  taking  an  appropriation. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  25.  (June  1776.) 

4389.  LAND,  Colonial  conquest.— Amer 
ica  was   conquered,   and  her  settlements   made 
and   firmly    established    at   the    expense    of    in 
dividuals,  and  not  of  the  British  public.     Their 
own  blood  was  spilt  in  acquiring  lands  for  their 
settlement,    their    own    fortunes    expended    in 
making    that    settlement    effectual. — RIGHTS    OF 
BRITISH   AMERICA,     i,    126.      FORD  ED.,  i,  430. 
(I774-) 

4390.  LAND,  George  III.  and.— He  has 

endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States;  for  that  purpose  *  *  *  raising  the 
conditions  of  new  appropriations  of  lands. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4391.  LAND,  People  and.— It  is  too  soon 
yet  in  our  country  to  say  that  every  man,  who 
cannot  find  employment,  but  who  can  find  Un 
cultivated  land,  shall  be  at  liberty  to  cultivate  it, 
paying  a  moderate  rent.     But  it  is  not  too  soon 
to  provide,  by  every  possible  means,  that  as  few 
as  possible  shall  be  without  a  little  portion  of 
land. — To  REV.  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
36.     (Pa.,   1785.) 

4392.  — .    The    small    landholders 

are  the  most  precious  part  of  a  State. — To  REV. 
JAMES  MADISON.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  36.     (P.,  1785.) 

4393.  LAND,      Sovereignty.— That     the 
lands   within   the   limits   assumed   by   a   nation 
belong  to  the   nation   as   a  body,   has   probably 
been  the  law  of  every  people  on  earth  at  some 
period  of  their  history.     A  right  of  property  in 
movable   things    is    admitted   before   the   estab 
lishment  of  government.     A  separate  property 
in  lands  not  till  after  that  establishment.     The 
right  to   movables   is   acknowledged   by   all   the 
hordes  of  Indians  surrounding  us.     Yet  by  no 
one  of  them  has  a  separate  property  in  lands 
been  yielded  to  individuals.     He  who  plants  a 
field  keeps  possession  till  he  has  gathered  the 
produce,   after  which  one  has  as  good  a  right 
as  another  to  occupy  it.    Government  must  be 
established  and  laws  provided,  before  lands  can 
be  separately  appropriated,  and  their  owner  pro 
tected  in  his  possession.     Till  then  the  property 
is  in  the  body  of  the  nation,  and  they,  or  their 
chief  as  trustee,   must  grant  them  to   individ 
uals,  and  determine  the  conditions  of  the  grant. 
— BATTURE  CASE,    viii,  539.     (1812.) 

4394.  LAND,    Valuation.— The    Confed 
eration,   in   its   eighth   article,   decides  that  the 
quota  of  money  to  be  contributed  by  the  several 
States    shall    be   proportioned   to   the   value   of 
landed  property  in  the  State.     Experience  has 
shown  it  impracticable  to  come  at  that  value. 
— ANSWERS  TO  M.  DE  MEUNIER.    ix,  286.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,   141.      (P.,   1786.) 

4395. .    It  seems    *    *    *    to  be 

a  principle  of  universal  law  that  the  lands  of  a 
country  belong  to  its  sovereign  as  trustee  for 
the  nation. — BATTURE  CASE,  viii,  541.  (1812.) 

4396.  LAND  COMPANIES,  Early  west 
ern. — During  the  regal  government,  two  com 
panies,  called  the  Loyal  and  the  Ohio  Com 
panies,  had  obtained  grants  from  the  crown  for 
800,000  or  1,000,000  of  acres  of  land,  each,  on 
the  Ohio,  on  condition  of  settling  them  in  a 
given  number  of  years.  They  surveyed  some 
and  settled  them  ;  but  the  war  of  1755  came  on 
and  broke  up  the  settlements.  After  it  was 


over,  they  petitioned  for  a  renewal.    Four  other 
arge  companies  then  formed  themselves,  called 
the   Mississippi,   the   Illinois,   the   Wabash,   and 
the    Indiana   companies,    each   praying   for   im 
mense   quantities   of  land,   some   amounting  to 
200  miles  square ;  so  that  they  proposed  to  cover 
the    whole    country    north    between    the    Ohio 
and   Mississippi,   and   a  great  portion   of   what 
is   south.     All   these  petitions   were   depending 
without  any  answer  whatever  from  the  crown, 
when  the  Revolution  war  broke  out.     The  peti 
tioners   had   associated   to   themselves   some   of 
the  nobility  of  England,  and  most  of  the  char 
acters   in   America   of   great   influence.      When 
Congress   assumed   the   government,    they    took 
some   of  their   body   in   as   partners,   to   obtain 
their  influence ;  and  I  remember  to  have  heard, 
at  the  time,  that  one  of  them  took  Mr.  Gerard 
as  a  partner,  expecting  by  that  to  obtain  the  in 
fluence   of  the   French   Court,   to  obtain  grants 
of  those  lands  which  they  had  not  been  able  to 
obtain  from  the  British  government.     All  these 
lands   were   within   the   limits   of   Virginia  and 
that   State   determined,   peremptorily   that  they 
never  should  be  granted  to  large  companies,  but 
left  open  equally  to  all ;  and  when  they  passed 
their   land  law    (which   I   think   was   in    1778), 
they  confirmed  only  so  much  of  the  lands  of  the 
Loyal  company,  as  they  had  actually  surveyed, 
which    was   a   very   small    proportion,    and    an 
nulled  every  other  pretension.     And  when  that 
State   conveyed  the   lands  to   Congress    (which 
was  not  till  1784),  so  determined  were  they  to 
prevent    their   being   granted    to    these    or    any 
other   large   companies,    that   they   made    it   an 
express    condition    of    the    cession,    that    they 
should    be    applied    first    towards    the    soldiers' 
bounties,  and  the  residue  sold  for  the  payment 
of  the  national  debt,  and  for  no  other  purpose. 
This   disposition    has   been,    accordingly,   rigor 
ously  made,  and  is  still  going  on ;  and  Congress 
considers  itself  as  having  no  authority  to  dis 
pose  of  them  otherwise. — To  J.  M.  G.  DE  RAY- 
NEVAL.    iv,  371.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  19.     (W.,  March 
1801.) 

4397.  LAND  TAX,  Postponed.— The  af 
fluence  of  the  Treasury  has  made  it  possible  to 
go  on  a  year  longer  without  a  land  tax. — To 
JOHN  TAYLOR.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  181.  (Pa.,  1797.) 

4398. .     The  land  tax  will  not  be 

brought  on.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says 
he  has  money  enough.  No  doubt  *  *  *  [this] 
may  be  taken  up  more  boldly  at  the  next  session, 
when  most  of  the  elections  will  be  over. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  205.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  189. 
(Pa.,  1798.) 

4399.  LAND  TAX,  Proposed.— They  [the 
federalists]  already  talk  *  *  *  of  a  land  Tax. 
[This]  will  probably  not  be  opp9sed.  The 
only  question  will  be  how  to  modify  it.  On 
this  there  may  be  great  diversity  of  sentiment. 
One  party  will  want  to  make  it  a  new  course  of 
patronage  and  expense. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv,  234.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  237.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

4400. .     If  the   expenses   should 

exceed  three  millions  they  [the  federalists] 
will  undertake  a  land  tax.  Indeed  a  land  tax 
is  the  decided  resource  of  many,  perhaps  of  a 
majority.  There  is  an  idea  of  some  of  the  Con 
necticut  members  to  raise  the  whole  money 
wanted  by  a  tax  on  salt ;  so  much  do  they  dread 
a  land  tax. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
243.  (1798.) 

4401. .     The  land  tax  is  now  on 

the  carpet  to  raise  two  millions  of  dollars  ;  yet 
I  think  they  must  at  least  double  it.  *  *  *  I 
presume,  therefore,  the  tax  on  lands,  houses 


Lands  (Indian) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


468 


and  negroes,  will  be  a  dollar  a  head  on  the 
population  of  each  State. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  242.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  256.  (Pa.,  May  1798.) 

4402. .  The  land  tax  was  yes 
terday  [May  30]  debated,  and  a  majority  of  six 
struck  out  the  i3th  section  of  the  classification 
of  houses,  and  taxing  them  by  a  different  scale 
from  the  lands.  Instead  of  this,  is  to  be  pro 
posed  a  valuation  of  the  houses  and  lands  to 
gether. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  244.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  261.  (Pa.,  May  1798.) 

4403.  LANDS  (Indian),  Acquirement  of 
title  to.— The  State  of  Georgia,  having 
granted  to  certain  individuals  a  tract  of  country, 
within  their  chartered  limits,  whereof  the  In 
dian  right  has  never  yet  been  acquired;  with 
a  proviso  in  the  grants,  which  implies  that 
those  individuals  may  take  measures  for  ex 
tinguishing  the  Indian  rights  under  the  au 
thority  of  that  Government,  it  becomes  a 
question  how  far  this  grant  is  good  ?  A  society, 
taking  possession  of  a  vacant  country,  and 
declaring  they  mean  to  occupy  it,  does  thereby 
appropriate  to  themselves  as  prime  occupants 
what  was  before  common.  A  practice  intro 
duced  since  the  discovery  of  America,  author 
izes  them  to  go  further,  and  to  fix  the  limits 
which  they  assume  to  themselves ;  and  it  seems, 
for  the  common  good,  to  admit  this  right  to  a 
moderate  and  reasonable  extent.  If  the  coun 
try,  instead  of  being  altogether  vacant,  is 
thinly  occupied  by  another  nation,  the  right  of 
the  native  forms  an  exception  to  that  of  the 
newcomers ;  that  is  to  say,  these  will  only  have 
a  right  against  all  other  nations  except  the  na 
tives.  Consequently,  they  have  the  exclusive 
privilege  of  acquiring  the  native  right  by  pur 
chase  or  other  just  means.  This  is  called  the 
right  of  preemption,  and  is  become  a  prin 
ciple  of  the  law  of  nations,  fundamental  with 
respect  to  America.  There  are  but  two  means 
of  acquiring  the  native  title.  First,  ^ war ;  for 
even  war  may,  sometimes,  give  a  just  title. 
Second,  contracts  or  treaty.  The  States  of 
America  before  their  present  Union  possessed 
completely,  each  within  its  own  limits,  the  ex 
clusive  right  to  use  these  two  means  of  acquir 
ing  the  native  title,  and,  by  their  act  of  Union, 
they  have  as  completely  ceded  both  to  the  Gen 
eral  Government.  Art.  2d,  Section  ist,  "  The 
President  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make 
treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators 
present  concur  ".  Art.  ist,  Section  8th,  "  The 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  war,  to 
raise  and  support  armies".  Section  loth,  "No 
State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or 
confederation.  No  State  shall,  without  the  con 
sent  of  Congress,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war 
in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State  or  with  a  foreign 
power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  in 
vaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not 
admit  of  delay  ".  These  paragraphs  of  the  Con 
stitution,  declaring  that  the  General  Govern 
ment  shall  have,  and  that  the  particular  ones 
shall  not  have,  the  right  of  war  and  treaty,  are 
so  explicit  that  no  commentary  can  explain  them 
further,  nor  can  any  explain  them  away.  Con 
sequently,  Georgia,  possessing  the  exclusive 
right  to  acquire  the  native  title,  but  having  re 
linquished  the  means  of  doing  it  to  the  General 
Government,  can  only  have  put  her  grantee  into 
her  own  condition.  She  could  convey  to  them 
the  exclusive  right  to  acquire ;  but  she  could 
not  convey  what  she  had  not  herself,  that  is, 
the  means  of  acquiring.  For  these  they  must 
come  to  the  General  Government,  in  whose 
hands  they  have  been  wisely  deposited  for  the 


purposes  both  of  peace  and  justice.  What  is  to 
be  done  ?  The  right  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  is,  in  my  opinion,  to  be  maintained.  The 
case  is  sound,  and  the  means  of  doing  it  as  prac 
ticable  as  can  ever  occur.  But  respect  and 
friendship  should,  I  think,  mark  the  conduct  of 
the  General  towards  the  particular  government, 
and  explanations  should  be  asked  and  time  and 
color  given  them  to  tread  back  their  steps  be 
fore  coercion  is  held  up  to  their  view.  I  am 
told  there  is  already  a  strong  party  in  Georgia 
opposed  to  the  act  of  their  government.  I  should 
think  it  better,  then,  that  the  first  measures, 
while  firm,  be  yet  so  temperate  as  to  secure 
their  alliance  and  aid  to  the  General  Govern 
ment.  Might  not  the  eclat  of  a  proclamation 
revolt  their  pride  and  passion,  and  throw  them 
hastily  into  the  opposite  scale?  It  will  be 
proper,  indeed,  to  require  from  the  government 
of  Georgia,  in  the  first  moment,  that  while  the 
General  Government  shall  be  expecting  and 
considering  her  explanations,  things  shall  re 
main  in  s tat  11  quo,  and  not  a  move  be  made  to 
wards  carrying  what  they  have  begun  into 
execution. — OPINION  ON  GEORGIA  LAND  GRANTS. 
vii,  467.  FORD  ED.,  v,  165.  (May  1790.) 

4404. .  No  lands  shall  be  appro 
priated  until  purchased  of  the  Indian  native 
proprietors ;  nor  shall  any  purchases  be  made 
of  them  but  on  behalf  of  the  public,  by  authority 
of  acts  of  the  General  Assembly,  to  be  passed 
for  every  purchase  specially. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  25.  (June  1776.) 

4405.  LANDS    (Indian),    Buying.— We, 

indeed,  are  always  ready  to  buy  land ;  but  we 
will  never  ask  but  when  you  wish  to  sell ;  and 
our  laws,  in  order  to  protect  you  against  im 
position,  have  forbidden  individuals  to  pur 
chase  lands  from  you ;  and  have  rendered  it 
necessary,  when  you  desire  to  sell,  even  to  a 
State,  that  an  agent  from  the  United  States 
should  attend  the  sale,  see  that  your  consent 
is  freely  given,  a  satisfactory  price  paid,  and 
report  to  us  what  has  been  done,  for  your  ap 
probation.  * — To  BROTHER  HANDSOME  LAKE. 
viii,  188.  (1802.) 

4406.  LANDS  (Indian),  Intrusions  on. 
— Knowing   your    disposition    to    have    these 
people  [the  Cherokee  Indians]  protected  in  the 
possession   of  their  unpurchased  lands,   I   take 
the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  you  that  the   9ld 
Tassel,    in    a    late    message    to    me,    complains 
of   intrusions   on   their   lands,    and   particularly 
of  some  attempts  to  take  from  them  the  great 
island.      This,    by    the    late    extension    of    our 
[Virginia]    boundary,   falling,   as  I   understand, 
within   your   State    [North   Carolina],    removes 
the   application   for   protection   to   your    Excel 
lency,    whose   power   alone   can    extend   to   the 
removal   of  intrusions  from  thence.     As  to   so 
much  of  their  lands  as  lie  within  our  latitudes, 
as  well  as  the  lands  of  other  Indians  generally, 
our   Assembly,   now   sitting,   has   in   contempla 
tion  authorized  the   Executive  to   send  patrols 
of  the  military  through  them  from  time  to  time 
to  destroy  the  habitations  which  shall  be  erected 
in   them   by   intruders. — To   THE   GOVERNOR   OF 
NORTH    CAROLINA.      FORD    ED.,    ii,    275.      (Wg., 
I779-) 

4407.  LANDS  (Indian),  Surrendering.— 
You    have    it    peculiarly    in    your    power    to 
promote    among    the    Indians    a    sense    of    the 
superior  value  of  a  little  land,  well  cultivated, 
over  a  great  deal  unimproved,  and  to  encourage 

*  The  extent  of  territory  to  which  the  native  In 
dian  title  was  extinguished  under  Jefferson,  by  pur 
chase,  embraced  nearly  one  hundred  millions  of 
acres.— EDITOR. 


469 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Lands  (Indian) 
Lands  (Public) 


them  to  make  this  estimate  truly.  The  wisdom 
of  the  animal  which  amputates  and  abandons  to 
the  hunter  the  parts  for  which  he  is  pursued 
should  be  theirs,  with  this  difference,  that  the 
former  sacrifices  what  is  useful,  the  latter  what 
is  not. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,  iv,  467.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  214.  (W.,  1803.) 

4408.  LANDS  (Indian),  Virginia  and.— 

That  the  lands  of  this  colony  [Virginia]  were 
taken  from  the  Indians  by  conquest,  is  not  so 
general  a  truth  as  is  supposed.  I  find  in  our 
histories  and  records,  repeated  proofs  of  pur 
chase,  which  cover  a  considerable  part  of  the 
lower  country ;  and  many  more  would  doubt 
less  be  found  on  further  search.  The  upper 
country,  we  know,  has  been  acquired  altogether 
by  purchases  made  in  the  most  unexceptionable 
form. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  339.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  196.  (1782.) 

4409.  LANDS  (Public),  Disposition  of.— 

The  new  plan  of  opening  our  land  office,  by 
dividing  the  lands  among  the  States,  and  sell 
ing  them  at  vendue,  *  *  *  separates  still  more 
the  interests  of  the  States,  which  ought  to  be 
made  joint  in  every  possible  instance,  in  order 
to  cultivate  the  idea  of  our  being  one  nation, 
and  to  multiply  the  instances  in  which  the  peo 
ple  shall  look  to  Congress  as  their  head.  And 
when  the  States  get  their  portions,  they  will 
either  fool  them  away,  or  make  a  job  of  it  to 
serve  individuals.  Proofs  of  both  these  prac 
tices  have  been  furnished,  and  by  either  of  them 
that  invaluable  fund  is  lost,  which  ought  to 
pay  pur  public  debt.  To  sell  them  at  vendue,  is 
to  give  them  to  the  bidders  of  the  day,  be  they 
many  or  few.  It  is  ripping  up  the  hen  which 
lays  golden  eggs.  If  sold  in  lots  at  a  fixed  price, 
as  first  proposed,  the  best  lots  will  be  sold  first ; 
as  these  become  occupied,  it  gives  a  value  to  the 
interjacent  ones,  and  raises  them,  though  of 
inferior  quality,  to  the  price  of  the  first. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  i,  347.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  52.  (P., 
1785.) 

4410.  LANDS  (Public),  Monopolies  in.— 
Vast   grants    of   land    are   entirely    against   the 
policy  of  our  government.     They  have  ever  set 
their  faces  most  decidedly  against  such  monop 
olies. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  x,  202. 
(M.,  j82i.) 

_  LANDS  (Public),  Plan  of  land  office. 

— See  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

4411.  LANDS     (Public),     Sale.— I     am 

against  selling  the  lands  at  all.  The  people  who 
will  migrate  to  the  westward,  whether  they 
form  part  of  the  old  or  of  a  new  colony,  will  be 
subject  to  their  proportion  of  the  Continental 
debt  then  unpaid.  They  ought  not  to  be  sub 
ject  to  more.  They  will  be  a  people  little  able 
to  pay  taxes.  There  is  no  equity  in  fixing  upon 
them  the  whole  burthen  of  this  war,  or  any 
other  proportion  than  we  bear  ourselves.  By 
selling  the  lands  to  them,  you  will  disgust  them, 
and  cause  an  avulsion  of  them  from  the  com 
mon  union.  They  will  settle  the  lands  in  spite 

of  everybody. — To .    FORD  ED.,  ii,  80.     (Pa., 

1776.) 

4412.  -     -   .     The   idea   of    Congress 

selling  out  unlocated  lands  has  been  sometimes 
dropped,  but  we  have  always  met  the  hint  with 
such  determined  opposition  that  I  believe  it  will 

never  be  proposed. — To  .  FORD  ED.,  ii,  80. 

(Pa.,  1776.) 

4413. .     Congress   have    *    *    * 

passed  an  ordinance  for  disposing  of  their  lands 
and,  I  think,  a  very  judicious  one.  They  pro 


pose  to  sell  them  at  auction  for  not  less  than 
a  dollar  an  acre,  receiving  their  own  certificates 
of  debt  as  money. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL. 
i,  393-  (P.,  1785-) 

4414. .     I  am  much  pleased  with 

your  land  ordinance,  and  think  it  improved  from 
the  first,  in  the  most  important  circumstances. 
I  had  mistaken  the  object  of  the  division  of  the 
lands  among  the  States.  I  am  sanguine  in  my 
expectations  of  lessening  our  debts  by  this 
fund,  and  have  expressed  my  expectations  to 
the  minister  and  others  here. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  i,  407.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  86.  (P.,  1785.) 

4415. .    Congress  have  purchased 

a  very  considerable  extent  of  country  from  the 
Indians,  and  have  passed  an  ordinance  laying 
down  rules  for  disposing  of  it.  These  admit 
only  two  considerations  for  granting  lands :  first, 
military  service  rendered  during  the  late  war ; 
and  secondly,  money  to  be  paid  at  the  time  of 
granting,  for  the  purpose  of  discharging  their 
national  debt. — To  MARQUIS  DE  PONCENS.  i, 
430.  (P.,  1785.) 

4416. .     A  provision  for  the  sale 

of  the  vacant  lands  of  the  United  States  is  par 
ticularly  urged  by  the  important  considerations 
that  they  are  pledged  as  a  fund  for  reimburs 
ing  the  public  debt;  that,  if  timely  and  ju 
diciously  applied,  they  may  save  the  necessity 
of  burthening  our  citizens  with  new  taxes  for 
the  extinguishment  of  the  principal ;  and  that 
being  free  to  pay  annually  but  a  limited  propor 
tion  of  that  principal,  time  lost  in  beginning  the 
payments  cannot  be  recovered  however  pro 
ductive  the  resource  may  prove  in  event. — 
PARAGRAPH  FOR  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  384.  (1791-) 

4417.  LANDS   (Public),   Settlers.— It  is 

said  that  wealthy  foreigners  will  come  in  great 
numbers,  and  they  ought  to  pay  for  the  liberty 
we  shall  have  provided  for  them.  True,  but  make 
them  pay  in  settlers.  A  foreigner  who  brings 
a  settler  for  every  one  hundred  or  two  hundred 
acres  of  land,  to  be  granted  him,  pays  a  better 
price  than  if  he  had  put  into  the  public  treasury 
five  shillings,  or  five  pounds.  That  settler  will 
be  worth  to  the  public  twenty  times  as  much 
every  year,  as  on  our  old  plan  he  would  have 

paid  in  one  payment. — To .    FORD  ED.,  ii,  80. 

(Pa.,  1776.) 

4418. .     I  am  clear  that  the  lands 

should  be  appropriated  in  small  quantities. — To 
.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  80.  (Pa.,  1776.) 

4419.  -  — .     I    sincerely    wish    that 

your  proposition  to  "  purchase  a  tract  of  land 
in  the  Illinois  on  favorable  terms,  for  introdu 
cing  a  colony  of  English  farmers ",  may  en 
counter  no  difficulties  from  the  established  rules 
of  pur  land  department.  The  general  -law  pre 
scribes  an  open  sale,  where  all  citizens  may 
compete  on  an  equal  footing  for  any  lot  of 
land  which  attracts  their  choice.  To  dispense 
with  this  in  any  particular  case,  requires  a 
special  law  of  Congress,  and  to  special  legis 
lation  we  are  generally  averse,  lest  a  principle 
of  favoritism  should  creep  in  and  pervert  that 
of  equal  rights.  It  has,  however,  been  done 
on  some  occasions  where  a  special  national 
advantage  has  been  expected  to  overweigh  that 
of  adherence  to  the  general  rule.  The  promised 
introduction  of  the  culture  of  the  vine  procured 
a  special  law  in  favor  of  the  Swiss  settlement 
on  the  Ohio.  That  of  the  culture  of  oil,  wine 
and  other  southern  productions,  did  the  same 
lately  for  the  French  settlement  on  the  Tom- 
bigbee.  It  remains  to  be  tried  whether  that  of 


Lands  (Public) 

Language 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


470 


an  improved  system  of  farming,  interesting  to 
so  great  a  proportion  of  our  citizens,  may  not 
also  be  thought  worth  a  dispensation  with  the 
general  rule. — To  GEORGE  FLOWER,  vii,  83. 
(P.P.,  1817.) 

4420.  LANDS  (Public),  Squatting.— The 

Virginia  Assembly  finding  that,  in  defiance  of 
their  endeavors  to  discourage  and  prevent  the 
settling  our  western  country,  people  were  re 
moving  thither  in  great  numbers,  appropriating 
lands  of  their  own  authority,  and  meditating  to 
hold  them  by  force,  after  propositions,  made 
and  rejected  at  several  sessions  for  legalizing 
those  settlements,  at  length  found  it  necessary 
to  give  way  to  the  torrent,  and  by  their  act  of 
May,  1779,  to  establish  a  land  office.  The  ir 
regular  claims  and  settlements  which,  in  the 
meantime,  had  covered  that  country,  were  be 
come  so  extensive  that  no  prudent  man  could 
venture  to  locate  a  new  claim,  and  so  numer 
ous  that,  in  the  common  administration  of  jus 
tice,  it  would  have  engrossed  the  whole  time  of 
our  ordinary  courts  for  many  years  to  have 
adjusted  them.  So  multifarious  were  they,  at 
the  same  time,  that  no  established  principles  of 
law  or  equity  could  be  applied  for  their  determi 
nation  ;  many  of  them  being  built  on  customs 
and  habits  which  had  grown  up  in  that  country, 
being  founded  on  modes  of  transmission  peculiar 
to  themselves,  and  which,  having  entered  almost 
into  every  title,  could  not  be  absolutely  neg 
lected.  This  impressed  on  the  minds  of  the 
Assembly  the  necessity  of  sending  special  com 
missioners  to  settle,  on  the  spot,  and  without 
delay,  those  virious  claims,  which  being  once 
cleared  away  would  leave  the  residuary  country 
open  to  the  acquisition  of  other  adventurers. 
The  western  Counties  were  accordingly  laid  off 
into  Districts  for  this  purpose,  and  the  arrange 
ment  being  general,  included  the  territory  on 
the  waters  of  the  Ohio  claimed  by  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania.  Whether  the  Assembly  did  not 
advert  to  this  circumstance,  or  took  for  granted 
that  the  commissioners  would  never  consider  a 
law  of  this  State  as  meant  to  be  applied  to 
those  who  professed  themselves  the  citizens  of 
another,  and  had  been  freely  admitted  so  to 
profess  themselves  by  our  Government,  or 
whether  they  relied  that  the  term  of  one  year, 
within  which  they  provided  that  no  grant  should 
issue  on  any  judgment  of  the  commissioners, 
would  give  them  time  for  the  settlement  of  our 
disputed  territory,  or  at  least  to  provide  for  the 
peace  of  their  citizens  within  it,  is  not  within 
my  province  or  power  to  say.  This,  however, 
I  can  say,  that  from  an  intimate  knowledge  of 
their  cordial  desire  to  settle^  this  claim  with 
them  amicably,  no  motive  inconsistent  with 
that  entered  into  the  transaction.  In  fact  the 
execution  of  this  commission,  guarded  as  its  ef 
fects  are  by  a  twelve  months'  delay  of  the  grants, 
appears  to  be  as  peaceable  and  inoffensive  as 
the  mission  of  so  many  astronomers  to  take 
the  longitude  or  latitude  of  the  several  farms. 
— To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  293.  (Wg.,  1780.) 

4421. .    There  is  indeed  a  clause 

in  the  act  of  Assembly  which  might,  on  first 
view,  be  thought  to  leave  an  opening  for  the 
introduction  of  force.  It  is  that  which  says  that 
judgment  be  rendered,  if  possession  be  forcibly 
detained  by  the  party  against  whom  it  is, 
restitution  may  be  made  by  the  commissioners, 
or  by  any  justice,  in  like  manner  as  might  be 
done  in  the  case  of  lands  holden  by  grant  act 
ually  issued ;  a  clause  very  necessary  in  our 
other  western  country,  but  not  at  all  applicable 
to  that  part  of  it  claimed  by  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania.  By  the  laws  of  this  Commonwealth 


(the  same  in  this  instance  with  the  English 
Law),  even  in  the  case  of  lands  holden  under 
actual  grant,  no  restitution  can  be  made  after 
three  years  peaceable  possession,  a  term  much 
shorter  than  that  of  any  bona  fide  possessions 
in  the  disputed  territory.  The  latest  of  these 
must  be  of  six  or  seven  years'  continuance,  the 
present  dispute  having  so  long  subsisted.  The 
expediency  and  necessity,  therefore,  of  the  gen 
eral  measure  of  establishing  this  temporary 
Court,  I  doubt  not  but  Congress  will  perceive 
and  though  it  is  to  be  wished  that  the  disputed 
territory  had  been  excerpted  from  this  jurisdic 
tion,  in  order  to  avoid  everything  which  might 
give  jealousy  or  uneasiness  to  a  sister  State,  or 
which  might  lead  them  into  an  apprehension 
that  we  meant  to  do  any  act  which  should 
wound  the  amity  between  us  ;  yet  I  hope  when 
Congress  contemplates  its  effects,  they  will  be 
sensible  that  it  only  amounts  to  a  settlement  on 
paper  of  the  rights  of  individuals  derived 
from  this  State,  and  that  no  man's  possession  or 
quiet  can  be  disturbed  in  consequence  of  any 
proceedings  under  it,  until  our  Legislature 
shall  have  had  time  to  settle  finally 
with  them  this  unfortunate  dispute,  or  other 
wise  to  provide  against  the  evils  they  have 
apprehended. — To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  294.  (Wg.,  1780.)  See  EARTH, 
GENERATIONS,  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

4422.  LANGDON  (John),  Patriot.— We 

were  fellow  laborers  from  the  beginning  of  the 
first  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  second  revo 
lution  in  our  government,  of  the  same  zeal  and 
the  same  sentiments,  and  I  shall  honor  his  mem 
ory  while  memory  remains  to  me. — To  MARK 
LANGDON  HILL,  vii,  154.  (M.,  1820.) 

4423.  LANGUAGE,    Distorting.— When 

we  see  inspired  writings  made  to  speak  whatever 
opposite. controversialists  wish  them  to  say,  we 
cannot  ourselves  expect  to  find  language  in 
capable  of  similar  distortion.  My  expressions 
were  general ;  their  perversion  is  in  their  mis 
application  to  a  particular  case. — To  C.  HAM 
MOND,  vii,  216.  (M.,  1821.) 

—  LANGUAGE,  Neology.— See  NEOLOGY. 

—  LANGUAGE   (English),   Improve 
ment  of.— See  NEOLOGY. 

4424.  LANGUAGE,  Purists  and.— I  con 
cur  entirely  with  you  in  opposition  to  purists, 
who  would  destroy  all   strength  and  beauty  of 
style,  by  subjecting  it  to  a  rigorous  compliance 
with  their  rules.     Fill  up   all   the   ellipses   and 
syllepses  of  Tacitus,  Sallust,  Livy,  &c.,  and  the 
elegance  and  force  of  their  sententious  brevity 
are  extinguished.     "  Auferre,  trucidare,  rapere, 
falsis   nominibus,   imperium   appellant  ".     "  De- 
orum   injurias,   diis   curae ".    "  Alieni    appetens, 
sui    profusus ;    ardens    in    cupiditatibus ;    satis 
loquentiae,    sapientiae   parum ".     "  Annibal,    peto 
pacem  ".  "  Per  diem  Sol  non  uret  te,  neque  Luna 
per  noctem  ".     Wire-draw  these  expressions  by 
filling    up    the    whole    syntax    and    sense,    and 
they    become    dull    paraphrases    on    rich    senti 
ments.     We  may  say  then  truly  with   Quintil- 
ian,   "  Aliud  est   Grammatice,   aliud   Latine   lo- 
qui ".     I   am   no   friend,   therefore,   to   what  is 
called     purism. — To     JOHN     WALDO,      vi,     184. 
(M.,  1813.) 

4425. .     I  am  not  a  friend  to  a 

scrupulous  purism  of  style.  I  readily  sacrifice 
the  niceties  of  syntax  to  euphony  and  strength. 
It  is  by  boldly  neglecting  the  rigorisms  of 
grammar  that  Tacitus  has  made  himself  the 
strongest  writer  in  the  world.  The  hyperesthet- 
ics  call  him  barbarous ;  but  I  should  be  sorry 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Language 
Language  (English) 


to  exchange  his  barbarisms  for  their  wire-drawn 
purisms.  Some  of  his  sentences  are  as  strong 
as  language  can  make  them.  Had  he  scrupu 
lously  filled  up  the  whole  of  their  syntax,  they 
would  have  been  merely  common.  To  explain 
my  meaning  by  an  English  example,  I  will  quote 
the  motto  of  one,  I  believe,  of  the  regicides  of 
Charles  L,  "  Rebellion  to  tyrants  is  obedience 
to  God ".  Correct  its  syntax,  "  Rebellion 
against  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God ",  it  has 
lost  all  the  strength  and  beauty  of  the  antithesis. 
— To  EDWARD  EVERETT,  vii,  273.  (M.,  1823.) 

4426.  LANGUAGE,   Science  and.— I  do 
not    pretend    that    language    is    science.      It    is 
only    an     instrument    for    the    attainment    of 
science. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  389.     FORD 
ED.,  iii,  253.     (1782.) 

4427.  LANGUAGE,  Style.— Style,  in  wri 
ting  or  speaking,  is  formed  very  early  in  life, 
while  the  imagination  is  warm,  and  impressions 
are    permanent. — To    J.     BANNISTER,      i,    468. 
(P.,  1785.) 

4428.  LANGUAGE       (Anglo-Saxon), 
Study  of.— I  learn  from  you  with  great  pleas 
ure  that  a  taste  is  reviving  in  England  for  the 
recovery  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  dialect  of  our  lan 
guage  ;  for  a  mere  dialect  it  is,  as  much  as  those 
of   Piers    Plowman,    Gower,    Douglas,    Chaucer, 
Spenser,  Shakspeare,  Milton,  for  even  much  of 
Milton  is  already  antiquated.     The  Anglo-Saxon 
is   only   the   earliest   we   possess    of   the   many 
shades  of  mutation  by  which  the  language  has 
tapered  down  to  its  modern  form.     Vocabularies 
we  need  for  each  of  these  stages  from  Somner 
to  Bailey,  but  not  grammars  for  each  or  any  of 
them.     The  grammar  has  changed  so  little,  in 
the    descent    from    the    earliest   to    the   present 
form,  that  a  little  observation  suffices  to  under 
stand  its  variations.     We  are  greatly  indebted 
to  the  worthies  who  have  preserved  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  form,  from  Dr.  Hickes  down  to  Mr.  Bos- 
worth.     Had  they  not  given  to  the  public  what 
we  possess  through  the  press,  that  dialect  would 
by   this   time   have   been   irrecoverably   lost.     I 
think  it,  however,  a  misfortune  that  they  have 
endeavored  to   give   it  too   much   of  a   learned 
form,  to  mount  it  on  all  the  scaffolding  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin,  to  load  it  with  their  genders, 
numbers,    cases,    declensions,    conjugations,   &c. 
Strip  it  of  these  embarrassments,  vest  it  in  the 
Roman  type  which  we  have  adopted  instead  of 
our    English    black    letter,    reform    its    uncouth 
orthography,    and   assimilate   its   pronunciation, 
as   much    as   may   be,   to   the   present    English, 
just   as   we   do   in   reading   Piers    Plowman    or 
Chaucer,  and  with  the  contemporary  vocabulary 
for   the   few   lost  words,   we   understand   it  as 
we   do   them.     For   example,   the   Anglo-Saxon 
text  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  given  to  us  6th 
Matthew,    ix.,    is    spelt    and    written    thus,    in 
the  equivalent  Roman  type  :     Faeder  ure  thec 
the  eart  in  heafenum,   si  thin   nama  ychalgod. 
To  becume  thin  rice.     Gerrurthe  thin  willa  on 
eartham,  swa  swa  on  heafenum.     Ume  doeghw 
amti   can  hlaf  syle  us  to   doeg.     And   forgyfus 
ure  gyltas,  swa  swa  we  forgifath  urum  gylten- 
dum.     And  ne  ge-lcedde  thu  us  on  costmunge, 
ae  alys  us  of  yfele."     I  shotild  spell  and  pro 
nounce   thus :      "  Father   our,    thou   tha   art   in 
heavenum,    si    thine    name    y-hallowed.      Come 
thin   ric-y-wurth   thine   will   on   eartham,   so   so 
on  heavenum :   ourn  daynhamlican  loaf  sell  us 
to-day,  and  forgive  us  our  guilts  so  so  we  for- 
giveth  ourum  guiltendum.     And  no  y-lead  thou 
us  on  costnunge,  ac  a-lease  us  of  evil  ".     And 
here,   it   is  to   observed   by-the-bye,   that   there 
is   but   the    single   word    "  temptation "    in    our 
present  version  of  this  prayer  that  is  not  Anglo- 


Saxon  ;  for  the  word  "  trespasses  "  taken  from 
the  French  ( ocpeityjuara  in  the  original), 
might  as  well  have  been  translated  by  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  "  guilts  ". 

The  learned  apparatus  in  which  Dr.  Hickes 
and  his  successors  have  muffled  our  Anglo- 
Saxon,  is  what  has  frightened  us  from  en 
countering  it.  The  simplification  I  propose 
may,  on  the  contrary,  make  it  a  regular  part  of 
our  common  English  education.  So  little  read 
ing  and  writing  was  there  among  our  Anglo- 
Saxon  ancestors  of  that  day,  that  they  had  no 
fixed  orthography.  To  produce  a  given  sound, 
every  one  jumbled  the  letters  together,  accord 
ing  to  his  unlettered  notion  of  their  power,  and 
all  jumbled  them  differently,  just  as  would  be 
done  at  this  day,  were  a  dozen  peasants,  who 
have  learnt  the  alphabet,  but  have  never  read, 
desired  to  write  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Hence  the 
varied  modes  of  spelling  by  which  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  meant  to  express  the  same  sound.  The 
word  many,  for  example,  was  spelt  in  twenty 
different  ways ;  yet  we  cannot  suppose  they 
were  twenty  different  words,  or  that  they 
had  twenty  different  ways  of  pronouncing  the 
same  word.  The  Anglo-Saxon  orthography, 
then,  is  not  an  exact  representation  of  the 
sounds  meant  to  be  conveyed.  We  must  drop 
in  pronunciation  the  superfluous  consonants, 
and  give  to  the  remaining  letters  their  present 
English  sound ;  because,  not  knowing  the  true 
one.  the  present  enunciation  is  as  likely  to  be 
right  as  any  other,  and  indeed  more  so,  and 
facilitates  the  acquisition  of  the  language.* — 
To  J.  EVELYN  DENISON.  vii,  415.  (M.,  1825.) 

4429.  -  — .     [The  cultivation  of  the 

Anglo-Saxon]  is  a  hobby  which  too  often  runs 
away  with  me  where  I  meant  not  to  give  up 
the  rein.  Our  youth  seem  disposed  to  mount 
it  with  me,  and  to  begin  their  course  where 
mine  is  ending. — To  J.  EVELYN  DENISON.  vii, 
418.  (M.,  1825.) 

4430. .     In  a  letter    *    *    *    to 

Mr.  Crofts  who  sent  *  *  *  me  a  copy  of 
his  treatise  on  the  English  and  German  lan 
guages,  as  preliminary  to  an  etymological  dic 
tionary  he  meditated,  I  went  into  explanations 
with  him  of  an  easy  process  for  simplifying 
the  study  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  lessening  the 
terrors  and  difficulties  presented  by  its  rude 
alphabet,  and  unformed  orthography. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  173.  (M.,  1820.) 

4431.  LANGUAGE  (English),  Dia 
lects. — It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  the  pub 
lication  of  the  present  county  dialects  of  Eng 
land  should  go  on.  It  will  restore  to  us  our 
language  in  all  its  shades  of  variation.  It  will 
incorporate  into  the  present  one  all  the  riches 
of  our  ancient  dialects  ;  and  what  a  store  this 
will  be,  may  be  seen  by  running  the  eye  over 
the  county  glossaries,  and  observing  the  words 
we  have  lost  by  abandonment  and  disuse, 
which  in  sound  and  sense  are  inferior  to  noth 
ing  we  have  retained.  When  these  local  vo 
cabularies  are  published  and  digested  together 
into  a  single  one,  it  is  probable  we  shall  find 
that  there  is  not  a  word  in  Shakspeare  which 
is  not  now  in  use  in  some  of  the  counties  in 
England,  and  from  whence  we  may  obtain  its 
true  sense.  And  what  an  exchange  will  their 
recovery  be  for  the  volumes  of  idle  commen 
taries  and  conjectures  with  which  that  divine 
poet  has  been  masked  and  metamorphosed.  We 
shall  find  in  him  new  sublimities  which  we  had 
never  tasted  before,  and  find  beauties  in  our 

*  Jefferson,  first  of  all  in  America,  suggested  that 
the  study  of  Anglo-Saxon  be  made  a  part  of  college 
education.— EDITOR. 


language  (English) 
Language  (Greek) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


472 


ancient  poets  which  are  lost  to  us  now.  It  is 
not  that  I  am  merely  an  enthusiast  for  Palae- 
ology.  I  set  equal  value  on  the  beautiful  en- 
graftments  we  have  borrowed  from  Greece  and 
Rome,  and  I  am  equally  a  friend  to  the  en 
couragement  of  a  judicious  neology;  a  language 
cannot  be  too  rich. — To  J.  EVELYN  DENISON. 
vii,  417.  (M.,  1825.) 

4432.  LANGUAGE    (English),   History 

of. — We  want  an  elaborate  history  of  the 
English  language. — To  J.  EVELYN  DENISON. 
vii,  418.  (M.,  1825.) 

4433.  LANGUAGE      (French),      Indis 
pensable. — The  French  language  is  an  indis 
pensable  part  of  education  for  both  sexes. — To 
N.   Burwell,  vii,   102.     FORD  ED.,  x,   105.      (M., 
1818.) 

4434.  LANGUAGE  (French),  Learning. 

— You  will  learn  to  speak  it  [French]  better 
from  women  and  children  in  three  months, 
than  from  men  in  a  year. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH, 
JR.  ii,  176.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  404.  (P.,  1787-) 

_  LANGUAGE  (Gtelic),  Desire  to  learn. 
— See  OSSIAN. 

4435.  LANGUAGE     (Greek),    Ablative 
case  in. — I  owe  you  particular  thanks  for  the 
copy   of   your   translation   of   Buttman's   Greek 
Grammar.     *     *     *     A     cursory     view     of     it 
promises  me  a  rich  mine  of  valuable  criticism. 
I  observe  he  goes  with  the  herd  of  grammarians 
in  denying  an  Ablative  case  to  the  Greek  lan 
guage.     I  cannot  concur  with  him  in  that,  but 
think  with  the  Messrs,  of  Port  Royal  who  admit 
an  Ablative.     And  why  exclude  it?     Is  it  be 
cause   the    Dative   and   Ablative    in    Greek   are 
always  of  the  same   form  ?     Then  there  is  no 
Ablative  to  the  Latin  plurals,  because  in  them, 
as  in  Greek,  these  cases  are  always  in  the  same 
form.      The    Greeks    recognized    the    Ablative 
under    the    appellation    of    the    TCTGoats  acpai- 
pETtxi?)     which  I  have  met  with  and  noted  from 
some    of    the    scholiasts,    without    recollecting 
where.    Stephens,  Scapula,  Hederic  acknowledge 
it    as    one    of    the    significations    of    the    word 
a<patpejuavKo$.      That  the  Greeks  used  it  can 
not  be  denied.     For  one  of  multiplied  examples 
which  may  be  produced  take  the  following  from 
the  Hippolytus  of  Euripides:  "  Elite,  too  Tportw, 
dtKij^    EitaicTEv    avrov     portrpov,"     "  dice 
quo  modo  justitia;  clava  percussit  eum  "  "  Quo 
modo  "  are  Ablatives,  then  why  not  TGO  rpOTtoo? 
And  translating  it  into  English,  should  we  use 
the  Dative*  or  Ablative  preposition?     It  is  not 
perhaps  easy  to  define  very  critically  what  con 
stitutes  a  case  in  the  declension  of  nouns.     All 
agree   as  to   the   Nominative  that   it   is   simply 
the  name  of  the  thing.     If  we  admit  that  a  dis 
tinct    case    is    constituted   by    any    accident    or 
modification  which  changes  the  relation  which 
that  bears  to  the  actors  or  action  of  the  sen 
tence,  we  must  agree  to  the  six  cases  at  least; 
because   for  example,   to   a  thing,   and  from   a 
thing  are  very  different  accidents  to  the  thing. 
It  may  be  said  that  if  every  distinct  accident  or 
change  of  relation  constitutes  a  different  case, 
then  there  are  in  every  language  as  many  cases 
as  there  are  prepositions  ;  for  this  is  the  peculiar 
office   of  the  preposition.     But  because  we  do 
not  designate  by  special  names  all  the  cases  to 
which  a  noun  is  liable,  is  that  a  reason  why  we 
should  throw  away  half  of  those  we  have,  as  is 

*  See  BUTTMAN'S  DATIVES,  p.  230,  every  one  of 
which  I  should  consider  as  under  the  accident  or  rela 
tion  called  Ablative,  having  no  signification  of  ap 
proach  according  to  his  definition  of  the  Dative. — 
NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


done  by  those  grammarians  who  reject  all 
cases,  but  the  Nominative,  Genitive,  and  Ac 
cusative,  and  in  a  less  degree  by  those  also 
who  reject  the  Ablative  alone?  As  pushing 
the  discrimination  of  all  the  possible  cases  to 
extremities  leads  us  to  nothing  useful  or  practi 
cable,  I  am  contented  with  the  old  six  cases, 
familiar  to  every  cultivated  language,  ancient 
and  modern,  and  well  understood  by  all.  I 
acknowledge  myself  at  the  same  time  not  an 
adept  in  the  metaphysical  speculations  of  Gram 
mar.  By  analyzing  too  minutely  we  often  re 
duce  pur  subject  to  atoms,  of  which  the  mind 
loses  its  hold.  —  To  EDWARD  EVERETT,  vii,  272. 
(M.,  1823.) 

4436.  LANGUAGE    (Greek),    Accent.— 

Against  reading  Greek  by  accent,  instead  of 
quantity,  as  Mr.  Ciceitira,  proposes,  I  raise  both 
my  hands.  What  becomes  of  the  sublime  meas 
ure  of  Homer,  the  full  sounding  rhythm  of 
Demosthenes,  if,  abandoning  quantity,  you 
chop  it  up  by  accent  ?  What  ear  can  hesitate  in 
its  choice  between  the  two  following  rhythms  ? 
(  '  Tbv,  d'aitajuEifibjuEvos  TtpocrEtpr) 


and 
Tor 


the  latter  noted  according  to  prosody,  the 
former  by  accent,  and  dislocating  our  teeth  in 
its  utterance  ;  every  syllable  of  it,  except  the 
first  and  last,  being  pronounced  against  quan 
tity.  And  what  becomes  of  the  art  of  prosody? 
Is  that  perfect  coincidence  of  its  rules  with  the 
structure  of  their  verse,  merely  accidental?  or 
was  it  of  design,  and  yet  for  no  use?  —  To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  114.  (M.,  1819.) 

4437.  --  .    Of  the  origin  of  accentua 
tion,    I    have    never    seen    satisfactory    proofs. 
But  I  have  generally  supposed  the  accents  were 
intended  to  direct  the  inflections  and  modula 
tions  of  the  voice;  but  not  to  affect  the  quan 
tity    of    the    syllables.  —  To    JOHN    ADAMS,     vii, 
115.     (M.,   1819.) 

4438.  LANGUAGE  (Greek),  Pronuncia 
tion.  —  Mr.  Pickering's  pamphlet  on  the  pro 
nunciation  of  the  Greek,   for  which   I   am  in 
debted  to  you,  I  have  read  with  great  pleasure. 
Early  in  life,  the  idea  occurred  to  me  that  the 
people  now  inhabiting  the  ancient  seats  of  the 
Greeks   and   Romans,   although  their  languages 
in    the    intermediate    ages    had    suffered    great 
changes,    and    especially    in    the    declension    of 
their  nouns,   and  in  the  terminations   of  their 
words  generally,  yet  having  preserved  the  body 
of  the  word  radically  the  same,  so  they  would 
preserve   more  of   its  pronunciation.     That,   at 
least,    it    was    probable    that    a    pronunciation, 
handed  down  by  tradition,  would  retain,  as  the 
words  themselves  do,  more  of  the  original  than 
that  of  any   other  people  whose   language  has 
no  affinity  to  that  original.     For  this  reason  I 
learned,   and  have  used  the  Italian  pronuncia 
tion    of   the    Latin.     But    that    of    the    modern 
Greeks  I  had  no  opportunity  of  learning  until 
I   went  to   Paris.     There   I   became  acquainted 
with  two  learned  Greeks,   Count  Carberri,  and 
Mr.  Paradise,  and  with  a  lady,  a  native  Greek, 
the   daughter  of   Baron   de   Tott,   who   did  not 
understand  the  ancient  language.     Carberri  and 
Paradise  both   spoke  it.     From  these  instruct 
ors  I  learned  the  modern  pronunciation,  and  in 
general    trusted    to    its    orthodoxy.     I    say,    in 
general,  because  sound  being  more  fugitive  than 
the  written  letter,  we  must,  after  such  a  lapse 
of  time,  presume  in  it  some  degeneracies,  as  we 
see  there  are  in  the  written  words.     We  may 


473 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Language  (Greek) 
Language  (Latin) 


not,  indeed,  be  able  to  put  our  finger  on  them 
confidently,  yet  neither  are  they  entirely  be 
yond  the  reach  of  all  indication.  For  example, 
in  a  language  so  remarkable  for  the  euphony 
of  its  sounds,  if  that  euphony  is  preserved  in 
particular  combinations  of  its  letters,  by  an 
adherence  to  the  powers  ordinarily  ascribed  to 
them,  and  is  destroyed  by  a  change  of  these 
powers,  and  the  sound  of  the  word,  thereby, 
rendered  harsh,  inharmonious,  and  inidiomatic- 
al,  here  we  may  presume  some  degeneracy 
has  taken  place. 

While,  therefore,  I  gave  in  to  the  modern 
pronunciation  generally,  I  have  presumed,  as 
an  instance  of  degeneracy,  their  ascribing  the 
same  sound  to  the  six  letters,  or  combinations 
of  letters,  c,  i,  V9  si,  01,  vt,  to  all  of  which 
they  give  the  sound  of  our  double  e  in  the 
word  meet.  This  useless  equivalence  of  three 
vowels  and  three  diphthongs  did  not  probably 
exist  among  the  ancient  Greeks ;  and  the  less 
probably  as,  while  this  single  sound,  ee,  is 
overcharged  by  so  many  different  representative 
characters,  the  sounds  we  usually  give  to 
these  characters  and  combinations  would  be  left 
without  any  representative  signs.  This  would 
imply  either  that  they  had  not  these  sounds 
in  their  language,  or  no  signs  for  their  expres 
sion.  Probability  appears  to  me,  therefore, 
against  the  practice  of  the  modern  Greeks  of 
giving  the  same  sound  to  all  these  different 
representatives,  and  to  be  in  favor  of  that  of 
foreign  nations,  who,  adopting  the  Roman 
characters,  have  assimilated  to  them,  in  a  con 
siderable  degree,  the  powers  of  the  correspond 
ing  Greek  letters.  I  have,  accordingly,  ex- 
cepted  this  in  my  adoption  of  the  modern  pro 
nunciation. 

I  have  been  more  doubtful  in  the  use  of  the 
avy  EV,  rjv,  GOVj  sounding  the  v,  upsilon,  as 
our  f  or  v,  because  I  find  traces  of  that  power  of 
v,  or  of  v,  in  some  modern  languages.  To  go 
no  further  than  our  own,  we  have  it  in  laugh, 
cough,  trough,  enough.  The  county  of  Louisa, 
adjacent  to  that  in  which  I  live,  was,  when  I 
was  a  boy,  universally  pronounced  Lovisa. 
That  it  is  not  the  gh  which  gives  the  sound  of 
f  or  v,  in  these  words,  is  proved  by  the  orthog 
raphy  of  plough,  trough,  thought,  fraught, 
caught.  The  modern  Greeks  themselves,  too, 
giving  up  v,  upsilon,  in  ordinary,  the  sound  of 
our  ee,  strengthens  the  presumption  that  its 
anomalous  sound  of  f  or  v,  is  a  corruption. 
The  same  may  be  inferred  from  the  cacophony 
of  shacprs  (elavne)  for  sXavvE  (elawne.) 
AxiA-hecpg  (Achillefs)  for  AxtA.A.ev$  (Achi- 
lleise,)  «<pg  (eves)  for  svg  (ee-use,)  ocpK  (ovk) 
for  SK  (ouk,)  oocpiog  (ovetos)  for  covrog  (o-u- 
tos,)  Zeps  (zevs)  for  Zsv<5  (zese,)  of  which 
all  nations  have  made  their  Jupiter  ;  and  the  use- 
lessness  of  the  v  in  evqx&na,  which  would 
otherwise  have  been  spelt  Ecpaovia.  I,  therefore, 
except  this  also  from  what  I  consider  as  approv- 
able  pronunciation. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  112. 
(M.,  1819.) 

4439. .      Should    Mr.    Pickering 

ultimately  establish  the  modern  pronunciation 
of  the  letters  without  any  exception,  I  shall 
think  it  a  great  step  gained,  and  giving  up  my 
exceptions,  shall  willingly  rally  to  him. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  115.  (M.,  1819.) 

4440. .     If    we    adhere    to    the 

Erasmian  pronunciation  we  must  go  to  Italy 
for  it,  as  we  must  do  for  the  most  probably 
correct  pronunciation  of  the  language  of  the 
Romans,  because  rejecting  the  modern,  we  must 
argue  that  the  ancient  pronunciation  was  prob 


ably  brought  from  Greece,  with  the  language 
itself ;  and,  as  Italy  was  the  country  to  which 
it  was  brought,  and  from  which  it  emanated  to 
other  nations,  we  must  presume  it  better  pre 
served  there  than  with  the  nations  copying  from 
them,  who  would  be  apt  to  affect  its  pronuncia 
tion  with  some  of  their  own  national  peculiari 
ties.  And  in  fact,  we  find  that  no  two  nations 
pronounce  it  alike,  although  all  pretend  to  the 
Erasmian  pronunciation.  But  the  whole  sub 
ject  is  conjectural,  and  allows,  therefore,  full 
and  lawful  scope  to  the  vagaries  of  the  human 
mind.  I  am  glad,  however,  to  see  the  question 
stirred  here;  because  it  may  excite  among  our 
young  countrymen  a  spirit  of  enquiry  and  criti 
cism,  and  lead  them  to  more  attention  to  this 
most  beautiful  of  all  languages. — To  MR.  MOORE. 
vii,  137.  (M.,  1819.) 

4441. .     I  have  little  hope  of  the 

recovery  of  the  ancient  pronunciation  of  that 
finest  of  human  languages,  but  still  I  rejoice  at 
the  attention  the  subject  seems  to  excite 
with  you,  because  it  is  an  evidence  that  our 
country  begins  to  have  a  taste  for  something 
more  than  merely  as  much  Greek  as  will  pass 
a  candidate  for  clerical  ordination. — To  JOHN 
BRAZIER,  vii,  131.  (P.F.,  1819.) 

4442.  LANGUAGE  (Greek),  Revival  of. 

—The  modern  Greek  is  not  yet  so  far  de 
parted  from  its  ancient  model,  but  that  we 
might  still  hope  to  see  the  language  of  Homer 
and  Demosthenes  flow  with  purity  from  the  lips 
of  a  free  and  ingenious  people. — To  JOHN  PAGE. 
i,  400.  (P.,  1785.) 

4443. .      I    cannot    help    looking 

forward  *  *  *  to  the  language  of  Homer 
becoming  again  a  living  language,  as  among 
possible  events. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.  ii,  267. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  444.  (P.,  1787.) 

4444. .     I    enjoy    Homer    in   his 

own  language  infinitely  beyond  Pope's  transla 
tion  of  him,  and  both  beyond  the  dull  narrative 
of  the  same  events  by  Dares  Phrygius ;  and  it 
is  an  innocent  enjoyment.* — To  JOSEPH  PRIEST 
LEY,  iv,  317.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  414.  (Pa.,  1800.) 
See  LANGUAGE  (LATIN). 

4445.  LANGUAGE  (Italian),  French, 
Spanish  and. — I  fear  the  learning  of  Italian 
will  confound  your  French  and  Spanish.  Being 
all  of  them  degenerated  dialects  of  the  Latin, 
they  are  apt  to  mix  in  conversation.  I  have 
never  seen  a  person  speaking  the  three  lan 
guages,  who  did  not  mix  them.  It  is  a  delight 
ful  language,  but  late  events  having  rendered 
the  Spanish  more  useful,  lay  it  aside  to  prose 
cute  that. — To  PETER  CARR.  ii,  237.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  428.  (P.,  1787.) 

4446. .     To  a  person  who  would 

make  a  point  of  reading  and  speaking  French 
and  Spanish,  I  should  doubt  the  utility  of  learn 
ing  Italian.  These  three  languages,  being  all 
degeneracies  from  the  Latin,  resemble  one  an 
other  so  much,  that  I  doubt  the  probability  of 
keeping  in  the  head  a  distinct  knowledge  of 
them  all.  I  suppose  that  he  who  learns  them 
all,  will  speak  a  compound  of  the  three,  and 
neither  perfectly. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH,  JR. 
ii,  177.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  405.  (P.,  1787.) 

4447.  LANGUAGE  (Latin),  A  luxury. 
— To  read  the  Latin  and  Greek  authors  in 
their  original^,  is  a  sublime  luxury ;  and  I  deem 
luxury  in  science  to  be  at  least  as  justifiable 

*  Jefferson  scarcely  passed  a  day  without  reading 
a  portion  of  the  classics.— RAYNER'S  Life  of  Jeffer 
son  p.  22. 


Language  (Latin) 
Languages 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


474 


as  in  architecture,  painting,  gardening,  or  the 
other  arts. — To  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  iv,  316. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  414.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

4448. .     I    thank   on    my   knees, 

him  who  directed  my  early  education,  for  hav 
ing  put  into  my  possession  this  rich  source  of 
delight ;  and  I  would  not  exchange  it  for  any 
thing  which  I  could  then  have  acquired,  and 
have  not  since  acquired. — To  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY. 
iv,  317.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  414.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

4449.  LANGUAGE   (Latin),   Models  of 

composition.— I  think  the  Greeks  and  Ro 
mans  have  left  us  the  present  [purest?]  models 
which  exist  of  fine  composition,  whether  we  ex 
amine  them  as  works  of  reason,  or  of  style  and 
fancy ;  and  to  them  we  probably  owe  these 
characteristics  of  modern  composition.  I 
know  of  no  composition  of  any  other  ancient 
people,  which  merits  the  least  regard  as  a  model 
for  its  matter  or  style. — To  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY. 
iv,  316.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  414.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

4450. .     The  utilities   we  derive 

from  the  remains  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  lan 
guages  are,  first  as  models  of  pure  taste  in  wri 
ting.  To  these  we  are  certainly  indebted  for  the 
natural  and  chaste  style  of  modern  composition, 
which  so  much  distinguishes  the  nations  to 
whom  these  languages  are  familiar.  Without 
these  models  we  should  probably  have  continued 
the  inflated  style  of  our  northern  ancestors,  or 
the  hyperbolical  and  vague  one  of  the  East. — 
To  JOHN  BRAZIER.  _  vii,  131.  (1819.) 

4451.  LANGUAGE  (Latin),  Reading.— 

We  [University  of  Virginia]  must  get  rid  of 
this  Connecticut  Latin,  of  this  barbarous  con 
fusion  of  long  and  short  syllables,  which  renders 
doubtful  whether  we  are  listening  to  a  reader  of 
Cherokee,  Shawnee,  Iroquois,  or  what. — To 
WM.  B.  GILES,  vii,  429.  FORD  ED.,  x,  357. 
(M.,  1825.) 

4452.  LANGUAGE  (Latin),  Study  of.— 

The  learning  of  Greek  and  Latin,  I  am  told, 
is  going  into  disuse  in  Europe.  I  know  not 
what  their  manners  and  occupations  may  call 
for ;  but  it  would  be  very  ill-judged  in  us  to 
follow  their  example  in  this  instance. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  389.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  253. 
(1782.) 

4453.  LANGUAGE  (Latin),  Utility  of. 

— To  whom  are  they  [the  classical  languages] 
useful?  Certainly  not  to  all  men.  There  are 
conditions  of  life  to  which  they  must  be  for 
ever  estranged.  *  *  *  To  the  moralist  they 
are  valuable,  because  they  furnish  ethical  wri 
tings  highly  and  justly  esteemed;  although  in 
my  own  opinion  the  moderns  are  far  advanced 
beyond  them  in  this  line  of  science ;  the  divine 
finds  in  the  Greek  language  a  translation  of  his 
primary  code,  of  more  importance  to  him  than 
the  original  because  better  understood ;  and,  in 
the  same  language,  the  newer  code,  with  the 
doctrines  of  the  earliest  fathers.  *  *  *  The 
lawyer  finds  in  the  Latin  language  the  system 
of  civil  law  most  conformable  with  the  princi 
ples  of  justice  of  any  which  has  ever  yet  been 
established  among  men,  and  from  which  much 
has  been  incorporated  into  our  own.  The  phy 
sician  as  good  a  code  of  his  art  as  has  been 
given  us  to  this  day.  *  *  *  The  statesman 
will  find  in  these  languages  history,  politics, 
mathematics,  ethics,  eloquence,  love  of  country, 
to  which  he  must  add  the  sciences  of  his  own 
day,  for  which  of  them  should  be  unknown  to 
him?  And  all  the  sciences  must  recur  to  the 
classical  languages  for  the  etymon,  and  sound 
understanding  of  their  fundamental  terms. 


*  *  *  To  sum  the  whole,  it  may  truly  be 
said  that  the  classical  languages  are  a  solid 
basis  for  most,  and  an  ornament  to  all  the 
sciences. — To  JOHN  BRAZIER,  vii,  131.  (P.F., 
1819.) 

4454.  LANGUAGE  (Spanish),  Impor 
tant  to  know. — Our  future  connection  with 
Spain  renders  that  the  most  necessary  of  the 
modern  languages,  after  the  French.  When 
you  become  a  public  man,  you  may  have  occa 
sion  for  it,  and  the  circumstance  of  your 
possessing  that  language,  may  give  you  a  prefer 
ence  over  other  candidates.* — To  PETER  CARR. 
i,  399-  (P.,  1785.) 

4455. .     Bestow    great    attention 

on  the  Spanish  language,  and  endeavor  to 
acquire  an  accurate  knowledge  of  it.  Our 
future  connections  with  Spain  and  Spanish 
America,  will  render  that  language  a  valuable 
acquisition.  The  ancient  history  of  a  great 
part  of  America,  too,  is  written  in  that  lan 
guage. — To  PETER  CARR.  ii,  238.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  428.  (P.,  I787.) 

4456. .     Next     to     French,     the 

Spanish  [language]  is  most  important  to  an 
American.  Our  connection  with  Spain  is  al 
ready  important,  and  will  become  daily  more 
so.  Besides  this,  the  ancient  part  of  American 
history  is  written  chiefly  in  Spanish. — To  T.  M. 
RANDOLPH,  JR.  ii,  177.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  405.  (P., 
1787.) 

4457. .     Apply    yourself    to    the 

study  of  the  Spanish  language  with  all  the  as 
siduity  you  can.  It  and  the  English  covering 
nearly  the  whole  face  of  America,  they  should 
be  well  known  to  every  inhabitant,  who  means 
to  look  beyond  the  limits  of  his  farm. — To 
PETER  CARR.  ii,  409.  (P.,  1788.) 

4458.  LANGUAGES,     Filiation     of.— I 

have  long  considered  the  filiation  of  languages 
as  the  best  proof  we  can  ever  obtain  of  the 
filiation  of  nations. — To  JOHN  S.  VATER.  v, 
599.  (M.,  1812.) 

4459.  LANGUAGES,  Learning.— In  gen- 
eral,  I  am  of  opinion,  that  till  the  age  of  about 
sixteen,   we   are   best   employed   on   languages : 
Latin,    Greek,    French,    and    Spanish.     *     *     * 
I  think  Greek  the  least  useful. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
ii,  192.     (P.,  1787.) 

4460. .  I  suppose  there  is  a  por 
tion  of  life  during  which  our  faculties  are  ripe 
enough  for  [learning  languages],  and  for  noth 
ing  more  useful. — To  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  iv, 
316.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  413.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

4461.  LANGUAGES,  Perfect  Knowl 
edge  of. — No  instance  exists  of  a  person's 
writing  two  languages  perfectly.  That  will  al 
ways  appear  to  be  his  native  language,  which 
was  most  familiar  to  him  in  his  youth. — To  J. 
BANNISTER,  i,  468.  (P.,  1785.) 

4462. .     I    am    of    opinion    that 

there  never  was  an  instance  of  a  man's  writing 
or  speaking  his  native  tongue  with  elegance, 
who  passed  from  fifteen  to  twenty  years  of  age 
out  of  the  country  where  it  was  spoken. — To  J. 
BANNISTER  i,  468.  (P.,  1785.) 

4463. .     Did  you  ever  know  an 

instance  of  one  who  could  write  in  a  foreign 
language  with  the  elegance  of  a  native  ?  Cicero 
wrote  Commentaries  of  his  own  Consulship  in 
Greek ;  they  perished  unknown,  while  his  native 

*  Peter  Carr  was  Jefferson's  nephew.— EDITOR. 


475 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Languages 

Latitude  and  Longitude 


compositions  have  immortalized  him  with  them 
selves — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  vi,  509. 
(M.,  1815.) 

4464.  LANGUAGES,  Utility.— I  omitted 
to  say  anything  of  the  languages  as  part  of  our 
proposed    [Virginia]    University.     It    was    not 
that  I  think,  as  some  do,  that  they  are  useless. 
I    am   of   a   very   different   opinion.     I    do    not 
think  them  very  essential  to  the  obtaining  emi 
nent  degrees  of  science ;  but  I  think  them  very 
useful   towards   it.— To   JOSEPH    PRIESTLY,     iv, 
316.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  413-     (Pa.,  1800.) 

4465.  LANGUAGES  (Indian),  Cherokee. 

—Your  Cherokee  grammar  *  *  *  I  have 
gone  over  with  attention  and  satisfaction.  We 
generally  learn  languages  for  the  benefit  of  read 
ing  the  books  written  in  them.  But  here  our 
reward  must  be  the  addition  made  to  the  phil 
osophy  of  language.  In  this  point  of  view 
your  analysis  of  the  Cherokee  adds  valuable 
matter  for  reflection  and  strengthens  our  de 
sire  to  see  more  of  these  languages  as  scientificr 
ally  elucidated.  Their  grammatical  devices  for 
the  modification  of  their  words  by  a  syllable  pre 
fixed  to,  or  inserted  in  the  middle,  or  added  to 
its  end,  and  by  other  combinations  so  different 
from  ours,  prove  that  if  man  came  from  one 
stock,  his  languages  did  not.  A  late  gramma 
rian  has  said  that  all  words  were  originally 
monosyllables.  The  Indian  languages  disprove 
this.  I  should  conjecture  that  the  Cherokees, 
for  example,  have  formed  their  language  not 
by  single  words,  but  by  phrases.  I  have  known 
some  children  learn  to  speak,  not  by  a  word  at 
a  time,  but  by  whole  phrases.  Thus  the  Chero 
kee  has  no  name  for  "  father  "  in  the  abstract, 
but  only  as  combined  with  some  one  of  his 
relations.  A  complex  idea  being  a  fasciculus  of 
simple  ideas  bundled  together,  it  is  rare  that 
different  languages  make  up  their  bundles  alike, 
and  hence  the  difficulty  of  translating  from 
one  language  to  another.  European  nations 
have  so  long  had  intercourse  with  one  an 
other,  as  to  have  approximated  their  complex 
expressions  much  towards  one  another.  But 
I  believe  we  shall  find  it  impossible  to  translate 
our  language  into  any  of  the  Indian,  or  any  of 
theirs  into  ours.  I  hope  you  will  pursue  your 
undertaking,  and  that  others  will  follow  your 
example  with  other  of  their  languages.  It 
will  open  a  wide  field  for  reflection  on  the 
grammatical  organization  of  languages,  their 
structure  and  character.  I  am  persuaded  that 
among  the  tribes  on  our  two  continents  a  great 
number  of  languages,  radically  different,  will 
be  found.  It  will  be  curious  to  consider  how 
so  many,  so  radically  different,  have  been  pre 
served  by  such  small  tribes  in  coterminous  set 
tlements  of  moderate  extent.  I  had  once  col 
lected  about  thirty  vocabularies  formed  of  the 
same  English  words,  expressive  of  such  simple 
objects  only  as  must  be  present  and  familiar 
to  every  one  under  these  circumstances.  They 
were  unfortunately  lost.  But  I  remember  that 
on  a  trial  to  arrange  them  into  families  or 
dialects,  I  found  in  one  instance  that  about  half 
a  dozen  might  be  so  classed,  in  another  per 
haps  three  or  four.  But  I  am  sure  that  a  third, 
at  least,  if  not  more,  were  perfectly  insulated 
from  each  other.  Yet  this  is  the  only  index 

by  which  we  can  trace  their  filiation. — To  

.     vii,  399.     (M.,  1825.) 

4466.  LANGUAGES  (Indian),  Vocabu 
laries  of. — I  had  through  the  course  of  my 
life  availed  myself  of  every  opportunity  of  pro 
curing  vocabularies  of  the  languages  of  every 
[Indian]     tribe    which     either    myself    or    my 
friends  could  have  access  to.     They  amounted 


to  about  forty,  more  or  less  perfect.  But  in 
their  passage  from  Washington  to  Monticello 
the  trunk  in  which  they  were  was  stolen  and 
plundered,  and  some  fragments  only  of  the 
vocabularies  were  recovered.  Still,  however, 
they  were  such  as  would  be  worth  incorporation 
with  a  larger  work,  and  shall  be  at  the  service 
of  the  historical  committee,  if  they  can  make 
any  use  of  them. — To  MR.  DUPONCEAU.  vii, 
92.  (M.,  1817.)  See  ABORIGINES  and  IN 
DIANS. 

4467.  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE, 
Astronomy     and. — Measures     and     rhombs 
taken  on  the  special  surface  of  the  earth,  cannot 
be  represented  on  a  plain  surface  of  paper  with 
out   astronomical   corrections ;    and  paradoxical 
as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that  we 
cannot  know  the  relative  position  of  two  places 
on  the  earth,  but  by  interrogating  the  sun,  moon 
and   stars. — To    GOVERNOR   NICHOLAS,     vi,    587. 
(P.P.,  1816.) 

4468.  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE, 

Chronometers  and. — Fine  time-keepers  have 
been  invented,  but  not  equal  to  what  is  requi 
site,  all  of  them  deriving  their  motion  from  a 
spring,  and  not  from  a  pendulum.  Indeed  these 
pursuits  have  lost  much  of  their  consequence 
since  the  improvement  of  the  lunar  tables  has 
given  the  motion  of  the  moon  so  accurately,  as 
to  make  that  a  foundation  for  estimating  the 
longitude  by  her  relative  position  at  a  given  mo 
ment  with  the  sun  or  fixed  stars. — To  CAPTAIN 
GROVE,  v,  374.  (W.,  1808.) 

4469.  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE, 
Jupiter's  Eclipses.— To  get  the  longitude  at 
sea  by  observation  of  the  eclipses  of  Jupiter's 
satellites,   two    desiderata   are   wanting:    ist,    a 
practicable  way  of  keeping  the  planet  and  satel 
lite  in  the  field  of  a  glass  magnifying  sufficiently 
to  show  the  satellites  ;  2nd,  a  time-piece  whicn 
will  give  the  instant  of  time  with  sufficient  ac 
curacy  to  be  useful.     The  bringing  the  planet 
and  satellite  to  the   horizon  does   not  sensibly 
facilitate  the  observation,  because  the  planet  in 
his  ascending  and  descending  course  is  at  such 
heights  as  admit  the  direct  observation  with  en 
tire  convenience.     On  the  other  hand,  so  much 
light  is  lost  by  the  double  reflection  as  to  dim 
the  objects  and  lessen  the  precision  with  which 
the    moment    of    ingress    and    egress    may    be 
marked.     This  double  reflection  also  introduces 
a  new  source  of  error  from  the  inaccuracy  of 
the  instrument;  3d,  the  desideratum  of  a  time 
piece  which,  notwithstanding  the  motion  of  the 
ship,    shall   keep   time   during   a   whole   voyage 
with  sufficient  accuracy  for  these  observations, 
has  not  yet  been  supplied. — To  CAPTAIN  GROVE. 
v,  374.     (W.,   1808.) 

4470.  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE, 

Lunar  observations.— While  Captain  Lew 
is's  mission  was  preparing,  as  it  was  under 
stood  that  his  reliance  for  his  longitudes  must 
be  on  the  lunar  observations  taken,  as  at  sea, 
with  the  aid  of  a  time-keeper,  and  I  knew  that 
a  thousand  accidents,  might  happen  to  that  in 
such  a  journey  as  his,. and  thus  deprive  us  of 
the  principal  object  of  fee  expedition,  to  wit, 
the  ascertaining  the  geography  of  that  river, 
I  set  myself  to  consider  whether  in  making  ob 
servations  at  land,  that  furnishes  no  resource 
which  may  dispense  with  the  time-keeper,  so 
necessary  at  sea.  It  occurred  to  me  that  we 
can  always  have  a  meridian  at  land  that  would 
furnish  what  the  want  of  it  at  sea  obliges  us  to 
supply  by  the  time-keeper.  Supposing  Captain 
Lewis  then  furnished  with  a  meridian,  and  hav 
ing  the  requisite  tables  and  nautical  almanac 


Latitude  and  Longitude        THE  JEFFERSONIAN   CYCLOPEDIA 


476 


with  him, — first,  he  might  find  the  right  ascen 
sion  of  the  moon,  when  on  the  meridian  of 
Greenwich,  on  any  given  day ;  then  find  by  ob 
servation  when  the  moon  should  attain  that 
right  ascension  (by  the  aid  of  a  known  star), 
and  measure  her  distance  in  that  moment  from 
his  meridian.  This  distance  would  be  the  differ 
ence  of  longitude  between  Greenwich  and  the 
place  of  obervation.  Or  secondly,  observe  the 
moon's  passage  over  his  meridian,  and  her  right 
ascension  at  that  moment.  See  by  the  tables  at 
Greenwich  when  she  had  that  right  ascension. 
That  gives  her  distance  from  the  meridian  of 
Greenwich,  when  she  was  on  his  meridian.  Or 
thirdly,  observe  the  moon's  distance  from  his 
meridian  at  any  moment,  and  her  right  ascen 
sion  at  that  moment ;  and  find  from  the  tables 
her  distance  from  the  meridian  of  Greenwich, 
when  she  had  that  right  ascension,  which  will 
give  the  distance  of  the  two  meridians.  This 
last  process  will  be  simplified  by  taking,  for 
the  moment  of  observation,  that  of  an  appulse 
of  the  moon  and  a  known  star,  or  when  the 
moon  and  a  known  star  are  in  the  same  verti 
cal.  I  suggested  this  to  Mr.  Briggs,  who  con 
sidered  it  as  correct  and  practicable,  and  pro 
posed  communicating  it  to  the  Philosophical 
Society ;  but  I  observed  that  it  was  too  obvious 
not  to  have  been  thought  of  before,  and  sup 
posed  it  had  not  been  adopted  in  practice, 
because  of  no  use  at  sea,  where  a  meridian 
cannot  be  had,  and  where  alone  the  nations  of 
Europe  had  occasion  for  it.  Before  his  con 
firmation  of  the  idea,  however,  Captain  Lewis 
was  gone.  In  conversation  afterwards  with 
Baron  von  Humbold^  he  observed  that  the  idea 
was  correct,  but  not  new ;  that  I  would  find  it 
in  the  third  volume  of  Delalande.  I  received, 
two  days  ago,  the  third  and  fourth  volumes  of 
Montucla's  History  of  Mathematics,  finished  and 
edited  by  Delalande ;  and  find,  in  fact,  that 
Morin  and  Vanlangren,  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  proposed  observations  of  the  moon  on 
the  meridian,  but  it  does  not  appear  whether 
they  meant  to  dispense  with  the  time-keeper. 
But  a  meridian  at  sea  being  too  impracticable, 
their  idea  was  not  pursued. — To  MR.  DUNBAR. 
iv,  578.  (W.,  1805.) 

4471.  LATITUDE  AND   LONGITUDE, 

Magnetic  needle. — Among  other  projects 
with  which  we  begin  to  abound  in  America, 
is  one  for  finding  the  latitude  by  the  variation 
of  the  magnetic  needle.  The  author  supposes 
two  points,  one  near  each  pole,  through  the 
northern  of  which  pass  all  the  magnetic  merid 
ians  of  the  northern  hemisphere,  and  through 
the  southern  those  of  the  southern  hemisphere. 
He  determines  their  present  position  and  period 
ical  revolution. — To  B.  VAUGHAN.  ii,  166.  (P.. 
1787.) 

4472. .  As  far  as  we  can  conjec 
ture  your  idea  here  [Paris],  we  imagine  you 
make  a  table  of  variations  of  the  needle,  for  all 
the  different  meridians.  To  apply  this  table 
to  use,  in  the  voyage  between  America  and 
Europe.  Suppose  the  variation  to  increase  a 
degree  in  every  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles. 
Two  difficulties  occur:  i,  a  ready  and  accurate 
method  of  finding  the  variation  of  the  place ; 
2,  an  instrument  so  perfect  as  that  (though  the 
degree  on  it  shall  represent  one  hundred  and 
sixty  miles)  it  shall  give  the  parts  of  the  de 
gree  so  minutely  as  to  answer  the  purpose  of  the 
navigator.  *  *  *  I  make  no  question  you  have 
provided  against  the  doubts  entertained  here, 
and  I  shall  be  happy  that  our  country  may  have 
the  honor  of  furnishing  the  old  world  what  it 
has  so  long  sought  in  vain. — To  JOHN  CHURCH 
MAN,  ii,  236.  (P.,  1787.) 


4473.  LATITUDE  AND   LONGITUDE, 

Without  chronometer*. — If  two  persons,  at 
different  points  of  the  same  hemisphere  (as 
Greenwich  and  Washington,  for  example),  ob 
serve  the  same  celestial  phenomenon,  at  the 
same  instant  of  time,  the  difference  of  the  times 
marked  by  their  respective  clocks  is  the  differ 
ence  of  their  longitudes,  or  the  distance  of  their 
meridians.  *  To  catch  with  precision  the  same 
instant  of  time  for  these  simultaneous  observa 
tions,  the  moon's  motion  in  her  orbit  is  the  best 
element;  her  change  of  place  (about  a  half 
second  of  space  in  a  second  of  time)  is  rapid 
enough  to  be  ascertained  by  a  good  instrument 
with  sufficient  precision  for  the  object.  But 
suppose  the  observer  at  Washington,  or  in  a 
desert,  to  be  without  a  timekeeper;  the  equa 
torial  is  the  instrument  to  be  used  in  that  case. 
Again,  we  have  supposed  a  contemporaneous 
observer  at  Greenwich.  But  his  functions  may 
be  supplied  by  the  nautical  almanac,  adapted  to 
that  place,  and  enabling  us  to  calculate  for 
any  instant  of  time  the  meridian  distances  there 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  necessary  to  be  observed 
for  this  purpose.  The  observer  at  Washington, 
choosing  the  time  when  their  position  is  suit 
able,  is  to  adjust  his  equatorial  to  his  merid 
ian,  to  his  latitude,  and  to  the  plane  of  his 
horizon ;  or  if  he  is  in  a  desert  where  neither 
meridian  nor  latitude  is  yet  ascertained,  the 
advantages  of  this  noble  instrument  are  that 
it  enables  him  to  find  both  in  the  course  of  a 
few  hours.  Thus  prepared,  let  him  ascertain  by 
observation  the  right  ascension  of  the  moon 
from  that  of  a  known  star,  or  their  horary  dis 
tance  ;  and,  at  the  same  instant,  her  horary 
distance  from  his  meridian.  Her  right  ascen 
sion  at  the  instant  thus  ascertained,  enter  with 
that  of  the  nautical  almanac,  and  calculate,  by 
its  tables,  what  was  her  iiorary  distance  from 
the  meridian  of  Greenwich  at  the  instant  she 
had  attained  that  point  of  right  ascension,  or 
that  horary  distance  from  the  same  star.  The 
addition  of  these  meridian  distances,  if  the 
moon  was  between  the  two  meridians,  or  the 
subtraction  of  the  lesser  from  the  greater,  if 
she  was  on  the  same  side  of  both,  is  the  differ 
ence  of  their  longitudes.  This  general  theory 
admits  different  cases,  of  which  the  observer 
may  avail  himself,  according  to  the  particular 
position  of  the  heavenly  bodies  at  the  moment 
of  observation.  Case  ist.  When  the  moon  is 
on  his  meridian,  or  on  that  of  Greenwich.  Sec 
ond.  When  the  star  is  on  either  meridian. 
Third.  When  the  moon  and  star  are  on  the  same 
side  of  his  meridian.  Fourth.  When  they  are 
on  different  sides.  For  instantaneousness  of 
observation,  the  equatorial  has  great  advantage 
over  the  circle  or  sextant ;  for  being  truly  placed 
in  the  meridian  beforehand,  the  telescope  may 
be  directed  sufficiently  in  advance  of  the  moon's 
motion,  for  time  to  note  its  place  on  the  equa 
torial  circle,  before  she  attains  that  point. 
Then  observe,  until  her  limb  touches  the  cross 
hairs  ;  and  in  that  instant  direct  the  telescope 
to  the  star ;  that  completes  the  observation,  and 
the  place  of  the  star  may  be  read  at  leisure. 
The  apparatus  for  correcting  the  effects  of  re 
fraction  and  parallax,  which  is  fixed  on  the 
eye-tube  of  the  telescope,  saves  time  by  ren 
dering  the  notation  of  altitudes  unnecessary, 
and  dispenses  with  the  use  of  either  a  time 
keeper  or  portable  pendulum.  I  have  observed 
that,  if  placed  in  a  desert  where  neither 
meridian  nor  latitude  is  yet  ascertained,  the 
equatorial  enables  the  observer  to  find  both  in 
a  few  hours.  For  the  latitude,  adjust  by  the 
cross-levels  the  azimuth  plane  of  the  instrument 

*  Jefferson  called  this  paper  "A  method  of  finding 
the  longitude  of  a  place  at  land,  without  a  time 
keeper  ".—EDITOR. 


477 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Latrobe  (B.  H.) 
Law 


to  the  horizon  of  the  place.  Bring  down  the 
equatorial  plane  to  an  exact  parallelism  with  it, 
its  pole  then  becoming  vertical.  By  the  nut 
and  pinion  commanding  it,  and  by  that  of  the 
semi-circle  of  declination,  direct  the  telescope 
to  the  sun.  Follow  its  path  with  the  telescope 
by  the  combined  use  of  these  two  pinions,  and 
when  it  has  attained  its  greatest  altitude,  cal 
culate  the  latitude  as  when  taken  by  a  sextant. 
For  finding  the  meridian,  set  the  azimuth  circle 
to  the  horizon,  elevate  the  equatorial  circle  to 
the  complement  of  the  latitude,  and  fix  it  by 
the  clamp  and  tightening  screw  of  the  two 
brass  segments  of  arches  below.  By  the  dec 
lination  semicircle  set  the  telescope  to  the 
sun's  declination  of  the  moment.  Turn  the  in 
strument  towards  the  meridian  by  guess,  and  by 
the  combined  movement  of  the  equatorial  and 
azimuth  circles  direct  the  telescope  to  the  sun, 
then  by  the  pinion  of  the  equatorial  alone,  fol 
low  the  path  of  the  sun  with  the  telescope.  If 
it  swerves  from  that  path,  turn  the  azimuth 
circle  until  it  shall  follow  the  sun  accurately. 
A  distant  stake  or  tree  should  mark  the  merid 
ian,  to  guard  against  its  loss  by  any  accidental 
jostle  of  the  instrument.  The  12  o'clock  line 
will  then  be  in  the  true  meridian,  and  the  axis 
of  the  equatorial  circle  will  be  parallel  with  that 
of  the  earth.  The  instrument  is  then  in  its  true 
position  for  the  observations  of  the  night. — To 

.    vii,   226.     (M.,    1821.)     See   LEWIS 

AND  CLARK  EXPEDITION. 

4474.  LATROBE  (B.  H.),  Building  of 
U.  S.  Capitol. — My  memory  retains  no  trace 
of  the  particular  conversations  alluded  to  [by 
you*],  nor  enables  me  to  say  that  they  are  or 
are  not  correct.  The  only  safe  appeal  for  me 
is  to  the  general  impressions  received  at  the 
time,  and  still  retained  with  sufficient  dis 
tinctness.  These  were  that  you  discharged  the 
duties  of  your  appointment  with  ability,  dili 
gence  and  zeal,  but  that  in  the  article  of  expense 
you  were  not  sufficiently  guarded.  You  must 
remember  my  frequent  cautions  to  you  on  this 
head,  the  measures  I  took,  by  calling  for  fre 
quent  accounts  of  expenditures  and  contracts, 
to  mark  to  you,  as  well  as  to  myself,  when 
they  were  getting  beyond  the  limits  of  the  ap 
propriations,  and  the  afflicting  embarrassments 
on  a  particular  occasion  where  these  limits  had 
been  unguardedly  and  greatly  transcended. 
These  sentiments  I  communicated  to  you  freely 
at  the  time,  as  it  was  my  duty  to  do.  An 
other  principle  of  conduct  with  me  was  to  admit 
no  innovations  on  the  established  plans,  but  on 
the  strongest  grounds.  When,  therefore,  I 
thought  first  of  placing  the  floor  of  the  Repre 
sentative  chamber  on  the  level  of  the  basement 
of  the  building,  and  of  throwing  into  its  height 
the  cavity  of  the  dome,  in  the  manner  of  the 
Halle  aux  Bleds  at  Paris,  I  deemed  it  due  to 
Dr.  Thornton,  author  of  the  plan  of  the  Capitol, 
to  consult  him  on  the  chanere.  He  not  only 
consented,  but  appeared  heartily  to  approve  of 
the  alteration.  For  the  same  reason,  as  well  as 
on  motives  of  economy,  I  was  anxious^  in 
converting  the  Senate  chamber  into  a  Judiciary 
room,  to  preserve  its  original  form,  and  to  leave 
the  same  arches  and  columns  standing.  On 
your  representation,  however,  that  the  columns 
were  decayed  and  incompetent  to  support  the 
incumbent  weight,  I  acquiesced  in  the  weight 
you  proposed,  only  striking  out  the  addition 
which  would  have  made  part  of  the  middle 
building,  and  would  involve  a  radical  change 
in  that  which  had  not  been  sanctioned.  I  have 

*  Latrobe  was  the  architect  of  the  Capitol  at  Wash 
ington.  The  quotation  is  interesting,  showing  as  it 
does  the  impress  of  Jefferson's  taste  in  architecture. 

—EDITOR. 


no  reason  to  doubt  but  that  in  the  execution  of 
the  Senate  and  Court  rooms,  you  have  adhered 
to  the  plan  communicated  to  me  and  approved. 
*  *  *  On  the  whole,  I  do  not  believe  any  one 
has  ever  done  more  justice  to  your  professional 
abilities  than  myself.  Besides  constant  com 
mendations  of  your  taste  in  architecture,  and 
science  in  execution,  I  declared  on  many  and  all 
occasions  that  I  considered  you  as  the  only  per 
son  in  the  United  States  who  could  have  exe 
cuted  the  Representative  Chamber,  or  who 
could  execute  the  middle  buildings  on  any  of 
the  plans  proposed. — To  BENJAMIN  H.  LATROBE. 
v,  578.  (M.,  1811.)  See  ARCHITECTURE. 

4475.  LATROBE  (B.  H.),  Burr's  Trea 
son  and.— I  believe  we  shall  send  on  Latrobe 
as  a  witness.  He  will  prove  that  Aaron  Burr 
endeavored  to  get  him  to  engage  several  thou 
sand  men,  chiefly  Irish  emigrants,  whom  he  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  employing  in  the  works 
he  directs,  under  pretence  of  a  canal  opposite 
Louisville,  or  of  the  Washita,  in  which,  had  he 
succeeded,  he  could  with  that  force  alone  have 
carried  everything  before  him,  and  would  not 
have  been  where  he  now  is.  He  knows,  too,  of 
certain  meetings  of  Burr,  Bollman,  Yrnjo,  and 
one  other  whom  we  have  never  named  yet,  but 
have  him  not  the  less  in  our  view. — To  GEORGE 
HAY.  v,  99.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  58.  (W.,  June 
1807.) 

4476. .  I  have  had  a  conversa 
tion  with  Latrobe.  He  says  it  was  five  hundred 
men  he  was  desired  to  engage.  The  pretexts 
were,  to  work  on  the  Ohio  canal,  and  be  paid 
in  Washita  lands.  Your  witnesses  will  some 
of  them  prove  that  Burr  had  no  interest  in  the 
Ohio  canal,  and  that  consequently  this  was  a 
mere  pretext  to  cover  the  real  object  from  the 
men  themselves,  and  all  others. — To  GEORGE 
HAY.  v,  100.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  59.  (W.,  June 
1807.) 

4477.  LAW,  Administration.— Laws  will 
be  *  *  *  honestly  administered,  in  pro 
portion  as  those  who  *  *  *  administer 
them  are  wise  and  honest. — DIFFUSION  OF 
KNOWLEDGE  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.  (1779.) 

4478.-  _.     That  people  will  be  hap 

piest  whose  laws  are  best,  and  are  best  ad 
ministered. — DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.  (1779.) 

4479.  LAW,    Agrarian.— Equal   partition 
of  inheritances   [is]   the  best  of  all  agrarian 
laws. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  49.    FORD  ED.,  i,  69. 
(1821.) 

—  LAW,  Alien  and  Sedition. — See  ALIEN 
AND  SEDITION  LAWS. 

—  LAW,    The    Common.— See    COMMON 
LAW. 

4480.  LAW,    Construing.— Constructions 
which   do  not  result  from  the  words  of  the 
Legislator,  but  lie  hidden   in  his  breast,   till 
called    forth,    ex   post   facto,    by    subsequent 
occasions,  are  dangerous  and  not  to  be  justi 
fied    by    ordinary    emergencies. — REPORT    TO 
CONGRESS.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  138.     (1778.) 

4481. .     Constructions    must   not 

be  favored  which  go  to  defeat  instead  of 
furthering  the  principal  object  of  the  law  and 
to  sacrifice  the  end  to  the  means. — To  W. 
H.  CABELL.  v,  159.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  94.  (M., 
1807.) 


Law 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


478 


4482. .     Ingenuity    ever    should 

be  exercised  [in  executive  cases]  in  devising 
constructions  which  may  save  to  the  public 
the  benefit  of  the  law.  Its  intention  is  the  im 
portant  thing;  the  means  of  attaining  quite 
subordinate. — To  W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  159, 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  94.  (M.,  1807.) 

4483. .     In  the  construction  of  a 

law,  even  in  judiciary  cases  of  meum  et  tuum 
where  the  opposite  parties  have  a  right  and 
counter-right  in  the  very  words  of  the  law, 
the  judge  considers  the  intention  of  the  law 
giver  as  his  true  guide,  and  gives  to  all  the 
parts  and  expressions  of  the  law,  that  mean 
ing  which  will  effect,  instead  of  defeating,  its 
intention.  But  in  laws  merely  executive, 
where  no  private  right  stands  in  the  way,  and 
the  public  object  is  the  interest  of  all,  a 
much  freer  scope  of  construction,  in  favor  of 
the  intention  of  the  law,  ought  to  be  taken, 
and  ingenuity  ever  should  be  exercised  in 
devising  constructions,  which  may  save  to  the 
public  the  benefit  of  the  law.  Its  intention  is 
the  important  thing:  the  means  of  attaining 
it  quite  subordinate.  It  often  happens  that, 
the  Legislature  prescribing  the  details  of  exe 
cution,  some  circumstance  arises  unforeseen 
or  unattended  to  by  them,  which  would 
totally  frustrate  their  intention,  were  their 
details  scrupulously  adhered  to,  and  deemed 
exclusive  of  all  others.  But  constructions  must 
not  be  favored  which  go  to  defeat  instead  of 
furthering  the  principal  object  of  the  law,  and 
to  sacrifice  the  end  to  the  means.  It  being  as 
evidently  their  intention  that  the  end  shall  be 
attained  as  that  it  should  be  effected  by  any 
given  means,  if  both  cannot  be  observed,  we 
are  equally  free  to  deviate  from  the  one  as 
the  other,  and  more  rational  in  postponing 
the  means  to  the  end.  *  *  *  It  is  further 
to  be  considered  that  the  Constitution  gives 
the  Executive  a  general  power  to  carry  the 
laws  into  execution.  If  the  present  law  had 
enacted  that  the  service  of  30,000  volunteers 
should  be  accepted,  without  saying  anything 
of  the  means,  those  means  would,  by  the  Con 
stitution,  have  resulted  to  the  discretion  of 
the  Executive.  So  if  means  specified  by  an 
act  are  impracticable,  the  constitutional  power 
remains  and  supplies  them.  Often  the  means 
provided  specially  are  affirmative  merely,  and, 
with  the  constitutional  powers,  stand  well  to 
gether;  so  that  either  may  be  used,  or  the 
one  supplementary  to  the  other.  This  apt 
itude  of  means  to  the  end  of  a  law  is 
essentially  necessary  for  those  which  are  ex 
ecutive;  otherwise  the  objection  that  our  gov 
ernment  is  an  impracticable  one,  would  really 
be  verified.— To  W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  158.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  94.  (M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

4484. .  The  true  key  for  the  con 
struction  of  everything  doubtful  in  a  law,  is  the 
intention  of  the  law  givers.  This  is  most 
safely  gathered  from  the  words,  but  may  be 
sought  also  in  extraneous  circumstances,  pro 
vided  they  do  not  contradict  the  express 
words  of  the  law. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v, 
291.  (M,  1808.) 


4485. 


The  omission  of  a  cau 


tion  which  would  have  been  right,  does  not 
justify  the  doing  what  is  wrong.  Nor  ought 
it  to  be  presumed  that  the  Legislature  meant 
to  use  a  phrase  in  an  unjustifiable  sense,  if 
by  rules  of  construction  it  can  be  ever  strained 
to  what  is  just. — To  ISAAC  MCPHERSON.  vi, 
176.  (M.,  1813.) 

4486. .     The    question     whether 

the  judges  are  invested  with  exclusive  author 
ity  to  decide  on  the  constitutionality  of  a  law, 
has  been  heretofore  a  subject  of  consideration 
with  me  in  the  exercise  of  official  duties.  Cer 
tainly  there  is  not  a  word  in  the  Constitution 
which  has  given  that  power  to  them  more  than 
to  the  Executive  or  Legislative  branches. 
Questions  of  property,  of  character  and  of 
crime  being  ascribed  to  the  judges,  through  a 
definite  course  of  legal  proceeding,  laws  in 
volving  such  questions  belong,  of  course,  to 
them ;  and  as  they  decide  on  them  ultimately 
and  without  appeal,  they  of  course  decide  for 
themselves.  The  constitutional  validity  of  the 
law  or  laws  again  prescribing  Executive  ac 
tion,  and  to  be  administered  by  that  branch 
ultimately  and  without  appeal,  the  Executive 
must  decide  for  themselves  also,  whether,  un 
der  the  Constitution,  they  are  valid  or  not. 
So  also  as  to  laws  governing  the  proceedings 
of  the  Legislature,  that  body  must  judge  for 
itself  the  constitutionality  of  the  law,  and 
equally  without  appeal  or  control  from  its  co 
ordinate  branches.  And,  in  general,  that 
branch  which  is  to  act  ultimately,  and  with 
out  appeal,  on  any  law,  is  the  rightful  ex 
positor  of  the  validity  of  the  law,  uncon 
trolled  by  the  opinions  of  the  other  coordinate 
authorities. — To  W.  H.  TORRANCE.  vi,  461. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  517.  (M.,  1815.) 

4487.  -  — .  It  may  be  said  that  con 

tradictory  decisions  may  arise  in  such  case, 
and  produce  inconvenience.  This  is  possible, 
and  is  a  necessary  failing  in  all  human  pro 
ceedings.  Yet  the  prudence  of  the  public 
functionaries,  and  authority  of  public  opinion, 
will  generally  produce  accommodation.  Such 
an  instance  of  difference  occurred  between  the 
judges  of  England  (in  the  time  of  Lord  Holt) 
and  the  House  of  Commons,  but  the  prudence 
of  those  bodies  prevented  inconvenience  from 
it.  So  in  the  cases  of  Duane  and  of  William 
Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  whose  characters  of 
citizenship  stood  precisely  on  the  same 
ground,  the  judges  in  a  question  of  meum  and 
tuum  which  came  before  them,  decided  that 
Duane  was  not  a  citizen ;  and  in  a  question  of 
membership,  the  House  of  Representatives, 
under  the  same  words  of  the  same  provision, 
adjudged  William  Smith  to  be  a  citizen.  This 
is  what  I  believe  myself  to  be  sound. — To  W. 
H.  TORRANCE.  vi,  462.  FORDED.,  ix,  518.  (M., 
1815.) 

4488. .  There  is  another  opinion 

entertained  by  some  men  of  such  judgment 
and  information  as  to  lessen  my  confidence  in 
my  own.  That  is,  that  the  Legislature  alone 
is  the  exclusive  expounder  of  the  sense  of  the 
Constitution,  in  every  part  of  it  whatever. 
And  they  allege  in  its  support,  that  this 


479 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Law 


branch  has  authority  to  impeach  and  punish 
a  member  of  either  of  the  others  acting  con 
trary  to  its  declaration  of  the  sense  of  the 
Constitution.  It  may,  indeed,  be  answered 
that  an  act  may  still  be  valid  although  the 
party  is  punished  for  it,  right  or  wrong. 
However,  this  opinion  which  ascribes  exclu 
sive  exposition  to  the  Legislature,  merits  re 
spect  for  its  safety,  there  being  in  the  body 
of  the  nation  a  control  over  them,  which,  if 
expressed  by  rejection  on  the  subsequent  ex 
ercise  of  their  elective  franchise,  enlists  public 
opinion  against  their  exposition,  and  encour 
ages  a  judge  or  executive  on  a  future  oc 
casion  to  adhere  to  their  former  opinion.  Be 
tween  these  two  doctrines,  every  one  has  a 
right  to  choose,  and  I  know  of  no  third  merit 
ing  any  respect.— To  W.  H.  TORRANCE.  vi, 
462.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  518.  (M.,  1815.) 

4489.  LAW,  Cruel  French.— Nor  should 
we  wonder  at     *     *     *     [the]  pressure  [for 
a  fixed  constitution  in  1788-9]  when  we  con 
sider  the  monstrous  abuses  of  power  under 
which  they  [the  French]  people  were  ground 
to  powder ;  when  we  pass  in  review  the  *  *  * 
cruelty  of  the  criminal  code. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 
i,  86.    FORD  ED.,  i,  118.     (1821.) 

4490.  LAW,     Enacting.— Laws    will    be 

wisely  formed  *  *  *•  in  proportion  as  those 
who  form  *  *  *  them  are  wise  and  honest. 
— DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  BILL.  FORD  ED., 
ii,  221.  (I779-) 

4491.  LAW,  Enforcing.— Laws  made  by 
common   consent   must   not   be   trampled   on 
by     individuals. — To     COLONEL     VANNETER. 
FORD  ED.,  Hi,  24.     (R.,  1781.) 

4492. .  I  hope,  on  the  first  symp 
tom  of  an  open  opposition  to  the  [Embargo] 
law  by  force,  you  will  fly  to  the  scene,  and 
aid  in  suppressing  any  commotion. — To 
HENRY  DEARBORN,  v,  334.  (M.,  1808.) 

4493.  LAW,    Equality   before   the.— An 
equal  application  of  law  to  every  condition  of 
man   is   fundamental. — To   GEORGE   HAY.     v, 
175.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  62.    (M.,  1807.) 

4494.  LAW,  Execution  of.— The  execu 
tion  of  the  laws  is  more  important  than  the 
making  them.— To  M.  L'ABBE  ARNOND.     iii, 
82.    FORD  ED.,  v,  104.     (P.,  1789.) 

4495.  LAW,  Executive  discretion  and. — 
There  are  cases  in  the  books  where  the  word 
"may"    has    been    adjudged    equivalent    to 
"  shall  ",  but  the  term  "  is  authorized  "  un 
less    followed    by    "  and    required "    was,    I 
think,  never  so  considered.     On  the  contrary, 
I  believe  it  is  the  very  term  which  Congress 
always  use  towards  the  Executive  when  they 
mean  to  give  a  power  to  him,  and  leave  the 
use  of  it  to  his  discretion.     It  is   the  very 
phrase  on  which  there   is  now  a  difference 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  bill 
for  raising  6,000  regulars,  which  says,  "  there 
shall  be  raised  ",  and  some  desire  it  to  say, 
"  the  President  is  authorized  to  raise  ",  leav 
ing  him  the  power  with  a  discretion  to  use  it 
or  not. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    v,  259.     (W., 
March  1808.) 


4496.  LAW,  Federal,  State  and  Com- 
nion. — Of  all  the  doctrines  which  have  ever 
been  broached  by  the  Federal  Government, 
the  novel  one,  of  the  common  law  being  in 
force  and  cognizable  as  an  existing  law  in 
their  courts,  is  to  me  the  most  formidable. 
All  their  other  assumptions  of  tm-given  powers 
have  been  in  the  detail.  The  bank  law,  the 
treaty  doctrine,  the  Sedition  act,  Alien  act, 
the  undertaking  to  change  the  State  laws  of 
evidence  in  the  State  courts  by  certain  parts 
of  the  Stamp  act,  &c.,  &c.,  have  been  solitary, 
unconsequential,  timid  things,  in  comparison 
with  the  audacious,  bare-faced  and  sweeping 
pretension  to  a  system  of  law  for  the  United 
States,  without  the  adoption  of  their  Legis 
lature,  and  so  infinitely  beyond  their  power  to 
adopt.  If  this  assumption  be  yielded  to,  the 
State  courts  may  be  shut  up,  as  there  will  then 
be  nothing  to  hinder  citizens  of  the  same  State 
suing  each  other  in  the  Federal  courts  in  every 
case,  as  on  a  bond  for  instance,  because  the 
common  law  obliges  payment  of  it,  and  the 
common  law  they  say  is  their  law.  I  am 
happy  you  have  taken  up  the  subject;  and  I 
have  carefully  perused  and  considered  the 
notes  you  enclosed,  and  find  but  a  single 
paragraph  which  I  do  not  approve.  It  is  that 
wherein  you  say,  that  laws  being  emanations 
from  the  legislative  department,  and,  when 
once  enacted,  continuing  in  force  from  a  pre 
sumption  that  their  will  so  continues,  that  that 
presumption  fails  and  the  laws  of  course  fall, 
on  the  destruction  of  that  legislative  depart 
ment.  I  do  not  think  this  is  the  true  bottom 
on  which  laws  and  the  administering  them 
rest.  The  whole  body  of  the  nation  is  the 
sovereign  legislative,  judiciary,  and  executive 
power  for  itself.  The  inconvenience  of  meeting 
to  exercise  these  powers  in  person,  and  their 
inaptitude  to  exercise  them,  induce  them  to 
appoint  special  organs  to  declare  their  legisla 
tive  will,  to  judge  and  to  execute  it.  It  is 
the  will  of  the  nation  which  makes  the  law 
obligatory ;  it  is  their  will  which  vacates  or 
annihilates  the  organ  which  is  to  declare  and 
announce  it.  They  may  do  it  by  a  single  per 
son,  as  an  Emperor  of  Russia  (constituting 
his  declarations  evidence  of  their  will),  or  by 
a  few  persons,  as  the  aristocracy  of  Venice, 
or  by  an  application  of  councils,  as  in  our 
former  regal  government,  or  our  present  re 
publican  one.  The  law  being  law  because  it 
is  the  will  of  the  nation,  is  not  changed  by 
their  changing  the  organ  through  which  they 
choose  to  announce  their  future  will ;  no  more 
than  the  acts  I  have  done  by  one  attorney 
lose  their  obligation  by  my  changing  or  dis- 
contihuing  that  attorney.  This  doctrine  has 
been,  in  a  certain  degree,  sanctioned  by  the 
Federal  Executive.  For  it  is  precisely  that 
on  which  the  continuance  of  obligation  from 
our  treaty  with  France  was  established,  and 
the  doctrine  was  particularly  developed  in  a 
letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  with  the  appro 
bation  of  President  Washington  and  his  Cabi 
net.  Mercer  once  prevailed  on  the  Virginia 
Assembly  to  declare  a  different  doctrine  in 
some  resolutions.  These  met  universal  dis 
approbation  in  this,  as  well  as  the  other 


Law 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


480 


States,  and  if  I  mistake  not,  a  subsequent 
Assembly  did  something  to  do  away  the  au 
thority  of  their  former  unguarded  resolutions. 
In  this  case,  as  in  all  others,  the  true  prin 
ciple  will  be  quite  as  effectual  to  establish  the 
just  deductions.  Before  the  Revolution,  the 
nation  of  Virginia  had,  by  the  organs  they 
then  thought  proper  to  constitute,  established 
a  system  of  laws,  which  they  divided  into 
three  denominations  of  I,  common  law;  2, 
statute  law;  3,  chancery;  or,  if  you  please, 
into  two  only  of  i,  common  law;  2,  chancery. 
When,  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
they  chose  to  abolish  their  former  organs  of 
declaring  their  will,  the  acts  of  will  already 
formally  and  constitutionally  declared,  re 
mained  untouched.  For  the  nation  was  not 
dissolved,  was  not  annihilated ;  its  will,  there 
fore,  remained  in  full  vigor,  and  on  the  es 
tablishing  the  new  organs,  first  of  a  conven 
tion,  and  afterwards  a  more  complicated  leg 
islature,  the  old  acts  of  national  will  con 
tinued  in  force,  until  the  nation  should,  by 
its  new  organs,  declare  its  will  changed.  The 
common  law,  therefore,  which  was  not  in 
force  when  we  landed  here,  nor  till  we  had 
formed  ourselves  into  a  nation,  and  had  man 
ifested  by  the  organs  we  constituted  that  the 
common  law  was  to  be  our  law,  continued 
to  be  our  law,  because  the  nation  continued 
in  being,  and  because  though  it  changed  the 
organs  for  the  future  declarations  of  its  will, 
yet  it  did  not  change  its  former  declarations 
that  the  common  law  was  its  law.  Apply 
these  principles  to  the  present  case.  Before 
the  Revolution  there  existed  no  such  nation  as 
the  United  States;  they  then  first  associated 
as  a  nation,  but  for  special  purposes  only. 
They  had  all  their  laws  to  make,  as  Virginia 
had  on  her  first  establishment  as  a  nation. 
But  they  did  not,  as  Virginia  had  done,  pro 
ceed  to  adopt  a  whole  system  of  laws  ready 
made  to  their  hand.  As  their  association  as 
a  nation  was  only  for  special  purposes,  to 
wit,  for  the  management  of  their  concerns 
with  one  another  and  with  foreign  nations, 
and  the  States  composing  the  association 
chose  to  give  to  it  powers  for  those  purposes 
and  no  others,  they  could  not  adopt  any  gen 
eral  system,  because  it  would  have  embraced 
objects  on  which  this  association  had  no  right 
to  form  or  declare  a  will.  m  It  was  not  the  or 
gan  for  declaring  a  national  will  in  these 
cases.  In  the  cases  confided  to  them,  they 
were  free  to  declare  the  will  of  the  nation, 
the  law ;  but  until  it  was  declared  there  could 
be  no  law.  So  that  the  common  law  did  not 
become,  ipso  facto,  law  on  the  new  associa 
tion;  it  could  only  become  so  by  a  positive 
adoption,  and  so  far  only  as  they  were  au 
thorized  to  adopt.  I  think  it  will  be  of  great 
importance  when  you  come  to  the  proper  part, 
to  portray  at  full  length  the  consequences 
of  this  new  doctrine,  that  the  common  law  is 
the  law  of  the  United  States,  and  that  their 
courts  have,  of  course,  jurisdiction  coexten 
sive  with  that  law,  that  is  to  say,  general  over 
all  cases  and  persons.  But,  great  heavens! 
Who  could  have  conceived  in  1789,  that 
within  ten  years  we  should  have  to  combat 


such  windmills? — To  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  iv, 
301.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  383.  (M.,  Aug.  1799.) 

4497. .     Though   long  estranged 

from  legal  reading  and  reasoning,  and  little 
familiar  with  the  decisions  of  particular 
judges,  I  have  considered  that  respecting  the 
obligation  of  the  common  law  in  this  country 
as  a  very  plain  one,  and  merely  a  question  of 
document.  If  we  are  under  that  law,  the 
document  which  made  us  so  can  surely  be 
produced;  and  as  far  as  this  can  be  pro 
duced,  so  far  we  are  subject  to  it,  and  far 
ther  we  are  not.  Most  of  the  States  did,  I 
believe,  at  an  early  period  of  their  legisla 
tion,  adopt  the  English  law,  common  and 
statute,  more  or  less  in  a  body,  as  far  as 
localities  admitted  of  their  application.  In 
these  States,  then,  the  common  law,  so  far 
as  adopted,  is  the  lex-loci.  Then  comes  the 
law  of  Congress,  declaring  that  what  is  law  in 
any  State,  shall  be  the  rule  of  decision  in 
their  courts,  as  to  matters  arising  within 
that  State,  except  when  controlled  by  their 
own  statutes.  But  this  law  of  Congress  has 
been  considered  as  extending  to  civil  cases 
only ;  and  that  no  such  provision  has  been 
made  for  criminal  ones.  A  similar  provision, 
then,  for  criminal  offences,  would,  in  like 
manner,  be  an  adoption  of  more  or  less  of  the 
common  law,  as  part  of  the  lex-loci,  where  the 
offence  is  committed;  and  would  cover  the 
whole  field  of  legislation  for  the  General  Gov 
ernment. — To  DR.  JOHN  MANNERS,  vii,  73. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  87.  (M.,  1817.)  See  COMMON 
LAW. 

4498.  LAW,  George  III.  vs.— His  Maj 
esty  has  permitted  our  laws  to  be  neglected 
in  England  for  years,  neither  confirming  them 
by  his  assent,  nor  annulling  them  by  his  neg 
ative :  so  that  such  of  them  as  have  no  sus 
pending  clause  we  hold  on  the  most  pre 
carious  of  all  tenures,  his  Majesty's  will ;  and 
such  of  them  as  suspend  themselves  till  his 
Majesty's  assent  be  obtained,  we  have  feared, 
might  be  called  into  existence  at  some  future 
and  Distant  period,  when  the  time  and  change 
of  circumstances  shall  have  rendered  them  de 
structive  to  his  people  here.  And  to  render 
this  grievance  still  more  oppressive,  his  Maj 
esty  by  his  instructions  has  laid  his  Governors 
under  such  restrictions,  that  they  can  pass  no 
law  of  any  moment  unless  it  have  such  sus 
pending  clause:  so  that,  however  immediate 
may  be  the  call  for  legislative  interposition, 
the  law  cannot  be  executed  till  it  has  twice 
crossed  the  Atlantic,  by  which  time  the  evil 
may  have  spent  its  whole  force. — RIGHTS  OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  136.  FORD  ED.,  i,  440. 
(I774-) 

4499 .  He  [George  III.]  has 

endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the 
kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and 
insupportable  tyranny  *  *  *  by  denying 
to  his  governors  permission  to  pass  laws  of 
immediate  and  pressing  importance,  unless 
suspended  in  their  operations  for  his  assent, 
and,  when  so  suspended,  neglecting  to  attend 
to  them  for  many  years. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  9.  (June  1776.) 


Thomas  Jefferson 

nhont     ti  years 


From  u  painting  by  (iill.crt  Stu.-irt  in  the  ])osscssion  of  lion,  T.  .1  clVcrsou  Coolidgo.     .Mr. 
Jefferson's  family  IIMVC  ;il\\avs  considered  this  portrait  the  liest  likeness 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Law 


4500. .     He    has    forbidden    his 

governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and 
pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ; 
and,  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  ne 
glected  to  attend  to  them. — DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4501. .     He  has  combined,  with 

others,  *  *  *  for  abolishing  our  most  valu 
able  laws. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS 
DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4502.  -  — .    He    has     [suffered]   the 

administration  of  justice  [totally  to  cease  in 
some  of  these  States],  refusing  his  assent  to 
laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers.* — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4503. .  He  has  refused  his  as 
sent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  neces 
sary  for  the  public  good. — DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4504.  -  — .     He  has  refused  to  pass 
other  laws   for  the  accommodation  of  large 
districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would 
relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the 
legislature    *     *     *     . — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4505.  LAW,     Ignorance.— Ignorance     of 
the  law  is  no  excuse  in  any  country.     If  it 
were,   the  laws  would   lose  their  effect,   be 
cause   it   can   be   always   pretended. — To    M. 
LIMOZIN.     ii,  338.     (P.,  1787.) 

4506.  LAW,  Instability.— The  instability 
of   our  laws   is   really   an   immense   evil.      I 
think  it  would  be  well  to  provide  in  our  con 
stitutions  that  there  shall  always  be  a  twelve 
month  between  the  engrossing  a  bill  and  pass 
ing  it;  that  it  should  then  be  offered  to  its 
passage  without  changing  a  word ;  and  that 
if  circumstances  should  be  thought  to  require 
a  speedier  passage,  it  should  take  two-thirds 
of  both  Houses,  instead  of  a  bare  majority. — 
To  JAMES   MADISON,    ii,  333.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
480.     (P.,  1787.) 

4507.  LAW,     Intention     of.— Whenever 
the  words  of  a  law  will  bear  two  meanings, 
one  of  which  will  give  effect  to  the  law,  and 
the  other  will  defeat  it,  the  former  must  be 
supposed  to  have  been  intended  by  the  Legis 
lature,    because   they   could   not    intend    that 
meaning,  which  would  defeat  their  intention, 
in  passing  that  law ;  and  in  a  statute,  as  in  a 
will,  the  intention  of  the  party  is  to  be  sought 
after. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     v,  328.     (M., 
July  1808.) 

4508. .  Anciently  before  the  im 
provement,  or,  perhaps,  the  existence  of  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  the  judges  did  not 
restrain  themselves  to  the  letter  of  the 
law.  They  allowed  themselves  greater  lati 
tude,  extending  the  provisions  of  every  law, 
not  only  to  the  cases  within  its  letter,  but  to 
those  also  which  came  within  the  spirit  and 
reason  of  it.  This  was  called  the  equity  of  the 
law,  but  it  is  now  very  long  since  certainty 

*  Congress  struck  out  the  words  in  brackets, 
changed  "suffered"  to  "obstructed"  and  inserted 
"  by  "  before  "  refusing  ".—EDITOR. 


in  the  law  has  become  so  highly  valued  by 
the  nation,  that  the  judges  have  ceased  to  ex 
tend  the  operation  of  laws  beyond  those  cases 
which  are  clearly  within  the  intention  of  the 
legislators.  This  intention  is  to  be  collected 
principally  from  the  words  of  the  law ;  only 
where  these  are  ambiguous  they  are  permitted 
to  gather  further  evidence  from  the  history 
of  the  times  when  the  law  was  made,  and  the 
circumstances  which  produced  it. — To  PHIL 
LIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  109.  (P.,  1785.) 

—  LAW,  International.— See  BELLIGER 
ENTS,  CONTRABAND,  ENEMY  GOODS,  FREE 
SHIPS,  NEUTRALITY,  PRIVATEERS,  and  TREA 
TIES. 

4509.  LAW,    Lex    Talionis.— The     Lex 
talionis,  although  a  restitution  of  the  Com 
mon   Law,     *     *     *      [is]    revolting   to  the 
humanized  feelings  of  modern  times.    An  eye 
for  an  eye,  and  a  hand  for  a  hand,  will  ex 
hibit  spectacles  in  execution  whose  moral  ef 
fect    would    be    questionable ;    and    even    the 
mcmbrum  pro   membra   of   Bracton,    or   the 
punishment    of    the    offending    member,    al 
though  long  authorized  by  our  law,  for  the 
same  offence  in  a  slave,  has  been  not  long 
since  repealed,  in  conformity  with  public  sen 
timent.       This    needs     reconsideration.* — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.     i,   146.     FORD  ED.,   ii,   204. 
(M.,  1778.) 

4510.  LAW,  Lynch.— It  is  more  danger- 
pus  that  even  a  guilty  person  should  be  pun 
ished  without  the  forms  of  law,  than  that  he 
should  escape. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii, 
399.    FORD  ED.,  v,  26.     (P.,  1788.) 

4511. .     There     is     no     country 

which  is  not  sometimes  subject  to  irregular 
interpositions  of  the  people.  There  is  no 
country  able,  at  all  times,  to  punish  them. 
There  is  no  country  which  has  less  of  this  to 
reproach  itself  with  than  the  United  States, 
nor  any,  where  the  laws  have  more  regular 
course,  or  are  more  habitually  and  cheerfully 
acquiesced  in. — To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii, 
413.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  54.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

-  LAW,  Moral.— See  MORALITY. 
4512.  LAW,  Obedience  to.— He  is  a  bad 

citizen  who  can  entertain  a  doubt  whether  the 
law  will  justify  him  in  saving  his  country,  or 
who  will  scruple  to  risk  himself  in  support 
of  the  spirit  of  a  law,  where  unavoidable  ac 
cidents  have  prevented  a  literal  compliance 
with  it. — LETTER  TO  COUNTY  MAGISTRATES. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  431.  (R.,  1781.) 

4513. .  While  the  laws  shall  be 

obeyed  all  will  be  safe. — FROM  JEFFERSON'S 
MSS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  i.  (1801?) 

4514.  -  — .  That  love  of  order  and 

obedience  to  the  laws,  which  so  remarkably 
characterize  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
are  sure  pledges  of  internal  tranquillity. — To 
BENJAMIN  WARING,  iv,  378.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

—  LAW,  Patent. — See  PATENTS. 

*  From  Jefferson's  letter  to  George  Wythe  enclosing 
the  draft  of  the  bill  for  "  Proportioning  Crimes  and 
Punishments  in  cases  heretofore  capital  ". — EDITOR. 


taw 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


482 


4515.  LAW,     Protests     against.— While 
the  principles   of  our   Constitution  give  just 
latitude  to  inquiry,  every  citizen  faithful  to  it 
will  deem  embodied  expressions  of  discontent, 
and  open  outrages  of  law  and  patriotism,  as 
dishonorable  as  they  are  injurious. — R.  TO  A. 
LEESBURG  CITIZENS,    viii,  161.     (1809.) 

4516.  LAW,  Reason  and. — Sound  reason 
should  constitute  the  law  of  every  country. — 
BATTURE  CASE,    viii,  531.     (1812.) 

4517.  LAW,   Retrospective. — I   agree   in 
an  almost  unlimited  condemnation  of  retro 
spective  laws.     The  few  instances  of  wrong 
which  they  redress  are  so  overweighed  by  the 
insecurity   they   draw   over   all   property   and 
even  over  life  itself,  and  by  the  atrocious  vio 
lations  of  both  to  which  they  lead,  that  it  is 
better  to  live  under  the  evil  than  the  remedy. — 
OFFICIAL  OPINION,    vii,  470.    FORD  ED.,  v,  176. 
(1790.) 

4518. .     The    sentiment  that   ex 

post  facto  laws  are  against  natural  right,  is  so 
strong  in  the  United  States,  that  few,  if  any, 
of  the  State  Constitutions  have  failed  to  pro 
scribe  them.  The  Federal  Constitution,  in 
deed,  interdicts  them  in  criminal  cases  only; 
but  they  are  equally  unjust  in  civil  as  in  crim 
inal  cases,  and  the  omission  of  a  caution 
which  would  have  been  right,  does  not  jus 
tify  the  doing  what  is  wrong. — To  ISAAC 
McPnERSON.  vi,  1:76.  (M.,  1813.) 

4519. .     Every    man    should    be 

protected  in  his  lawful  acts,  and  be  certain 
that  no  ex  post  facto  law  shall  punish  or  en 
danger  him  for  them. — To  ISAAC  MCPHERSON. 
vi,  175.  (M.,  Aug.  1813.) 

4520. .     Nature    and    reason,    as 

well  as  all  our  constitutions,  condemn  retro 
spective  conditions  as  mere  acts  of  power 
against  right. — To  CHARLES  YANCEY.  vi,  515. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  2.  (M.,  1816.) 

4521.  LAW,  Roman  vs.  Feudal.— The 
French  code,  like  all  those  of  middle  and 
southern  Europe,  was  originally  Feudal,  with 
some  variations  in  the  different  provinces,  for 
merly  independent,  of  which  the  kingdom  of 
France  had  been  made  up.  But  as  circum 
stances  changed,  and  civilization  and  com 
merce  advanced,  abundance  of  new  cases  and 
questions  arose,  for  which  the  simple  and  un 
written  laws  of  Feudalism  had  made  no  pro 
vision.  At  the  same  time,  they  had  at  hand 
the  legal  system  of  a  nation  highly  civilized, 
a  system  carried  to  a  degree  of  conformity 
with  natural  reason  attained  by  no  other. 
The  study  of  this  system,  too,  was  become 
the  favorite  of  the  age,  and  offering  ready 
and  reasonable  solutions  of  all  the  new  cases 
presenting  themselves,  was  recurred  to  by  a 
common  consent  and  practice;  not,  indeed,  as 
laws,  formally  established  by  the  legislator  of 
the  country,  but  as  a  Ratio  Scripta,  the  dictate, 
in  all  cases,  of  that  sound  reason  which  should 
constitute  the  law  of  every  country.  Over 
both  of  these  systems,  however,  the  occasional 
edicts  of  the  monarch  are  paramount,  and 
amend  and  control  their  provisions  whenever 
he  deems  amendment  necessary;  on  the  gen 


eral  principle  that  "  leges  posteriores  priores 
abrogant ".  Subsequent  laws  abrogate  those 
which  are  prior. — BATTURE  CASE.  viii,  530. 
(1812.) 

4522. .     The  following  instances 

will  give  some  idea  of  the  steps  by  which  the 
Roman  gained  on  the  Feudal  laws.  A  law 
of  Burgundy  provided  "Si  quis  post  hoc 
barbarus  vel  testari  voluerit,  vel  donare,  aut 
Romanam  consuetudinem,  aut  barbaricam, 
esse^  servandam,  sciat ".  "  If  any  barbarian 
subject  hereafter  shall  desire  to  dispose  by  leg 
acy  or  donation,  let  him  know  that  either  the 
Roman  or  barbarian  law  is  to  be  observed." 
And  one  of  Lotharius  II.  of  Germany,  going 
still  further,  gives  to  every  one  an  election 
of  the  system  under  which  he  chose  to  live, 
"  Volumus  ut  cunctus  populus  Romanus  in- 
terrogatur  quali  lege  vult  vivere;  ut  tali 
lege,  quali  professi  sunt  vivere  vivant;  il- 
lisque  denuntiatur,  ut  hoc  unus-quis-que, 
tarn  judices,  quam  judices,  vel  reliquus 
populus  sciat,  quod  si  offensionem  contra 
eandem  legem  fecerint,  eidem  legi,  qua  pro- 
fitentur  vivere,  subjaceant ".  "  We  will  that 
all  the  Roman  people  shall  be  asked  by  what 
law  they  wish  to  live;  that  they  may  live 
under  such  law  as  they  profess  to  live  by; 
and  that  it  be  published,  that  every  one, 
judges,  as  well  as  generals,  or  the  rest  of 
the  people,  may  know  that  if  they  commit 
offence  against  the  said  law,  they  shall  be 
subject  to  the  same  law  by  which  they  pro 
fess  to  live."  Ency.  Method.  Jurisprudence. 
Coutume.  399.  Presenting  the  uncommon 
spectacle  of  a  jurisdiction  attached  to  persons, 
instead  of  places.  Thus  favored,  the  Roman 
became  an  acknowledged  supplement  to  the 
Feudal  or  customary  law ;  but  still,  not  under 
any  act  of  the  legislature,  but  as  "  raison 
ecrite  ",  "  written  reason  "  :  and  the  cases  to 
which  it  is  applicable,  becoming  much  the 
most  numerous,  it  constitutes  in  fact  the  mass 
of  their  law. — NOTE  IN  BATTURE  CASE,  viii, 
531-  (1812.) 

4523.  LAW,     Sanguinary. — The    experi 
ence  of  all  ages  and  countries  has  shown  that 
cruel  and  sanguinary  laws  defeat  their  own 
purpose,  by  engaging  the  benevolence  of  man 
kind    to    withhold    prosecutions,    to    smother 
testimony,   or  to  listen  to   it  with  bias,   and 
by  producing  in  many  instances  a  total  dis 
pensation  and  impunity  under  the  names  of 
pardon  and  privilege  of  clergy ;  when,  if  the 
punishment  were  only  proportioned  to  the  in 
jury,  men  would  feel  it  their  inclination,  as 
well  as  their  duty,  to  see  the  laws  observed. — 
CRIMES  BILL,   i,  148.   FORD  EDV  ii,  204.  (1779.) 

—  LAW,  The  Sedition.— See  ALIEN  AND 
SEDITION  LAWS,  and  SEDITION  LAW. 

4524.  LAW,  Simplicity.— Laws  are  made 
for    men    of    ordinary    understanding,     and 
should  therefore,  be  construed  by  the  ordinary 
rules   of   common    sense.      Their   meaning   is 
not  to  be  sought  for  in  metaphysical  subtle 
ties,  which  may  make  anything  mean  every 
thing  or  nothing,  at  pleasure.     It  should  be 
left  to  the  sophisms  of  advocates,  whose  trade 
it  is,  to  prove  that  a  defendant  is  a  plaintiff, 


4*3 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Law 


though  dragged  into  court,  torto  collo,  like 
Bonaparte's  volunteers,  into  the  field  in 
chains,  or  that  a  power  has  been  given  be 
cause  it  ought  to  have  been  given,  et  alia 
talia. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  297.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  231.  (M.,  1823.) 

—  LAW,  Study  of.— See  LAWYERS. 

4525.  LAW,  Style  of.— In  its  [the  bill 
"  proportioning  crimes  and  punishments  ",  in 
the  Virginia  Revised  Code]  style  I  have 
aimed  at  accuracy,  brevity,  and  simplicity, 
preserving,  however,  the  very  words  of  the 
established  law,  wherever  their  meaning  had 
been  sanctioned  by  judicial  decisions,  or  ren 
dered  technical  by  usage.  The  same  matter, 
if  couched  in  the  modern  statutory  language, 
with  all  its  tautologies,  redundancies,  and 
circumlocutions,  would  have  spread  itself  over 
many  pages,  and  been  unintelligible  to  those 
whom  it  most  concerns.  Indeed,  I  wished  to 
exhibit  a  sample  of  reformation  in  the  bar 
barous  style  into  which  modern  statutes  have 
degenerated  from  their  ancient  simplicity. — 
To  GEORGE  WYTHE.  i,  146.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  203. 
(M,  1778.)  See  4531- 

4526. .  In  the  execution  of  my 

part  [of  the  revision  of  the  Virginia  laws], 
I  thought  it  material  not  to  vary  the  diction 
of  the  ancient  statutes  by  modernizing  it, 
nor  to  give  rise  to  new  questions  by  new  ex 
pressions.  The  text  of  these  statutes  had  been 
so  fully  explained  and  defined  by  numerous 
adjudications,  as  scarcely  ever  now  to  produce 
a  question  in  our  courts. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i, 
44.  FORD  ED.,  i,  60.  (1821.) 

4527.  .     I  am  pleased  with  the 

style  and  diction  of  your  laws  [in  Louisiana 
Code].     Plain  and  intelligible  as  the  ordinary 
writings  of  common  sense,  I  hope  it  will  pro 
duce  imitation.    Of  all  the  countries  on  earth 
of   which   I   have   any   knowledge,    the   style 
of  the  acts  of  the  British  parliament  is  the 
most   barbarous,    uncouth   and   unintelligible. 
It  can  be  understood  by  those  alone  who  are 
in  the  daily  habit  of  studying  such  tautolo- 
gous,     involved     and     parenthetical     jargon. 
Where  they  found  their  model,  I  know  not. 
Neither  ancient  nor  modern  codes,  nor  even 
their  own  early  statutes,  furnish  any  such  ex 
ample.     And,  like  faithful  apes,  we  copy  it 
faithfully. — To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,    vii,  404. 
(M.,  1825.) 

4528.  LAW,    Transcending.— The    ques 
tion  you  propose,  whether  cicumstances  do  not 
sometimes   occur,   which  make   it  a   duty  in 
officers  of  high  trust,  to  assume  authorities 
beyond  the  law,  is  easy  of  solution  in  princi 
ple,  but  sometimes  embarrassing  in  practice. 
A   strict  observance  of  the   written   laws  is 
doubtless  one  of  the  high  duties  of  a  good 
citizen,  but  it  is  not  the  highest.     The  laws 
of  necessity,   of   self-preservation,   of   saving 
our  country  when  in  danger,  are  of  higher  ob 
ligation.    To  lose  our  country  by  a  scrupulous 
adherence  to  written  law,  would  be  to  lose  the 
law  itself,  with  life,  liberty,  property,  and  all 
those  who  are  enjoying  them  with  us;  thus 
absurdly    sacrificing   the   end   to   the   means. 


When  in  the  battle  of  Germantown,  General 
Washington's  army  was  annoyed  from  Chew's 
house,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  plant  his  cannon 
against  it,  although  the  property  of  a  citizen. 
When  he  besieged  Yorktown,  he  levelled  the 
suburbs,  feeling  that  the  laws  of  property 
must  be  postponed  to  the  safety  of  the  nation. 
While  the  army  was  before  York,  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  [Jefferson]  took  horses,  car 
riages,  provisions,  and  even  men  by  force,  to 
enable  that  army  to  stay  together  till  it  could 
master  the  public  enemy;  and  he  was  justified. 
A  ship  at  sea  in  distress  for  provisions,  meets 
another  having  abundance,  yet  refusing  a  sup 
ply;  the  law  of  self-preservation  authorizes 
the  distressed  to  take  a  supply  by  force.  In 
all  these  cases,  the  unwritten  laws  of  neces 
sity,  of  self-preservation,  and  of  the  public 
safety,  control  the  written  laws  of  meum  and 
tuum.  Further  to  exemplify  the  principle,  I 
will  state  an  hypothetical  case.  Suppose  it 
had  been  made  known  to  the  Executive  of 
the  Union  in  the  autumn  of  1805,  that  we 
might  have  the  Floridas  for  a  reasonable  sum, 
that  that  sum  had  not  indeed  been  so  ap 
propriated  by  law,  but  that  Congress  were  to 
meet  within  three  weeks,  and  might  ap 
propriate  it  on  the  first  or  second  day  of  their 
session.  Ought  he,  for  so  great  an  advantage 
to  his  country,  to  have  risked  himself  by 
transcending  the  law  and  making  the  pur 
chase?  The  public  advantage  offered,  in  this 
supposed  case,  was  indeed  immense,  but  a 
reverence  for  law  and  the  probability  that  the 
advantage  might  still  be  legally  accomplished 
by  a  delay  of  only  three  weeks,  were  power 
ful  reasons  against  hazarding  the  act.  But 
suppose  it  foreseen  that  a  John  Randolph 
would  find  means  to  protract  the  proceeding 
on  it  by  Congress,  until  the  ensuing  spring, 
by  which  time  new  circumstances  would 
change  the  mind  of  the  other  party.  Ought 
the  Executive,  in  that  case,  and  with  that  fore 
knowledge,  to  have  secured  the  good  to  his 
country,  and  to  have  trusted  to  their  justice 
for  the  transgression  of  the  law  ?  I  think  he 
ought,  and  that  the  act  would  have  been  ap 
proved.  After  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake, 
we  thought  war  a  very  possible  result.  Our 
magazines  were  illy  provided  with  some  nec 
essary  articles,  nor  had  any  appropriations 
been  made  for  their  purchase.  We  ventured, 
however,  to  provide  them,  and  to  place  our 
country  in  safety;  and  stating  the  case  to 
Congress,  they  sanctioned  the  act.  To  pro 
ceed  to  the  conspiracy  of  Burr,  and  particu 
larly  to  General  Wilkinson's  situation  in  New 
Orleans.  In  judging  this  case,  we  are  bound 
to  consider  the  state  of  the  information,  cor 
rect  and  incorrect,  which  he  then  possessed. 
He  expected  Burr  and  his  band  from  above, 
a  British  fleet  from  below,  and  he  knew  there 
was  a  formidable  conspiracy  within  the  city. 
Under  these  circumstances,  was  he  justifiable, 
first,  in  seizing  notorious  conspirators?  On 
this  there  can  be  but  two  opinions ;  one,  of  the 
guilty  and  their  accomplices ;  the  other,  that 
of  all  honest  men.  Secondly,  in  sending  them 
to  the  seat  of  government,  when  the  written 
law  gave  them  a  right  to  trial  in  the  territory  ? 


Law 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


484 


The  danger  of  their  rescue,  of  their  con 
tinuing  their  machinations,  the  tardiness  and 
weakness  of  the  law,  apathy  of  the  judges, 
active  patronage  of  the  whole  tribe  of  lawyers, 
unknown  disposition  of  the  juries,  an  hourly 
expectation  of  the  enemy,  salvation  of  the 
city,  and  of  the  Union  itself,  which  would 
have  been  convulsed  to  its  centre,  had  that 
conspiracy  succeeded ;  all  these  constituted  a 
law  of  necessity  and  self-preservation,  and 
rendered  the  salus  populi  supreme  over  the 
written  law.  The  officer  who  is  called  to  act 
on  this  superior  ground,  does  indeed  risk  him 
self  on  the  justice  of  the  controlling  powers  of 
the  Constitution,  and  his  station  makes  it  his 
duty  to  incur  that  risk.  But  those  controlling 
powers,  and  his  fellow  citizens  generally,  are 
bound  to  judge  according  to  the  circum 
stances  under  which  he  acted.  They  are  not 
to  transfer  the  information  of  this  place  or 
moment  to  the  time  and  place  of  his  action ; 
but  to  put  themselves  into  his  situation.  We 
knew  here  [Washington]  that  there  never  was 
danger  of  a  British  fleet  from  below,  and 
that  Burr's  band  was  crushed  before  it  reached 
the  Mississippi.  But  General  Wilkinson's  in 
formation  was  very  different,  and  he  could  act 
on  no  other.  From  these  examples  and  prin 
ciples  you  may  see  what  I  think  on  the  ques 
tion  proposed.  They  do  not  go  to  the  case 
of  persons  charged  with  petty  duties,  where 
consequences  are  trifling,  and  time  allowed  for 
a  legal  course,  nor  to  authorize  them  to  take 
such  cases  out  of  the  written  law.  In  these, 
the  example  of  over-leaping  the  law  is  of 
greater  evil  than  a  strict  adherence  to  its  im 
perfect  provisions.  It  is  incumbent  on  those 
only  who  accept  of  great  charges,  to  risk 
themselves  on  great  occasions,  when  the 
safety  of  the  nation,  or  some  of  its  very 
high  interests  are  at  stake.  An  officer  is 
bound  to  obey  orders ;  yet  he  would  be  a  bad 
one  who  should  do  it  in  cases  for  which  they 
were  not  intended,  and  which  involved  the 
most  important  consequences.  The  line  of 
discrimination  between  cases  may  be  difficult ; 
but  the  good  officer  is  bound  to  draw  it  at  his 
own  peril,  and  throw  himself  on  the  justice 
of  his  country  and  the  rectitude  of  his  mo 
tives.— To  J.  B.  COLVIN.  v,  542.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  279.  (M.,  Sep.  1810.) 

4529. .  On  great  occasions  every 

good  officer  must  be  ready  to  risk  himself  in 
going  beyond  the  strict  line  of  law,  when  the 
public  preservation  requires  it ;  his  motives 
will  be  a  justification  as  far  as  there  is  any 
discretion  in  his  ultra-legal  proceedings,  and 
no  indulgence  of  private  feelings. — To  GOV 
ERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  v,  40.  (W.,  1807.) 

4530. .  Should  we  have  ever 

gained  our  Revolution,  if  we  had  bound  our 
hands  by  manacles  of  the  law,  not  only  in  the 
beginning,  but  in  any  part  of  the  revolution 
ary  conflict?— To  JAMES  BROWN,  v,  379. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  211.  (W.,  1808.)  See  1852. 

4531.  LAW,  Virginia's  Revised  Code.— 
The  [Revision]  Committee  was  appointed  in 
the  latter  part  of  1776,  and  reported  in  the 
spring  or  summer  of  1779.  At  the  first  and 
only  meeting  of  the  whole  committee  (of  five 


persons),  the  question  was  discussed  whether 
we  would  attempt  to  reduce  the  whole  body  of 
the  law  into  a  code,  the  text  of  which  should  be 
come  the  law  of  the  land?  We  decided  against 
that,  because  every  word  and  phrase  in  that  text 
would  become  a  new  subject  of  criticism  and 
litigation,  until  its  sense  should  have  been  set 
tled  by  numerous  decisions,  and  that,  in  the 
meantime,  the  rights  of  property  would  be  in 
the  air.  We  concluded  not  to  meddle  with  the 
common  law,  i.  c.,  the  law  preceding  the  ex 
istence  of  the  Statutes,  further  than  to  accom 
modate  it  to  our  new  principles  and  circum 
stances  ;  but  to  take  up  the  whole  body  of  stat 
utes  and  Virginia  laws,  to  leave  out  everything 
obsolete  or  improper,  insert  what  was  wanting, 
and  reduce  the  whole  within  as  moderate  a 
compass  as  it  would  bear,  and  to  the  plain 
language  of  common  sense,  divested  of  the 
verbiage,  the  barbarous  tautologies  and  redun 
dancies  which  render  the  British  statutes  unin 
telligible.  From  this,  however,  were  excepted 
the  ancient  statutes,  particularly  those  com 
mented  on  by  Lord  Coke,  the  language  of  which 
is  simple,  and  the  meaning  of  every  word  so 
well  settled  by  decisions,  as  to  make  it  safest 
not  to  change  words  where  the  sense  was  to  be 
retained.  After  setting  our  plan^  Colonel  Mason 
declined  undertaking  the  execution  of  any  part 
of  it,  as  not  being  sufficiently  read  in  the  law. 
Mr.  Lee  very  soon  afterwards  died,  and  the 
work  was  distributed  between  Mr.  Wythe,  Mr. 
Pendleton  and  myself.  To  me  was  assigned  the 
common  law  (so  far  as  we  thought  of  altering 
it)  and  the  statutes  down  to  the  Reformation, 
or  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth ;  to  Mr. 
Wythe,  the  subsequent  body  of  the  statutes,  and 
to  Mr.  Pendleton  the  Virginia  laws.  This  dis 
tribution  threw  into  my  part  the  laws  concerning 
crimes  and  punishments,  the  law  of  descents, 
and  the  laws  concerning  religion.  After  com 
pleting  our  work  separately,  we  met  (Mr.  W., 
Mr.  P.,  and  myself)  in  Williamsburg,  and  held 
a  long  session,  in  which  we  went  over  the  first 
and  second  parts  in  the  order  of  time,  weighing 
and  correcting  every  word,  and  reducing  them 
to  the  form  in  which  they  were  afterwards  re 
ported.  When  we  proceeded  to  the  third  part, 
we  found  that  Mr.  Pendleton  had  not  exactly 
seized  the  intentions  of  the  committee,,  which 
were  to  reform  the  language  of  the  Virginia 
laws,  and  reduce  the  matter  to  a  simple  style 
and  form.  He  had  copied  the  acts  verbatim, 
only  omitting  what  was  disapproved ;  and  some 
family  occurrence  calling  him  indispensably 
home,  he  desired  Mr.  Wythe  and  myself  to 
make  it  what  we  thought  it  ought  to  be,  and 
authorized  us  to  report  him  as  concurring  in 
the  work.  We  accordingly  divided  the  work, 
and  reexecuted  it  entirely  so  as  to  assimilate 
its  plan  and  execution  to  the  other  parts,  as  well 
as  the  shortness  of  the  time  would  admit,  and 
we  brought  the  whole  of  the  British  Statutes 
and  laws  of  Virginia  into  127  acts,  most  of 
them  short.  This  is  the  history  of  that  work 
as  to  its  execution.  *  *  *  Experience  has  con 
vinced  me  that  the  change  in  the  style  of  the 
laws  was  for  the  better,  and  it  has  sensibly 
reformed  the  style  of  our  laws  from  that  time 
downwards,  insomuch  that  they  have  obtained, 
in  that  respect,  the  approbation  of  men  of  con 
sideration  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 
Whether  the  change  in  the  style  and  form  of 
the  criminal  law,  as  introduced  by  Mr.  Taylor, 
was  for  the  better,  is  not  for  me  to  judge.  The 
digest  of  that  act  employed  me  longer  than  I 
believe  all  the  rest  of  the  work,  for  it  rendered 
it  necessary  for  me  to  go  with  great  care  over 
Bracton,  Britton,  the  Saxon  statutes,  and  the 
works  of  authority  on  criminal  law ;  and  it 
gave  me  great  satisfaction  to  find  that,  in  gen- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


law 

Law  of  Waste 


eral,  I  had  only  to  reduce  the  law  to  its  ancient 
Saxon  condition,  stripping  it  of  all  the  innova 
tions  and  rigorisms  of  subsequent  times,  to 
make  it  what  it  should  be.  The  substitution  of 
the  penitentiary,  instead  of  labor  on  the  high 
road,  and  of  some  other  punishments  truly  ob 
jectionable,  is  a  just  merit  to  be  ascribed  to  Mr. 
Taylor's  law.  When  our  report  was  made,  the 
idea  of  a  penitentiary  had  never  been  suggested  ; 
the  happy  experiment  of  Pennsylvania  we  had 
not  then  the  benefit  of. — To  SKELTON  JONES. 
v,  459.  (M.,  1809.) 

4532. .    When  I  left  Congress  in 

1776,  it  was  in  the  persuasion  that  our  whole 
code   (of  Virginia)   must  be  reviewed,  adapted 
to    our    republican    form    of    government ;    and 
now    that    we    had    no    negatives    of    Councils, 
Governors,  and  Kings  to  restrain  us  from  do 
ing  right,  that  it  should  be  corrected,  in  all  its 
parts,  with  a  single  eye  to  reason,  and  the  good 
of  those  for  whose  government  it  was  framed. 
Early,  therefore,  in  the  session  of  '76,  to  which 
I  returned,  I  moved  and  presented  a  bill  for  the 
revision  of  the  laws  which  was  passed  on  the 
24th  of  October ;  and  on  the  5th  of  November, 
Mr.    Pendleton,     Mr.    Wythe,    George    Mason, 
Thomas  L.  Lee,  and  myself,  were  appointed  a 
committee  to  execute  the  work.     We  agreed  to 
meet   at    Fredericksburg   to    settle   the   plan    of 
operation,    and    to    distribute    the    work.      We 
met  there  accordingly  on  the  i3th  of  January, 

1777.  The    first    question    was,    whether    we 
should   propose   to   abolish   the   whole   existing 
system  of  laws,  and  prepare  a  new  and  complete 
Institute,   or  preserve  the  general   system,   and 
only  modify  it  to  the  present   state  of  things. 
Mr.   Pendleton,   contrary   to   his   usual   disposi 
tion   in    favor   of   ancient   things,   was   for   the 
former  proposition,  in  which  he  was  joined  by 
Mr.    Lee.      To    this    it    was    objected,    that    to 
abrogate    our   whole    system    would    be   a    bold 
measure,    and   probably    far   beyond   the   views 
of   the  legislature ;   that  they  had  been   in  the 
practice  of  revising  from  time  to  time  the  laws 
of   the    Colony,    omitting   the    expired,    the   re 
pealed,  and  the  obsolete,   amending  only  those 
retained,   and  probably   meant  we   should   now 
do  the  same,  only  including  the  British  statutes 
as  well  as  our  own  ;  that  to  compose  a  new  In 
stitute,  like  those  of  Justinian  and  Bracton,  or 
that  of  Blackstone,  which  was  the  model  pro 
posed  by  Mr.  Pendleton,  would  be  an  arduous 
undertaking,    of    vast    research,    of    great    con 
sideration  and  judgment;  and  when  reduced  to 
a  text,  every  word  of  that  text,  from  the  imper 
fections    of    human    language,    and    its    incom 
petence    to    express    distinctly    every    shade    of 
idea,  would  become  a  subject  of  question  and 
chicanery,    until    settled   by    repeated   adjudica 
tions  ;  and  this  would  involve  us  for  ages  in  liti 
gation,    and    render    property    uncertain    until, 
like  the  statutes  of  old,  every  word  had  been 
tried  and  settled  by  numerous  decisions,  and  by 
new  volumes  of  reports  and  commentaries  ;  and 
that  no   one  of  us,  probably,   would  undertake 
such  a  work  which,  to  be  systematical,  must  be 
the    work    of    one    hand.      This    last    was    the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Wythe,  Mr.  Mason,  and  myself. 
When  we  proceeded  to  the  distribution  of  the 
work,  Mr.  Mason  excused  himself,  as,  being  no 
lawyer,  he  felt  himself  unqualified  for  the  work, 
and  he  resigned  soon  after.     Mr.  Lee  excused 
himself  on  the  same  ground,  and  died,  indeed, 
in   a    short   time.      The    other    two    gentlemen, 
therefore,  and  myself  divided  the  work  among 
us.      The    common    law    and    statutes    to    the 
4  James  I.   (when  our  separate  legislature  was 
established)   were  assigned  to  me;  the  British 
statutes,  from  that  period  to  the  present  day,  to 


Mr.  Wythe;  and  the  Virginia  laws  to  Mr.  Pen 
dleton. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  42.  FORD  ED.  i,  57. 
(1821.) 

4533. .    In  giving  this  account  of 

the  laws  of  which  I  was  myself  the  mover  and 
draughtsman,  I,  by  no  means,  mean  to  claim  to 
myself  the  merit  of  obtaining  their  passage.  I 
had  many  occasional  and"  strenuous  coadjutors 
in  debate,  and  one,  most  steadfast,  able  and 
zealous;  who  was  himself  a  host.  This  was 
George  Mason. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  40.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  56.  (1821.) 

4534. .    We    were    employed    in 

this  work  (revising  Virginia  laws)  from  Jan 
uary,  1777,  to  February,  1779,  when  we  met  at 
Williamsburg,  that  is  to  say,  Mr.  Pendleton, 
Mr.  Wythe  and  myself ;  and  meeting  day  by  day, 
we  examined  critically  our  several  parts,  sen 
tence  by  sentence,  scrutinizing  and  amending, 
until  we  had  agreed  on  the  whole.  We  then 
returned  home,  had  fair  copies  made  of  our 
several  parts,  which  were  reported  to  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly,  June  18,  1779,  by  Mr.  Wythe 
and  myself,  Mr.  Pendleton's  residence  being 
distant,  and  he  having  authorized  us  by  letter 
to  declare  his  approbation.  We  had,  in  this 
work,  brought  so  much  of  the  Common  Law  as 
it  was  thought  necessary  to  alter,  all  the  British 
statutes  from  Afagna  Charta  to  the  present  day, 
and  all  the  laws  of  Virginia,  from  the  estab 
lishment  of  our  Legislature,  in  the  4th  Jac.  i.  to 
the  present  time,  which  we  thought  should  be 
retained,  within  the  compass  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  bills,  making  a  printed  folio  of 
ninety  pages  only.  Some  bills  were  taken  out, 
occasionally,  from  time  to  time,  and  passed ; 
but  the  main  body  of  the  work  was  not  entered 
on  by  the  Legislature  until  after  the  general 
peace,  in  1785,  when,  by  the  unwearied  exer 
tions  of  Mr.  Madison,  in  opposition  to  the 
endless  quibbles,  chicaneries,  perversions,  vexa 
tions  and  delays  of  lawyers  and  demi-lawyers, 
most  of  the  bills  were  passed  by  the  Legislature, 
with  little  alteration. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  44. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  61.  (1821.) 

4535.  LAW,    Voluntary   support   of.— 
The  voluntary   support  of   laws,    formed   by 
persons  of  their  own  choice,  distinguishes  pe 
culiarly  the  minds  capable  of  self-government. 
The  contrary  spirit  is  anarchy,  which  of  ne 
cessity  produces  despotism. — R.  TO  A.   PHILA 
DELPHIA  CITIZENS,     viii,  145.     (1809.) 

4536.  LAW   OF  WASTE,   Explained.— 
The   main  objects   of  the  law   of  Waste   in 
England  are :  i,  to  prevent  any  disguise  of  the 
lands    which    might    lessen   the    reversioner's 
evidence    of    title,    such    as    the    change    of 
pasture  into  arable,  &c. ;    2,   to  prevent  any 
deterioration  of  it,  as  the  cutting  down  forest, 
which  in  England  is  an  injury.     So  careful  is 
the  law  there  against  permitting  a  deteriora 
tion  of  the  land,  that  though  it  will  permit 
such    improvements    in    the    same    line,    as 
manuring    arable    lands,    leading    water    into 
pasture  lands,  &c.,  yet  it  will  not  permit  im 
provements  in  a  different  line,  such  as  erect 
ing  buildings,  converting  pasture  into  arable, 
&c.,  lest  these  should  lead  to  a  deterioration. 
Hence    we    might    argue    in    Virginia,    that 
though  the  cutting  down  of  forest  in  Virginia 
is,  in  our  husbandry,  rather  an  improvement 
generally,  yet  it  is  not  so  always,  and  there 
fore  it  is  safer  never  to  admit  it.  Consequently, 
there  is  no  reason  for  adopting  different  rules 


Laws  of  England 
Laws  of  Nature 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


486 


of  waste  here  from  those  established  in  Eng 
land. — To  PETER  CARR.  iii,  452.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
91.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

4537.  LAWS  OF  ENGLAND,  History.— 
The  laws  of  England,  in  their  progress  from 
the    earliest    to    the    present   times,    may    be 
likened  to  the  road  of  a  traveller,  divided  into 
distinct   stages  or  resting  places,   at  each  of 
which  a  review  is  to  be  taken  of  the  ground 
passed  over  so  far.     The  first  of  these  was 
Bracton's   De    Legibus   Anglia;    the    second 
Coke's  Institutes;    the  third  the  Abridgment 
of   the   Law   by   Matthew   Bacon;     and   the 
fourth,  Blackstone's  Commentaries.  Doubtless 
there  were  others  before  Bracton  which  have 
not  reached  us.     Alfred,  in  the  preface  to  his 
laws,  says  they  were  compiled  from  those  of 
Ina,    Offa,    and    ^Ethelbert,    into    which,    or 
rather  preceding  them,  the  clergy  have  inter 
polated  the  20th,  2 ist,  22d,  23d  and  24th  chap 
ters  of  Exodus,  so  as  to  place  Alfred's  pref 
ace    to     what    was     really    his,     awkwardly 
enough  in  the  body  of  the  work.     An  inter 
polation,  the  more  glaring,  as  containing  laws 
expressly    contradicted    by    those    of    Alfred. 
This   pious    fraud    seems   to   have   been   first 
noted   by   Howard,   in   his   Coutumes  Anglo 
Normandes,  and  the  pious  judges  of  England 
have  had  no  inclination  to  question  it.    *    *    * 
This   digest   of   Alfred   of   the   laws   of   the 
Heptarchy  into  a  'single  code,  common  to  the 
whole   Kingdom,   by  him   first   reduced   into 
one,  was  probably  the  birth  of  what  is  called 
the  Common  law.   He  has  been  styled,  "  Mag 
nus  Juris  Anglicani  Conditor  " ;  and  his  code, 
the  Dom-Dec,  or  Doom-Book.     That  which 
was  afterwards  under  Edward  the  Confessor, 
was  but  a  restoration  of  Alfred's  with  some 
intervening  alterations.  And  this  was  the  code 
which  the  English  so  often,  under  the  Nor 
man  princes,  petitioned  to  have  restored  to 
them.    But,  all  records  previous  to  the  Magna 
Charta,  having  been  early  lost,   Bracton's  is 
the   first    digest   of   the   whole   body   of   law 
which  has  come  down  to  ui  entire.     What 
materials  existed  for  it  in  his  time  we  know 
not,  except  the  unauthoritative  collections  of 
Lambard   and    Wilkins,   and   the   treatise   of 
Glanville,   tempore  H.   2.       Bracton's  is  the 
more  valuable,  because  being  written  a  very 
few    years    after   the   Magna    Charta,   which 
commences  what  is  called  the  statute  law,  it 
gives  us  the  state  of  the  common  law  in  its 
ultimate   form,   and   exactly  at  the  point  of 
division   between   the   Common   and   Statute 
law.    It  is  a  most  able  work,  complete  in  its 
matter  and  luminous  in  its  method.   The  stat 
utes  which  introduced  changes  began  now  to 
be  preserved ;  applications  of  the  law  to  new 
cases  by  the  courts,  began  soon  after  to  be 
reported    in    the    Year-Books,    these    to    be 
methodized     and     abridged     by     Fitzherbert, 
Broke,  Rolle,  and  others;  individuals  contin 
ued    the    business    of    reporting;    particular 
treatises  were  written  by  able  men,  and  all 
these,  by  the  time  of  Lord  Coke,  had  formed 
so  large  a  mass  of  matter  as  to  call  for  a 
new  digest,  to  bring  it  within  reasonable  com 
pass.     This    he   undertook    in    his   Institutes, 
harmonizing   all    the    decisions   and   opinions 


which  were  reconcilable,  and  rejecting  those 
not  so.  This  work  is  executed  with  so  much 
learning  and  judgment,  that  I  do  not  recollect 
that  a  single  position  in  it  has  ever  been  judi 
cially  denied.  And  although  the  work  loses 
much  of  its  value  by  its  chaotic  form  it  may 
still  be  considered  as  the  fundamental  code  of 
the  English  law.  The  same  processes  recom 
mencing  of  statutory  changes,  new  divisions, 
multiplied  reports,  and  special  treatises,  a  new 
accumulation  had  formed,  calling  for  new  re 
duction,  by  the  time  of  Matthew  Bacon.  His 
work,  therefore,  although  not  pretending  to 
the  textual  merit  of  Bracton's,  or  Coke's,  was 
very  acceptable.  His  alphabetical  arrange 
ment,  indeed,  although  better  than  Coke's 
jumble,  was  far  inferior  to  Bracton's.  But 
it  was  a  sound  digest  of  the  materials  exist 
ing  on  the  several  alphabetical  heads  under 
which  he  arranged  them.  His  work  was  not 
admitted  in  Westminster  Hall ;  yet  it  was  the 
manual  of  every  judge  and  lawyer,  and,  what 
better  proves  its  worth,  has  been  its  daily 
growth  in  the  general  estimation.  A  succeed 
ing  interval  of  changes  and  additions  of 
matter  produced  Blackstone's  Commentaries, 
the  most  lucid  in  arrangement  which  had  yet 
been  written,  correct  in  its  matter,  classical 
in  style,  and  rightfully  taking  its  place  by 
the  side  of  the  Justinian  Institutes.  But,  like 
them,  it  was  only  an  elementary  book.  It  did 
not  present  all  the  subjects  of  the  law  in  all 
their  details.  It  still  left  it  necessary  to  recur 
to  the  original  works  of  which  it  was  the  sum 
mary.  The  great  mass  of  law  books  from 
which  it  was  extracted,  was  still  to  be  con 
sulted  on  minute  investigations.  It  wanted, 
therefore,  a  species  of  merit  which  entered 
deeply  into  the  value  of  those  of  Bracton, 
Coke  and  Bacon.  They  had  in  effect  swept 
the  shelves  of  all  the  materials  preceding 
them.  To  give  Blackstone,  therefore,  a  full 
measure  of  value,  another  work  is  still  want 
ing,  to  wit:  to  incorporate  with  his  principles 
a  compend  of  the  particular  cases  subsequent 
to  Bacon,  of  which  they  are  the  essence.  This 
might  be  done  by  printing  under  his  text  a 
digest  like  Bacon's,  continued  to  Blackstone's 
time.  It  would  *  *  *  increase  its  value 
peculiarly  to  us,  because  just  here  we  break 
off  from  the  parent  stem  of  the  English 
law,  unconcerned  in  any  of  its  subsequent 
changes  or  decisions. — To  DR.  THOMAS 
COOPER,  vi,  291.  (M.,  1814.) 

4538.  LAWS  OF  NATURE,  Opposition 

to. — It  is  not  only  vain,  but  wicked,  in  a  legis 
lator  to  frame  laws  in  opposition  to  the  laws 
of  nature,  and  to  arm  them  with  the  terrors 
of  death.  This  is  truly  creating  crimes  in 
order  to  punish  them. — NOTE  ON  CRIMES  BILL. 
i,  159.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  218.  (1779.) 

4539.  LAWS  OF  NATURE,  Writers  on. 

— Those  who  write  treatises  of  natural  law, 
can  only  declare  what  their  own  moral  sense 
and  reason  dictate  in  the  several  cases  they 
state.  Such  of  them  as  happen  to  have  feelings 
and  a  reason  coincident  with  those  of  the  wise 
and  honest  part  of  mankind,  are  respected  and 
quoted  as  witnesses  of  what  is  morally  right 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Laws  of  Virginia 
Lawyers 


or  wrong  in  particular  cases.  Grqtius,  Puf- 
fendorf,  Wolf,  and  Vattel  are  of  this  number. 
Where  they  agree  their  authority  is  strong; 
but  where  they  differ  (and  they  often  differ), 
we  must  appeal  to  our  own  feelings  and  reason 
to  decide  between  them. — OPINION  ON  FRENCH 
TREATIES,  vii,  618.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  225.  (1793.) 

4540.  LAWS  OF  VIRGINIA,  Collection 
of. — The  only  object  I  had  in  making  my  col 
lection  of  the  laws  of  Virginia,  was  to  save  all 
those   for  the  public   which   were  not  then   al 
ready  lost,  in  the  hope  that  at  some  future  day 
they  might  be  republished.     Whether  this  be  by 
public    or   private    enterprise,    my   end   will    be 
equally      answered.  * — To      WILLIAM      WALTER 
HENNING.    v,  31.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  10.    (W.,  1807.) 

4541.  LAWYERS,    Antipathies    and.— 

No  profession  is  open  to  stronger  antipathies 
than  that  of  the  law. — To  WM.  WIRT.  v,  233. 
(W.,  1808.) 

4542.  LAWYERS,     Blackstone.— I     am 
sure  you  join  me  in  lamenting  the  general 
defection  of  lawyers  and  judges  from  the  free 
principles  of  government.     I  am  sure  they  do 
not   derive    this    degenerate    spirit    from    the 
father   of   our   science,    Lord    Coke.      But   it 
may  be  the  reason  why  they  cease  to  read 
him,  and  the  source  of  what  are  now  called 
"  Blackstone    Lawyers  ".—To    DR.    THOMAS 
COOPER,     vi,  296.     (M.,  1814.) 

4543.  LAWYERS,  Education  of.— Carry 
on  the  study  of  the  law  with  that  of  politics 
and    history.      Every   political   measure   will, 
forever,  have  an  intimate  connection  with  the 
laws  of  the  land ;  and  he,  who  knows  nothing 
of  these,  will  always  be  perplexed  and  often 
foiled  by  adversaries  having  the  advantage  of 
that  knowledge  over  him.     Besides,   it  is  a 
source  of  infinite  comfort  to  reflect,  that  under 
chance  of  fortune,  we  have  a  resource  in  our 
selves  from  which  we  may  be  able  to  derive 
an   honorable   subsistence. — To  T.   M.    RAN 
DOLPH,  JR.     ii,  176.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  405.     (  P., 
1787.) 

4544. .     I  have  long  lamented  the 

depreciation  of  law  science.  The  opinion 
seems  to  be  that  Blackstone  is  to  us  what  the 
Alkoran  is  to  the  Mahometans,  that  every 
thing  which  is  necessary  is  in  him;  and  what 
is  not  in  him  is  not  necessary.  I  still  lend  my 
counsel  and  books  to  such  young  students  as 
will  fix  themselves  in  the  neighborhood. 
Coke's  Institutes  and  reports  are  their  first, 
and  Blackstone  their  last  book,  after  an  in 
termediate  course  of  two  or  three  years.  It  is 
nothing  more  than  an  elegant  digest  of  what 
they  will  then  have  acquired  from  the  real 
fountains  of  the  law.  Now,  men  are  born 
scholars,  lawyers,  doctors ;  in  our  day  this  was 
confined  to  poets.— To  JOHN  TYLER,  v,  524. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  276.  (M.,  1810.) 

4545.  — .  Begin  with  Coke's  four 

Institutes.  These  give  a  complete  body  of  the 
law  as  it  stood  in  the  reign  of  the  First  James, 
an  epoch  the  more  interesting  to  us,  as  we 
separated  at  that  point  from  English  legis 
lation,  and  acknowledged  no  subsequent  statu- 

•  They  were  published  by  Henning.— EDITOR. 


tory  alterations.  Then  passing  over  (for  oc 
casional  reading  as  hereafter  proposed)  all  the 
reports  and  treatises  to  the  time  of  Matthew 
Bacon,  read  his  abridgment,  compiled  about 
one  hundred  years  after  Coke's,  in  which  they 
are  all  embodied.  This  gives  numerous  ap 
plications  of  the  old  principles  to  new  cases, 
and  gives  the  general  state  of  the  English  law 
at  that  period.  Here,  too,  the  student  should 
take  up  the  Chancery  branch  of  the  law,  by 
reading  the  first  and  second  abridgments  of 
the  cases  in  Equity.  The  second  is  by  the 
same  Matthew  Bacon,  the  first  having  been 
published  some  time  before.  The  alphabetical 
order  adopted  by  Bacon,  is  certainly  not  as 
satisfactory  as  the  systematic.  But  the  ar 
rangement  is  under  very  general  and  leading 
heads,  and  these,  indeed,  with  very  little  dif 
ficulty,  might  be  systematically  instead  of  al 
phabetically  arranged  and  read.  Passing  now 
in  like  manner  over  all  intervening  reports  and 
tracts,  the  student  may  take  up  Blackstone's 
Commentaries,  published  about  twenty-five 
years  later  than  Bacon's  abridgment,  and  giv 
ing  the  substance  of  these  new  reports  and 
tracts.  This  review  is  not  so  full  as  that  of 
Bacon,  by  any  means,  but  better  digested. 
Here,  too,  Wooddeson  should  be  read  as  sup 
plementary  to  Blackstone,  under  heads  too 
shortly  treated  by  him.  Fonblanque's  edition 
of  Francis's  Maxims  of  Equity,  and  Bridg- 
man's  Digested  Index,  into  which  the  latter 
cases  are  incorporated,  are  also  supplementary 
in  the  Chancery  branch,  in  which  Blackstone 
is  very  short.  This  course  comprehends  about 
twenty-six  8vo.  volumes,  and  reading  four  or 
five  hours  a  day  would  employ  about  two 
years.  After  these,  the  best  of  the  reporters 
since  Blackstone  should  be  read  for  the  new 
cases  which  have  occurred  since  his  time. 
*  *  *  By  way  of  change  and  relief  for  an 
other  hour  or  two  in  the  day,  should  be  read 
the  law-tracts  of  merit  which  are  many,  and 
among  them  all  those  of  Baron  Gilbert  are  of 
the  first  order.  In  these  hours,  too,  may  be 
read  Bracton  and  Justinian's  Institutes.  The 
method  of  these  two  last  works  is  very  much 
the  same,  and  their  language  often  quite  so. 
Justinian  is  very  illustrative  of  the  doctrines 
of  Equity,  and  is  often  appealed  to,  and 
Cooper's  edition  is  the  best  on  account  of  the 
analogies  and  contrasts  he  has  given  of  the 
Roman  and  English  law.  After  Bracton, 
Reeves's  History  of  the  English  Law  may  be 
read  to  advantage.  During  this  same  hour  or 
two  of  lighter  law  reading,  select  and  leading 
cases  of  the  reporters  may  be  successively 
read,  which  the  several  digests  will  have 
pointed  out  and  referred  to.  I  have  here 
sketched  the  reading  in  Common  Law  and 
Chancery  which  I  suppose  necessary  for  a 
reputable  practitioner  in  those  courts.  But 
there  are  other  branches  of  law  in  which,  al 
though  it  is  not  expected  he  should  be  an 
adept,  yet  when  it  occurs  to  speak  of  them,  it 
should  be  understandingly  to  a  decent  degree. 
These  are  the  Admiralty  law,  Ecclesiastical 
law,  and  the  Law  of  Nations.  I  would  name 
as  elementary  books  in  these  branches,  Mol- 
loy  de  Jure  Maritimo;  Brown's  Compend  of 


Lawyers 
L,ear  (Tobias) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


488 


the  Civil  and  Admiralty  Law;  the  Jura  Ec- 
clesiastica,  and  Les  Institutions  du  Droit  de 
la  Nature  et  des  Gens  de  Reyneval.  Besides 
these  six  hours  of  law  reading,  light  and 
heavy,  and  those  necessary  for  the  reports  of 
the  day,  for  exercise  and  sleep,  which  suppose 
to  be  ten  or  twelve,  there  will  be  six  or  eight 
hours  for  reading  history,  ^  politics,  ethics, 
physics,  oratory,  poetry,  criticism,  &c.,  as 
necessary  as  law  to  form  an  accomplished 
lawyer. — To  DABNEY  TERRELL,  vii,  207.  (M., 
1821.) 

4546.  LAWYERS,  Future  Judges  and.— 
I  think  the  bar  of  the  General  Court  a  proper 
and  excellent  nursery  for  future  judges,  if  it 
be  so  regulated  that  science  may  be  encour 
aged  and  may  live  there.    But  this  can  never 
be  if  an  inundation  of  insects  is  permitted  to 
come  from  the  county  courts,  and  consume 
the    harvest.      These    people,    traversing    the 
counties,  seeing  the  clients  frequently  at  their 
own  courts,  or,  perhaps,  at  their  own  houses, 
must  of  necessity  pick  up  all   the  ^business. 
The  convenience   of   frequently   seeing   their 
counsel,  without  going  from  home,  cannot  be 
withstood  by  the   country  people.       Men  of 
science,  then  (if  there  were  to  be  any),  would 
only  be  employed  as  auxiliary  counsel  in  dif 
ficult    cases.      But    can    they    live    by    that? 
Certainly  not.     The  present  members  of  that 
kind  therefore  must  turn  marauders  in  the 
county  courts ;  and  in  future  none  will  have 
leisure  to  acquire  science.    I  should,  therefore, 
be  for  excluding  the  county  court  attorneys; 
or  rather  for  taking  the  General  Court  lawyers 
from   the   incessant   drudgery   of   the   county 
courts  and  confining  them  to  their  studies,  that 
they  may  qualify  themselves  as  well  to  sup 
port  their  clients,  as  to  become  worthy  suc 
cessors  to  the  bench.— To  GEORGE  WYTHE.    i, 
211.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  166.     (F.,  I779-) 

4547.  LAWYERS,    History    and.— His 
tory,  especially,  is  necessary  to  form  a  lawyer. 
— To  JOHN  GARLAND  JEFFERSON.    FORD  ED.,  v, 
180.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4548.  LAWYERS,     Monarchy     and.— I 
join  in  your  reprobation  of  our 

lawyers,  for  their  adherence  to  England  and 
monarchy,  in  preference  to  their  own  country 
and  its  Constitution.  *  *  *  They  have, 
in  the  mother  country,  been  generally  the 
firmest  supporters  of  the  free  principles  of 
their  constitution.  But  there,  too,  they  have 
changed.  I  ascribe  much  of  this  to  the  sub 
stitution  of  Blackstone  for  my  Lord  Coke,  as 
an  elementary  work. — To  HORATIO  G.  SPAF- 
FORD.  vi,  334.  (M.,  1814.) 

—  LAWYERS,  In  office.— See  CONGRESS. 

4549.  LAWYERS,      Opinions      of.— On 

every  question  the  lawyers  are  about  equally 
divided,  and  were  we  to  act  but  in  cases  where 
no  contrary  opinion  of  a  lawyer  can  be  had, 
we  should  never  act. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  369.  (M.,  1808.) 

4550.  LAWYERS,     Politics     and.— The 
study  of  the  law  qualifies  a  man  to  be  useful 
to  himself,  to  his  neighbors,  and  to  the  public. 


It  is  the  most  certain  stepping  stone  to  public 
preferment  in  the  political  line. — To  T.  M. 
RANDOLPH,  iii,  144.  FORD  ED.,  v,  172.  (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

4551.  LAWYERS,  Prosperity  of.— Never 
fear  the  want  of  business.    A  man  who  quali 
fies  himself  well  for  his  calling  never  fails  of 
employment  in  it. — To  PETER  CARR.     iii,  452. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  92.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

4552.  LAWYERS,  Success  of.— It  is  su 
periority  of  knowledge  which  can  alone  lift 
you  above  the  heads  of  your  competitors,  and 
insure  you  success. — To  JOHN  GARLAND  JEF 
FERSON.     FORD  ED.,  v,  182.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4553.  LAWYERS,    Too   many.— Law    is 
quite  overdone.     It  is  fallen  to  the  ground, 
and  a  man  must  have  great  powers  to  raise 
himself  in  it  to  either  honor  or  profit.     The 
mob  of  the  profession  get  as  little  money  and 
less  respect,  than  they  would  by  digging  the 
earth.     The  followers  of  ^sculapius  are  also 
numerous.     Yet  I  have  remarked  that  wher 
ever  one  sets  himself  down  in  a  good  neigh 
borhood,  not  preoccupied,  he  secures  to  him 
self  its  practice,  and  if  prudent,  is  not  long  in 
acquiring  whereon  to  retire  and  live  in  com 
fort.     The  physician  is  happy  in  the  attach 
ment  of  the  families   in   which  he  practices. 
All  think  he  has  saved   some  one  of  them, 
and  he  finds  himself  everywhere  a  welcome 
guest,  a  home  in  every  house.    If,  to  the  con 
sciousness  of  haying  saved  some  lives,  he  can 
add  that  of  having  at  no  time,  from  want  of 
caution,  destroyed  the  boon  he  was  called  on 
to  save,  he  will  enjoy,  in  age,  the  happy  re 
flection  of  not  having  lived  in  vain;   while 
the  lawyer  has  only  to  recollect  how  many,  by 
his  dexterity,  have  been  cheated  of  their  right 
and  reduced  to  beggary. — To   DAVID   CAMP 
BELL,    v,  499.     (M.,  1810.) 

4554.  LAWYERS,  Trade  of  .—Their  trade 
is  to  question  everything,  yield  nothing  and 
talk  by  the  hour.  That  one  hundred  and  fifty 
lawyers  should  do  business  together  ought  not 
to  be  expected. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,   i,  58.   FORD 
ED.,  i,  82.     (1821.) 

—  LEAGUE,  The  marine.— See  1335. 

4555.  LEANDER,  Case  of  the.— Whereas, 
satisfactory  information  has  been  received  that 
Henry    Whitby,    commanding   a    British    armed 
vessel  called  the  Leander,  did,  on  the  25th  day 
of  the  month  of  April  [1806],  within  the  waters 
and  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  near 
to  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  of  New  York,  by 
a  cannon  shot  fired  from  the  said  vessel,  Lean 
der,    commit   a   murder   on   the   body   of   John 
Pearce,   a  citizen   of  the   United   States,  *  * 

I  do,  hereby,  especially  enjoin,  and  require  all 
officers,  having  authority,  civil  or  military. 
*  *  *  within  the  limits  or  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  *  *  *  to  apprehend  *  *  *  the 
said  Henry  Whitby,  *  *  *  and  him  *  *  *  de 
liver  to  the  civil  authority,  *  *  *  to  be  pro 
ceeded  against  according  to  law. — PROCLAMA 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  445.  (May  1806.) 

4556.  LEAR  (Tobias),  Secretary  of  the 
Navy. — If  General  Smith  does  not  accept  [the 
Secretaryship  of  the  Navy],  there  is  no  remedy 
but  to  appoint  Lear  permanently.     He  is  equal 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Learning 

JL.ee  (Richard  H 


enry) 


to  the  office  if  he  possessed  equally  the  con 
fidence  of  the  public. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  14.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

4557.  LEARNING,  Classical.— For  clas 
sical  learning  I  have  ever  been  a  zealous  advo 
cate.  *  *  *  I  have  not,  however,  carried  so  far 
as  you  do  my  ideas  of  the  importance  of  a 
hypercritical  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
languages.  I  have  believed  it  sufficient  to  pos 
sess  a  substantial  understanding  of  their  au 
thors. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  390.  (M., 
1814.) 

4558. .     Among    the    values    of 

classical  learning,  I  estimate  the  luxury  of  read 
ing  the  Greek  and  Roman  authors  in  all  the 
beauties  of  their  originals.  And  why  should 
not  this  innocent  and  elegant  luxury  take  its 
preeminent  stand  ahead  of  all  those  addressed 
merely  to  the  senses?  I  think  myself  more  in 
debted  to  my  father  for  this  than  for  all  the 
other  luxuries  his  cares  and  affections  have 
placed  within  my  reach ;  and  more  now  than 
when  younger,  and  more  susceptible  of  delights 
from  other  sources.  When  the  decays  of  age 
have  enfeebled  the  useful  energies  of  the  mind, 
the  classic  pages  fill  up  the  vacuum  of  ennui, 
and  become  sweet  composers  to  that  rest  of  the 
grave  into  which  we  are  all  sooner  or  later  to 
descend. — To  JOHN  BRAZIER,  vii,  131.  (P.F., 
1819.)  See  EDUCATION,  LANGUAGES,  SCIENCE, 
and  UNIVERSITY. 

4559.  LEDYARD  (John),  Explorer.— In 

1786,  while  at  Paris,  I  became  acquainted  with 
John  Ledyard,  of  Connecticut,  a  man  of  genius, 
of  some  science,  and  of  fearless  courage  and 
enterprise.  He  had  accompanied  Captain  Cook 
in  his  voyage  to  the  Pacific,  had  distinguished 
himself  on  several  occasions  by  an  unrivalled 
intrepidity,  and  published  an  account  of  that 
voyage,  with  details  unfavorable  to  Cook's  de 
portment  towards  the  savages,  and  lessening  our 
regrets  at  his  fate.  Ledyard  had  come  to  Paris 
in  the  hope  of  forming  a  company  to  engage 
in  the  fur  trade  of  the  Western  coast  of  Amer 
ica.  He  was  disappointed  in  this,  and,  being 
out  of  business,  and  of  a  roaming,  restless  char 
acter,  I  suggested  to  him  the  enterprise  of 
exploring  the  western  part  of  our  continent, 
by  passing  through  St.  Petersburg  to  Kams 
chatka,  and  procuring  a  passage  thence  in  some 
of  the  Russian  vessels  to  Nootka  Sound,  whence 
he  might  make  his  way  across  the  continent  to 
the  United  States ;  and  I  undertook  to  have  the 
permission  of  the  Empress  of  Russia  solicited. 
He  eagerly  embraced  the  proposition,  and  M.  de 
Semoulin,  the  Russian  Ambassador,  and  more 
particularly  Baron  Grimm,  the  special  corre 
spondent  of  the  Empress,  solicited  her  permis 
sion  for  him  to  pass  through  her  dominions,  to 
the  western  coast  of  America.  And  here  I 
must  correct  a  material  error  which  I  have 
committed  in  another  place,  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  Empress.  In  writing  some  notes  of  the 
life  of  Captain  Lewis,  prefixed  to  his  "  Expedi 
tion  to  the  Pacific  ",  I  stated  that  the  Empress 
gave  the  permission  asked,  and  afterwards  re 
tracted  it.  This  idea,  after  a  lapse  of  twenty- 
six  years,  had  so  insinuated  itself  into  my 
mind,  that  I  committed  it  to  paper,  without  the 
least  suspicion  of  error.  Yet  I  find,  on  recur 
ring  to  my  letters  of  that  date,  that  the  Em 
press  refused  permission  at  once,  considering 
the  enterprise  as  entirely  chimerical.  But 
Ledyard  would  not  relinquish  it,  persuading 
himself  that,  by  proceeding  to  St.  Petersburg, 
he  could  satisfy  the  Empress  of  its  practicabil 
ity,  and  obtain  her  permission.  He  went  ac 
cordingly,  but  she  was  absent  on  a  visit  to  some 
distant  part  of  her  dominions  [the  Crimea],  and 


he  pursued  his  course  to  within  two  hundred 
miles  of  Kamschatka,  where  he  was  overtaken 
by  an  arrest  from  the  Empress,  brought  back  to 
Poland,  and  there  dismissed.  I  must  therefore, 
in  justice,  acquit  the  Empress  of  ever  having 
for  a  moment  countenanced,  even  by  the  in 
dulgence  of  an  innocent  passage  through  her 
territories,  this  interesting  enterprise. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  68.  FORD  ED.,  i,  94.  (1821.) 

4560.  LEDYARD  (John),  Imaginative. 

— He  is  a  person  of  ingenuity  and  information. 
Unfortunately,  he  has  too  much  imagination. — 
To  CHARLES  THOMSON,  ii,  276.  FORD  ED.,  iv. 
(1787.) 

4561.  LED  YARD     (John),    Poverty.— I 
had  a  letter  from  Ledyard  lately,  dated  at  St. 
Petersburg.      He   had   but   two    shirts,   and   yet 
more  shirts  than  shillings.     Still  he  was  deter 
mined  to  obtain  the  palm  of  the  first  circum 
ambulator  of  the  earth.     He  says,  that  having 
no  money,  they  kick  him  from  place  to  place, 
and   thus   he   expects   to   be   kicked   round   the 
globe. — To   J.    BANNISTER,    JR.     ii,     150.      (Pf, 
1787.) 

4562.  LEDYARD    (John),    Penetrating 
Africa. — A  countryman  of  ours,  a  Mr.  Led 
yard  of  Connecticut,  set  out  from  Paris,  some 
time  ago,   for   St.   Petersburg,   to  go  thence  to 
Kamschatka,  thence  to  cross  over  to  the  west 
ern  coast  of  America,  and  penetrate  through  the 
continent  to  the  other  side  of  it.     He  had  got 
within    a    few    days'    journey    of    Kamschatka, 
when  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  Empress 
of    Russia,    sent    back,    and    turned    adrift    in 
Poland.     He  went  to   London ;   engaged  under 
the  auspices  of  a  private  society,  formed  there 
for  pushing  discoveries  into  Africa ;  passed  by 
Paris  *   *   *  for   Marseilles,  where  he  will  em 
bark  for  Alexandria  and  Grand  Cairo ;  thence 
explore  the  Nile  to  its  source,  cross  the  head  of 
the  Niger,  and  descend  that  to  its  mouth.     He 
promises  me.  if  he  escapes  through  his  journey, 
he  will  go  to  Kentucky,  and  endeavor  to  pene 
trate    westerly    to    the    South    Sea.— To   REV. 
JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  433.     (P.,  1788.) 

4563. .  My  last  accounts  of  Led 
yard  were  from  Grand  Cairo.  He  was  just  been 
plunging  into  the  unknown  regions  of  Africa, 
probably  never  to  emerge  again.  If  he  returns, 
he  has  promised  me  to  go  to  America  and 
penetrate  from  Kentucky  to  the  western  side 
of  the  continent. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  75.  (P.,  1789.) 

4564.  LEE  (Arthur),  In  the  Treasury. — 

I  am  sorry  to  see  a  possibility  of  Arthur  Lee's 
being  put  into  the  Treasury.  He  has  no  tal 
ents  for  the  office,  and  what  he  has  will  be  em 
ployed  in  rummaging  old  accounts  to  involve 
you  in  eternal  war  with  Robert  Morris ;  and 
he  will,  in  a  short  time,  introduce  such  dissen 
sions  into  the  commission  as  to  break  it  up. 
If  he  goes  on  the  other  appointment  to  Kas- 
kaskia,  he  will  produce  a  revolt  of  that  settle 
ment  from  the  United  States. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,  i,  348.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  53.  (P.,  1785.) 

4565.  LEE    (Richard   Henry),   In   Con 
vention. — I  shall  return  to  Virginia  after  the 
nth  of  August.     I   wish  my  successor  may  be 
certain  to  come  before  that  time  ;   in  that  case 
I  shall  hope  to  see  you  and  not  Wythe,  in  con 
vention,  that  the  business  of  Government,  which 
is    of    everlasting    concern,    may    receive    your 
aid. — To  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.     i,  204.   (1776.) 

4566.  LEE    (Richard    Henry),    In    the 
Revolution. — I  presume  you  have  received  a 
copy  of  the  Life  of  Richard  H.  Lee,  from  his 


L,ee  (Richard  Henry) 
Legislatures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


490 


grandson  of  the  same  name,  author  of  the 
work.  You  and  I  know  that  he  merited  much 
during  the  Revolution.  Eloquent,  bold,  and 
ever  watchful  at  his  post,  of  which  his  biogra 
pher  omits  no  proof.  I  am  not  certain  whether 
the  friends  of  George  Mason,  of  Patrick  Henry, 
yourself,  *  and  even  of  General  Washington, 
may  not  reclaim  some  feathers  of  the  plumage 
given  him,  noble  as  was  his  proper  and  original 
coat. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  422.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
347.  (M.,  1825.) 

4567.  LEE  (Richard  Henry),  As  a  sol 
dier. — I  am  glad  to  see  the  romance  of  Lee 
removed      from  the  shelf  of  history  to  that  of 
fable.     Some  small  portion  of  the  transactions 
he  relates  were  within  my  own  knowledge ;  and 
of  these  I  can  say  he  has  given  more  falsehood 
than  fact ;  and  I  have  heard  many  officers  de 
clare   the   same   as   to   what   had  passed  under 
their  eyes. — To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON.     FORD  ED., 
x,  222.     (M.,  1822.) 

4568.  LEE     (Richard     Henry),     As     a 

Writer.— [John]  Marshall,  in  the  first  volume 
of  his  history  [of  Washington],  chap.  3,  p.  180., 
ascribes  the  petition  to  the  King,  of  1774  (i 
Journ.  Cong.  67)  to  the  pen  of  Richard  Henry 
Lee.  I  think  myself  certain  it  was  not  written 
by  him,  as  well  from  what  I  recollect  to  have 
heard,  as  from  the  internal  evidence  of  style. 
His  was  loose,  vague,  frothy,  rhetorical.  He 
was  a  poorer  writer  than  his  brother  Arthur ; 
and  Arthur's  standing  may  be  seen  in  his  Mon 
itor's  letters,  to  insure  the  sale  of  which,  they 
took  the  precaution-  of  tacking  to  them  a  new 
edition  of  the  Farmers'  letters  like  Mezentins, 
who  "  Mortua  jungebat  corpora  vivis ". — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  193.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  418.  (Mv 
1813.) 

—  LEGAL  TENDER.— See  MONEY. 

4569.  LEGISLATION,  The  colonists 
. — To  continue  their  [the  Colonists]  con 
nection  with  the  friends  whom  they  had  left, 
they  arranged  themselves  by  charters  of  com 
pact  under  the  same  common  king,  who  thus 
completed  their  powers  of  full  and  perfect  leg 
islation  and  became  the  link  of  union  between 
the   several   parts   of  the   empire. — DECLARA 
TION  ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.    FORD  ED.,  i,  465. 
(July  1775.) 

4570. .    The  proposition  [of  Lord 

North]  is  altogether  unsatisfactory  *  *  * 
because  they  [Parliament]  do  not  renounce 
the  power  *  *  *  of  legislating  for  us  them 
selves  in  all  cases  whatsoever. — REPLY  TO 
LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  480. 
(July  1775.) 

4571.  LEGISLATION,  Dignity  of.— The 
dignity  of  legislation  admits  not  of  changes 
backwards     and     forwards. — To     COUNT    DE 
MONTMORIN.    ii,  531.     (P.,  1788.) 

4572.  LEGISLATION,  Ex  post  facto.— 

I  recollect  no  case  where  a  question  simply 
between  citizens  of  the  same  State,  has  been 
transferred  to  the  foreign  department,  except 
that  of  inhibiting  tenders  but  of  metallic 
money,  and  ex  post  facto  legislation. — To 
EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii,  342.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
300.  (M.,  1824.) 

*  The  address  of  this  letter  was  lost.— EDITOR. 
t  By  Johnson    in   his   Life  of  General  Nathaniel 
Greene.— EDITOR. 


4573.  LEGISLATION,     Indiscriminate. 

— To  show  they  [Parliament]  mean  no  discon 
tinuance  of  injury,  they  pass  acts  at  the  very 
time  of  holding  out  this  proposition,  for  re 
straining  the  commerce  and  fisheries  of  the 
province  of  New  England,  and  for  inter 
dicting  the  trade  of  the  other  colonies  with 
all  foreign  nations.  This  proves  unequivo 
cally  they  mean  not  to  relinquish  the  exercise 
of  indiscriminate  legislation  over  us. — RE 
PLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD  ED., 
i,  480.  (July  1775.) 

4574.  LEGISLATION,  Powers  of  .—From 
the  nature  of  things,  every  society  must,  at 
all  times,  possess  within  itself  the  sovereign 
powers  of  legislation.    The  feelings  of  human 
nature  revolt  against  the  supposition  of  a  state 
so  situated,  as  that  it  may  not,  in  any  emer 
gency,   provide   against   dangers   which,   per 
haps,    threaten    immediate    ruin. — RIGHTS    OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,     i,  138.     FORD  ED.,  i,  443. 
(I774-) 

4575.  LEGISLATION,  Reform  in.— They 
will  not  be  able  to  undo  all  which  the  two 
preceding  Legislatures     *     *     *     have  done. 
Public  faith  and  right  will  oppose  this.     But 
some  parts  of  the  system  may  be  rightfully 
reformed ;   a  liberation   from   the   rest  unre 
mittingly  pursued  as  fast  as  right  will  permit, 
and  the  door  shut  in  future  against  similar 
commitments   of  the   nation. — To    PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,    iii,  362.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  4.    (Pa., 
May  1792.) 

4576.  LEGISLATION,  Self-government 
and. — Rather  than   submit  to   the   rights  of 
legislating   for   us,    assumed   by    the    British 
Parliament,     *     *    *     I  would  lend  my  hand 
to  sink  the  whole  Island  in  the  ocean. — To 
JOHN   RANDOLPH,     i,   201.    FORD  ED.,   i,   484. 
(M.,  Aug.  1775.) 

4577.  LEGISLATURES,     Conference 

committees.— The  House  of  Delegates  has 
desired  [a]  conference  in  order  to  preserve 
that  harmony  and  friendly  correspondence 
with  the  Senate,  which  is  necessary  for  the 
discharge  of  their  joint  duties  of  legislation, 
and  to  prevent,  both  now  and  in  future,  the 
delay  of  public  business,  and  injury  which 
may  accrue  to  individuals,  should  the  two 
Houses  differ  in  opinion  as  to  the  distinct 
office  of  each. — REPORT  TO  CONGRESS.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  135.  (I777-) 

4578.  LEGISLATURES,      Convening.— 
He  [George  III.]  has  endeavored  to  pervert 
the  exercise  of  the  kingly  office  in  Virginia 
into  a  detestable  and  insupportable  tyranny 
*  *  *  by  refusing  to  call  legislatures  for  a  long 
space   of   time,   thereby   leaving  the   political 
system    without   any   legislative    head. — PRO 
POSED  VA.   CONSTITUTION.     FORD  ED.,  ii,   10. 
(June  1776.) 

4579. .     He   has   called   together 

legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncom 
fortable,  and  distant  from  the  depositary  of 
their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his  meas 
ures. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS 
DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 


491 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Legislatures 


4580.  LEGISLATURES,     Credentials.— 
The  Legislature  shall  form  one  house  only  for 
the   verification   of   their   credentials. — NOTES 
FOR  A  VA.  CONSTITUTION.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  521. 
(1794-) 

4581.  LEGISLATURES,  Despotism  and. 
— All  the  powers  of  government,  legislative, 
executive,  and  judiciary,  result  to  the  legisla 
tive  body.       The  concentrating  these  in  the 
same  hands  is  precisely  the  definition  of  des 
potic  government.     It  will  be  no  alleviation 
that  these  powers  will  be  exercised  by  a  plu 
rality  of  hands,  and  not  by  a  single  one.     One 
hundred    and    seventy-three    despots    would 
surely   be   as   oppressive   as   one.     Let   those 
who  doubt  it  turn  their  eyes  on  the  republic 
of  Venice. — NOTES   ON   VIRGINIA,     viii,   361. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  223.     (1782.) 

4582.  LEGISLATURES,  Dissolution  by 
George  III.— One  of  the  articles  of  impeach 
ment  against  Trestlain  and  the  other  Judges  of 
Westminster  Hall,  in  the  reign  of  Richard  the 
Second,    for    which    they    suffered    death,    as 
traitors   to   their   country,    was,    that   they   had 
advised  the  king  that  he  might  dissolve  his  Par 
liament  at  any  time ;  and  succeeding  kings  have 
adopted    the    opinion    of    these    unjust    Judges. 
Since  the  reign  of  the  Second  William,  however, 
under  which  the  British  constitution  was  settled 
on  its  free  and  ancient  principles,  neither  his 
Majesty,  nor  his  ancestors,  have  exercised  such 
a  power  of  dissolution  in  the  Island  of  Great 
Britain  *  ;  and  when  his  Majesty  was  petitioned, 
by  the  united  voice  of  his  people  there,  to  dis 
solve  the  present  Parliament,  who  had  become 
obnoxious  to  them.,  his  Ministers  were  heard  to 
declare,   in   open   Parliament,  that  his   Majesty 
possessed   no   such   power   by   the   constitution. 
But  how  different  their  language,  and  his  prac 
tice,  here !     To  declare,  as  their  duty  required, 
the  known  rights  of  their  country,  to  oppose  the 
usurpations  of  every  foreign  judicature,  to  dis 
regard  the  imperious  mandates  of  a  minister  or 
governor,  have  been  the  avowed  causes  of  dis 
solving  Houses  of  Representatives  in  America. 
But   if   such   powers   be   really   invested   in   his 
Majesty,  can  he  suppose  they  are  there  placed  to 
awe  the  members  from  such  purposes  as  these? 
When  the  representative  body  have  lost  the  con 
fidence  of  their  constituents,  when  they  have  no 
toriously  made  sale  of  their  most  valuable  rights, 
when  they  have  assumed  to  themselves  powers 
which   the  people   never   put   into   their  hands, 
then,  indeed,  their  continuing  in  office  becomes 
dangerous  to  the  State,  and  calls  for  an  exercise 
of  the   power   of   dissolution.      Such   being  the 
causes  for  which  the  representative  body  should, 
and  should  not  be  dissolved,  will  it  not  appear 
strange  to   an  unbiased   observer,   that  that  of 
Great    Britain   was   not   dissolved,    while   those 
of  the   Colonies  have  repeatedly  incurred  that 
sentence? — RIGHTS    OF    BRITISH    AMERICA,      i, 
137.     FORD  ED.,  i,  441.     (1774-) 

4583. .     Your   Majesty,   or  your 

governors,  have  carried  this  power  [to  dissolve 

*  u  Since  this  period  the  King  has  several  times 
dissolved  the  parliament  a  few  weeks  before  its  ex 
piration,  merely  as  an  assertion  of  right."— NOTE  BY 

JEFFERSON. 

"  On  further  inquiry,  I  find  two  instances  of  disso 
lutions  before  the  Parliament  would,  of  itself,  have 
been  at  an  end  :  viz.,  the  Parliament  called  to  meet 
August  24,  1698,  was  dissolved  by  King  William,  De 
cember  IQ,  1700,  and  a  new  one  called  to  meet  Febru 
ary  6,  1701,  which  was  also  dissolved,  November  n, 
1701,  and  a  new  one  met  December  30,  1701."— NOTE 
BY  JEFFERSON. 


legislatures]  beyond  every  limit  known,  or  pro 
vided  for,  by  the  laws.  After  dissolving  one 
House  of  Representatives,  they  have  refused  to 
call  another,  so  that,  for  a  great  length  of  time, 
the  legislature  provided  by  the  laws  has  been 
out  of  existence.  From  the  nature  of  things, 
every  society  must  at  all  times  possess  within 
itself  the  sovereign  powers  of  legislation.  The 
feelings  of  humanity  revolt  against  the  sup 
position  of  a  state  so  situated  as  that  it  may 
not,  in  any  emergency,  provide  against  dan 
gers  which,  perhaps,  threaten  immediate  ruin. 
While  those  bodies  are  in  existence  to  whom  the 
people  have  delegated  the  powers  of  legislation, 
they  alone  possess  and  may  exercise  those 
powers.  But  when  they  are  dissolved  by  the 
lopping  off  of  one  or  more  of  their  branches, 
the  power  reverts  to  the  people,  who  may  ex 
ercise  it  to  unlimited  extent,  either  assembling 
together  in  person,  sending  deputies,  or  in  any 
other  way  they  may  think  proper.  *  We  for 
bear  to  trace  consequences  further ;  the  dangers 
are  conspicuous  with  which  this  practice  is 
replete. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  137. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  442.  (1774.) 

4584. .     When  the  representative 

body  have  lost  the  confidence  of  their  constitu 
ents,  when  they  have  notoriously  made  sale  of 
their  most  valuable  rights,  when  they  have  as 
sumed  to  themselves  powers  which  the  people 
never  put  into  their  hands,  then,  indeed,  their 
continuing  in  office  becomes  dangerous  to  the 
State,  and  calls  for  an  exercise  of  the  power 
of  dissolution. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA. 
i,  137.  FORD  ED.,  i,  442.  (1774.) 

4585. .  By  one  act  they  [Parlia 
ment]  have  suspended  the  powers  of  one  Amer 
ican  legislature,  and  by  another  have  declared 
they  may  legislate  for  us  themselves  in  all 
cases  whatsoever.  These  two  acts  alone  form 
a  basis  broad  enough  whereon  to  erect  a  des 
potism  of  unlimited  extent. — DECLARATION  ON 
TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  469.  (July 
I775-) 

4586 .  He  [George  III.]  has 

endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the  kingly 
office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insup 
portable  tyranny  *  *  *  by  dissolving  legisla 
tive  assemblies,  repeatedly  and  continually,  for 
opposing  with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on 
the  rights  of  the  people. — PROPOSED  VIRGINIA 
CONSTITUTION,  ii,  10.  (June  1776.) 

4587. .    He    [George    III.]    has 

dissolved  Representative  houses  repeatedly  and 
continually  t  for  opposing  with  manly  firmness 
his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. — 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

4588.  LEGISLATURES,  Division  of.— 
The  Legislature  shall  be  separated  by  lot  into 
two  chambers,  which  shall  be  called  [a  andw]  ^ 
on  the  first  day  of  their  session  in  every  week  ; 
which  separation  shall  be  effected  by  present 
ing  to  the  representatives  from  each  county 
separately  a  number  of  lots  equal  to  their  own 
number,  if  it  be  an  even  one  or  to  the  next 
even  number  above,  if  their  number  be  odd, 

*  A  note  in  Jefferson's  pamphlet  copy  of  the 
"Rights,"  &c.,  reads:  "Insert  and  the  frame  of 
government,  thus  dissolved,  should  the  people  take 
upon  them  to  lay  the  throne  of  your  Majesty  pros 
trate,  or  to  discontinue  their  connection  with  the 
British  empire,  none  will  be  so  bold  as  to  decide 
against  the  right  or  the  efficacy  of  such  avulsion  '." 
—EDITOR. 

t  Congress  struck  out  "  and  continually".— EDITOR. 

$  The  brackets  and  enclosures  are  Jefferson's.— 
EDITOR. 


Legislatures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


492 


one  half  of  which  lots  shall  be  distinctively 
marked  for  the  one  chamber  and  the  other 
half  for  the  other,  and  each  member  shall  be, 
for  that  week,  of  the  chamber  whose  lot  he 
draws.  Members  not  present  at  the  first 
drawing  for  the  week  shall  draw  on  their 
first  attendance  after. — NOTES  FOR  A  CONSTI 
TUTION.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  521.  (1794-) 

4589. .  Each  chamber  shall  ap 
point  a  speaker  for  the  session,  and  it  shall  be 
weekly  decided  by  lot  between  the  two 
speakers,  of  which  chamber  each  shall  be  for 
the  ensuing  week;  and  the  chamber  to  which 
he  is  allotted  shall  have  one  the  less  in  the 
lots  presented  to  his  colleagues  for  that  week. 
— NOTES  FOR  A  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
521.  (I794-) 

4590. .  Our  legislatures  are  com 
posed  of  two  houses,  the  Senate  and  Repre 
sentatives,  elected  in  different  modes,  and  for 
different  periods,  and  in  some  States,  with  a 
qualified  veto  in  the  Executive  chief.  But  to 
avoid  all  temptation  to  superior  pretensions  of 
the  one  over  the  other  house,  and  the  possi 
bility  of  either  erecting  itself  into  a  privileged 
order,  might  it  not  be  better  to  choose  at  the 
same  time  and  in  the  same  mode,  a  body  suf 
ficiently  numerous  to  be  divided  by  lot  into 
two  separate  houses,  acting  as  independently 
as  the  two  houses  in  England,  or  in  our  gov 
ernments,  and  to  shuffle  their  names  together 
and  redistribute  them  by  lot,  once  a  week  for 
a  fortnight?  This  would  equally  give  the  ben 
efit  of  time  and  separate  deliberation,  guard 
against  an  absolute  passage  by  acclamation, 
derange  cabals,  intrigues,  and  the  count  of 
noses,  disarm  the  ascendency  which  a  popular 
demagogue  might  at  any  time  obtain  over 
either  house,  and  render  impossible  all  dis 
putes  between  the  two  houses,  which  often 
form  such  obstacles  to  business. — To  M. 
CORAY.  vii,  321.  (M.,  1823.) 

4591. In  the  structure  of  our  leg 
islatures,  we  think  experience  has  proved  the 
benefit  of  subjecting  questions  to  two  separate 
bodies  of  deliberants;  but  in  constituting 
these,  natural  right  has  been  mistaken,  some 
making  one  of  these  bodies,  and  some  both, 
the  representatives  of  property  instead  of  per 
sons;  whereas  the  double  deliberation  might 
be  as  well  obtained  without  any  violation  of 
true  principle,  either  by  requiring  a  greater 
age  in  one  of  the  bodies,  or  by  electing  a 
proper  number  of  representatives  of  persons, 
dividing  them  by  lots  into  two  chambers,  and 
renewing  the  division  at  frequent  intervals,  in 
order  to  break  up  all  cabals.— To  JOHN  CART- 
WRIGHT,  vii,  357-  (M.,  1824.) 

4592.  LEGISLATURES,  Election  of 
members. — So  many  [representatives]  only 
shall  be  deemed  elected  as  there  are  units 
actually  v  ting  on  that  particular  election,  add 
ing  one  for  any  fraction  of  votes  exceeding  the 
half  unit.  Nor  shall  more  be  deemed  elected 
than  the  number  last  apportioned.  If  a  county 
has  not  a  half  unit  of  votes,  the  Legislature 
shall  incorporate  its  votes  with  those  of  some 
adjoining  county. — NOTES  FOR  A  VA.  CONSTI 
TUTION.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  520.  (I794-) 


4593. .  Every  elector  may  vote 

for  as  many  representatives  as  were  appor 
tioned  by  the  Legislature  to  his  county  at  the 
last  establishment  of  the  unit. — NOTES  FOR  A 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  520. 
(I794-) 

4594. .  There  are  parts  of  the 

new  constitution  of  Spain  in  which  you  would 
expect,  of  course,  that  we  should  not  concur. 
*  *  *  One  of  these  is  the  aristocracy,  quater 
sublimata,  of  her  legislators;  for  the  ultimate 
electors  of  these  will  themselves  have  been 
three  times  sifted  from  the  mass  of  the  peo 
ple,  and  may  choose  from  the  nation  at  large 
persons  never  named  by  any  of  the  electoral 
bodies. — To  CHEVALIER  DE  ONIS.  vi,  342. 
(M.,  1814.) 

4595. .      Let     every     man     who 

fights  or  pays,  exercise  his  just  and  equal 
right  in  the  election  of  the  legislature.— To 
SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  n.  FORD  ED.,  x,  39. 
(M.,  1816.) 

4596.  LEGISLATURES,  Freedom  of  ac 
tion. — The  House  of  Representatives,  when 
met,  shall  be  free  to  act  according  to  their 
own  judgment  and  conscience. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.    FORDED.,  ii,  15.     (June  1776.) 

4597.  LEGISLATURES,      Interregnum 

of. — He  [George  III.]  has  refused  for  a  long 
time  after  such  dissolutions  [of  representative 
houses]  to  cause  others  to  be  elected,  where 
by  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of  an 
nihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  large 
for  their  exercise,  the  State  remaining,  in  the 
meantime,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  in 
vasion  from  without  and  convulsions  within. 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN 
BY  JEFFERSON. 

4598.  LEGISLATURES,    Officers    of.— 
The  General  Assembly  shall  have  power  to 
appoint     the     speakers     of     their     respective 
houses,  treasurer,  auditors,  attorney  general, 
register,    all    general    offices   of   the   military, 
their  own  clerks  and  Serjeants,  and  no  other 
officers,  except  where,  in  other  parts  of  this 
constitution,    such    appointment    is    expressly 
given    them. — PROPOSED    VA.    CONSTITUTION. 
viii,  446.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  325.     (1783.) 

4599.  LEGISLATURES,  The  people  and. 

— The  people  are  not  qualified  to  legislate. 
With  us,  therefore,  they  only  choose  the  leg 
islators. — To  L'ABBE  ARNOND.  iii,  89.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  103.  (P.,  1789.) 

4600.  LEGISLATURES,     Powers    of.— 

Our  legislators  are  not  sufficiently  apprized  of 
the  rightful  limits  of  their  power;  that  their 
true  office  is  to  declare  and  enforce  only  our 
natural  rights  and  duties,  and  to  take  none  of 
them  from  us.— To  F.  W.  GILMER.  vii,  3. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  32.  (M.,  1816.) 

4601.  LEGISLATURES,      Privileges.— 

The  members  [of  the  General  Assembly],  dur 
ing  the  attendance  on  the  General  Assembly, 
and  for  so  long  a  time  before  and  after  as 
shall  be  necessary  for  travelling  to  and  from 
the  same,  shall  be  privileged  from  all  personal 


493 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Legislatures 


restraint  and  assault,  and  shall  have  no  other 
privilege  whatsoever. — PROPOSED  CONSTITU 
TION  FOR  VIRGINIA,  viii,  444.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
324.  (1783.) 

4602. .      The    Legislature    shall 

form  one  house  only  for  *  *  what  re 
lates  to  their  privileges. — NOTES  FOR  A  VA. 
CONSTITUTION,  vi,  521.  (1794.) 

4603.  LEGISLATURES,  Qualifications 
of  Members. — Any  member  of  the     *    *     * 
Assembly  accepting  any  office  of  profit  under 
this   State,   or  the   United   States,  or  any  of 
them,  shall  thereby  vacate  his  seat,  but  shall 
be  capable  of  being  reelected. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION,    viii,  445.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  325. 
(1783.) 

4604. .     Of  this  General  Assem 
bly,  the  treasurer,  attorney  general,  register, 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  officers  of  the  regular 
armies  of  this  State,  or  of  the  United  States, 
persons  receiving  salaries  or  emoluments  from 
any  power  foreign  to  our  confederacy,  those 
who  are  not  resident  in  the  county  for  which 
they   are    chosen    delegates,    or    districts    for 
which  they  are  chosen  senators,  those  who  are 
not  qualified  as  electors,  persons  who  shall 
have  committed  treason,  felony,  or  such  other 
crime  as  would  subject  them  to  infamous  pun 
ishment,  or  shall  have  been  convicted  by  due 
course   of   law    of   bribery   or   corruption,    in 
endeavoring   to   procure  an  election  to  the  said 
assembly,   shall  be  incapable  of  being  mem 
bers.     All   others,   not   herein   elsewhere  ex 
cluded,  who  may  elect,  shall  be  capable  of  be 
ing  elected  thereto. — PROPOSED  CONSTITUTION 
FOR  VIRGINIA,     viii,  445.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  324. 
(1783.) 

4605.  LEGISLATURES,   Size  of.— Is   it 
meant  to  confine  the  legislative  body  to  their 
present    numbers,     that    they    may    be     the 
cheaper  bargain  whenever  they  shall  become 
worth     a     purchase? — RIGHTS     OF     BRITISH 
AMERICA,     i,  136.     FORD  ED.,  i,  441.     (1774.) 

4606. .      Twelve  hundred  men  in 

one  room  are  too  many. — To  THOMAS  PAINE. 
iii,  71.  (P.,  1789.) 

4607.  -  — .      The  [National]  Assem 

bly  [of  France]  proceeds  slowly  in  the  form 
ing  their  constitution.  The  original  vice  of 
their  numbers  causes  this,  as  well  as  a  tumul 
tuous  manner  of  doing  business. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  iii,  115.  (P.,  1789.) 

4608. .     Render    the     [Virginia] 

legislature  a  desirable  station  by  lessening  the 
number  of  representatives  (say  to  100)  and 
lengthening  somewhat  their  term,  and  pro 
portion  them  equally  among  the  electors. — To 
ARCHIBALD  STUART,  iii,  315.  FORD  ED.,  v,  410. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

4609. .     Reduce  the  legislature  to 

a  convenient  number  for  full,  but  orderly  dis 
cussion. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  n. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 

4610.  LEGISLATURES,    Slothful.— The 

sloth  of  the  [French  National]  Assembly  (un 
avoidable  from  their  number)  has  done  the 


most  sensible  injury  to  the  public  cause.  The 
patience  of  a  people  who  have  less  of  that 
quality  than  any  other  nation  in  the  world, 
is  worn  threadbare. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii,  115. 
(P.,  Sep.  1789.) 

4611.  LEGISLATURES,  Suspension  of. 
— The  act  passed  in  the  seventh  year  of  the 
reign  of  George  III.,  having  been  a  peculiar 
attempt,  must  ever  require  peculiar  mention. 
It  is  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  Suspending  the 
Legislature  of  New  York ".  One  free  and 
independent  legislature  hereby  takes  upon  it 
self  to  suspend  the  powers  of  another,  free 
and  independent  as  itself;  thus  exhibiting  a 
phenomenon  unknown  in  nature,  the  creator 
and  creature  of  its  own  power. — RIGHTS  OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  131.  FORD  ED.,  i,  435. 
(I774-) 

4612. .  The  proposition  [of  Lord 

North]  is  altogether  unsatisfactory  *  *  * 
because  they  (Parliament)  do  not  renounce 
the  power  of  suspending  our  own  legislatures. 
— REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  480.  (July  1775.) 

4613.  —         — .    He    [George  III.]    has 
endeavored    to   pervert    the    exercise    of    the 
kingly  office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and 
unsupportable  tyranny    *    *    *    by  combining 
with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  foreign  juris 
diction,  giving  his  assent  to  their  pretended 
acts  of  legislation     *     *     *     for  suspending 
our   own    legislatures,    and    declaring    them 
selves  invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us 
in  all  cases  whatsoever. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  n.     (June  1776.) 

4614.  LEGISLATURES,  Two  chambers. 
— The  purpose  of  establishing  different  houses 
of  legislation  is  to  introduce  the  influence  of 
different     interests     or     different     principles. 
Thus  in  Great  Britain,  it  is  said,  their  consti 
tution  relies  on  the  House  of  Commons  for 
honesty,  and  the  Lords   for  wisdom ;   which 
would  be  a  rational  reliance,  if  honesty  were 
to  be  bought  with  money,  and  if  wisdom  were 
hereditary.     In  some  of  the  American  States, 
the  delegates  and  senators  are  so  chosen,  as 
that  the  first  represent  the  persons,  and  the 
second  the  property  of  the  State.      But  with 
us,  wealth  and  wisdom  have  equal  chance  for 
admission    into    both    houses.      We    do    not, 
therefore,  derive  from  the  separation  of  our 
legislature    into    two    houses,    those    benefits 
which  a  proper  complication  of  principles  is 
capable  of  producing,  and  those  which  alone 
can  compensate  the  evils  which  may  be  pro 
duced  by  their  dissensions. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,     viii,  361.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  223.     (1782.) 

4615. .  For  good  legislation  two 

houses  are  necessary. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAY 
ETTE,  iii,  20.  FORD  ED.,  v,  92.  (P.,  1789.) 

4616. .  I  find  my  countrymen 

*  *  *  thinking  with  the  National  Assem 
bly  [of  France]  in  all  points  except  that  of  a 
single  house  of  legislation.  They  think  their 
own  experience  has  so  decidedly  proved  the 
necessity  of  two  Houses  to  prevent  the  tyranny 
of  one  that  they  fear  that  this  single  error 
will  shipwreck  your  new  constitution.  I  z,m 


Legislatures 
Letters 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


494 


myself  persuaded  that  theory  and  practice  are 
not  at  variance  in  this  instance,  and  that  you 
will  find  it  necessary  hereafter  to  add  another 
branch. — To  DUKE  DE  LA  ROCHEFOUCAULD. 
iii,  136.  (N.  Y.,  1790.) 

4617.  LEGISLATURES,  Tyranny  of.— 

The  executive  in  our  governments  is  not  the 
sole,  it  is  scarcely  the  principal  object  of  my 
jealousy.  The  tyranny  of  the  Legislatures  is 
the  most  formidable  dread  at  present,  and 
will  be  for  many  years. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iii,  5.  FORD  ED.,  v,  83.  (P.,  1789.) 

4618.  LEGISLATURES,  Unit  of  repre 
sentation.— The    Legislature    shall    provide 
that  returns  be  made  to  themselves  periodi 
cally  of  the  qualified  voters  in  every  county, 
by  their  name  and  qualification ;  and  from  the 
whole   number   of  qualified   voters     *     *     * 
such    an    unit    of    representation    shall    be 
*    *    *    taken  as  will  keep  the  number  of  rep 
resentatives  within  the  limits  of  150  and  300, 
allowing  to  every  county  a  representative  for 
every  unit  and  fraction  of  more  than  half  an 
unit  it  contains. — NOTES  FOR  A  VA.   CONSTI 
TUTION.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  520.     (1794.) 

4619.  LEGISLATURES,  Usurpation  of 

power. — He  has  combined  with  others  to 
subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  con 
stitutions  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws, 
giving  his  assent  •  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation  for  *  *  *  suspending  our  own 
legislatures  and  declaring  themselves  invested 
with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases 
whatsoever. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 
AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4620.  LEGISLATURES,       Vacancies.— 

Vacancies  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  death  or  disqualification,  shall  be  filled  by 
the  electors,  under  a  warrant  from  the 
Speaker  of  the  said  house. — PROPOSED  VA. 
CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  14.  (June  1776.) 

4621.  LEGISLATURES,       Virginia.— 

Legislation  shall  be  exercised  by  two  separate 
houses,  to  wit,  a  House  of  Representatives, 
and  a  House  of  Senators,  which  shall  be 
called  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  13. 
(June  1776.) 

4622. .  The  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  shall  be  composed  of  persons 
chosen  by  the  people  annually  on  the  first 
day  of  October,  and  shall  meet  in  General 
Assembly  on  the  first  day  of  November  fol 
lowing,  and  so,  from  time  to  time,  on  their 
own  adjournments,  or  at  any  time  when  sum 
moned  by  the  Administrator,  and  shall  con 
tinue  sitting  so  long  as  they  shall  think  the 
public  service  requires. — PROPOSED  VA.  CON 
STITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  14.  (June  1776.) 

4623. .    The  Senate  shall  consist 

of  not  less  than  [15]*  nor  more  than  [50] 
members,  who  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
House  of  Representatives.  One-third  of  them 
shall  be  removed  out  of  office  by  lot  at  the 
end  of  the  first  [three]  years,  and  their  places 

*  The  brackets  and.  figures  within  them  are  Jeffer- 
eon's.— EDITOR. 


be  supplied  by  a  new  appointment ;  one  other 
third  shall  be  removed  by  lot,  in  like  mariner, 
at  the  end  of  the  second  [three]  years  and 
their  places  be  supplied  by  a  new  appoint 
ment;  after  which  one-third  shall  be  re 
moved  annually  at  the  end  of  every  [three] 
years  according  to  seniority.  When  once  re 
moved,  they  shall  be  forever  incapable  of  be 
ing  reappointed  to  that  House.  Their  quali 
fications  shall  be  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
State,  and  of  duty  in  their  office,  the  being 
[31]  years  of  age  at  the  least,  and  the  having 
given  no  bribe,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  ob 
tain  their  appointment.  While  in  the  sen 
atorial  office,  they  shall  be  incapable  of  hold 
ing  any  public  pension,  or  post  of  profit,  either 
themselves,  or  by  others  for  their  use. — PRO 
POSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  15. 
(June  1776.) 

4624.  L'ENFANT  (Major),  Dismissal  of. 
— It  having  been  found  impracticable  to  em 
ploy  Major  L'Enfant  about  the  Federal  city,  in 
that  degree  of  subordination  which  was  lawful 
and  proper,  he  has  been  notified  that  his  serv 
ices  are  at  an  end.     It  is  now  proper  that  he 
should  receive  the  reward  of  his  past  services ; 
and  the  wish  that  he  should  have  no  just  cause 
of  discontent,  suggests  that  it  should  be  liberal. 
The    President    thinks    of    two    thousand    five 
hundred,  or  three  thousand  dollars ;  but  leaves 
the  determination  to  you.  * — To  MESSRS.  JOHN 
SON,    CARROLL    AND    STEWART,     iii,    336.      (Pa., 
1792.) 

4625.  LETHARGY,  Fatal  to  liberty.— 

Lethargy  is  the  forerunner  of  death  to  the 
public  liberty. — To  W.  S.  SMITH,  ii,  318. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  467.  (P.,  1787.) 

4626.  LETTERS,     Answering.— Instead 
of  writing  ten  or  twelve  letters  a  day,  which  I 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  doing  as  a  thing  in 
course,    I    put    off    answering    my    letters    now 
farmer-like,    till    a    rainy    day,    and    then    find 
them  sometimes  postponed  by  other  necessary 
occupations. — To  JOHN   ADAMS,    iv,   103.    FORD 
ED.,  vi,  505.     (M.,  April  1794-) 

4627.  LETTERS,  Distorted. — Every  word 
which   goes   from    me,   whether   verbally   or   in 
writing,     becomes     the     subject     of     so     much 
malignant    distortion,    and    perverted    construc 
tion,  that  I   am  obliged  to  caution  my  friends 
against  admitting  the  possibility  of  my  letters 
getting  into  the  public  papers  or  a  copy  of  them 
to  be  taken  under  any  degree  of  confidence. — To 
EDWARD  DOWSE,   iv,  477.     (W.,  1803.) 

4628.  LETTERS,  Gleams  of  light.— Your 

letters  *  *  *  serve,  like  gleams  of  light,  to  cheer 
a  dreary  scene ;  where  envy,  hatred,  malice,  re 
venge,  and  all  the  worst  passions  of  men,  are 
marshalled  to  make  one  another  as  miserable 
as  possible. — To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH. 
D.  L.  J.  248.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

4629.  LETTERS,  Private.— I  have  gener 
ally  great  aversion  to  the  insertion  of  my  letters 
in  the  public  papers ;  because  of  my  passion  for 
quiet  retirement,  and  never  to  be  exhibited  in 
scenes  on  the  public  stage. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vii,   254.      (M.,    1822.) 

4630.  LETTERS,  Sanctity  of.— I  should 
wish  never  to  put  pen  to  paper ;  and  the  more 

*  L'Enfant  was  a  French  engineer  who  was  em 
ployed  in  laying  out  the  City  of  Washington.— ED- 

ITOR. 


495 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Betters 

Lewis  and  Clark 


because  of  the  treacherous  practice  some  people 
have  of  publishing  one's  letters  without  leave. 
Lord  Mansfield  declared  it  a  breach  of  trust, 
and  punishable  at  law.  I  think  it  should  be  a 
penitentiary  felony. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  244. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  216.  (M.,  1822.) 

4631.  LETTERS,  Unanswered.— The  con 
stant  pressure  of  business  has  forced  me  to  fol 
low  the  practice  of  not  answering  letters  which 
do  not  necessarily  require  it. — To  ROBERT  WILL 
IAMS,     v,  209.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  166.  (W.,  1807.) 

4632.  LETTER- WRITING,  Dangers  of. 
—The  abuse  of  confidence  by  publishing  my 
letters  has  cost  me  more  than  all  other  pains, 
and  makes  me  afraid  to  put  pen  to  paper  in  a 
letter  of  sentiment. — To  C.  HAMMOND,    vii,  217. 
(M.,  1821.) 

4633. .     I     sometimes    expressly 

desire  that  my  letter  may  not  be  published ;  but 
this  is  so  like  requesting  a  man  not  to  steal 
or  cheat,  that  I  am  ashamed  of  it  after  I  have 
done  it. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON.  vii,  223.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  193.  (M.,  1821.) 

4634.  LETTER-WRITING,      Drudgery 
of. — From  sunrise  to  one  or  two  o'clock,  and 
often   from   dinner  to  dark,   I   am  drudging  at 
the  writing  table.    And  all  this  to  answer  letters 
into  which  neither  interest  nor  inclination  on 
my  part  enters ;  and  often  from  persons  whose 
names  I  have  never  before  heard.     Yet,  writing 
civilly,  it  is  hard  to  refuse  them  civil  answers. 
This  is  the  burthen  of  my  life,  a  very  grievous 
one  indeed,  and  one  which  I  must  get  rid  of. 
Delaplaine  lately  requested  me  to  give  him   a 
line  on  the  subject  of  his  book;  meaning,  as  I 
well  knew,  to  publish  it.     This  I  constantly  re 
fuse  ;    but    in    this    instance    yielded,    that    in 
saying  a  word  for  him  I  might  say  two  for  my 
self.      I    expressed    in    it    freely    my    sufferings 
from  this  source  ;  hoping  it  would  have  the  ef 
fect  of  an  indirect  appeal  to  the  discretion  of 
those,   strangers   and  others,  who,  in  the  most 
friendly    dispositions,    oppress    me    with    their 
concerns,   their  pursuits,   their  projects,   inven 
tions  and  speculations,  political,  moral,  religious, 
mechanical,  mathematical,  historical,  &c.,  &c.    I 
hope  the  appeal  will  bring  me  relief,  and  that 
I  shall  be  left  to  exercise  and  enjoy  correspond 
ence  with  the  friends  I   love,  and  on  subjects 
which  they,  or  my  own  inclinations  present. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  54.    FORD  ED.,  x,  71.     (M., 
1817.) 

4635.  LETTER- WRITING,  Relief  from. 
—It  occurs  then,  that  my  condition  of  exist 
ence,  truly  stated  in  that  letter,  if  better  known, 
might  check  the  kind   indiscretions  which   are 
so    heavily   oppressing   the   departing   hours   of 
life.     Such  a  relief  [from  letter- writers]  would, 
to    me,   be    an    ineffable   blessing.      But   yours, 
*  *  *  equally  interesting  and  affecting,  should 
accompany  that  to  which  it  is  an  answer.     The 
two,   taken   together,   would   excite   a  joint  in 
terest,  and  place  before  our  fellow-citizens  the 
present  condition  of  two  ancient  servants,  who 
having  faithfully  performed  their  forty  or  fifty 
campaigns,  stipendiis  omnibus  expletus,  have  a 
reasonable  claim  to  repose  from  all  disturbance 
in  the  sanctuary  of  invalids  and  superannuates. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  254.     FORD  ED.,  x,  218. 
(M.,  1822.) 

4636.  LETTER- WRITING,      Volumi 
nous. — I  do  not  know  how  far  you  may  suffer, 
as   I    do,   under   the   persecution   of   letters,    of 
which  every  mail  brings  me  a  fresh  load.     They 
are  letters  of  enquiry,  for  the  most  part,  always 
of  good  will,  sometimes  from  friends  whom  I 


esteem,  but  much  oftener  from  persons  whose 
names  are  unknown  to  me,  but  written  kindly 
and  civilly,  and  to  which,  therefore,  civility  re 
quires  answers.  *  *  *  I  happened  to  turn  to 
my  letter-list  some  time  ago,  and  a  curiosity 
was  excited  to  count  those  received  in  a  single 
year.  It  was  the  year  before  the  last.  I  found 
the  number  to  be  one  thousand  two  hundred  and 
sixty-seven,  many  of  them  requiring  answers  of 
elaborate  research,  and  all  to  be  answered  with 
due  attention  and  consideration.  Take  an  aver 
age  of  this  number  for  a  week  or  a  day,  and  I 
will  repeat  the  question  *  *  *  is  this  life?  At 
best,  it  is  but  the  life  of  a  mill-horse,  who  sees 
no  end  to  his  circle  but  in  death.  To  such  a 
life,  that  of  a  cabbage  is  paradise. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  254.  FORD  ED.,  x,  218.  (M.,  1822.) 

4637.  LETTER- WRITING    vs.    READ 
ING. — The  drudgery  of  letter  writing  often 
denies  me  the  leisure  of  reading  a  single  page 
in  a  week. — To   EZRA  STILES,     vii,   127.     (M., 
1819.) 

4638.  LEWIS  AND   CLARK  EXPEDI 
TION,  Jefferson  suggests.— The  river  Mis 
souri,    and   the    Indians    inhabiting   it,    are   not 
as  well  known  as  is  rendered  desirable  by  their 
connection    with    the    Mississippi,    and    conse 
quently   with   us.      It   is,    however,   understood, 
that  the  country  on  that  river  is  inhabited  by 
numerous  tribes,  who  furnish  great  supplies  of 
furs  and  peltry  to  the  trade  of  another  nation, 
carried  on   in   a  high   latitude,  through   an   in 
finite   number   of   portages   and   lakes,   shut   up 
by  ice  through  a  long  season.     The  commerce 
on  that  line  could  bear  no  competition  with  that 
of  the  Missouri,  traversing  a  moderate  climate, 
offering,  according  to  the  best  accounts,  a  con 
tinued  navigation  from  its  source,  and  possibly 
with  a  single  portage,  from  the  Western  Ocean, 
and  finding  to  the  Atlantic  a  choice  of  chan 
nels  through  the  Illinois  or  Wabash,  the  Lakes 
and    Hudson,    through    the    Ohio    and    Susque- 
hanna,  or  Potomac  or  James  rivers,  and  through 
the  Tennessee  and  Savannah  rivers.     An  intel 
ligent  officer,  with  ten  or  twelve  chosen  men, 
fit  for  the  enterprise,  and  willing  to  undertake 
it,   taken   from   our  posts,   where  they  may  be 
spared  without  inconvenience,  might  explore  the 
whole  line,  even  to  the  Western   Ocean  ;   have 
conferences  with  the  natives  on  the  subject  of 
commercial   intercourse ;    get   admission   among 
them  for  our  traders,  as  others  are  admitted ; 
agree  on  convenient  deposits  for  an  interchange 
of  articles ;  and  return  with  the  information  re 
quired,  in  the  course  of  two  summers.     Their 
arms  and  accoutrements,   some   instruments  of 
observation,  and  light  and  cheap  presents  for  the 
Indians,  would  be  all  the  apparatus  they  could 
carry,  and  with  an  expectation  of  a  soldier's  por 
tion  of  land  on  their  return,  would  constitute 
the  whole  expense.     Their  pay  would  be  going 
on,  whether  here  or  there.    While  other  civilized 
nations  have  encountered  great  expense  to  en 
large  the  boundaries  of  knowledge,  by  underta 
king  voyages  of  discovery,  and  for  other  literary 
purposes,   in  various  parts  and  directions,  our 
nation  seems  to  owe  to  the  same  object,  as  well 
as  to  its  own  interests,  to  explore  this,  the  only 
line   of   easy   communication   across   the   conti 
nent,  and  so  directly  traversing  our  own  part 
of   it.      The    interests    of    commerce    place    the 
principal  object  within  the  constitutional  powers 
and  care  of  Congress,  and  that  it  should  inci 
dentally  advance  the  geographical  knowledge  of 
our  continent,  cannot  be  but  an  additional  grat 
ification.     The  nation  claiming  the  territory,  re 
garding  this  as  a  literary  pursuit,  which  it  is  in 
the   habit  of  permitting  within   its   Dominions, 
would  not  be  disposed  to  view  it  with  jealousy, 


Lewis  ami  Clark 

I.evees 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


496 


even  if  the  expiring  state  of  its  interests  there 
did  not  render  it  a  matter  of  indifference.  The 
appropriation  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  dol 
lars  "  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  external 
commerce  of  the  United  States  '',  while  under 
stood  and  considered  by  the  Executive  as  giving 
the  legislative  sanction,  would  cover  the  under 
taking  from  notice,  and  prevent  the  obstructions 
which  interested  individuals  might  otherwise 
previously  prepare  in  its  way. — CONFIDENTIAL 
MESSAGE,  viii,  243.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  201.  (Jan. 
1803.) 

4639.  LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPEDI 
TION,  Preparations.— I  had  long  deemed  it 
incumbent  on  the  authorities  of  our  country  to 
have  the  great  western  wilderness  beyond  the 
Mississippi  explored,  to  make  known  its  geogra 
phy,  its  natural  productions,  its  general  char 
acter  and  inhabitants.  Two  attempts  which  I 
had  myself  made  formerly,  before  the  country 
was  ours,  the  one  from  west  to  east,  the  other 
from  east  to  west,  had  both  proved  abortive. 
When  called  to  the  administration  of  the  general 
government,  I  made  this  an  object  of  early 
attention,  and  proposed  it  to  Congress.  They 
voted  a  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars  for  its 
execution,  and  I  placed  Captain  Lewis  at  the 
head  of  the  enterprise.  No  man  within  the 
range  of  my  acquaintance  united  so  many  of 
the  qualifications  necessary  for  its  successful 
direction.  But  he  had  not  received  such  an 
astronomical  education  as  might  enable  him  to 
give  us  the  geography  of  the  country  with  the 
precision  desired.  The  Missouri  and  Columbia, 
which  were  to  constitute  the  tract  of  his  jour 
ney,  were  rivers  which  varied  little  in  their 
progressive  latitudes,  but  changed  their  longi 
tudes  rapidly  and  at  every  step.  To  qualify  him 
for  making  these  observations,  so  important  to 
the  value  of  the  enterprise,  I  encouraged  him 
to  apply  himself  to  this  particular  object,  and 
gave  him  letters  to  Doctor  Patterson  and  Mr. 
Ellicott,  requesting  them  to  instruct  him  in  the 
necessary  processes.  Those  for  the  longitude 
would,  of  course,  be  founded  on  the  lunar  dis 
tances.  But  as  these  require  essentially  the  aid 
of  a  time-keeper,  it  occurred  to  me  that  during 
a  journey  of  two,  three,  or  four  years,  exposed 
to  so  many  accidents  as  himself  and  the  instru 
ment  would  be,  we  might  expect  with  certainty 
that  it  would  become  deranged,  and  in  a  desert 
country  where  it  could  not  be  repaired.  I 
thought  it  then  highly  important  that  some 
means  of  observation  should  be  furnished  him 
which  should  be  practicable  and  competent  to 
ascertain  his  longitudes  in  that  event.  The  equa 
torial  occurred  to  myself  as  the  most  promising 
substitute.  I  observed  only  that  Ramsden,  in  his 
explanation  of  its  uses,  and  particularly  that  of 
finding  the  longitude  at  land,  still  required  his 
observer  to  have  the  aid  of  a  time-keeper.  But 
this  cannot  be  necessary,  for  the  margin  of  the 
equatorial  circle  of  this  instrument  being 
divided  into  time  by  hours,  minutes  and  sec 
onds,  supplies  the  main  functions  of  the  time 
keeper,  and  for  measuring  merely  the  interval 
of  the  observations.,  is  such  as  not  to  be  neg 
lected.  A  portable  pendulum  for  counting,  by 
an  assistant,  would  fully  answer  that  purpose. 
I  suggested  my  fears  to  several  of  our  best 
astronomical  friends,  and  my  wishes  that  other 
processes  should  be  furnished  him,  if  any  could 
be,  which  might  guard  us  ultimately  from  dis 
appointment.  Several  other  methods  were  pro 
posed,  but  all  requiring  the  use  of  a  time-keeper. 
That  of  the  equatorial  being  recommended  by 
none,  and  other  duties  refusing  me  time  for 
protracted  consultations,  I  relinquished  the  idea 
for  that  occasion.  But,  if  a  sound  one,  it  should 
not  be  neglected.  Those  deserts  are  yet  to  be 


explored,  and  their  geography  given  to  the 
world  and  ourselves  with  a  correctness  worthy 
of  the  science  of  the  age.  The  acquisition  of 
the  country  before  Captain  Lewis's  departure 
facilitated  our  enterprise,  but  his  time-keeper 
failed  early  in  his  journey.  His  dependence, 
then,  was  on  the  compass  and  log-line,  with  the 
correction  of  latitudes  only ;  and  the  longitudes 
of  the  different  points  of  the  Missouri,  of  the 
Stony  Mountains,  the  Columbia  and  Pacific,  at 
its  mouth,  remain  yet  to  be  obtained  by  future 

enterprise. — To .  vii,  224.     (M.,  1821.) 

See  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE. 

4640. .     In  the  journey  you  are 

about  to  undertake  *  *  *  should  you  reach  the 
Pacific  Ocean  *  *  *  and  be  *  *  *  without 
money  *  *  *  your  resource  *  *  *  can  only  be 
the  credit  of  the  United  States ;  for  which  pur 
pose  I  hereby  authorize  you  to  draw  on  the 
Secretaries  of  State,  of  the  Treasury,  of  War, 
and  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States,  accord 
ing  as  you  may  find  your  drafts  will  be  most 
negotiable,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  money 
or  necessaries  for  yourself  and  men ;  and  I 
solemnly  pledge  the  faith  of  the  United  States 
that  these  drafts  shall  be  paid  punctually 
*  *  *  And  to  give  more  entire  satisfaction 
and  confidence  to  those  who  may  be  disposed  to 
aid  you,  I,  Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  have  written  this 
letter  of  general  credit  for  you  with  my  own 
hand,  and  signed  it  with  my  name. — To  CAPTAIN 
MERIWETHER  LEWIS,  iv,  492.  (W.,  July  4,  1803.) 

4641.  LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPEDI 
TION,  Success.— The  expedition  of  Messrs. 
Lewis  and  Clark,  for  exploring  the  river  Mis 
souri,    and   the   best   communication    from   that 
to   the   Pacific   ocean,   has   had   all   the   success 
which   could   have   been   expected.     They   have 
traced   the    Missouri   nearly   to   its   source,   de 
scended    the    Columbia    to    the    Pacific    ocean, 
ascertained  with  accuracy  the  geography  of  that 
interesting  communication  across  our  continent, 
learned  the  character  of  the  country,  of  its  com 
merce,  and  inhabitants  ;  and  it  is  but  justice  to 
say   that   Messrs.    Lewis    and   Clark,    and   their 
brave  companions,  have  by  this  arduous  service 
deserved  well  of  their  country. — SIXTH  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE,     viii,  66.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  492.     (Dec. 
1806.) 

4642.  LEVEES,    Presidential.— Edmund 
Randolph    tells   James    Madison    and   myself    a 
curious  fact  which  he  had  from  Lear.     When 
the   President  went  to   New   York,   he  resisted 
for  three  weeks  the  efforts  to  introduce  levees. 
At  length  he  yielded,  and  left  it  to  Humphreys 
and  some  others  to  settle  the  forms.     Accord 
ingly,  an  antechamber  and  presence  room  were 
provided,  and  when  those  who  were  to  pay  their 
court   were    assembled,   the    President   set   out, 
preceded  by  Humphreys.    After  passing  through 
the   antechamber,   the   door   of  the   inner   room 
was  thrown  open,  and  Humphreys  entered  first, 
calling  out  with   a  loud  voice,   "  the   President 
of  the  United  States  ".     The  President  was  so 
much  disconcerted  with  it,  that  he  did  not  re 
cover  from  it  the  whole  time  of  the  levee,  and 
when  the  company  was  gone,  he  said  to  Hum 
phreys,  "  Well,  you  have  taken  me  in  once,  but 
by  God  you  shall  never  take  me  in   a  second 
time". — THE  ANAS,     ix,  132.     FORD  ED.,  i,  216. 
(I793-) 

4643.  LEVEES,  Washington's  explana 
tion. — President  Washington     [in    conversa 
tion  with  me]   went  lengthily  into  the  late  at 
tacks    on    him    for    levees,    &c.,    and    explained 
how  he  had  been  led  into  them  by  the  persons 
he  consulted  at  New  York ;  and  that  if  he  could 


497 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


L-iancourt  (Duke  <le) 
Libels 


but  know  what  the  sense  of  the  public  was,  he 
would  most  cheerfully  conform  to  it. — THE 
ANAS,  ix,  132.  FORD  ED.,  i,  216.  (Feb.  I793-) 
See  CEREMONY,  ETIQUETTE  and  FORMS. 

4644.  LIANCOURT  (Duke  de),  Appeal 
for. — I   wish  the  present  government  would 
permit  M.  de  Liancourt's  return.     He  is  an  hon 
est  man,  sincerely  attached  to  his  country,  and 
very  desirous  of  being  permitted  to  live  retired 
in  the  bosom  of  his  family.     My  sincere  affec 
tion  for  his  connections   at   Rocheguyon  *  *  * 
would  render  it  a  peculiar  felicity  to  me  to  be 
any  ways  instrumental  in  having  him  restored 
to  them.     I  have  no  means,  however,  unless  you 
can  interpose  without  giving  offence. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  88.     (M.,  1796.) 

4645.  LIANCOURT  (Duke  de),  Patriot. 

— The  bearer  hereof  is  the  Duke  de  Liancourt, 
one  of  the  principal  noblemen  of  France,  and 
one  of  the  richest.  All  this  he  has  lost  in  the 
revolutions  of  his  country,  retaining  only  his 
virtue  and  good  sense,  which  he  possesses  in  a 
high  degree.  He  was  President  of  the  National 
Assembly  of  France  in  its  earliest  stage,  and 
forced  to  fly  from  the  proscriptions  of  Marat. — 
To  MR.  KITE,  iv,  145.  (M.,  1796.) 

4646.  LIBELS,   Federal  cognizance. — 
Libels,    falsehood,    and    defamation,    equally 
with  heresy  and  false  religion,  are  withheld 
from  the  cognizance  of  Federal  tribunals. — 
KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,     ix,  466.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  295.     (1798.) 

4647.  LIBELS,    Guarding    against.— I 
have  seen  in  the  New  York  papers  a  calumny 
which  I  suppose  will  run  through  the  Union, 
that  I  had  written  by  Doctor  Logan  letters 
to  Merlin  and  Talleyrand.     On  retiring  from 
the  Secretary  of  State's  office,  I  determined 
to    drop    all    correspondence    with    France, 
knowing  the  base  calumnies  which  would  be 
built  on  the  most  innocent  correspondence.     I 
have  not,  therefore,  written  a  single  letter  to 
that  country,  within  that  period  except  to  Mr. 
Short  on  his  own  affairs   merely  which   are 
under   my    direction,    and    once    or   twice    to 
Colonel  Monroe.     By  Logan,  I  did  not  write 
even  a  letter  to  Mr.  Short,  nor  to  any  other 
person   whatever.      I   thought   this   notice   of 
the  matter  due  to  my  friends,  though  I  do  not 
go  into  the  newspapers  with  a  formal  declara 
tion  of  it. — To  AARON  BURR.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
259.    (M.,  Nov.  1798.) 

4648.  LIBELS,   Jefferson   and. — At  this 
moment  my  name  is  running  through  all  the 
city  [Philadelphia]  as  detected  in  a  criminal 
correspondence    with    the    French    Directory, 
and  fixed  upon  me  by  the  documents  from  our 
Envoys,   now   before    the   two  Houses.     The 
detection   of   this   by   the   publication   of  the 
papers,    should    they    be    published,    will    not 
relieve  all  the  effects  of  the  lie,  and  should 
they    not    be    published,    they    may    keep    it 
up    as    long    and    as    successfully    as    they 
did    and    do    that    of    my    being    involved 
in  Blount's  conspiracy. — To  JAMES  MONROE, 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  233.     (Pa.,  April  1798.) 

4649. .  Party  passions  are  indeec 

high.     Nobody  has  more  reasons  to  know  i 
than  myself.     I  receive  daily  bitter  proofs  o 
it  from  people  who  never  saw  me.  nor  know 
anything   of   me   but   through    "  Porcupine ' 


[William  Cobbett]  and  Fenno.— To  JAMES 
LEWIS,  JR.  iv,  241.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  250.  (Pa., 
May  1798.) 

4650. .     Our  very  long  intimacy 

as  fellow  laborers  in  the  same  cause,  the 
recent  expressions  of  mutual  confidence 
which  had  preceded  your  mission  [to  France], 
:he  interesting  course  which  that  had  taken, 
and  particularly  and  personally  as  it  regarded 
yourself,  made  me  anxious  to  hear  from  you 

*    *    .    I  was  the  more  so,  too,  as  I  had  my 
self,  during  the  whole  of  your  absence,  as  well 
as  since  your  return,  been  a  constant  butt  for 
every    shaft    of    calumny    which    malice    and 
Falsehood  could  form,  and  the  presses,  public 
speakers,  or  private  letters  disseminate.     One 
of  these,  too,  was  of  a  nature  to  touch  your 
self;  as  if,  wanting  confidence  in  your  efforts, 
I  had  been  capable  of  usurping  powers  com 
mitted  to  you,  and  authorizing  negotiations 
private   and   collateral   to   yours.       The   real 
truth  is,  that  though  Doctor  Logan,  the  pre.- 
tended  missionary,  about  four  or  five  days  be 
fore  he  sailed  for  Hamburg,  told  me  he  was 
going  there,  and  thence  to  Paris,  and  asked 
and    received    from    me    a    certificate    of    his 
citizenship,    character,    and    circumstances   of 
life,  merely  as  a  protection,  should  he  be  mo 
lested  on  his  journey,   in  the  present  turbu 
lent   and    suspicious    state   of    Europe,    yet    I 
had  been  led  to  consider  his  object  as  relative 
to  his  private  affairs ;  and  though,  from  an  in 
timacy  of  some  standing,  he  knew  well  enough 
my  wishes  for  peace  and  my  political  senti 
ments    in    general,    he    nevertheless    received 
then   no   particular   declaration   of   them,    no 
authority  to  communicate  them  to  any  mortal, 
nor  to  speak  to  any  one  in  my  name,  or  in 
anybody's   name,    on    that,    or   on   any   other 
subject  whatever;  nor  did  I  write  by  him  a 
scrip  of  a  pen  to  any  person  whatever.    This 
he  has  himself  honestly  and  publicly  declared 
since  his   return ;    and   from   his   well-known 
character  and  every  other  circumstance,  every 
candid  man  must  perceive  that  his  enterprise 
was  dictated  by  his  own  enthusiasm,  without 
consultation  or  communication  with  any  one ; 
that  he  acted  in   Paris  on  his  own  ground, 
and  made  his  own  way.     Yet  to  give  some 
color  to  his  proceedings,  which  might  impli 
cate  the   republicans   in   general,   and   myself 
particularly,  they  have  not  been  ashamed  to 
bring  forward  a  supposititious  paper,  drawn  by 
one  of  their  own  party  in  the  name  of  Logan, 
and  falsely  pretended  to  have  been  presented 
by  him  to  the  government  of  France;  count 
ing    that    the    bare    mention    of    my    name 
therein,  would  connect  that  in  the  eye  of  the 
public    with    this    transaction. — To    ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,     iv,   266.     FORD  ED.,   vii,   325.      (Pa., 
Jan.  I799-) 

4651. .     It    is    hardly    necessary 

for  me  to  declare  to  you,  on  everything 
sacred,  that  the  part  they  assigned  to  me  was 
entirely  a  calumny.  Logan  called  on  me  four 
or  five  days  before  his  departure,  and  asked 
and  received  a  certificate  (in  my  private 
capacity)  of  his  citizenship  and  circumstances 
of  life,  merely  as  a  protection,  should  he  be 


Libels 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


498 


molested  in  the  present  turbulent  state  of 
Europe.  I  have  given  such  to  an  hundred 
others,  and  they  have  been  much  more  fre 
quently  asked  and  obtained  by  tories  than 
whigs.  I  did  not  write  a  scrip  of  a  pen  by 
him  to  any  person.  From  long  acquaintance 
he  knew  my  wishes  for  peace,  and  my  political 
sentiments  generally,  but  he  received  no  par 
ticular  declaration  of  them  nor  one  word  of 
authority  to  speak  in  my  name,  or  anybody's 
name  on  that  or  any  other  subject.  It  was  an 
enterprise  founded  in  the  enthusiasm  of  his 
own  character.  He  went  on  his  own  ground, 
and  made  his  own  way.  His  object  was 
virtuous,  and  the  effect  meritorious. — To 
EDMUND  PENDLETON.  iv,  276.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
338.  (Pa.,  I799-) 

4652.  LIBELS,  Jurisdiction  over. — Nor 
does    the    [my]    opinion    of    the    unconstitu 
tionally,  and  consequent  nullity  of  that  law, 
[Sedition]  remove  all  restraint  from  the  over 
whelming  torrent  of  slander,   which  is  con 
founding  all  vice  and  virtue,  all  truth  and 
falsehood,  in  the  United  States.  The  power 
to  do  that  is  fully  possessed  by  the  several 
State  Legislatures.     It  was  reserved  to  them, 
and  was  denied  to  the  General  Government, 
by  the  Constitution,  according  to  our  construc 
tion  of  it.    While  we  deny  that  Congress  have 
a  right  to  control  the  freedom  of  the  press, 
we  have  ever  asserted  the  right  of  the  States, 
and  their  exclusive  right,   to   do   so.     They 
have  accordingly,  all  of  them,  made  provis 
ions  for  punishing  slander,  which  those  who 
have  time  and  inclination,  resort  to  for  the 
vindication    of    their    characters. — To    MRS. 
JOHN  ADAMS,     iv,  561.     FORD  EDV  viii,  311. 
(M.,  1804.) 

4653.  LIBELS,      Newspaper.— Printers 
shall  be  liable  to  legal  prosecution  for  printing 
and  publishing  false   facts,   injurious  to  the 
party  prosecuting;   but  they  shall  be  under 
no    other    restraint. — FRENCH     CHARTER    OF 
RIGHTS,    iii,  47.    FORD  ED .,  v,  102.    (P.,  1789.) 

4654. .     In    those    States    where 

they  do  not  admit  even  the  truth  of  allega 
tions  to  protect  the  printer,  they  have  gone 
too  far. — To  MRS.  JOHN  ADAMS.  iv,  561. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  311.  (M.,  1804.) 

4655. .  No  inference  is  here  in 
tended,  that  the  laws,  provided  by  the  States 
against  false  and  defamatory  publications, 
should  not  be  enforced;  he  who  has  time, 
renders  a  service  to  public  morals  and  public 
tranquillity,  in  reforming  these  abuses  by  the 
salutary  coercions  of  the  law. — SECOND  INAU 
GURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  44.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  346. 
(1805.) 

4656. .  We  have  received  from 

your  [Massachusetts]  presses  a  very  malevo 
lent  and  incendiary  denunciation  of  the  ad 
ministration,  bottomed  on  absolute  falsehood 
from  beginning  to  end.  The  author  would 
merit  exemplary  punishment  for  so  flagitious 
a  libel,  were  not  the  torment  of  his  own 
abominable  temper  punishment  sufficient  for 
even  as  base  a  crime  as  this. — To  LEVI  LIN 
COLN,  v,  264.  (W.,  March  1808.) 


4657. .    Mr.  Wagner's  malignity, 

like  that  of  the  rest  of  his  tribe  of  brother 
printers,  who  deal  out  calumnies  for  federal 
readers,  gives  me  no  pain.  When  a  printer 
cooks  up  a  falsehood,  it  is  as  easy  to  put  it 
into  the  mouth  of  a  Mr.  Fox,  as  of  a  smaller 
man,  and  safer  in  that  of  a  dead  than  a  living 
one. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  v,  555.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  291.  (M.,  1811.) 

4658.  LIBELS,  Prosecutions  for.— While 
a  full  range  is  proper  for  actions  by  individ 
uals,  either  private  or  public,  for  slanders  af 
fecting  them,  I  would  wish  much  to  see  the  ex 
periment  tried  of  getting  along  without  public 
prosecutions  for  libels.   I  believe  we  can  do  it. 
Patience_  and  well  doing,  instead  of  punish 
ment,  if  it  can  be  found  sufficiently  efficacious, 
would  be  a  happy  change  in  the  instruments 
of  government. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  139.     (March  1802.) 

4659.  LIBELS,  Punishment  for.— I  might 
have  filled  the  courts  of  the  United   States 
with  actions  for  slanders,  and  have  ruined, 
perhaps  many  persons  who  are  not  innocent. 
But  this  would  be  no  equivalent  for  the  loss 
of  character.  I  leave  them,  therefore,  to  the 
reproof  of  their  own  consciences.    If  these  do 
not   condemn   them,   there   will   yet   come   a 
day  when  the  false  witness  will  meet  a  Judge 
who   has    not    slept    over    his    slanders. — To 
URIAH  M'GREGORY.    iv,  333.     (M.,  1800.) 

4660.  LIBELS,   Sedition  law  and.— Mr. 
Randolph  has  proposed  an  inquiry  [in  Congress] 
into    certain    prosecutions    at    common    law    in 
Connecticut,  for  libels  on  the  government,  and 
not  only  himself  but  others  have  stated  them 
with  such  affected  caution,  and  such  hints  at  the 
same  time,  as  to  leave  on  every  mind  the  im 
pression  that  they  had  been  instituted  either  by 
my^  direction,  or  with  my  acquiescence,  at  least. 
This  has  not  been  denied  by  my  friends,  because 
probably  the  fact  is  unknown  to  them.     I  shall 
state  it  for  their  satisfaction,   and  leave  it  to 
be  disposed  of  as  they  think  best.     I  had  ob 
served   in   a   newspaper  some   dark  hints   of  a 
prosecution    in    Connecticut,    but    so    obscurely 
hinted  that  I  paid  little  attention  to  it.     Some 
considerable    time    after,    it    was    again    men 
tioned,  so  that  I  understood  that  some  prosecu 
tion  was  going  on  in  the  federal  court  there,  for 
calumnies  uttered   from  the  pulpit  against  me 
by  a  clergyman.     I   immediately  wrote  to   Mr. 
Granger,  who,   I   think,  was  in   Connecticut  at 
the  time,  stating  that  I  had  laid  it  down  as  a 
law  to  myself,  to  take  no  notice  of  the  thousand 
calumnies  issued  against  me,   but  to  trust  my 
character   to   my   own    conduct,    and   the   good 
sense  and  candor  of  my  fellow  citizens ;  that  I 
had  found  no  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  that 
course,  and  I  was  unwilling  it  should  be  broke 
through  by  others  as  to  any  matter  concerning 
me  ;  and  I,  therefore,  requested  him  to  direct  the 
district    attorney    to    dismiss    the    prosecution. 
Some  time  after  this,  I  heard  of  subpoenas  being 
served    on    General    Lee,    David    M.    Randolph, 
and  others,  as  witnesses  to  attend  the  trial.     I 
then  for  the  first  time  conjectured  the  subject 
of  the  libel.     I  immediately  wrote  to  Mr.  Gran 
ger,  to  require  an  immediate  dismission  of  the 
prosecution.     The  answer   of   Mr.   Huntington, 
the  district  attorney,  was  that  these  subpoenas 
had  been  issued  by  the  defendant  without  his 
knowledge,  that  it  had  been  his  intention  to  dis 
miss  all  the  prosecutions  at  the  first  meeting 


499 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Libels 
Liberty 


of  the  court,  and  to  accompany  it  with  an 
avowal  of  his  opinion,  that  they  could  not  be 
maintained,  because  the  federal  court  had  no 
jurisdiction  over  libels.  This  was  accordingly 
done.  I  did  not  till  then  know  that  there  were 
other  prosecutions  of  the  same  nature,  nor  do  I 
now  know  what  were  their  subjects.  But  all 
went  off  together ;  and  I  afterwards  saw  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Granger,  a  letter  written  by  the 
clergyman,  disavowing  any  personal  ill  will 
towards  me,  and  solemnly  declaring  he  had 
never  uttered  the  words  charged.  I  think  Mr. 
Granger  either  showed  me,  or  said  there  were 
affidavits  of  at  least  half  a  dozen  respectable 
men,  who  were  present  at  the  sermon  and 
swore  no  such  expressions  were  uttered,  and  as 
many  equally  respectable  men  who  swore  the 
contrary.  But  the  clergyman  expressed  his 
gratification  at  the  dismission  of  the  prosecu 
tion.  *  *  *  Certain  it  is,  that  the  prosecu 
tions  had  been  instituted,  and  had  made  consid 
erable  progress,  without  my  knowledge,  that 
they  were  disapproved  by  me  as  soon  as 
known,  and  directed  to  be  discontinued.  The 
attorney  did  it  on  the  same  ground  on  which 
I  had  acted  myself  in  the  cases  of  Duane,  Cal- 
lendar  and  others ;  to  wit,  that  the  Sedition  law 
was  unconstitutional  and  null,  and  that  my  obli 
gation  to  execute  what  was  law,  involved  that  of 
not  suffering  rights  secured  by  valid  laws  to 
be  prostrated  by  what  was  no  law. — To  WILSON 
C.  NICHOLAS,  v,  452.  FORD  EDV  ix,  253.  (Mv 
1809.) 

4661.  LIBELS,  Voltaire  and. — I  send  you 
yoltaire's    legacy    to    the    King    of    Prussia, — a 
libel  which  will  do  much  more  injury  to  Voltaire 
than  to  the   King.     Many  of  the  traits  in  the 
character  of  the  latter  to  which  the  former  gives 
a  turn  satirical  and  malicious,  are  real  virtues. — 
To    JAMES    MONROE.     FORD    ED.,    iv,    44.     (P., 
1785-) 

4662.  LIBERTY,     America     and.— The 
last  hope  of  human  liberty  in  this  world  rests 
on  us.  We  ought,  for  so  dear  a  stake,  to  sac 
rifice  every  attachment  and  every  enmity. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.    v,  577.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  313. 
(M.,  1811.) 

4663. .     When    we    reflect    that 

the  eyes  of  the  virtuous  all  over  the  earth  are 
turned  with  anxiety  on  us,  as  the  only  de 
positories  of  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty,  and  that 
our  falling  into  anarchy  would  decide  forever 
the  destinies  of  mankind,  and  seal  the  polit 
ical  heresy  that  man  is  incapable  of  self-gov 
ernment,  the  only  contest  between  divided 
friends  should  be  who  will  dare  farthest  into 
the  ranks  of  the  common  enemy. — To  JOHN 
HOLLINS.  v,  597.  (M.,  1811.)  See  296. 

4664.  LIBERTY,    Attachment   to.— Our 

attachment  to  no  nation  on  earth  should  sup 
plant  our  attachment  to  liberty. — DECLARATION 
ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  470. 
(I775-) 

4665.  LIBERTY,   Blood   and.— The  tree 
of  liberty   must   be    refreshed    from   time   to 
time    with  the  blood  of  patriots  and  tyrants. 
It  is  its  natural  manure. — To  W.  S.  SMITH. 
ii,  319.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  467.     (P.,  1787.) 

4666. .     A  warm   zealot  for  the 

attainment  and  enjoyment  by  all  mankind  of 
as  much  liberty,  as  each  may  exercise  without 
injury  to  the  equal  liberty  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens.  I  have  lamented  that  in  France  the 


endeavors  to  obtain  this  should  have  been  at 
tended  with  the  effusion  of  so  much  blood. — 
To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  13.  (M., 
April  1795.) 

4667.  LIBERTY,     Concern    for.— Affec 
tionate  concern  for  the  liberty  of  my  fellow 
citizens  will  cease  but  with  life  to  animate  my 
breast.— REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,    v,  262.     (1808.) 

4668.  LIBERTY,  Contagious.— The   dis 
ease  of  liberty  is  catching. — To  MARQUIS  LA 
FAYETTE,     vii,   194.     FORD  ED.,  x,   179.     (M., 
1820.) 

4669.  LIBERTY,    Degeneracy    and.— It 
astonishes  me  to  find  such  a  change  wrought 
in   the  opinions   of  our   countrymen   since   I 
left  them,  as  that  three-fourths  of  them  should 
be  contented  to  live  under  a  system  which 
leaves  to  their  governors  the  power  of  taking 
from   them  the   trial   by  jury   in   civil   cases, 
freedom    of   religion,    freedom    of   the   press, 
freedom  of  commerce,  the  habeas  corpus  laws, 
and  of  yoking  them   with  a   standing  army. 
This  is  a  degeneracy  in  the  principles  of  lib 
erty  to  which  I  had  given  four  centuries  in 
stead  of  four  years. — To  WILLIAM  STEPHENS 
SMITH.    FORD  ED.,  v,  3.     (P.,  Feb.  1788.) 

4670.  LIBERTY,    Degrees   of.— I    would 
rather  be  exposed  to  the  inconveniences  at 
tending  too  much  liberty  than  to  those  at 
tending  too  small  a  degree  of  it. — To  ARCHI 
BALD  STUART,    iii,  314.    FORD  ED.,  v,  409.    (Pa., 
I79I-) 

4671.  LIBERTY,   Despotism  and.— The 
agitations    of    the    public    mind    advance    its 
powers,  and  at  every  vibration  between  the 
points   of   liberty   and    despotism,    something 
will  be  gained  for  the  former. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,     iv,  452.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  177.     (W., 
Nov.  1802.) 

4672.  LIBERTY,     European.— Heaven 
send  that  the  glorious  example  of  France  may 
be  but  the  beginning  of  the  history  of  Euro 
pean   liberty,    and   that   you   may   live   many 
years  in  health  and  happiness  to  see  at  length 
that  heaven  did  not  make  man  in  its  wrath. — 
To  LA  DUCHESSE  D'AUVILLE.    iii,  135.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  154.     (N.Y.,  April  1790.) 

4673.  -  — .     God    send    that    all    the 
nations  who  join  in  attacking  the  liberties  of 
France  may  end  in  the  attainment  of  their 
own. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,     iii,  451.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  88.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

4674.  LIBERTY,  First  of  all.— Postpone 
to  the  great  object  of  Liberty  every  smaller 
motive  and  passion. — To  THE   PRESIDENT  OF 
CONGRESS.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  298.     (Wg.,  1780.) 

4675.  LIBERTY,    France       and.— The 

atrocious  proceedings  of  France  towards  this 
country,  had  well  nigh  destroyed  its  liberties. 
The  Anglomen  and  monocrats  had  so  art 
fully  confounded  the  cause  of  France  with 
that  of  freedom,  that  both  went  down  in  the 
same  scale. — To  T.  LOMAX.  iv,  301.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  374.  (M.,  March  1799.) 

4676. .     May  you  see  France  re 
established  in  that  temperate  portion  of  lib- 


Liberty 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


500 


erty  which  does  not  infer  either  anarchy  or 
licentiousness,  in  that  high  degree  of  pros 
perity  which  would  be  the  consequence  of 
such  a  government,  in  that,  in  short,  which 
the  constitution  of  1789  would  have  insured 
it,  if  wisdom  could  have  stayed  at  that  point 
the  fervid  but  imprudent  zeal  of  men,  who 
did  not  know  the  character  of  their  own 
countrymen. — To  MADAME  DE  STAEL.  vi,  120. 
(May  1813.) 

4677.  LIBERTY,  Free  Press  and.— The 
functionaries  of  every  government  have  pro 
pensities  to  command  at  will  the  liberty  and 
property  of  their  constituents.     There  is  no 
safe   deposit   for  these  but  with   the  people 
themselves;  nor  can  they  be  safe  with  them 
without  information.    Where  the  press  is  free, 
and  every  man  able  to  read,  all  is  safe. — To 
CHARLES  YANCEY.     vi,  517.     FORD  ED.,  x,  4. 
(M.,  1816.) 

4678.  LIBERTY,      Trench     Revolution 
and. — The  success  of  the  French  Revolution 
will  ensure  the  progress  of  liberty  in  Europe, 
and  its  preservation  here. — To  EDMUND  PEN- 
DLETON.     FORD  EDV  v,  358.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

4679. .     The  liberty  of  the  whole 

earth  was  depending  on  the  issue  of  the  con 
test,  and  was  ever  such  a  prize  won  with  so 
little  innocent  blood?— To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
iii,  502.  FORD  ED.;  vi,  154.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

4680. .  I  continue  eternally  at 
tached  to  the  principles  of  your  [French] 
Revolution.  I  hope  it  will  end  in  the  estab 
lishment  of  some  firm  government,  friendly 
to  liberty,  and  capable  of  maintaining  it.  If 
it  does,  the  world  will  become  inevitably  free. 
— To  J.  P.  BRISSOT  DE  WARVILLE.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  249.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

4681.  LIBERTY,  Gift  of  God.— All  men 
*  *  *  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
inherent*  and  inalienable  rights.  Among 
these  *  *  *  [is]  liberty. — DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4682. .     Can    the    liberties    of    a 

nation  be  thought  secure  when  we  have  re 
moved  their  only  firm  basis,  a  conviction  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  that  these  liberties 
are  of  the  gift  of  God?— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  404.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  267.  (1782.) 

4683.  LIBERTY,  Government  and. — 
The  natural  progress  of  things  is  for  liberty 
to  yield  and  government  to  gain  ground. — To 
EDWARD  CARRINGTON.  ii,  404.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
20.  (P.,  1788.) 

4684. .  The  policy  of  the  Ameri 
can  government  is  to  leave  their  citizens  free, 
neither  restraining  nor  aiding  them  in  their 
pursuits.— To  M.  L'HOMMANDE.  ii,  236.  (P., 
1787.) 

4685. .  The  freedom  and  happi 
ness  of  man  *  *  *  are  the  sole  objects  of 
all  legitimate  government. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  v,  50.  (M.,  1810.) 


*  Congress  struck  out 
;  certain".— EDITOR. 


inherent"   and  inserted 


4686.  LIBERTY,  Happiness  and.— It  is 

pur  glory  that  we  first  put  the  ball  of  liberty 
into  motion,  and  our  happiness  that,  being 
foremost,  we  had  no  bad  examples  to  fol 
low. — To  TENCH  COXE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  22. 
(M.,  1795.) 

4687.  LIBERTY,  Kosciusko  and.— Gen 
eral  Kosciusko  is  as  pure  a  son  of  liberty  as 
I  have  ever  known,  and  of  that  liberty  which 
is  to  go  to  all,  and  not  to  the  few  or  the  rich 
alone. — To  HORATIO  GATES,   iv,  212.   FORD  ED., 
vii,  204.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

4688.  LIBERTY,    Life    and.— The    God 
who  gave  us  life,  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same 
time:  the  hand  of  force  may  destroy,  but  it 
cannot    disjoin    them.* — RIGHTS    OF    BRITISH 
AMERICA,    i,  142.    FORD  ED.,  i,  447.     (1774.) 

4689.  LIBERTY,  Light  and.— Light  and 
liberty  go  together. — To  TENCH  COXE.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  22.     (M.,  1795.) 

4690. .  I  will  not  believe  our  la 
bors  are  lost.  I  shall  not  die  without  a  hope 
that  light  and  liberty  are  on  steady  advance. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  217.  (M.,  1821.) 

4691.  LIBERTY,  Love  of.— The  commo 
tions  in  Massachusetts!  are  a  proof  that  the 
people    love    liberty,    and    I    could    not    wish 
them  less  than  they  have. — To  EZRA  STILES. 
ii,  77.     (P.,  1786.) 

4692.  LIBERTY,  Napoleon  and.— If  the 
hero  [Napoleon]  who  has  saved  you  from  a 
combination    of    enemies,    shall    also    be    the 
means  of  giving  you   as  great  a  portion  of 
liberty  as  the  opinions,  habits  and  character  of 
the  nation  are  prepared  for,  progressive  prep 
aration  may  fit  you  for  progressive  portions 
of  that   first   of  blessings,    and   you   may   in 
time  attain  what  we  erred  in  supposing  could 
be    hastily    seized    and    maintained,    in    the 
present  state  of  political  information  among 
your  citizens  at  large. — To  M.  CABANIS.     iv, 
496.     (W.,  1803.) 

4693.  LIBERTY,     Natural.— Under    the 
law  of  nature,  we  are  all  born  free. — LEGAL 
ARGUMENT.    FORD  ED.,  i,  380.     (1770.) 

4694.  LIBERTY,    No    easy    road    to. — 

We  are  not  to  expect  to  be  translated  from 
despotism  to  liberty  in  a  feather  bed. — To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  iii,  132.  FORD  ED., 
v,  152.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4695. .     The  ground  of  liberty  is 

to  be  gained  by  inches  and  we  must  be  con 
tented  to  secure  what  we  can  get,  from  time 
to  time,  and  eternally  press  forward  for  what 
is  yet  to  get.  It  takes  time  to  persuade  men 
to  do  even  what  is  for  their  own  good. — To 
REV.  CHARLES  CLAY,  iii,  126.  FORD  ED.,  v,  142. 
(M.,  1790.) 

4696.  LIBERTY,  Order  and.— Possess 
ing  ourselves  the  combined  blessing  of  liberty 
and  order,  we  wish  the  same  to  other  coun 
tries.— To  M.  CORAY.  vii,  318.  (M.,  1823.) 

*  "Ab  eo  libertas,  a  quo  spiritus"  was  the  motto 
on  one  of  Jefferson's  seals.— EDITOR. 
t  Shaysrs  Rebellion.— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Liberty 


—  LIBERTY,  Personal. — See  PERSONAL 
LIBERTY. 

4697.  LIBERTY,  Preservation  of.— We 
do  then  most  solemnly,  before  God  and  the 
world  declare  that,  regardless  of  every  con 
sequence,  at  the  risk  of  every  distress,  the 
arms  we  have  been  compelled  to  assume  we 
will  use  with  the  perseverance,  exerting  to 
their  utmost  energies  all  those  powers  which 
our  Creator  hath  given  us,  to  preserve  that 
liberty  which  He  committed  to  us  in  sacred 
deposit  and  to  protect  from  every  hostile  hand 
our  lives  and  our  properties. — DECLARATION 
ON  TAKING  UP  ARMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  474.  (July 
I775-) 

4698. .  I  am  convinced  that,  on 

the  good  sense  of  the  people,  we  may  rely 
with  the  most  security  for  the  preservation 
of  a  due  degree  of  liberty. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  480.  (P.,  1787.) 

4699.  -  — .     The  people  are  the  only 
sure  reliance  for  the  preservation  of  our  lib 
erty.— To  JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  332.     (1787-) 

4700.  -  — .     The  preservation  of  the 
holy  fire  is  confided  to  us  by  the  world,  and 
the  sparks  which  will  emanate  from  it  will 
ever   serve   to   rekindle   it  in   other   quarters 
of  the  globe,  Numinibus  secundis. — To  REV. 
MR.  KNOX.    v,  503.    (M.,  1810.) 

4701.  LIBERTY,     Preparation    for.— A 
full   measure  of  liberty  is  not  now  perhaps 
to  be  expected  by  your  nation,  nor  am  I  con 
fident  they  are  prepared  to  preserve  it.     More 
than  a  generation  will  be  requisite,  under  the 
administration    of    reasonable    laws    favoring 
the  progress  of  knowledge  in  the  general  mass 
of   the   people,    and    their   habituation   to   an 
independent  security  of  person  and  property, 
before  they  will  be  capable  of  estimating  the 
value    of    freedom,    and    the    necessity    of    a 
sacred  adherence  to  the  principles  on  which 
it  rests  for  preservation.     Instead  of  that  lib 
erty    which    takes    root    and    growth    in    the 
progress    of    reason,    if    recovered    by    mere 
force  or  accident,  it  becomes,  with  an  unpre 
pared  people,  a  tyranny  still,  of  the  many,  the 
few,   or  the  one. — To   MARQUIS   LAFAYETTE. 
vi,  421.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  505. (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

4702.  LIBERTY,   The  Press  and.— Our 
liberty  cannot  be  guarded  but  by  the  freedom 
of   the    press,    nor    that    be    limited    without 
danger  of  losing  it. — To  JOHN  JAY.     FORD  ED., 
iv,  186.     (P.,  1786.)     See  PRESS  and  NEWS 
PAPERS. 

4703.  LIBERTY,  Progress  of.— I  cor 
dially  wish  well  to  the  progress  of  liberty  in 
all   nations,    and   would   forever  give   it   the 
weight  of  our  countenance. — To  T.   LOMAX. 
iv,  301.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.    (M.,  March  1799.) 

4704.  LIBERTY,  Resistance       and.— 

What  country  can  preserve  its  liberties  if  its 
rulers  are  not  warned  from  time  to  time  that 
the  people  preserve  the  spirit  of  resistance? — 
To  W.  S.  SMITH,  ii,  318.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  467. 
(P.,  1787.)  See  REBELLION. 

4705.  LIBERTY,     Restricted.— I    had 
hoped  that  Geneva  was  familiarized  to  such  a 


degree  of  liberty,  that  they  might  without 
difficulty  or  danger  fill  up  the  measure  to  its 
maximum;  a  term,  which,  though  in  the  in 
sulated  man,  bounded  only  by  his  natural 
powers,  must,  in  society,  be  so  far  restricted 
as  to  protect  himself  against  the  evil  passions 
of  his  associates,  and  consequently,  them 
against  him. — To  M.  D'!VERNOIS.  iv,  114. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  4.  (M.,  Feb.  1795.) 

4706.  LIBERTY,      Royalty      and.— The 

public  liberty  may  be  more  certainly  secured 
by  abolishing  an  office  [royalty]  which  all  ex 
perience  hath  shown  to  be  inveterately  in 
imical  thereto. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  12.  (June  1776.) 

4707. .     It  is  impossible  for  you 

to  conceive  what  is  passing  in  our  conclave, 
and  it  is  evident  that  one  or  two  at  least, 
under  pretence  of  avoiding  war  on  the  one 
side,  have  no  great  antipathy  to  run  foul  of 
it  on  the  other,  and  to  make  a  part  in  the 
confederacy  of  princes  against  human  liberty. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  563.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
261.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

4708. .     I    am    not    for    *    *    * 

joining  in  the  confederacy  of  kings  to  war 
against  the  principles  of  liberty. — To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  328.  (Pa, 
I799-) 

4709.  LIBERTY,  Sacred.— For  promoting 
the  public  happiness,  those  persons  whom  na 
ture  has  endowed  with  genius  and  virtue 
should  be  rendered  by  liberal  education 
worthy  to  receive,  and  able  to  guard  the 
sacred  deposit  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
their  fellow  citizens;  and  they  should  be 
called  to  that  charge  without  regard  to 
wealth,  birth,  or  other  accidental  condition  or 
circumstance. — DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE 
BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.  (1779.) 

4710. .     The   most    sacred   cause 

that  ever  man  was  engaged  in.* — OPINION  ON 
THE  "  LITTLE  SARAH  ".  ix,  155.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
344-  (I793-) 

4711.  LIBERTY,  Safeguards  of.— I  dis 
approved  from  the  first  moment  [in  the  new 
Constitution]  the  want  of  a  bill  of  rights,  to 
guard  liberty  against  the  legislative  as  well 
as  the  executive  branches  of  the  government. 
—To  F.   HOPKINSON.     ii,  586.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
76.     (P.,  March  1789.) 

4712. .     To  insure  the  safety  of 

the  public   liberty,    its   depository   should   be 
subject  to  be  changed  with  the  greatest  ease 
possible,  and  without  suspending  or  disturb 
ing    for    a    moment    the    movements    of    the 
machine    of    government. — To    M.    DESTUTT 
TRACY,      v,  569.      FORD  ED.,  ix,  308.      (M., 
1811.) 

4713.  LIBERTY,  Science  and  virtue.— 
Liberty  is  the  great  parent  of  science  and  of 
virtue;   and  a  nation  will  be  great  in  both 
in  proportion  as  it  is  free.— To  DR.  WILLARD. 
iii,  17.     (P.,  1789.) 

*  Jefferson  was  referring  to  the  first  French  Re 
public. —EDITOR. 


Liberty 
labrary 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


502 


4714. .  The  general  spread  of  the 

light  of  science  has  already  laid  open  to  every 
view  the  palpable  truth,  that  the  mass  of  man 
kind  has  not  been  born  with  saddles  on  their 
backs,  nor  a  favored  few  booted  and  spurred, 
ready  to  ride  them  legitimately,  by  the  grace 
of  God.— To  ROGER  C.  WEIGHTMAN.  vii,  451. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  391.  (M.,  1826.) 

4715.  LIBERTY,  Sea  of.— The  boisterous 
sea  of  liberty  is  never  without  a  wave. — To 
RICHARD  RUSH,    vii,  182.     (M.,  1820.) 

4716.  LIBERTY,       Security      for.— We 

agree  particularly  in  the  necessity  of  some 
*  *  better  security  for  civil  liberty. — To 
JOHN  TAYLOR,  iv,  259.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  309. 
(M.,  1798.) 

4717. .     Since,  by  the  choice  of 

my  constituents,  I  have  entered  on  a  second 
term  of  administration,  I  embrace  the  oppor 
tunity  to  give  this  public  assurance,  *  *  * 
that  I  will  zealously  cooperate  with  you  in 
every  measure  which  may  tend  to  secure  the 
liberty,  property,  and  personal  safety  of  our 
fellow  citizens,  and  to  consolidate  the  repub 
lican  forms  and  principles  of  our  government. 
— FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  53.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  396.  (Dec.  1805.) 

4718.  LIBERTY,     Subversion    of. — The 

moderation  and  .virtue  of  a  single  character 
have  probably  prevented  this  Revolution  from 
being  closed,  as  most  others  have  been,  by 
a  subversion  of  that  liberty  it  was  intended 
to  establish. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i, 
335.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  467.  (A.,  1784.) 

4719.  LIBERTY,    Universal.— The    ball 
of  liberty  is  now  so  v/ell  in  motion  that  it 
will  roll  round  the  globe. — To  TENCH  COXE. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  22.     (M.,  1795.) 

4720. .     I  sincerely  pray  that  all 

the  members  of  the  human  family  may,  in 
the  time  prescribed  by  the  Father  of  us  all, 
find  themselves  securely  established  in  the 
enjoyment  of  *  *  *  liberty. — REPLY  TO  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  119.  (1807.) 

4721. .     That  we  should  wish  to 

see  the  people  of  other  countries  free,  is  as 
natural,  and  at  least  as  justifiable,  as  that  one 
king  should  wish  to  see  the  kings  of  other 
countries  maintained  in  their  despotism. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78.  FORD  EDV  x,  90. 
(M.,  1817.) 

4722.  LIBERTY   vs.   WEALTH.— What 
a  cruel  reflection  that  a  rich  country  cannot 
long  be  a  free  one. — TRAVELS  IN  FRANCE,    ix, 
319.     (1787.) 

4723.  LIBRARY,  Circulating.— Nothing 
would  do  more  extensive  good  at  small  ex 
pense  than  the  establishment  of  a  small  circu 
lating    library    in    every    county. — To    JOHN 
WYCHE.    v,  448.     (M.,  1809.) 

4724.  LIBERTY,        Founding.— There 

shall  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  [of  Virginia] 
every  year  the  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds, 
to  be  laid  out  in  such  books  and  maps  as  may 
be  proper  to  be  preserved  in  a  public  library; 


which  library  shall  be  established  at  the  town 
of  Richmond. — PUBLIC  LIBRARY  BILL.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  236.  (I799-) 

4725.  LIBRARY,  Free.— No  person  shall 
remove  any  book  or  map  out  of  the  library; 

but  the  same  [may]  be  made  use 
ful  by  indulging  the  researches  of  the  learned 
and  curious,  within  the  said  library,  with 
out  fee  or  reward. — PUBLIC  LIBRARY  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  236.  (1799.) 

4726.  LIBRARY,        Jefferson's.— You 
know   my   collection,   its   condition   and  extent. 
I    have   been   fifty   years   making   it,    and   have 
spared^  no    pains,    opportunity    or    expense,    to 
make   it  what  it  is.     While   residing  in   Paris, 
I   devoted   every   afternoon    I   was   disengaged, 
for    a   summer    or   two,    in    examining    all    the 
principal  book  stores,  turning  over  every  book 
with  my  own  hand,  and  putting  by  everything 
which  related  to  America,  and  indeed  whatever 
was   rare   and   valuable   in   every   science.     Be 
sides   this,    I    had    standing   orders    during   the 
whole  time   I   was  in   Europe,  on  its  principal 
book-marts,  particularly  Amsterdam,  Frankfort, 
Madrid  and  London,  for  such  works  relating  to 
America  as  could  not  be  found  in   Paris.     So 
that  in  that  department  particularly,  such  a  col 
lection  was  made  as  probably  can  never  again 
be  effected,  because  it  is  "hardly  probable  that 
the  same  opportunities,  the  same  time,  industry, 
perseverance  and  expense,  with  some  knowledge 
of  the  bibliography  of  the  subject,  would  again 
happen  to  be  in  concurrence.     During  the  same 
period,  and  after  my  return  to  America,  I  was 
led   to   procure,    also,   whatever   related   to   the 
duties  of  those  in  the  high  concerns  of  the  na 
tion.     So  that  the  collection,  which  I   suppose 
is  of  between  nine  and  ten  thousand  volumes, 
while   it   includes   what   is    chiefly   valuable    in 
science  and  literature  generally,   extends  more 
particularly  to  whatever  belongs  to  the  Ameri 
can   Statesman.     In  the  diplomatic  and  parlia 
mentary   branches,    it   is   particularly   full. — To 
S.    H.    SMITH,     vi,    383.     FORD    ED.,    ix,    486. 
(M.,  Sep.  1814.) 

4727.  LIBRARY,  Sale  to  Congress. — It 

is  long  since  I  have  been  sensible  it  ought  not 
to  continue  private  property,  and  had  provided 
that  at  my  death,  Congress  should  have  the 
refusal  of  it  at  their  own  price.  But  the  loss 
they  have  now  incurred,  makes  the  present  the 
proper  moment  for  their  accommodation,  with 
out  regard  to  the  small  remnant  of  time  and 
the  barren  use  of  my  enjoying  it.  I  ask  of  your 
friendship,  therefore,  to  make  for  me  the  tender 
of  it  to  the  Library  Committee  of  Congress,  not 
knowing  myself  of  whom  the  Committee  con 
sists.  Nearly  the  whole  are  well  bound,  abun 
dance  of  them  elegantly,  and  of  the  choicest 
editions  existing.  They  may  be  valued  by 
persons  named  by  themselves,  and  the  payment 
made  convenient  to  the  public.  *  *  *  I  do 
not  know  that  it  contains  any  branch  of  science 
which  Congress  would  wish  to  exclude  from 
their  collection  ;  there  is,  in  fact,  no  subject  to 
which  a  member  of  Congress  may  not  have  oc 
casion  to  refer.  But  such  a  wish  would  not 
correspond  with  my  views  of  preventing  its  dis 
memberment.  My  desire  is  either  to  place  it 
in  their  hands  entire,  or  to  preserve  it  so 
here.* — To  S.  H.  SMITH,  vi,  384.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  486.  (M.,  Sep.  1814.)  See  1133. 

4728. .    The  arrangement  [of  the 

library  at  Monticello]  is  as  follows:     i.  Ancient 

*  Jefferson's  library  was  purchased  by  the  United 
States  Government  for  the  use  of  Congress.  The 
price  paid  was  $23,950. — EDITOR. 


503 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Lies 
Life 


History.  2.  Modern  do.  3.  Physics.  4.  Nat. 
Hist,  proper.  5.  Technical  Arts.  6.  Ethics. 
7.  Jurisprudence.  8.  Mathematics.  9.  Garden 
ing,  architecture,  sculpture,  painting,  music, 
poetry.  10.  Oratory,  n.  Criticism.  12.  Poly- 
graphical. — To  JAMES  OGILVIE.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
418.  (W.,  1806.) 

4729.  LIES,    Circulating.— There    is    an 
enemy   somewhere   endeavoring   to   sow   dis 
cord   among   us.     Instead   of   listening   first, 
then  doubting,  and  lastly  believing  anile  tales 
handed  round  without  an  atom  of  evidence, 
if  my  friends  will  address  themselves  to  me 
directly,  as  you  have  done,  they  shall  be  in 
formed  with  frankness  and  thankfulness. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.    iv,  590.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  431. 
(W.,  1806.) 

4730.  LIES,  Fearless  of.— The  man  who 
fears  no  truths  has  nothing  to  fear  from  lies. 
— To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN.      FORD  ED.,  x,  27. 
(M.,  1816.) 

4731.  LIES,    Tolly    of.— It    is    of    great 
importance    to    set   a   resolution,    not   to   be 
shaken,  never  to  tell  an  untruth.     There  is 
no  vice  so  mean,  so  pitiful,  so  contemptible; 
and  he  who  permits  himself  to  tell  a  lie  once, 
finds  it  much  easier  to  do  it  a  second  and 
third  time,  till  at  length  it  becomes  habitual; 
he    tells   lies    without    attending    to    it,    and 
truths    without    the    world's    believing    him. 
This  falsehood  of  the  tongue  leads  to  that  of 
the  heart,  and  in  time  depraves  all  its  good 
dispositions. — To   PETER  CARR.     i,   396.     (P., 
1785.) 

4732.  LIES,  Newspaper. — There  was  an 
enthusiasm   towards   us   all   over    Europe   at 
the  moment  of  the  peace.   The  torrent  of  lies 
published  unremittingly  in  every  day's  Lon 
don  papers  first  made  an  impression  and  pro 
duced  a  coolness.    The  republication  of  these 
lies  in  most  of  the  papers  of  Europe   (done 
probably  by  authority  of  the  governments  to 
discourage  emigrations),  carried  them  home 
to  the  belief  of  every  mind.     They  supposed 
everything  in  America  was  anarchy,   tumult 
and  civil  war.     The  reception  of  the  Marquis 
Lafayette  gave  a  check  to  these  ideas. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,    i,  413.     (P.,  1785.) 

4733. .     It  has  been  so  impossible 

to  contradict  all  their  lies,  that  I  have  de 
termined  to  contradict  none;  for  while  I 
should  be  engaged  with  one,  they  would  pub 
lish  twenty  new  ones.  Thirty  years  of  public 
life  have  enabled  most  of  those  who  read 
newspapers  to  judge  of  one  for  themselves. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  448. 
(Ep.,  May  1800.) 

4734.  LIES,  Political.— Were  I  to  buy  off 
every  federal  lie  by  a  sacrifice  of  two  or  three 
thousand  dollars,  a  very  few  such  purchases 
would  make  me  as  bankrupt  in  reputation  as 
in  fortune.  To  buy  off  one  lie  is  to  give  a 
premium  for  the  invention  of  others.  From 
the  moment  I  was  proposed  for  my  present 
office,  the  volumes  of  calumny  and  falsehood 
issued  to  the  public,  rendered  impracticable 
every  idea  of  going  into  the  work  of  finding 
and  proving.  I  determined,  therefore,  to  go 


straight  forward  in  what  was  right,  and  to 
rest  my  character  with  my  countrymen  not  on 
depositions  and  affidavits,  but  on  what  they 
should  themselves  witness,  the  course  of  my 
life.  I  have  had  no  reason  to  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  confidence  reposed  in  the  public;  on 
the  contrary,  great  encouragement  to  perse 
vere  in  it  to  the  end. — To  WILLIAM  A.  BUR- 
WELL.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  229.  (W.,  1808.) 

4735. .     Many    of    the    [federal] 

lies  would  have  required  only  a  simple  de 
nial,  but  I  saw  that  even  that  would  have  led 
to  the  infallible  inference,  that  whatever  I 
had  not  denied  was  to  be  presumed  true.  I 
have,  therefore,  never  done  even  this,  but  to 
such  of  my  friends  as  happen  to  converse  on 
these  subjects,  and  I  have  never  believed  that 
my  character  could  hang  upon  every  two 
penny  lie  of  our  common  enemies.— To  WILL 
IAM  A.  BUR  WELL.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  230.  (W., 
1808.) 

4736. .     The    federalists,    instead 

of  lying  me  down,  have  lied  themselves  down. 
— To  WILLIAM  A.  BURWELL.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
230.  (W.,  1808.) 

4737.  LIES,    Useless.— I    consider    it   al 
ways  useless  to  read  lies. — To  DE  WITT  CLIN 
TON,    iv,  520.     (W.,  1803.) 

4738.  LIFE,  Art  of  .—The  art  of  life  is  the 
art  of  avoiding  pain ;  and  he  is  the  best  pilot 
who  steers  clearest  of  the  rocks  and  shoals 
with  which  it  is  beset. — To  MRS.  COSWAY.    ii, 
37.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  317.     (P.,  1786.) 

4739.  LIFE,  Chronicles  of.— Fifteen  vol 
umes  of  anecdotes  and  incidents,  within  the 
compass    of    my    own    time    and    cognizance, 
written  by  a  man  of  genius,  of  taste,  of  point, 
an  acquaintance,  the  measure  and  traverses  of 
whose  mind  I  know,  could  not  fail  to  turn  the 
scale  in  favor  of  life  during  their  perusal. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,    vii,  27.     (M.,  1816.) 

4740.  LIFE,     City.— A     city     life     offers 
:    more  means  of  dissipating  time,  but 

more  frequent  also  and  more  painful  objects 
of  vice  and  wretchedness.  New  York,  for  ex 
ample,  like  London  seems  to  be  a  cloacina 
of  all  the  depravities  of  human  nature.  Phil 
adelphia  doubtless  has  its  share.  Here  [Vir 
ginia],  on  the  contrary,  crime  is  scarcely 
heard  of,  breaches  of  order  rare,  and  our 
societies,  if  not  refined,  are  rational,  moral 
and  affectionate  at  least. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  vii,  310.  (M.,  1823.) 

4741.  LIFE,    Declining.— I    endeavor   to 
beguile  the  wearisomeness  of  declining  life  by 
the    delights    of    classical    reading    and    of 
mathematical  truths,  and  by  the  consolations 
of  a  sound  philosophy,  equally  indifferent  to 
hope  and  fear. — To  W.  SHORT,    vii,  140.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  145.     (M.,  1819.) 

4742.  LIFE,  Enjoyment  of.— I  sincerely 
pray  that  all  the  members  of  the  human  family 
may,  in  the  time  prescribed  by  the  Father  of 
us  all,  find  themselves  securely  established  in 
the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty  and  happiness. — 
REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,    viii,  119.     (1807.) 


Life 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


504 


4743.  LIFE,  Government  and. — The  care 
of  human  life  and  happiness,  and  not  their 
destruction,   is  the   first  and   only   legitimate 
object  of  good  government. — R.  TO  A.  MARY 
LAND  CITIZENS,    viii,  165.     (1809.) 

4744.  LIFE,  Happiness  and.— The  Giver 
of  life   *   *   *   gave  it  for  happiness  and  not 
for    wretchedness. — To    JAMES    MONROE,      i, 
319.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  59.    (M.,  1782.) 

4745.  LIFE,    Individual.— In    a   govern 
ment  bottomed  on  the  will  of  all,   the  life 
*    *     *    of  every  individual  citizen  becomes 
interesting  to  all. — FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  50.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  392.     (1805.) 

4746.  LIFE,    Jefferson's    habits    of.— I 

am  retired  to  Monticello,  where,  in  the  bosom 
of  my  family,  and  surrounded  by  my  books,  I 
enjoy  a  repose  to  which  I  have  been  long  a 
stranger.  My  mornings  are  devoted  to  cor 
respondence.  From  breakfast  to  dinner,  I  am 
in  my  shops,  my  garden,  or  on  horseback  among 
my  farms ;  from  dinner  to  dark,  I  give  to  so 
ciety  and  recreation  with  my  neighbors  and 
friends ;  and  from  candle  light  to  early  bed 
time,  I  read.  My  health  is  perfect ;  and  my 
strength  considerably  reinforced  by  the  activity 
of  the  course  I  pursue ;  perhaps  it  is  as  great  as 
usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  near  sixty-seven  years 
of  age.  I  talk  of  ploughs  and  harrows,  of 
seeding  and  harvesting,  with  my  neighbors,  and 
of  politics,  too,  if  they  choose,  with  as  little  re 
serve  as  the  rest  of  my  fellow  citizens,  and 
feel,  at  length,  the  blessing  of  being  free  to 
say  and  do  what  I  please,  without  being  re 
sponsible  for  it  to  any  mortal.  A  part  of  my 
occupation,  and  by  no  means  the  least  pleasing, 
is  the  direction  of  the  studies  of  such  young 
men  as  ask  it.  They  place  themselves  in  the 
neighboring  village,  and  have  the  use  of  my 
library  and  counsel,  and  make  a  part  of  my  so 
ciety. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  v,  508.  (M., 
1810.) 

4747. .     My  present  course  of  life 

admits  less  reading  than  I  wish.  From  break 
fast,  or  noon  at  latest,  to  dinner,  I  am  mostly 
on  horseback,  attending  to  my  farm  or  other 
concerns,  which  I  find  healthful  to  my  body., 
mind  and  affairs ;  and  the  few  hours  I  can  pass 
in  my  cabinet,  are  devoured  by  correspond 
ences  ;  not  those  with  my  intimate  friends, 
with  whom  I  delight  to  interchange  sentiments, 
but  with  others,  who,  writing  to  me  on  concerns 
of  their  own  in  which  I  have  had  an  agency, 
or  from  motives  of  mere  respect  and  approba 
tion,  are  entitled  to  be  answered  with  respect 
and  a  return  of  good  will.  My  hope  is  that 
this  obstacle  to  the  delights  of  retirement,  will 
wear  away  with  the  oblivion  which  follows 
that,  and  that  I  may  at  length  be  indulged  in 
those  studious  pursuits,  from  which  nothing 
but  revolutionary  duties  would  ever  have  called 
me. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  v,  558.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  294.  (M.,  1811.) 

4748. .    I  am  on  horseback  three 

or  four  hours  of  every  day ;  visit  three  or  four 
times  a  year  a  possession  I  have  ninety  miles 
distant,  performing  the  winter  journey  on 
horseback.  I  walk  little,  however,  a  single  mile 
being  too  much  for  me,  and  I  live  in  the  midst 
of  my  grandchildren,  one  of  whom  has  lately 
promoted  me  to  be  a  great  grandfather. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  37.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  334.  (M., 
1812.) 

4749. .     I    have    for    fifty    years 

bathed  my  feet  in  cold  water  every  morning, 


and  having  been  remarkably  exempted  from 
colds  (not  having  had  one  in  every  seven  years 
of  my  life  on  an  average),  I  have  supposed  it 
might  be  ascribed  to  that  practice. — To  MR. 
MAURY.  vi,  472.  (M.,  1815.) 

4750. .  The  request  of  the  his 
tory  of  my  physical  habits  would  have  puzzled 
me  not  a  little,  had  it  not  been  for  the  model 
with  which  you  accompanied  it,  of  Doctor 
Rush's  answer  to  a  similar  inquiry.  I  live  so 
much  like  other  people,  that  I  might  refer  to 
ordinary  life  as  the  history  of  my  own.  * 
I  have  lived  temperately,  eating  little  animal 
food,  and  that  not  as  an  aliment,  so  much  as  a 
condiment  for  the  vegetables  which  constitute 
my  principal  diet.  I  double,  however,  the  Doc 
tor's  glass  and  a  half  of  wine,  and  even  treble 
it  with  a  friend ;  but  halve  its  effects  by  drink 
ing  the  weak  wines  only.  The  ardent  wines  I 
cannot  drink,  nor  do  I  use  ardent  spirits  in 
any  form.  Malt  liquors  and  cider  are  my  table 
drinks,  and  my  breakfast  is  of  tea  and  coffee. 
I  have  been  blest  with  organs  of  digestion 
which  accept  and  concoct,  without  ever  mur 
muring,  whatever  the  palate  chooses  to  con 
sign  to  them,  and  I  have  not  yet  lost  a  tooth  by 
age.  I  was  a  hard  student  until  I  entered  on 
the  business  of  life,  the  duties  of  which  leave 
no  idle  time  to  those  disposed  to  fulfil  them; 
and  now,  retired,  and  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
six,  I  am  again  a  hard  student.  Indeed,  my 
fondness  for  reading  and  study  revolts  me  from 
the  drudgery  of  letter  writing.  And  a  stiff 
wrist,  the  consequence  of  an  early  dislocation, 
makes  writing  both  slow  and  painful.  I  am 
not  so  regular  in  my  sleep  as  the  Doctor  says 
he  was,  devoting  to  it  from  five  to  eight  hours, 
according  as  my  company  or  the  book  I  am 
reading  interests  me ;  and  I  never  go  to  bed 
without  an  hour,  or  half  hour's  previous  read 
ing  of  something  moral,  whereon  to  ruminate 
in  the  intervals  of  sleep.  But  whether  I  re 
tire  to  bed  early  or  late,  I  rise  with  the  sun. 
I  use  spectacles  at  night,  but  not  necessarily  in 
the  day,  unless  in  reading  small  print.  My 
hearing  is  distinct  in  particular  conversation, 
but  confused  when  several  voices  cross  each 
other,  which  unfits  me  for  the  society  of  the 
table.  I  have  been  more  fortunate  than  my 
friend  in  the  article  of  health.  So  free  from 
catarrhs  that  I  have  not  had  one  (in  the  breast, 
I  mean)  on  an  average  of  eight  or  ten  years 
through  life.  I  ascribe  this  exemption  partly 
to  the  habit  of  bathing  my  feet  in  cold  water 
every  morning,  for  sixty  years  past.  A  fever 
of  more  than  twenty-four  hours  I  have  not  had 
above  two  or  three  times  in  my  life.  A  period 
ical  headache  has  afflicted  me  occasionally,  once, 
perhaps,  i  i  six  or  eight  years,  for  two  or  three 
weeks  at  a  time.,  which  now  seems  to  have  left 
me ;  and  except  on  a  late  occasion  of  indis 
position,  I  enjoy  good  health ;  too  feeble,  in 
deed,  to  walk  much,  but  riding  without  fatigue 
six  or  eight  miles  a  day,  and  sometimes  thirty  or 
forty.  I  may  end  these  egotisms,  therefore,  as 
I  began,  by  saying  that  my  life  has  been  so 
much  like  that  of  other  people^  that  I  might  say 
with  Horace,  to  every  one  "  nomine  mutato, 
de  te  fabula  narratur". — To  DOCTOR  VINE 
UTLEY.  vii,  116.  FORD  ED.,  x,  125.  (M., 
1819.) 

4751.  LIFE,  Liberty  and.— The  God  who 

gave  us  life  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time ; 
the  hand  of  force  may  destroy,  but  cannot 
disjoin  them.*— RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA. 
i,  142.  FORD  ED.,  i,  447.  (i774-) 

*  "Ab  eo  liber  tas,  a  quo  spiritus ,"  was  the  motto  on 
one  of  Jefferson's  seals.— EDITOR. 


505 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Life 


4752.  LIFE,    Order   and.— The   life   of   a 
citizen  is  never  to  be  endangered,  but  as  the 
last  melancholy  effort  for  the  maintenance  of 
order  and  obedience  to  the  laws.* — CIRCULAR 
LETTER  TO  STATE  GOVERNORS,    v,  414.    FORD  EDV 
ix,  238.     (W.,  1809.) 

4753.  LIFE,  Outdoor.— During  the  pleas 
ant  season,   I  am  always  out  of  doors,  em 
ployed,  not  passing  more  time  at  my  writing 
table  than  will  dispatch  my  current  business. 
But  when  the  weather  becomes  cold,  I  shall 
go  out  but  little. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  476. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  263.     (M.,  1809.) 

4754.  LIFE,  Pledge  of.— And  for  the  sup 
port  of  this  Declaration,!  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our 
sacred    honor. — DECLARATION    OF    INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4755. .     It  is  from  the  support 


ers  of  regular  government  only  that  the  pledge 
of  life,  fortune  and  honor  is  worthy  of  con 
fidence. — R.  TO  A.  PHILADELPHIA  CITIZENS. 
viii,  145.  (1809.) 

—  LIFE,  Private.— See  PRIVATE  LIFE. 

4756.  LIFE,  Prolonged.— My  health  has 
been  always  so  uniformly  firm,  that  I  have  for 
some   years    dreaded    nothing   so    much    as   the 
living  too  long.     I  think,  however,  that  a  flaw 
has   appeared   which    ensures   me   against   that, 
without  cutting  short  any  of  the  period  during 
which    I    could    expect    to    remain    capable    of 
being  useful.     It  will  probably  give  me  as  many 
years  as  I  wish,  and  without  pain  or  debility. 
Should    this    be    the    case,    my    most    anxious 
prayers    will    have    been    fulfilled    by    Heaven. 
*     *     *     My  florid  health  is  calculated  to  keep 
my  friends  as  well  as  foes  quiet,  as  they  should 
be. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,     iv,  426.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  128.     (W.,  1801.) 

4757.  -  — .    The  most  undesirable  of 
all  things  is  long  life ;   and  there  is  nothing  I 
have  ever  so  much  dreaded. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
WATERHOUSE.     FORD  ED.,  x,   336.     (M.,    1825.) 

4758.  LIFE,    Reliving.— You    ask,    if    I 
would  agree  to  live  my  seventy  or  rather  sev 
enty-three  years  over  again?     To  which  I  say, 
yea.     I  think  with  you,  that  it  is  a  good  world 
on   the  whole ;   that   it  has   been   framed   on   a 
principle    of    benevolence,    and    more    pleasure 
than  pain  dealt  out  to  us.     There  are,  indeed, 
(who  might  say  nay)  gloomy  and  hypochondriac 
minds,  inhabitants  of  diseased  bodies,  disgusted 
with  the  present,  and  despairing  of  the  future  ; 
always    counting    that    the    worst    will    happen, 
because  it  may  happen.     To  these   I   say,  how 
much  pain  have  cost  us  the  evils  which  have 
never  happened  !      My  temperament  is  sanguine. 
I  steer  my  bark  with  Hope  in  the  head,  leaving 
Fear  in  the  stern.     My  hopes,  indeed,  sometimes 
fail ;   but  not  oftener   than   the   forebodings   of 
the  gloomy.     There  are,  I  acknowledge,  even  in 
the    happiest    life,    some    terrible    convulsions, 
heavy  set-offs  against  the  opposite  page  of  the 
account. — To     JOHN     ADAMS,      vi,     575.      (Mv 
April  1816.) 

4759. .     Putting  to  myself  your 

question,    would    I    agree    to    live   my    seventy- 

*  The  letter  was  in  reference  to  the  employment  of 
the  militia  to  enforce  the  Embargo  law. — EDITOR. 

t  Congress  inserted  after  "  Declaration  "  the  words, 
14  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 
Providence  ".—EDITOR. 


three  years  over  again  forever?  I  hesitate  to 
say.  With  Chew's  limitations  from  twenty-five 
to  sixty,  I  would  say  yes ;  and  I  might  go 
further  back^  but  not  come  lower  down.  For, 
at  the  latter  period,  with  most  of  us,  the  powers 
of  life  are  sensibly  on  the  wane ;  sight  becomes 
dim,  hearing  dull,  memory  constantly  enlarging 
its  frightful  blank  and  parting  with  all  we  have 
ever  seen  or  known,  spirits  evaporate,  bodily 
debility  creeps  on  palsying  every  limb,  and  so 
faculty  after  faculty  quits  us,  and  where,  then,  is 
life?  If,  in  its  full  vigor,  of  good  as  well  as 
evil,  your  friend  Vassall  could  doubt  its  value, 
it  must  be  purely  a  negative  quantity  when  its 
evils  alone  remain.  Yet  I  do  not  go  into  his 
opinion  entirely.  I  do  not  agree  that  an  age 
of  pleasure  is  no  compensation  for  a  moment 
of  pain.  I  think,  with  you,  that  life  is  a  fair 
matter  of  account,  and  the  balance  often,  nay 
generally,  in  its  favor.  It  is  not  indeed  easy,, 
by  calculation  of  intensity  and  time,  to  apply  a 
common  measure,  or  to  fix  the  par  between 
pleasure  and  pain ;  yet  it  exists,  and  is  measur 
able. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  26.  (M.,  Aug. 
1816.) 

4760.  -  _.     You  tell  me  my  grand 
daughter  repeated  to  you  an  expression  of  mine, 
that  I  should  be  willing  to  go  again  over  the 
scenes  of  past  life.     I  should  not  be  unwilling, 
without,  however  wishing  it;  and  why  not?     I 
have   enjoyed   a   greater   share   of   health   than 
falls  to  the  lot  of  most  men ;   my  spirits  have 
never  failed  me  except  under  those  paroxysms 
of  grief  which  you,  as  well  as  myself,  have  ex 
perienced  in  every  form,  and  with  good  health 
and  good  spirits,  the  pleasures  surely  outweigh 
the  pains  of  life.     Why   not,   then,   taste  them 
again,   fat  and  lean  together  ?     Were   I   indeed 
permitted   to    cut   off    trom   the   train    the    last 
seven    years,    the    balance    would    be    much    in 
favor  of  treading  the  ground  over  again.     Being 
at  that  period  in  the  neighborhood  of  our  warm 
springs    and    well    in    health,    I    wished    to    be 
better,   and  tried   them.     They   destroyed,   in  a 
great    measure,    my    internal    organism,    and    I 
have    never    since    had    a    moment    of    perfect 
health. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,  421.     FORD  ED., 
x,  347.     (M.,  1825.) 

4761.  LIFE,    Bight    to.— We  hold  these 
truths   to   be   self-evident:    that   all    men   are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  inherent*  and  inalienable  rights ; 
that   among   these   are   life,    liberty   and   the 
pursuit  of  happiness. — DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4762.  LIFE,  Security  of.— In  no  portion 
of  the  earth   were  life,   liberty  and   property 
ever  so  securely  held;  and  it  is  with  infinite 
satisfaction  that  withdrawing  from  the  active 
scenes  of  life,  I  see  the  sacred  design  of  these 
blessings  committed  to  those  who  are  sensi 
ble  of  their  value  and  determined  to  defend 
them.— R.  TO  A.     VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY,     viii, 
148.     (1809.) 

4763.  LIFE,  Social.— Life  is  of  no  value 
but  as  it  brings  us     gratifications.     Among 
the  most  valuable  of  these  is  rational  society. 
It   informs   the   mind,    sweetens   the   temper, 
cheers  our  spirits,  and  promotes  health. — To 
JAMES    MADISON.      FORD   ED.,    iii,   406.      (A, 
1784.) 

4764.  LIFE,  Sunshine  in.— Thanks  to  a 
benevolent  arrangement  of  things,  the  greater 

*  Congress  struck  out  "  inherent  and  "  and  inserted 
"  certain".— EDITOR. 


Life 

Livingston  (Robert  R.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


506 


part  of  life  is  sunshine. — To  MRS.  COSWAY. 
ii,  39.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  319.  (P.,  1786.) 

4765.  LIFE,    Worthy.— I    cannot    be    in 
sensible    to    the    partiality    which    has    induced 
several  persons  to  think  my  life  worthy  of  re 
membrance.      And    towards    none    more    than 
yourself,    who   give   me   so   much   credit,   more 
than  I  am  entitled  to,  as  to  what  has  been  ef 
fected  for  the  safeguard  of  our  republican  Con 
stitution.     Numerous  and  able  coadjutors  have 
participated   in   these   efforts,    and   merit   equal 
notice.      My    life,    in    fact,    has   been    so    much 
like   that   of   others,    that   their   history   is   my 
history  with  a  mere  difference  of  feature. — To 
MR.  SPAFFORD.     vii,  118.     (M.,  1819.) 

4766.  LIFE   INT   PARIS.— I    often    wish 
myself  among  my  lazy  and  hospitable  country 
men,  as  I  am  here   [Paris]   burning  the  candle 
of  life  without  present  pleasure,  or  future  ob 
ject.     A  dozen  or  twenty  years  ago,  this  scene 
would  have  amused  me,  but  I  am  past  the  age 
for    changing    habits. — To    MRS.    TRIST.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  330.     (P.,  1786.) 

4767.  LINCOLN  (Levi),  Bar.— The  pure 
integrity,    unimpeachable    conduct,    talents    and 
republican  firmness  of  Lincoln*  leave  him  now 
entirely  without  a  rival.     He  is  not  thought  an 
able    common    lawyer.     But   there    is    not    and 
never  was   an   abler  one  in  the   New   England 
States.     Their  system  is  sui  generis  in  which 
the  Common  law  is  little  attended  to.     Lincoln 
is  one  of  the  ablest  in  their  system,  and  it  is 
among  them  he  is  to  exercise  the  great  portion 
of  his  duties.     Nothing  is  more  material  than 
to  complete  the  reformation  of  the  government 
by  this   appointment  which  may  truly  be  said 
to  be  putting  the  keystone  into  the  arch. — To 
ATTORNEY  GENERAL  RODNEY,     v,   547.      (1810.) 

4768.  LINCOLN  (Levi),  Bench.— I  was 

overjoyed  when  I  heard  you  were  appointed  to 
the  Supreme  Bench  of  national  justice,  and  as 
much  mortified  when  I  heard  you  had  declined 
it.  You  are  too  young  to  be  entitled  to  with 
draw  your  services  from  your  country.  You 
cannot  yet  number  the  quadraginta  stipendia 
of  the  veteran. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  vi,  8. 
(M.,  Aug.  1811.) 

4769.  LINCOLN  (Levi),     Congress.— 
There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  Levi  Lin 
coln  will  be  elected  to  Congress  in  Massachu 
setts.     He  will  be  a  host  in  himself ;  being  un 
doubtedly  the  ablest  and  most  respectable  man 
of    the    Eastern    States. — To    JAMES    MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  457.     (M.,  Sep.  1800.) 

4770.  LITERARY    MEN,    Relief    of.— 
The  efforts  for  the  relief  of  literary  men,  made 
by  a  society  of  private  citizens,  are  truly  laud 
able  ;   but  they   are     *     *     *     but  a  palliation 
of  an  evil,  the  cure  of  which  calls  for  all  the 
wisdom    and    the    means    of    the    nation. — To 
DAVID  WILLIAMS,     v,   512.     (W.,   1803.) 

4771.  LITERATURE,    Growth  of.— Lit 
erature  is  not  yet  a  distinct  profession  with  us. 
Now  and  then  a  strong  mind  arises,  and  at  its 
intervals  of  leisure  from  business,  emits  a  flash 
of  light.     But  the  first  object  of  young  societies 
is  bread  and  covering ;  science  is  but  secondary 
and  subsequent. — To  j.  EVELYN  DENISON.     vii, 
418.     (M.,  1825.) 

*  Levi  Lincoln,  of  Massachusetts,  who  was  Attor 
ney  General  in  Jefferson's  first  Cabinet.  The  extract 
is  from  a  letter  urging  his  appointment  to  the  Su 
preme  Court  Bench  to  succeed  Judge  Cushing.  Lin 
coln  was  nominated  and  confirmed,  but  declined. 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  then  nominated,  but  he  de 
clined.  The  vacancy  was  then  filled  by  the  appoint 
ment  of  Judge  Story.— EDITOR. 


4772.  LITTLEPAGE     (Lewis),  Polish 

Off  ice-holder.— Littlepage  has  succeeded  well 
in  Poland.  He  has  some  office,  it  is  said,  worth 
five  hundred  guineas  a  year.  To  DR.  CURRIE. 
ii,  219.  (P.,  1787.) 

4773.  LITTLEPAGE    (Lewis),    Russian 
army  officer.— Littlepage,  who  was  in  Paris 
as  a  secret  agent  for  the  King  of  Poland,  rather 
overreached  himself.     He  wanted  more  money. 
The  King  furnished  it  more  than   once.     Still 
he  wanted  more,  and  thought  to  obtain  a  high 
bid   by   saying   he  was   called   for   in   America, 
and  asking  leave  to  go  there.     Contrary  to  his 
expectation,  he  received  leave ;  but  he  went  to 
Warsaw  instead  of  America,  and  thence  to  join 
the    Russian    army. — To    JAMES    MADISON,      ii, 
444.     FORD  ED.,  v,  44.     (P.,  1788.) 

4774.  LIVINGSTON  (Edward),  Friend 
ship  for. — I  receive  Mr.  Livingston's  question 
through  you  with  kindness,  and  answer  it  with 
out  hesitation.     He  may  be  assured  I  have  not 
a  spark  of  unfriendly  feeling  towards  him.     In 
all  the  earlier  scenes  of  life,  we  thought  and 
acted  together.     We  differed  in  opinion  after 
wards  on  a  single  point.     Each  maintained  his 
opinion,  as  he  had  a  right,  and  acted  on  it  as 
he  ought.     But  why  brood  over  a  single  differ 
ence,  and  forget  all  our  previous  harmonies? — 
To  PRESIDENT  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  x,  298.     (M.. 
1824.) 

4775.  LIVINGSTON  (Edward),  Louisi 
ana  Code. — Your  work  [Louisiana  Code]  will 
certainly  arrange  your  name  with  the  sages  of 
antiquity. — To    EDWARD    LIVINGSTON,     vii,    403. 
(M.,  1825.) 

4776.  LIVINGSTON      (Edward),     Res 
toration. — It    was    with    great    pleasure    I 
learned  that  the  good  people  of  New   Orleans 
had  restored  you  again  to  the  councils  of  our 
country.     I    did    not    doubt    the    aid    it    would 
bring    to    the    remains    of    our    old    school    in 
Congress,  in  which  your  early  labors  had  been 
so   useful. — To   EDWARD   LIVINGSTON,     vii,   342. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  299.     (M.,  1824.) 

4777.  LIVINGSTON  (Robert  R.),  Chan 
cellor. — A  part  of  your  [letter]  gave  me  that 
kind   of   concern   which   I   fear   I   am   destined 
often   to   meet.     Men  possessing  minds   of  the 
first  order,  and  who  have  had  opportunities  of 
being  known,  and  of  acquiring  the  general  con 
fidence,  do  not  abound  in  any  country  beyond 
the  wants  of  the  country.     In  your  case,  how 
ever,   it  is  a  subject  of  regret  rather  than   of 
complaint,  as  you  are  in  fact  serving  the  public 
in   a  very  important  station.  * — To   ROBERT   R. 
LIVINGSTON.     FORD    ED.,    vii,    492.     (W.,    Feb. 
1801.) 

4778.  LIVINGSTON  (Robert  R.),  Trench 
Mission. — It  has  occurred  to  me  that  possibly 
you  might  be  willing  to  undertake  the  mission 
as   Minister   Plenipotentiary  to   France.     If  so, 
I    shall    most   gladly   avail    the   public   of   your 
services  in  that  office.     Though  I   am   sensible 
of  the  advantages  derived  from  your  talent  to 
your  particular  State,  yet  I  cannot  suppress  the 
desire  of  adding  them  to  the  mass  to  be  em 
ployed   on   the  broader   scale  of  the  nation   at 
large. — To    ROBERT    R.    LIVINGSTON,     iv,    360. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  499.     (W.,   1801.) 

4779. .     You  will  find  Chancellor 

Livingston,  named  to  the  Senate  the  day  after 
I  came  into  office  as  our  Minister  Plenipoten 
tiary  to  France,     *     *     *     an  able  and  honor- 
Chancellor  of  New  York. 


507 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Loans 


able  man.  He  is,  unfortunately,  so  deaf  that 
he  will  have  to  transact  all  his  business  by 
writing. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iv,  415.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  99.  (W.,  1801.) 

4780.  LOANS,      Corruption      and.— 

[Among]  the  reasons  against  [a  new  loan]  is 
the  apprehension  that  the  [Hamilton]  head 
of  the  [Treasury]  department  means  to  pro 
vide  idle  money  to  be  lodged  in  the  banks, 
ready  for  the  corruption  of  the  next  legisla 
ture,  as  it  is  believed  the  late  ones  were  cor 
rupted,  by  gratifying  particular  members  with 
vast  discounts  for  objects  of  speculation. — 
LOAN  OPINION,  vii,  636.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  506. 
(I793-) 

4781.  LOANS,     Economy     vs.— I     learn 
with  great  satisfaction  that  wholesome  econ 
omies  have  been   found,   sufficient  to  relieve 
us  from  the  ruinous  necessity  of  adding  an 
nually  to  our  debt  by  new  loans.    The  deviser 
of  so  salutary  a  relief  deserves  truly  \ve\\  of 
his  country. — To   SAMUEL   SMITH,     vii,   284. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  251.     (M.,  1823.) 

4782.  LOANS,   Instructions  respecting. 
— I  would  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  the 
insertion  of  some  such  clause  as  the  following 
into  the  instructions :  "  The  agents  to  be  em 
ployed  shall  never  open  a  loan  for  more  than 
one  million  of  dollars  at  a  time,  nor  open  a 
new  loan  till  the  preceding  one  has  been  filled, 
and  expressly  approved  by  the   President  of 
the  United   States."     A  new  man,   alighting 
on  the  exchange  of  Amsterdam,  with  powers 
to  borrow  twelve  millions  of  dollars,  will  be 
immediately  beset  with  bankers  and  brokers, 
who  will  pour  into  his  ear,   from  the  most 
unsuspected  quarters,  such  informations  and 
suspicions  as  may  lead  him  exactly  into  their 
snares.      So  wonderfully  dexterous  are  they 
in  wrapping  up  and  complicating  their  propo 
sitions,  that  they  will  make  it  evident,  even  to 
a  clear-headed  man   (not  in  the  habit  of  this 
business),  that  two  and  two  make  five.     The 
agent,    therefore,    should    be    guarded,    even 
against  himself,  by  putting  it  out  of  his  power 
to  extend  the  effect  of  any  erroneous  calcula 
tion  beyond  one  million  of  dollars.     Were  he 
able,  under  a  delusive  calculation,  to  commit 
such  a  sum  as  twelve  millions  of  dollars,  what 
would    be    said    of    the    government?       Our 
bankers  told  me  themselves  that  they  would 
not  choose,  in  the  conduct  of  this  great  loan, 
to  open  for  more  than  two  or  three  millions 
of  florins  at  a  time,  and  certainly  never  for 
more  than  five.    By  contracting  for  only  one 
million  of  dollars  at  a  time,  the  agent  will 
have   frequent  occasions  of  trying  to  better 
the    terms.     I    dare    say    that    this    caution, 
though  not  expressed  in  the  instructions,  is 
intended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
be  carried  into  their  execution.    But,  perhaps, 
it  will  be  desirable  for  the  President,  that  his 
sense  of  it  also  should  be  expressed  in  wri 
ting. — OPINION  ON   FOREIGN   DEBT,    vii,   507. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  233.    (1790.) 

4783.  LOANS,    Limited.— Of  the  modes 
which  are  within  the  limits  of  right,  that  of 
raising  within  the  year  its  whole  expenses  by 
taxation,  might  be  beyond  the  abilities  of  our 


citizens  to  bear.  It  is,  moreover,  generally 
desirable  that  the  public  contribution  should 
be  as  uniform  as  practicable  from  year  to  year, 
that  our  habits  of  industry  and  expense  may 
become  adapted  to  them;  and  that  they  may 
be  duly  digested  and  incorporated  with  our 
annual  economy.  There  remains,  then,  for  us 
but  the  method  of  limited  anticipation,  the 
laying  taxes  for  a  term  of  years  within  that 
of  our  right,  which  may  be  sold  for  a  present 
sum  equal  to  the  expenses  of  the  year;  in 
other  words,  to  obtain  a  loan  equal  to  the 
expenses  of  the  year,  laying  a  tax  adequate 
to  its  interest,  and  to  such  a  surplus  as 
will  reimburse,  by  growing  instalments,  the 
whole  principle  within  the  term.  This  is,  in 
fact,  what  has  been  called  raising  money  on 
the  sale  of  annuities  for  years.  In  this  way 
a  new  loan,  and  of  course  a  new  tax,  is  req 
uisite  every  year  during  the  continuance  of 
the  war;  and  should  that  be  so  long  as  to 
produce  an  accumulation  of  tax  beyond  our 
ability,  in  time  of  war  the  resource  would 
be  an  enactment  of  the  taxes  requisite  to  en 
sure  good  terms,  by  securing  the  lender,  with 
a  suspension  of  the  payment  of  instalments 
of  principal  and  perhaps  of  interest  also,  until 
the  restoration  of  peace.  This  method  of  an 
ticipating  our  taxes,  or  of  borrowing  on  an 
nuities  for  years,  insures  repayment  to  the 
lender,  guards  the  rights  of  posterity,  pre 
vents  a  perpetual  alienation  of  the  public  con 
tributions,  and  consequent  destitution  of  every 
resource  even  for  the  ordinary  support  of  gov 
ernment. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  198.  FORDED., 
ix,  398.  (P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

4784.  LOANS,    Negotiation   of.— Dumas 
has  been  in  the  habit  of  sending  his  letters 
open   to   me,   to   be   forwarded   to   Mr.   Jay. 
During  my  absence  they  passed  through  Mr. 
Short's  hands,  who  made  extracts  from  them, 
by  which  I   see  he  has  been  recommending 
himself  and   me   for  the  money  negotiations 
in   Holland.     It  might  be  thought,  perhaps, 
that  I  have  encouraged  him  in  this.     Be  as 
sured    that    no    such    idea    ever    entered    my 
head.    On  the  contrary,  it  is  a  business  which 
would  be  the  most  disagreeable  to  me  of  all 
others,  and  for  which  I  am  the  most  unfit  per 
son  living.     I  do  not  understand  bargaining, 
nor   possess   the    dexterity    requisite    for    the 
purpose.     On   the  other  hand,    Mr.    Adams, 
whom  I  expressly  and  sincerely  recommend, 
stands  already  on  ground  for  that  business 
which  I  could  not  gain  in  years.    Pray  set  me 
to  rights  in  the  minds  of  those  who  may  have 
supposed   me   privy  to   this   proposition. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,     ii,  154.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  393. 
(P.,  !;87.) 

4785.  LOANS,     Power    to    negotiate.— 
Though  much  an  enemy  to  the  system  of  bor 
rowing,  yet  I  feel   strongly  the  necessity  of 
preserving  the  power  to  borrow.      Without 
this  we  might  be  overwhelmed  by  another  na 
tion,   merely  by  the  force  of  its  credit. — To 
THE  TREASURY  COMMISSIONERS,    ii,  353.    (P., 
1788.) 

4786. .     I   wish  it  were  possible 

to  obtain  a  single  amendment  to  our  Constitu- 


Loans 
Logarithms 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


508 


tion.  I  would  be  willing  to  depend  on  that 
alone  for  the  reduction  of  the  administration 
of  our  government  to  the  genuine  principles 
of  its  Constitution;  I  mean  an  additional 
article,  taking  from  the  Federal  Government 
the  power  of  borrowing.  I  now  deny  their 
power  of  making  paper  money,  or  anything 
else,  a  legal  tender.  I  know  that  to  pay  all 
proper  expenses  within  the  year,  would,  in 
case  of  war,  be  hard  on  us.  But  not  so  hard 
as  ten  wars  instead  of  one.  For  wars  could 
be  reduced  in  that  proportion ;  besides  that  the 
State  governments  would  be  free  to  lend 
their  credit  in  borrowing  quotas.— To  JOHN 
TAYLOR,  iv,  260.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  310.  (M., 
Nov.  1798.) 

4787.  LOANS,  Redeeming  taxes  for.— 
Our  government  has  not,  as  yet,  begun  to  act 
on  the  rule  of  loans  and  taxation  going  hand 
in  hand.     Had  any  loan  taken  place  in  my 
time,  I  should  have  strongly  urged  a  redeem 
ing  tax.     For  the  loan  which  has  been  made 
since  the  last  session  of  Congress,  we  should 
now  set  the  example  of  appropriating  some 
particular  tax,   sufficient  to  pay  the  interest 
annually,    and    the    principal    within    a    fixed 
term,  less  than  nineteen  years.     I  hope  your 
self  and  your  committee  will  render  the  im 
mortal  service  of  introducing  this  practice. — 
To  JOHN  W.  EPPES.     vi,  138.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
391.     (M.,  June  181-3.)     See  GENERATIONS. 

4788.  LOANS,  Treasury  Notes  vs.— The 
question  will  be  asked  and  ought  to  be  looked 
at,  what  is  to  be  the  resource  if  loans  cannot 
be  obtained  ?     There  is  but  one,  "  Carthago 
delenda    est".     Bank    paper    must    be    sup 
pressed,  and  the  circulating  medium  must  be 
restored  to  the  nation  to  whom  it  belongs. 
It  is  the  only  fund  on  which  they  can  rely 
for  loans;  it  is  the  only  resource  which  can 
never  fail  them,  and  it  is  an  abundant  one 
for  every  necessary  purpose.     Treasury  bills, 
bottomed  on  taxes,  bearing  or  not  bearing  in 
terest,    as   may   be    found   necessary,    thrown 
into  circulation  will  take  the  place  of  so  much 
gold  and  silver,  which   last,   when   crowded, 
will  find  an  efflux  into  other  countries,  and 
thus  keep  the  quantum  of  medium  at  its  salu 
tary  level. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.     vi,  199.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  399.     (Sep.  1813.) 

4789.  LOANS,    Unauthorized.— The  ma 
noeuvre  of  opening  a  loan  of  three  millions 
of  florins,  has,  on  the  whole,  been  useful  to 
the  United  States,  and  though  unauthorized, 
I   think   should   be   confirmed.— OPINION   ON 
FOREIGN  DEBT,     vii,  507.     FORD  ED.,  v,  232. 
(1790.) 

—  LOCKE    (John). — See    GOVERNMENT, 
WORKS  ON. 

4790.  LOGAN  (George),   France  and.— 
That  your  efforts  did  much  towards  preventing 
declared  war  with  France,  I  am  satisfied.     Of 
those  with  England,  I  am  not  equally  informed. 
— To   DR.   GEORGE   LOGAN,     vi,   215.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  421.     (M.,  Oct.  1813.) 

4791.  .      Dr.     Logan,     about     a 

fortnight    ago,    sailed    for    Hamburg.     Though 
for  a  twelvemonth  past  he  had  been  intending 
to  go  to  Europe  as  soon  as  he  could  get  money 


enough  to  carry  him  there,  yet  when  he  had 
accomplished  this,  and  fixed  a  time  for  going, 
he  very  unwisely  made  a  mystery  of  it ;  so  that 
his  disappearance  without  notice  excited  con 
versation.  This  was  seized  by  the  war  hawks, 
and  given  out  as  a  secret  mission  from  the  Ja 
cobins  here  to  solicit  an  army  from  France,- 
instruct  them  as  to  their  landing,  &c.  This 
extravagance  produced  a  real  panic  among  the 
citizens;  and  happening  just  when  Bache  pub 
lished  Talleyrand's  letter,  Harper  *  *  * 
gravely  announced  to  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  that  there  existed  a  traitorous  correspond 
ence  between  the  Jacobins  here  and  the 
French  Directory ;  that  he  had  got  hold  of  some 
threads  and  clews  of  it,  and  would  soon  be  able 
to  develop  the  whole.  This  increased  the 
alarm  ;  their  libellists  immediately  set  to  work, 
directly  and  indirectly  to  implicate  whom  they 
pleased.  "  Porcupine  "  gave  me  a  principal  share 
in  it,  as  I  am  told,  for  I  never  read  his  papers. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  250.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
273.  (Pa.,  June  1798.) 

4792.  LOGAN  (Mingo  Chief),  Murder 
of- — In  the  spring  of  the  year  1774,  a  robbery 
and  murder  _  were  committed  on  an  inhabitant 
of  the  frontier  of  Virginia,  by  two  Indians  of 
the  Shawnee  tribe.  The  neighboring  whites, 
according  to  their  custom,  undertook  to  punish 
this  outrage  in  a  summary  way.  Col.  [Michael] 
Cresap,  a  man  infamous  for  the  many  murders 
he  had  committed  on  those  much  injured  people, 
collected  a  party  and  proceeded  down  the  Ka- 
nawha  in  quest  of  vengeance.  Unfortunately  a 
canoe  of  women  and  children,  with  one  man 
only,  was  seen  coming  from  the  opposite  shore, 
unarmed,  and  unsuspecting  a  hostile  attack  from 
the  whites.  Cresap  and  his  party  concealed 
themselves  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  the 
moment  the  canoe  reached  the  shore,  singled  out 
their  objects,  and  at  one  fire,  killed  every  person 
in  it.  This  happened  to  be  the  family  of  Logan, 
who  had  long  been  distinguished  as  a  friend 
of  the  whites.  This  unworthy  return  provoked 
his  vengeance.  He  accordingly  signalized  him 
self  in  the  war  which  ensued.  In  the  autumn 
of  the  same  year  a  decisive  battle  was  fought 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  between 
the  collected  forces  of  the  Shawnees,  Mingoes 
and  Delawares,  and  a  detachment  of  the  Vir 
ginia  militia.  The  Indians  were  defeated  and 
sued  for  peace.  Logan,  however,  disdained  to 
be  seen  among  the  suppliants.  But  lest  the 
sincerity  of  a  treaty  should  be  distrusted,  from 
which  so  distinguished  a  chief  absented  him 
self,  he  sent,  by  a  messenger,  the  following 
speech  *  to  be  delivered  to  Lord  Dunmore 
. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  308. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  156.  (1782.) 

4793.  LOGAN  (Mingo  Chief),  Speech 
of. — I  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of 
Demosthenes  and  Cicero,  and  of  any  other  emi 
nent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  more 
eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage,  superior 
to  the  speech  of  Logan. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  308.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  155.  (1782.) 

-  LOGARITHMS.— See  MOUNTAINS. 

*  The  speech  referred  to  is  the  celebrated  one  be 
ginning,  "  I  appeal  to  any  white  man  to  say,  if  he 
ever  entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he  gave  him 
not  to  eat ",  &c.  Jefferson  cited  it  among  other 
proofs  in  refutation  of  the  theories  of  Count  de  Buf- 
fon,  Raynal  and  others,  respecting  the  degeneracy 
of  animals  in  America,  not  even  excepting1  man. 
Luther  Martin,  of  Maryland,  a  son-in-law  of  Cresap, 
severely  attacked  Jefferson  in  defence  of  the  memory 
of  his  relative,  and  questioned  the  authenticity  of 
Logan's  speech.  Jefferson  made  a  careful  investiga 
tion  of  the  whole  case,  and  proved  the  speech  to  be 
genuine.— EDITOR. 


509 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


London 
Louisiana 


4794.  LONDON,    Beauty.— The    city    of 
London,   though   handsomer   than   Paris,   is  not 
so  handsome  as  Philadelphia. — To  JOHN   PAGE. 
i,  549.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  214.     (P.,  1786.) 

4795.  LONDON,  Burning  of.— She  [Eng 
land]    may   burn   New   York     *     *     *     by   her 
ships  and  congreve  rockets,  in  which  case  we 
must   burn    the    city    of    London    by    hired    in 
cendiaries,  of  which  her  starving  manufacturers 
will  furnish  abundance.     A  people  in  such  des 
peration    as    to    demand    of    their    government 
aut  pattern,  ant  furcam.  either  bread  or  the  gal 
lows,  will  not  reject  the  same  alternative  when 
offered  by  a  foreign  hand.     Hunger  will  make 
them  brave  every  risk  for  bread. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  vi,  68.  FORD  ED., ix,  362.   (June  1812.) 

4796.  LONDON,  Splendor  of  shops.— The 
splendor  of  the  shops  is  all  that  is  worth  look 
ing  at  in  London. — To  MADAME  DE  CORNY,     ii, 
161.     (P.,  1787.) 

_  LONGITUDE.— See  LATITUDE  AND  LON 
GITUDE. 

-  LOOMING.— See  MIRAGE. 

4797.  LOTTERY,  "[Inadvisable.— Having 
myself  made  it  a  rule  never  to  engage  in  a  lot 
tery  or  any  other  adventure  of  mere  chance,  I 
can,  with  the  less  candor  or  effect,  urge  it  on 
others,  however  laudable  or  desirable  its  object 
may  be. — To  HUGH  L.  WHITE,     v,   521.     (M., 
1810.)     See  2005. 

4798.  LOUISIANA,     Acquisition     of.— 

Congress  witnessed,  at  their  last  session,  the 
extraordinary  agitation  produced  in  the  pub 
lic  mind  by  the  suspension  of  our  right  of 
deposit  at  the  port  of  New  Orleans,  no  as 
signment  of  another  place  having  been  made 
according  to  treaty.*  They  were  sensible 
that  the  continuance  of  that  privation  would 
be  more  injurious  to  our  nation  than  any  con 
sequences  which  could  flow  from  any  mode 
of  redress,  but  reposing  just  confidence  in  the 
good  faith  of  the  government  whose  officer 
had  committed  the  wrong,  friendly  and  rea 
sonable  representations  were  resorted  to,  and 
the  right  of  deposit  was  restored.  Previous, 
however,  to  this  period,  we  had  not  been  un 
aware  of  the  danger  to  which  our  peace  would 
be  perpetually  exposed  while  so  important  a 
key  to  the  commerce  of  the  western  country 
remained  under  foreign  power.  Difficulties, 
too,  were  presenting  themselves  as  to  the  nav 
igation  of  other  streams,  which,  arising  with 
in  territories,  pass  through  those  adjacent. 
Propositions  had,  therefore,  been  authorized 
for  obtaining,  on  fair  conditions,  the  sover 
eignty  of  New  Orleans,  and  of  other  posses 
sions  in  that  quarter  interesting  to  our  quiet, 

*  Spain,  on  October  i,  1800,  ceded  all  Louisiana  to 
France,  but  the  transaction  was  kept  so  secret  that  it 
did  not  become  known  in  the  United  States  until  the 
spring  of  1802.  In  October  of  that  year,  the  Spanish 
Intendant  at  New  Orleans  issued  an  order,  in  viola 
tion  of  treaty  stipulations,  depriving  the  United 
States  of  the  right  of  deposit  at  that  port.  This  act 
so  inflamed  the  Western  people  that  they  threatened 
to  march  on  New  Orleans  and  settle  the  question  by 
force  of  arms.  The  federalists  clamored  for  war.  In 
this  perilous  condition  of  affairs,  Congress,  in  secret 
session,  placed  two  million  dollars  at  the  disposal  of 
the  President,  to  be  used  as  he  saw  fit,  and  left  him 
free  to  deal  with  the  situation.  He  immediately-sent 
James  Monroe  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Paris, 
joining  with  him  in  a  high  Commission  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  Minister  to  France.  The  purchase  of 
Louisiana  was  negotiated  by  them.— EDITOR. 


to  such  extent  as  was  deemed  practicable ; 
and  the  provisional  appropriation  of  two  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  to  be  applied  and  accounted 
for  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
intended  as  part  of  the  price,  was  considered 
as  conveying  the  sanction  of  Congress  to  the 
acquisition  proposed.  The  enlightened  Gov 
ernment  of  France  saw,  with  just  discern 
ment,  the  importance  to  both  nations  of  such 
liberal  arrangements  as  might  best  and  perma 
nently  promote  the  peace,  friendship,  and  in 
terests  of  both;  and  the  property  and  sov 
ereignty  of  all  Louisiana,  which  had  been  re 
stored  to  them,  have  on  certain  conditions 
been  transferred  to  the  United  States  by  in 
struments  bearing  date  the  3Oth  of  April  last. 
When  these  shall  have  received  the  constitu 
tional  sanction  of  the  Senate,  they  will  with 
out  delay  be  communicated  to  the  Represent 
atives  also,  for  the  exercise  of  their  func 
tions,  as  to  those  conditions  which  are  within 
the  powers  vested  by  the  Constitution  in 
Congress.  While  the  property  and  sover 
eignty  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  waters  se 
cure  an  independent  outlet  for  the  produce 
of  the  Western  States,  and  an  uncontrolled 
navigation  through  their  whole  course,  free 
from  collision  with  other  powers  and  the 
dangers  to  our  peace  from  that  source,  the 
fertility  of  the  country,  its  climate  and  ex 
tent,  promise  in  due  season  important  aids 
to  our  treasury,  an  ample  provision  for  our 
posterity,  and  a  wide-spread  field  for  the 
blessings  of  freedom  and  equal  laws.  With 
the  wisdom  of  Congress  it  will  rest  to  take 
those  ulterior  measures  which  may  be  neces 
sary  for  the  immediate  occupation  and  tem 
porary  government  of  the  country ;  for  its  in 
corporation  into  our  Union ;  for  rendering  the 
change  of  government  a  blessing  to  our  newly- 
adopted  brethren;  for  securing  to  them  the 
rights  of  conscience  and  of  property ;  for  con 
firming  to  the  Indian  inhabitants  their  occu 
pancy  and  self-government,  establishing 
friendly  and  commercial  relations  with  them, 
and  for  ascertaining  the  geography  of  the 
country  acquired. — THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  23.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  267.  (October  17,  1803.) 

4799. .  The  acquisition  of  Lou 
isiana  is  a  subject  of  mutual  congratulation, 
as  it  interests  every  man  of  the  nation. — To 
GENERAL  HORATIO  GATES,  iv,  494.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  249.  (W.,  1803.) 

4800.  —  — .  This  acquisition  is  seen 
by  our  constituents  in  all  its  importance,  and 
they  do  justice  to  all  those  who  have  been  in 
strumental  towards  it. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  287.  (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

4801. .  On  this  important  ac 
quisition,  so  favorable  to  the  immediate  in 
terests  of  our  western  citizens,  so  auspicious 
to  the  peace  and  security  of  the  nation  in  gen 
eral,  which  adds  to  our  country  territories  so 
extensive  and  fertile,  and  to  our  citizens 
new  brethren  to  partake  of  the  blessings  of 
freedom  and  self  government,  I  offer  to 
Congress  and  the  country,  my  sincere  con 
gratulations. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE.  viii,  33. 
(Jan.  1804.) 


Louisiana 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


510 


4802. .    Whatever    may    be    the 

merit  or  demerit  of  that  acquisition,  I  divide 
it  with  my  colleagues,  to  whose  councils  I 
was  indebted  for  a  course  of  administration 
which,  notwithstanding  this  late  coalition  of 
clay  and  brass,  will,  I  hope,  continue  to  re 
ceive  the  approbation  of  our  country. — To 
HENRY  DEARBORN,  vii,  215.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
192.  (M.,  1821.) 

4803.  LOUISIANA,     Area     of     United 
States  doubled.— The  territory  acquired,  as 
it  includes  all  the  waters  of  the  Missouri  and 
Mississippi,  has  more  than  doubled  the  area 
of  the  United   States,  and  the  new  part  is 
not  inferior  to  the  old  in  soil,  climate,  pro 
ductions  and  important  communications. — To 
GENERAL  HORATIO  GATES,    iv,  494.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  249.     (W.,  1803.) 

4804.  LOUISIANA,    Bonaparte   and.— I 
very  early  saw  that  Louisiana  was  indeed  a 
speck  in  our  horizon  which  was  to  burst  in 
a  tornado ;  and  the  public  are  unapprized  how 
near  this   catastrophe   was.      Nothing   but   a 
frank  and  friendly  development  of  causes  and 
effects  on  our  part,  and  good  sense  enough  in 
Bonaparte  to  see  that  the  train  was  unavoid 
able,    and    would    change    the    face    of    the 
world,  saved  us  from  that  storm.     I  did  not 
expect  he  would  yield  till  a  war  took  place 
between  France  and  England,  and  my  hope 
was  to  palliate  and  endure,  if  Messrs.  Ross, 
Morris,  &c.  did  not  force  a  premature  rupture, 
until  that  event.   I  believed  the  event  not  very 
distant,  but  acknowledge  it  came  on  sooner 
than  I  had  expected.    Whether,  however,  the 
good  sense  of  Bonaparte  might  not  see  the 
course  predicted  to  be  necessary  and  unavoid 
able,  even  before  a  war  should  be  imminent, 
was  a  chance  which  we  thought  it  our  duty 
to  try;  but  the  immediate  prospect  of  rupture 
brought  the  case  to  immediate  decision.    The 
denouement  has  been  happy;  and  I  confess  I 
look  to  this  duplication  of  area  for  the  ex 
tending  a  government  so  free  and  economical 
as  ours,  as  a  great  achievement  to  the  mass 
of    happiness    which    is    to    ensue. — To    DR. 
JOSEPH    PRIESTLEY,     iv,    525.     FORD   ED.,   viii, 
294.     (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

4805.  LOUISIANA,     The     Constitution 
and. — There  is  no  constitutional  difficulty  as 
to  the  acquisition  of  territory,  and  whether, 
when    acquired,    it    may    be    taken    into    the 
Union  by  the  Constitution  as  it  now  stands, 
will  become  a  question  of  expediency.    I  think 
it  will  be  safer  not  to  permit  the  enlargement 
of  the  Union  but  by  amendment  of  the  Con 
stitution. — To   ALBERT   GALLATIN.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  241.     (Jan.  1803.) 

4806. .     There   is  a  difficulty  in 

this  acquisition  which  presents  a  handle  to 
the  malcontents  among  us,  though  they  have 
not  yet  discovered  it.  Our  confederation  is 
certainly  confined  to  the  limits  established  by 
the  Revolution.  The  General  Government 
has  no  powers  but  such  as  the  Constitution 
has  given  it ;  and  it  has  not  given  it  a  power 
of  holding  foreign  territory,  and  still  less  of  in 
corporating  it  into  the  Union.  An  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  seems  necessary  for 


this.  In  the  meantime,  we  must  ratify  and 
pay  our  money,  as  we  have  treated,  for  a 
thing  beyond  the  Constitution,  and  rely  on 
the  nation  to  sanction  an  act  done  for  its 
great  good,  without  its  previous  authority. — 
To  JOHN  DICKINSON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  262 
(M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4807. .    The     Constitution     has 

made  no  provision  for  our  holding  foreign 
territory,  still  less  for  incorporating  foreign 
nations  into  our  Union.  The  Executive  in 
seizing  the  fugitive  occurrence  [Louisiana 
purchase]  which  so  much  advances  the  good 
of  their  country,  have  done  an  act  beyond  the 
Constitution.  The  Legislature  in  casting  be 
hind  them  metaphysical  subtleties,  and  risk 
ing  themselves  like  faithful  servants,  must 
ratify  and  pay  for  it,  and  throw  themselves  on 
their  country  for  doing  for  them  unauthorized, 
what  we  know  they  would  have  done  for 
themselves  had  they  been  in  a  situation  to  do 
it.  It  is  the  case  of  a  guardian,  investing  the 
money  of  his  ward  in  purchasing  an  important 
adjacent  territory;  and  saying  to  him  when 
of  age,  I  did  this  for  your  good;  I  pretend 
to  no  right  to  bind  you:  you  may  disavow 
me,  and  I  must  get  out  of  the  scrape  as  I 
can:  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  risk  myself  for 
you.  But  we  shall  not  be  disavowed  by  the 
nation,  and  their  act  of  indemnity  will  confirm 
and  not  weaken  the  Constitution,  by  more 
strongly  marking  out  its  lines. — To  JOHN  C. 
BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  500.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  244. 
(M.,  Aug.  12,  1803.) 

4808.  LOUISIANA,       Constitutional 
amendments. — 


The  province  of  Lou 
isiana  is  incorporated 
with  theUnited  States, 
and  made  part  there 
of.  The  rights  of  oc 
cupancy  in  the  soil, 
and  of  self-govern 
ment  are  confirmed  to 
the  Indian  inhabitants, 
as  they  ^  now  exist. 
Preemption  only  of 
the  portions  rightfully 
occupied  by  them,  and 
a  succession  to  the  oc 
cupancy  of  such  as 
they  may  abandon, 
with  the  full  rights  of 
possession  as  well  as 
of  property  and  sover 
eignty  in  whatever  is 
not  or  shall  cease  to  be 
so  rightfully  occupied 
by  them  shall  belong 
to  the  United  States. 
The  Legislature  of  the 
Union  shall  have  au 
thority  to  exchange 
the  right  of  occupancy 
in  portions  where  the 
United  States  have 
full  right  for  lands 
possessed  by  Indians 
within  the  United 
States  on  the  east  side 


Louisiana,  as  ceded 
by  France  to  the  Uni 
ted  States  is  made  a 
part  of  the  United 
States.  Its  white  in 
habitants  shall  be  citi 
zens,  and  stand,  as 
to  their  rights  and 
obligations  on  the 
same  footing  with 
other  citizens  of  the 
United  States  in  anal 
ogous  situations.  Save 
only  that  as  to  the  por 
tion  thereof  lying 
north  of  an  east  and 
west  line  drawn 
through  the  mouth  of 
the  Arkansas  river,  no 
new  State  shall  be 
established,  nor  any 
grants  of  land  made, 
other  than  to  Indians 
in  exchange  for  equiv 
alent  portions  of  land 
occupied  by  them,  un 
til  authorized  by  fur- 
ther  subsequent 
amendment  to  the 
Constitution  shall  be 
made  for  these  pur 
poses. 

Florida,  also,  when 
ever  it  may  be  right- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louisiana 


of  the  Mississippi :  to  fully  obtained,  shall 
exchange  lands  on  the  become  a  part  of  the 
east  side  of  the  river  United  States.  Its 
for  those  of  the  white  white  inhabitants  shall 
inhabitants  on  the  west  thereupon  be  citizens, 
side  thereof  and  above  and  shall  stand,  as  to 
the  latitude  of  31  de-  their  rights  and  obliga- 
grees :  to  maintain  in  tions,  on  the  same 
any  part  of  the  prov-  footing  with  other 
ince  such  military  citizens  of  the  United 
posts  as  may  be  req-  States,  in  analogous 
uisite  for  peace  or  situations. — 
safety  :  to  exercise  po 
lice  over  all  persons 
therein,  not  being  In 
dian  inhabitants:  to 
work  salt  springs,  or 
mines  of  coal,  metals 
and  other  minerals 
within  the  possession 
of  the  United  States 
or  in  any  others  with 
the  consent  of  the  pos 
sessors;  to  regulate 
trade  and  intercourse 
between  the  Indian 
inhabitants  and  all 
other  persons;  to  ex 
plore  and  ascertain  the 
geography  of  the  prov 
ince,  its  productions 
and  other  interesting 
circumstances ;  to  open 
roads  and  navigation 
therein  where  neces 
sary  for  beneficial  com 
munication;  and  to 
establish  agencies  and 
factories  therein  for 
the  cultivation  of  com 
merce,  peace  and  good 
understanding  with 
the  Indians  residing 
there.  The  Legislature 
shall  have  no  author 
ity  to  dispose  of  the 
lands  of  the  province 
otherwise  than  as  here 
inbefore  permitted, un 
til  a  new  amendment 
of  the  Constitution 
shall  give  that  author 
ity.  Except  as  to  that 
portion  thereof  which 
lies  south  of  the  lati 
tude  of  31  degrees; 
which  whenever  they 
deem  expedient,  they 
may  erect  into  a  ter 
ritorial  government, 
either  separate  or  as 
making  part  with  one 
on  the  eastern  side  of 
the  river,  vesting  the 
inhabitants  thereof 
with  all  the  rights 
possessed  by  other  ter 
ritorial  citizens  of  the 
United  States. 

DRAFTS  OF  AN  AMENDMENT  TO  THE  CONSTITU 
TION,  iv,  503.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  241.  (July  1803.) 


4809. .     I  wrote  you  on  the  I2th 

instant,  on  the  subject  of  Louisiana,  and  the 
constitutional  provision  which  might  be  nec 
essary  for  it.  A  letter  received  yesterday 
shows  that  nothing  must  be  said  on  that  sub 
ject,  which  may  give  a  pretext  for  retracting; 
but  that  we  should  do,  sub  silentio,  what  shall 
be  found  necessary.  Be  so  good  as  to  con 
sider  that  part  of  my  letter  as  confidential. — 
To  JOHN  C.  BRECKENRIDGE.  FORD  EDV  viii, 
244.  (Aug.  1 8  1803.) 

4810. .     Furthei  reflection  on  the 

amendment  to  the  Constitution  necessary  in 
the  case  of  Louisiana,  satisfies  me  it  will  be 
better  to  give  general  powers,  with  specified 
exceptions. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  503. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  246.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4811. .     On  further  consideration 

as  to  the  amendment  to  our  Constitution  re 
specting  Louisiana,  I  have  thought  it  better, 
instead  of  enumerating  the  powers  which 
Congress  may  exercise,  to  give  them  the 
same  powers  they  have  as  to  other  portions  of 
the  Union  generally,  and  to  enumerate  the 
special  exceptions.  *  *  *  The  less  that  is 
said  about  any  constitutional  difficulty,  the 
better;  and  *  *  *  it  will  be  desirable  for 
Congress  to  do  what  is  necessary,  in  silence. 
— To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  504.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
246.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4812. .    Whatever  Congress  shall 

think  it  necessary  to  do,  should  be  done  with 
as  little  debate  as  possible,  and  particularly 
so  far  as  respects  the  constitutional  difficulty. 
I  am  aware  of  the  force  of  the  observations 
you  make  on  the  power  given  by  the  Consti 
tution  to  Congress,  to  admit  new  States  into 
the  Union,  without  restraining  the  subject  to 
the  territory  then  constituting  the  United 
States.  But  when  I  considei  that  the  limits 
of  the  United  States  are  precisely  fixed  by 
the  treaty  of  1783,  that  the  Constitution  ex 
pressly  declares  itself  to  be  made  for  the 
United  States,  I  cannot  help  believing  that 
the  intention  was  to  permit  Congress  to  admit 
into  the  Union  new  States,  which  should  be 
formed  out  of  the  territory  for  which,  and 
under  whose  authority  alone,  they  were  then 
acting.  I  dp  not  believe  it  was  meant  that  they 
might  receive  England,  Ireland,  Holland,  &c., 
into  it,  which  would  be  the  case  on  your  con 
struction.  When  an  instrument  admits  two 
constructions,  the  one  safe,  the  other  danger 
ous;  the  one  precise,  the  ether  indefinite,  I 
prefer  that  which  is  safe  and  precise.  I  had 
rather  ask  an  enlargement  of  power  from 
the  nation,  where  it  is  found  necessary,  than 
to  assume  it  by  a  construction  which  would 
make  our  powers  boundless.  Our  peculiar 
security  is  in  the  possession  of  a  written 
Constitution.  Let  us  not  make  it  a  blank 
paper  by  construction.  I  say  the  same  as  to 
the  opinion  of  those  who  consider  the  grant 
of  the  treaty  making  power  as  boundless.  If 
it  is,  then  we  have  no  Constitution.  If  it 
has  bounds,  they  can  be  no  others  than  the 
definitions  of  the  powers  which  that  instru 
ment  gives.  It  specifies  and  delineates  the 
operations  permitted  to  the  Federal  Govern- 


Louisiana 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


512 


ment,  and  gives  all  the  powers  necessary  to 
carry  these  into  execution.  Whatever  of 
these  enumerated  objects  is  proper  for  a  law, 
Congress  may  make  the  law ;  whatever  is 
proper  to  be  executed  by  way  of  a  treaty,  the 
President  and  Senate  may  enter  into  the 
treaty;  whatever  is  to  be  done  by  a  judicial 
sentence,  the  judges  may  pass  the  sentence. 
Nothing  is  more  likely  than  that  their  enu 
meration  of  powers  is  defective.  This  is  the 
ordinary  case  of  all  human  works.  Let  us  go 
on,  then,  perfecting  it,  by  adding,  by  way  of 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  those  powers 
which  time  and  trial  show  are  still  wanting. 
But  it  has  been  taken  too  much  forgranted,  that 
by  this  rigorous  construction  the  treaty  power 
would  be  reduced  to  nothing.  I  had  occasion 
once  to  examine  its  effect  on  the  French 
treaty,  made  by  the  old  Congress,  and  found 
that  out  of  thirty  odd  articles  which  that  con 
tained,  there  were  one,  two  or  three  only 
which  could  not  now  be  stipulated  under  our 
present  Constitution.  I  confess,  then,  I 
thought  it  important,  in  the  present  case,  to 
set  an  example  against  broad  construction, 
by  appealing  for  new  power  to  the  people. 
If,  however,  our  friends  shall  think  differ 
ently,  certainly  I  shall  acquiesce  with  satis 
faction;  confiding,  that  the  good  sense  of  our 
country  will  correct  the  evil  of  construction 
whenever  it  shall  produce  ill  effects. — To  WIL 
SON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  505.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
247.  (M.,  Sep.  1803.) 

4813.  LOUISIANA,  Defence  of.— What 
would  you  think  of  raising  a  force  for  the 
defence  of  New  Orleans  in  this  manner? 
Give  a  bounty  of  50  acres  of  land,  to  be 
delivered  immediately,  to  every  able-bodied 
man  who  will  immediately  settle  on  it,  and 
hold  himself  in  readiness  to  perform  two 
years'  military  service  (on  the  usual  pay)  if 
called  on  within  the  first  seven  years  of  his 
residence?  The  lands  to  be  chosen  by  him 
self  of  any  of  those  in  the  Orleans  Territory, 
*  *  *  each  to  have  his  choice  in  the  order 
of  his  arrival  on  the  spot,  a  proclamation  to 
be  issued  to  this  effect  to  engage  as  many  as 
will  go  on,  and  present  themselves  to  the 
officer  there ;  and,  moreover,  recruiting  of 
ficers  to  be  sent  into  different  parts  of  the 
Union  to  raise  and  conduct  settlers  at  the 
public  expense?  When  settled  there,  to  be 
well  trained  as  militia  by  officers  living  among 
them  ?  * — CIRCULAR  LETTER  TO  CABINET  OF 
FICERS.  FORD  EDV  viii,  425.  (Feb.  1806.) 

4814. .  Satisfied  that  New  Or 
leans  must  fall  a  prey  to  any  power  which 
shall  attack  it,  in  spite  of  any  means  we  now 
possess,  I  see  no  security  for  it  but  in  plant 
ing  on  the  spot  the  force  which  is  to  defend 
it.  I  therefore  suggest  to  some  members  of 
the  Senate  to  add  to  the  volunteer  bill  now 
before  them,  as  an  amendment,  some  such 
section  as  that  enclosed,  which  is  on  the 
principles  of  what  we  agreed  on  last  year, 
except  the  omission  of  the  two  years'  service. 
If,  by  giving  one  hundred  miles  square  of 
that  country,  we  can  secure  the  rest,  and  at 

*  Jefferson  framed  a  bill  on  this  subject.  See  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  425.— EDITOR. 


the  same  time  create  an  American  majority 
before  Orleans  becomes  a  State,  it  will  be  the 
best  bargain  ever  made. — To  ALBERT  GALLA- 
TIN.  v,  36.  (W.,  Jan.  1807.) 

4815. .  I  propose  to  the  members 

of  Congress  in  conversation,  the  enlisting 
thirty  thousand  volunteers,  Americans  by 
birth,  to  be  carried  at  the  public  expense,  and 
settled  immediately  on  a  bounty  of  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  each,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the  condition 
of  giving  two  years  of  military  service,  if 
that  country  should  be  attacked  within  seven 
years.  The  defence  of  the  country  would 
thus  be  placed  on  the  spot,  and  the  additional 
number  would  entitle  the  Territory  to  be 
come  a  State,  would  make  the  majority 
American,  and  make  it  an  American  instead 
of  a  French  State.  This  would  not  sweeten  the 
pill  to  the  French;  but  in  making  the  ac 
quisition  we  had  some  view  to  our  own  good 
as  well  as  theirs,  and  I  believe  the  greatest 
good  of  both  will  be  promoted  by  whatever 
will  amalgamate  us  together. — To  JOHN 
DICKINSON,  v,  30.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  9.  (W., 
1807.) 

4816.  LOUISIANA,  Expansion  and.— I 
know   that   the  acquisition   of  Louisiana  has 
been  disapproved  by  some,  from  a  candid  ap 
prehension  that  the  enlargement  of  our  terri 
tory  would  endanger  its  Union.    But  who  can 
limit  the  extent  to  which  the  federative  prin 
ciple  may  operate  effectively?   The  larger  our 
association,  the  less  will  it  be  shaken  by  local 
passions ;  and,  in  any  view,  is  it  not  better  that 
the  opposite  bank  of  the   Mississippi   should 
be  settled  by  our  own  brethren  and  children, 
than  by  strangers  of  another  family?     With 
which  shall  we  be  most  likely  to  live  in  har 
mony  and  friendly  intercourse? — SECOND  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,     viii,  41.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
344.     (1805.)     See  TERRITORY. 

4817.  LOUISIANA,    Federalist    opposi 
tion. — The  opposition  caught  it  as  a  plank  in 
a  shipwreck,  hoping  it  would  tack  the  western 
people  to  them.     They  raised  the  cry  of  war, 
were  intriguing  in  all  quarters  to  exasperate 
the  western  inhabitants  to  arm  and  go  down 
on   their   own   authority   and   possess    them 
selves  of  New  Orleans,  and  in  the  meantime 
were    daily    reiterating,    in    new    shapes,    in 
flammatory  resolutions  for  the  adoption  of  the 
House    [of  Representatives]. — To  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON.       iv,   460.      FORD  ED.,   viii,   209. 
(W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4818. .     These     grumblers     [the 

opposition],  too,  are  very  uneasy  lest  the  ad 
ministration  should  share  some  little  credit 
for  the  acquisition,  the  whole  of  which  they 
ascribe  to  the  accident  of  war.  They  would 
be  cruelly  mortified  could  they  see  our  files 
from  May,  1801  [April  1801  in  Ford  edition], 
the  first  organization  of  the  administration, 
but  more  especially  from  April,  1802.  They 
would  see,  that  though  we  could  not  say 
when  war  would  arise,  yet  we  said  with 
energy  what  would  take  place  when  it  should 
arise.  We  did  not,  by  our  intrigues,  produce 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louisiana 


the  war;  but  we  availed  ourselves  of  it  when 
it  happened.  The  other  party  saw  the  case 
now  existing,  on  which  our  representations 
were  predicted,  and  the  wisdom  of  timely  sac 
rifice.  But  when  these  people  make  the  war 
give  us  everything,  they  authorize  us  to  ask 
what  the  war  gave  us  in  their  day  :  They  had 
a  war.  What  did  they  make  it  bring  us? 
Instead  of  making  our  neutrality  the  ground 
of  gain  to  their  country,  they  were  for  plung 
ing  into  the  war.  And  if  they  were  now  in 
place,  they  would  now  be  at  war  against  the 
atheists  and  disorganizers  of  France.  They 
were  for  making  their  country  an  appendage 
to  England.  We  are  friendly,  cordially  and 
conscientiously  friendly  to  England.  We  are 
not  hostile  to  France.  We  will  be  rigorously 
just  and  sincerely  friendly  to  both.  I  do  not 
believe  we  shall  have  as  much  to  swallow 
from  them  as  our  predecessors  had. — To 
GENERAL  HORATIO  GATES,  iv,  495.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  250.  (W.,  July  1803.) 

4819. .  These  federalists  [who 

are  raising  objections  against  the  vast  ex 
tent  of  our  boundaries]  see  in  this  acquisition 
[Louisiana]  the  formation  of  a  new  confed 
eracy,  embracing  all  the  waters  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  on  both  sides  of  it,  and  a  separation 
of  its  eastern  waters  from  us.  These  combi 
nations  depend  on  so  many  circumstances 
which  we  cannot  foresee,  that  I  place  little 
reliance  on  them.  We  have  seldom  seen 
neighborhood  produce  affection  among  na 
tions.  The  reverse  is  almost  the  universal 
truth.  Besides,  if  it  should  become  the  great 
interest  of  those  nations  to  separate  from 
this,  if  their  happiness  should  depend  on  it 
so  strongly  as  to  induce  them  to  go  through 
that  convulsion,  why  should  the  Atlantic 
States  dread  it?  But  especially  why  should 
we,  their  present  inhabitants,  take  side  in 
such  a  question?  When  I  view  the  Atlantic 
States,  procuring  for  those  on  the  Eastern 
waters  of  the  Mississippi  friendly  instead  of 
hostile  neighbors  on  its  western  waters,  I  do 
not  view  it  as  an  Englishman  would  the  pro 
curing  future  blessings  for  the  French  nation, 
with  whom  he  has  no  relations  of  blood  or 
affection.  The  future  inhabitants  of  the  At 
lantic  and  Mississippi  States  will  be  our  sons. 
We  leave  them  in  distinct  but  bordering  es 
tablishments.  We  think  we  see  their  happi 
ness  in  their  union,  and  we  wish  it.  Events 
may  prove  it  otherwise;  and  if  they  see  their 
interest  in  separation,  why  should  we  take 
side  with  our  Atlantic  rather  than  our  Mis 
sissippi  descendants.  It  is  the  elder  and  the 
younger  son  differing.  God  bless  them  both, 
and  keep  them  in  union,  if  it  be  for  their  good, 
but  separate  them,  if  it  be  better. — To  JOHN 
C.  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  499.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
243.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4820. .  Objections  are  raising  to 

the  eastward  against  the  vast  extent  of  our 
boundaries,  and  propositions  are  made  to  ex 
change  Louisiana,  or  a  part  of  it.  for  the 
Floridas.  But  *  *  *  we  shall  get  the 
Floridas  without,  and  I  would  not  give  one 
inch  of  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  to  any 
nation,  because  I  see  in  a  light  very  impor 


tant  to  our  peace  the  exclusive  right  to  its 
navigation,  and  the  admission  of  no  nation 
into  it,  but  as  into  the  Potomac  or  Delaware, 
with  our  consent  and  under  our  police. — To 
JOHN  C.  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  499.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  243.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4821.  -  _.     Some  inflexible  federal 
ists  have  still  ventured  to  brave  the  public 
opinion.     It  will  fix  their  character  with  the 
world  and  with  posterity,  who,  not  descend 
ing  to  the  other  points  of  difference  betwe.cn 
us,  will  judge  them  by  this  fact,  so  palpable 
as  to  speak  for  itself  in  all  times  and  places. 
—To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,    iv,  508.     (W., 
1803.) 

4822.  -        .      The     federalists     spoke 

and  voted  against  it,  but  they  are  now  so  re 
duced  in  their  numbers  as  to  be  nothing. — To 
ROBERT  R.   LIVINGSTON,     iv,   510.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  278.     (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4823.  -          .     The  federal  leaders  have 

had  the  imprudence  to  oppose  it  pertinaciously, 
which  has  given  an  occasion  to  a  great  pro 
portion    of   their  quondam   honest   adherents 
to   abandon    them,    and    join    the    republican 
standard.      They    feel    themselves    now    irre 
trievably  lost. — To  JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  287.     (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

4824.  LOUISIANA,    French   possession 

of. — The  exchange,  which  is  to  give  us  new 
neighbors  in  Louisiana  (probably  the  present 
French  armies  when  disbanded),  has  opened 
us  to  a  combination  of  enemies  on  that 
side  where  we  are  most  vulnerable. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iv,  177.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
129.  (Pa.,  May  1797.) 

4825. .  There  is  considerable  rea 
son  to  apprehend  that  Spain  cedes  Louisiana 
and  the  Floridas  to  France.  It  is  a  policy 
very  unwise  in  both,  and  very  ominous  to  us. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  58.  (W., 
May  1801.) 

4826. .     The  cession  of  Louisiana 

and  the  Floridas  by  Spain  to  France,  works 
most  sorely  on  the  United  States.  On  this 
subject  the  Secretary  of  State  has  written  to 
you  fully,  yet  I  cannot  forbear  recurring  to  it 
personally,  so  deep  is  the  impression  it  makes 
on  my  mind.  It  completely  reverses  all  the 
political  relations  of  the  United  States,  and 
will  form  a  new  epoch  in  our  political  course. 
Of  all  nations  of  any  consideration,  France 
is  the  one,  which  hitherto,  has  offered  the 
fewest  points  on  which  we  could  have  any 
conflict  of  right,  and  the  most  points  of  a 
communion  of  interests.  From  these  causes, 
we  have  ever  looked  to  her  as  our  natural 
friend,  as  one  with  which  we  never  could 
have  an  occasion  of  difference.  Her  growth, 
therefore,  we  viewed  as  our  own,  her  mis 
fortunes  ours.  There  is  on  the  globe  one 
single  spot,  tht  possessor  of  which  is  our 
natural  and  habitual  enemy.  It  is  New  Or 
leans,  through  which  the  produce  of  three- 
eighths  of  our  territory  must  pass  to  market, 
and  from  its  fertility  it  will  ere  long  yield 
more  than  half  of  our  whole  produce,  and 
contain  more  than  half  of  our  inhabitants. 


Louisiana 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


France,  placing  herself  in  that  door,  assumes 
to  us  the  attitude  of  defiance.  Spain  might 
have  retained  it  quietly  for  years.  Her  pacific 
dispositions,  her  feeble  state,  would  induce 
her  to  increase  our  facilities  there,  so  that  her 
possession  of  the  place  would  be  hardly  felt 
by  us,  and  it  would  not,  perhaps,  be  very  long 
before  some  circumstance  might  arise,  which 
might  make  the  cession  of  it  to  us  the  price 
of  something  of  more  worth  to  her.  Not  so 
can  it  ever  be  in  the  hands  of  France.  The 
impetuosity  of  her  temper,  the  energy  and 
restlessness  of  her  character,  placed  in  a  point 
of  eternal  friction  with  us,  and  our  character, 
which,  though  quiet  and  loving  peace  and  the 
pursuit  of  wealth,  is  high-minded,  despising 
wealth  in  competition  with  insult  or  injury, 
enterprising  and  energetic  as  any  nation  on 
earth;  these  circumstances  render  it  impossible 
that  France  and  the  United  States  can  con 
tinue  long  friends,  when  they  meet  in  so  irri 
table  a  position.  They,  as  well  as  we,  must  be 
blind  if  they  do  not  see  this;  and  we  must 
be  very  improvident  if  we  do  not  begin  to 
make  arrangements  on  that  hypothesis.  The 
day  that  France  takes  possession  of  New  Or 
leans,  fixes  the  sentence  which  is  to  restrain 
her  forever  within  her  low-water  mark.  It 
seals  the  union  of  two  nations,  who,  in  con 
junction,  can  maintain  exclusive  possession  of 
the  ocean.  From  that  moment,  we  must 
marry  ourselves  to  the  British  fleet  and  na 
tion.  We  must  turn  all  our  attention  to  a 
maritime  force,  for  which  our  resources  place 
us  on  very  high  ground;  and  having  formed 
and  cemented  together  a  power  which  may 
render  reinforcement  of  her  settlements  here 
impossible  to  France,  make  the  first  cannon, 
which  shall  be  fired  in  Europe,  the  signal  for 
tearing  up  any  settlement  she  may  have  made, 
and  for  holding  the  two  continents  of  Amer 
ica  in  sequestration  for  the  common  purposes 
of  the  united  British  and  American  nations. 
This  is  not  a  state  of  things  we  seek  or  de 
sire.  It  is  one  which  this  measure,  if  adopted 
by  France,  forces  on  us,  as  necessarily  as  any 
other  cause,  by  the  laws  of  nature,  brings  on 
its  necessary  effect.  It  is  not  from  a  fear  of 
France  that  we  deprecate  this  measure  pro 
posed  by  her.  For,  however  greater  her  force 
is  than  ours,  compared  in  the  abstract,  it  is 
nothing  in  comparison  of  ours,  when  to  be 
exerted  on  our  soil.  But  it  is  from  a  sincere 
love  of  peace,  and  a  firm  persuasion  that 
bound  to  France  by  the  interests  and  the 
strong  sympathies  still  existing  in  the  minds 
of  pur  citizens,  and  holding  relative  positions 
which  ensure  their  continuance,  we  are  se 
cure  of  a  long  course  of  peace.  Whereas, 
the  change  of  friends,  which  will  be  rendered 
necessary  if  France  changes  that  position,  em 
barks  us  necessarily  as  a  belligerent  power  in 
the  first  war  of  Europe.  In  that  case,  France 
will  have  held  possession  of  New  Orleans 
during  the  interval  of  a  peace,  long  or  short, 
at  the  end  of  which  it  will  be  wrested  from 
her.  Will  this  short-lived  possession  have 
been  an  equivalent  to  her  for  the  transfer 
of  such  a  weight  into  the  scale  of  her  enemy? 
Will  not  the  amalgamation  of  a  young,  thri 


ving,  nation  continue  to  that  enemy  the  health 
and  force  which  are  at  present  so  evidently 
on  the  decline?  And  will  a  few  years'  pos 
session  of  New  Orleans  add  equally  to  the 
strength  of  France?  She  may  say  she  needs 
Louisiana  for  the  supply  of  her  West  Indies. 
She  does  not  need  it  in  time  of  peace,  and  in 
war  she  could  not  depend  on  them,  because 
they  would  be  so  easily  intercepted.  I  should 
suppose  that  all  these  considerations  might, 
in  some  proper  form,  be  brought  into  view 
of  the  government  of  France.  Though  stated 
by  us,  it  ought  not  to  give  offence;  because 
we  do  not  bring  them  forward  as  a  menace, 
but  as  consequences  not  controllable  by  us, 
but  inevitable  from  the  course  of  things.  We 
mention  them,  not  as  things  which  we  desire 
by  any  means,  but  as  things  we  deprecate; 
and  we  beseech  a  friend  to  look  forward  and 
to  prevent  them  for  our  common  interests. 
If  France  considers  Louisiana,  however,  as 
indispensable  for  her  views,  she  might  perhaps 
be  willing  to  look  about  for  arrangements 
which  might  reconcile  it  to  our  interests.  If 
anything  could  do  this,  it  would  be  the  ceding 
to  us  the  island  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Flor- 
idas.  This  would  certainly,  in  a  great  degree, 
remove  the  causes  of  jarring  and  irritation 
between  us,  and  perhaps  for  such  a  length  of 
time,  as  might  produce  other  means  of  ma 
king  the  measure  permanently  conciliatory  to 
our  interests  and  friendships.  It  would,  at 
any  rate,  relieve  us  from  the  necessity  of  ta 
king  immediate  measures  for  countervailing 
such  an  operation  by  arrangements  in  another 
quarter.  But  still  we  should  consider  New 
Orleans  and  the  Floridas  as  no  equivalent  for 
the  risk  of  a  quarrel  with  France,  produced 
by  her  vicinage. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  431.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  144.  (April  1802.) 

4827. .     I   believe    *    *    *    that 

this  measure  will  cost  France,  and  perhaps 
not  very  long  hence,  a  war  which  will  anni 
hilate  her  on  the  ocean,  and  place  that  element 
under  the  despotism  of  two  nations,  which  I 
am  not  reconciled  to  the  more  because  my 
own  would  be  one  of  them.  Add  to  this  the 
exclusive  appropriation  of  both  continents  of 
America  as  a  consequence.  I  wish  the  present 
order  of  things  to  continue,  and  with  a  view 
to  this  I  value  highly  a  state  of  friendship 
between  France  and  us.  You  know,  too  well 
how  sincere  I  have  ever  been  in  these  dis 
positions  to  doubt  them.  You  know,  too, 
how  much  I  value  peace,  and  how  unwill 
ingly  I  should  see  any  event  take  place 
which  would  render  war  a  necessary  re 
source;  and  that  all  our  movements  should 
change  their  character  and  object.  I  am  thus 
open  with  you,  because  I  trust  that  you  will 
have  it  in  your  power  to  impress  on  that 
government  considerations,  in  the  scale 
against  which  the  possession  of  Louisiana  is 
nothing.  In  Europe,  nothing  but  Europe  is 
seen,  or  supposed  to  have  any  right  in  the 
affairs  of  nations;  but  this  little  event,  of 
France's  possessing  herself  of  Louisiana, 
which  is  thrown  in  as  nothing,  as  a  mere 
make-weight  in  the  general  settlement  of  ac 
counts, — this  speck  which  now  appears  as  an 


5*5 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louisiana 


almost  invisible  point  in  the  horizon,  is  the 
embryo  of  a  tornado  which  will  burst  on  the 
countries  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and 
involve  in  its  effects  their  highest  destinies. 
That  it  may  yet  be  avoided  is  my  sincere 
prayer;  and  if  you  can  be  the  means  of  in 
forming  the  wisdom  of  Bonaparte  of  all  its 
consequences,  you  will  have  deserved  well  of 
both  countries.  Peace  and  abstinence  from 
European  interferences  are  our  objects,  and 
so  will  continue  while  the  present  order  of 
things  in  America  remains  uninterrupted. — 
To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS.  iv,  435.  (W., 
April  1802.) 

4828. .     Whatever    power,    other 

than  ourselves,  holds  the  country  east  of  the 
Mississippi  becomes  our  natural  enemy.  Will 
such  a  possession  do  France  as  much  good, 
as  such  an  enemy  may  do  her  harm?  And 
how  long  would  it  be  hers,  were  such  an 
enemy,  situated  at  its  door,  added  to  Great 
Britain?  I  confess,  it  appears  to  me  as  es 
sential  to  France  to  keep  at  peace  with  us, 
as  it  is  to  us  to  keep  at  peace  with  her;  and 
that,  if  this  cannot  be  secured  without  some 
compromise  as  to  the  territory  in  question,  it 
will  be  useful  for  both  to  make  some  sac 
rifices  to  effect  the  compromise. — To  DUPONT 
DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  458.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  207. 
(W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4829.  LOUISIANA,   Government  for.-— 
With  respect  to  the  territory  acquired,   I  do 
not  think  it  will  be  a  separate  government, 
as  you  imagine.    I  presume  the  island  of  New 
Orleans,  and  the  settled  country  on  the  op 
posite  bank,  will  be  annexed  to  the  Missis 
sippi  territory.     We  shall  certainly  endeavor 
to  introduce   the   American   laws   there,   and 
that  cannot  be  done  but  by  amalgamating  the 
people  with  such  a  body  of  Americans  as  may 
take  the  lead  in  legislation  and  government. 
Of  course,  they  will  be  under  the  Governor  of 
Mississippi.      The    rest   of   the   territory   will 
probably   be   locked   up    from   American    set 
tlement,    and   under   the    self-government   of 
the  native  occupants.— To  GENERAL  HORATIO 
GATES.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  250.  (W.,  July  1803.) 

4830.  —         — .     I  thought  I  perceived  in 
you  the  other  day  a  dread  of  the  job  of  pre 
paring  a  constitution  for  the  new  acquisition. 
With  more  boldness  than  wisdom  I,  therefore, 
determined  to  prepare  a  canvas,  give  it  a  few 
daubs  of  outline,  and  send  it  to  you  to  fill 
Up      *     *     *     jn  communicating  it  to  you  I 
must  do  it  in  confidence  that  you  will  never 
let  any  person  know  that  I  have  put  pen  to 
paper  on  the  subject.     *    *    *    My^time  does 
not  permit  me  to  go  into  explanation  of  the 
enclosed  by  letter.    I  will  only  observe  as  to  a 
single  feature  of  the  Legislature,  that  the  idea 
of  an   Assembly  of   Notables  came  into  my 
head  while  writing,  as  a  thing  more  familiar 
and  pleasing  to  the  French,  than  a  legislation 
of  judges.    True  it  removes  their  dependence 
from  the  judges  to  the  Executive;  but  this 
is  what  they  are  used  to  and  would  prefer. 
Should    Congress    reject    the    nomination    of 
judges  for  four  years,  and  make  them  during 
good  behavior,  as  is  probable,  then,   should 


the  judges  take  a  kink  in  their  heads  in  favor 
of  leaving  the  present  laws  of  Louisiana  un 
altered,  that  evil  will  continue  for  their  lives, 
unamended  by  us,  and  become  so  inveterate 
that  we  may  never  be  able  to  introduce  the 
uniformity  of  law  so  desirable.  The  making 
the  same  persons  so  directly  judges  and  leg 
islators  is  more  against  principle,  than  to 
make  the  same  persons  executive,  and  the 
elector  of  the  legislative  members.  The 
former,  too,  are  placed  above  all  responsi 
bility  ;  the  latter  is  under  a  perpetual  control 
if  he  goes  wrong.  The  judges  have  to  act  on 
nine  out  of  ten  of  the  laws  which  are  made ; 
the  governor  not  on  one  in  ten.  But*  strike 
it  out,  and  insert  the  judges  if  you  think  it 
better,  as  it  was  a  sudden  conceit  to  which  I 
am  not  attached. — To  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE. 
FORD  EDV  viii,  279.  (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4831. .     Without  looking  at  the 

old  Territorial  Ordinance,  I  had  imagined  it 
best  to  found  a  government  for  the  territory 
or  territories  of  lower  Louisiana  on  that 
basis.  But  on  examining  it,  I  find  it  will  not 
do  at  all;  that  it  would  turn  all  their  laws 
topsy-turvy.  Still,  I  believe  it  best  to  appoint 
a  governor  and  three  judges,  with  legislative 
powers;  only  providing  that  the  judges  shall 
form  the  laws,  and  the  governor  have  a  neg 
ative  only,  subject  further  to  the  negative  of 
a  national  legislature.  The  existing  laws  of 
the  country  being  now  in  force,  the  new  leg 
islature  will,  of  course,  introduce  the  trial 
by  jury  in  criminal  cases,  first;  the  habeas 
corpus,  the  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom  of 
religion,  &c.,  as  soon  as  can  be,  and  in  general 
draw  their  laws,  and  organizations  to  the 
mould  of  ours  by  degrees,  as  they  find  prac 
ticable,  without  exciting  too  much  discon 
tent.  In  proportion  as  we  find  the  people 
there  riper  for  receiving  these  first  principles 
of  freedom,  Congress  may  from  session  to 
session,  confirm  their  enjoyment  of  them. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  275. 
(Nov.  1803.) 

4832. .  Although  it  is  acknowl 
edged  that  our  new  fellow  citizens  are  as  yet 
as  incapable  of  self-government  as  children, 
yet  some  [in  Congress]  cannot  bring  them 
selves  to  suspend  its  principles  for  a  single 
moment.  The  temporary  or  territorial  gov 
ernment  of  that  country,  therefore,  will  en 
counter  great  difficulty  [in  Congress]. — To 
DF  WITT  CLINTON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  283.  (W., 
Dec.  1803.) 

4833. .     Our    policy    will    be    to 

form  New  Orleans,  and  the  country  on  both 
sides  of  it  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  into  a 
State;  and,  as  to  all  above  that,  to  trans 
plant  our  Indians  into  it,  constituting  them  a 
Marechausee  to  prevent  emigrants  crossing 
the  river,  until  we  shall  have  filled  up  all  the 
vacant  country  on  this  side.  This  will  se 
cure  both  Spain  and  us  as  to  the  mines  of 
Mexico,  for  half  a  century,  and  we  may  safely 
trust  the  provisions  for  that  time  to  the 
men  who  shall  live  in  it. — To  DUPONT  DE 
NEMOURS,  iv,  509.  (W.,  1803.) 


Louisiana 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


516 


4834. .     The    inhabited    part    of 

Louisiana,  from  Point  Coupee  to  the  sea, 
will  of  course  be  immediately  a  territorial 
government,  and  soon  a  State.  But  above 
that,  the  best  use  we  can  make  of  the  country 
for  some  time,  will  be  to  give  establishments 
in  it  to  the  Indians  on  the  East  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  in  exchange  for  their  present 
country,  and  open  land  offices  in  the  last,  and 
thus  make  this  acquisition  the  means  of  fill 
ing  up  the  eastern  side,  instead  of  drawing 
off  its  population.  When  we  shall  be  full 
on  this  side,  we  may  lay  off  a  range  of 
States  on  the  western  bank  from  the  head  to 
the  mouth,  and  so,  range  after  range,  ad 
vancing  compactly  as  we  multiply. — To  JOHN 
C.  BRECKENRIDGE.  iv,  500.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  244. 
(M.,  Aug.  1803.) 


4835. 


-.     In    order   to    lessen    the 


causes  of  appeal  to  the  Convention,  I  sin 
cerely  wish  that  Congress  at  the  next  session 
may  give  to  the  Orleans  Territory  a  legisla 
ture  to  be  chosen  by  the  people,  as  this  will 
be  advancing  them  quite  as  fast  as  the  rules 
of  our  government  will  admit ;  and  the  evils 
which  may  arise  from  the  irregularities  which 
such  a  legislature  may  run  into,  will  not  be 
so  serious  as  leaving  them  the  pretext  of 
calling  in  a  foreign  umpire  between  them 
and  us. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
314.  (M.,  Aug.  1804.) 

4836. '..    We  are  now  at  work  on 

a  *  *  *  government  for  Louisiana.  It  will 
probably  be  a  small  improvement  of  our 
former  territorial  governments,  or  first  grade 
of  government.  The  act  proposes  to  give 
them  an  assembly  of  Notables,  selected  by 
the  Governor  from  the  principal  characters  of 
the  territory.  This  will,  I  think,  be  a  better 
legislature  than  the  former  territorial  one, 
and  will  not  be  a  greater  departure  from 
sound  principle. — To  THOMAS  McKEAN. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  293.  (Jan.  1804.) 

4837. .     The  Legislative  Council 

for  the  Territory  of  New  Orleans,  *  *  * 
to  be  appointed  by  me,  *  *  *  ought  to  be 
composed  of  men  of  integrity,  of  understand 
ing,  of  clear  property  and  influence  among 
the  people,  well  acquainted  with  the  laws,  cus 
toms,  and  habits  of  the  country,  and  drawn 
from  the  different  parts  of  the  Territory, 
whose  population  is  considerable.* — To  GOV 
ERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  iv,  551.  (W.,  July  1804.) 
See  CLAIBORNE. 

4838. .     I  am  so  much  impressed 

with  the  expediency  of  putting  a  termination 
to  the  right  of  France  to  patronize  the  rights 
of  Louisiana,  which  will  cease  with  their 
complete  adoption  as  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  that  I  hope  to  see  that  take  place  on 
the  meeting  of  Congress. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  iv,  557.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  315.  (M.,  Aug. 
1804.) 

4839. .     It  is  but  too  true  that 

great   discontents   exist   in   the   Territory   of 

*  Jefferson  requested  Governor  Claiborne  to  send 
him  the  names  of  proper  persons  for  the  council.— 
EDITOR. 


Orleans.  Those  of  the  French  inhabitants 
have  for  their  sources,  i,  the  prohibition  of 
importing  slaves.  This  may  be  partly  removed 
by  Congress  permitting  them  to  receive 
slaves  from  the  other  States,  which,  by  divi 
ding  that  evil,  would  lessen  its  danger ;  2,  the 
administration  of  justice  in  our  forms,  prin 
ciples,  and  language,  with  all  of  which  they 
are  unacquainted,  and  are  the  more  abhor 
rent,  because  of  the  enormous  expense, 
greatly  exaggerated  by  the  corruption  of 
bankrupt  and  greedy  lawyers,  who  have  gone 
there  from  the  United  States  and  engrossed 
the  practice;  3,  the  call  on  them  by  the  land 
commissioners  to  produce  the  titles  of  their 
lands.  The  object  of  this  is  really  to  record 
and  secure  their  rights.  But  as  many  of  them 
hold  on  rights  so  ancient  that  the  title  papers 
are  lost,  they  expect  the  land  is  to  be  taken 
from  them  whenever  they  cannot  produce  a 
regular  deduction  of  title  in  writing.  In  this 
they  will  be  undeceived  by  the  final  result, 
which  will  evince  to  them  a  liberal  disposition 
of  the  government  towards  them. — To  JOHN 
DICKINSON,  v,  29.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  8.  (W., 
1807.) 

4840.  LOUISIANA,  Mission  to  France 

respecting. — The  urgency  of  the  case,  as  well 
as  the  public  spirit,  induced  us  to  make  a 
more  solemn  appeal  to  the  justice  and  judg 
ment  of  our  neighbors,  by  sending  a  Minister 
Extraordinary  to  impress  them  with  the 
necessity  of  some  arrangement.  Mr.  Monroe 
has  been  selected.  His  good  dispositions 
cannot  be  doubted.  Multiplied  conversations 
with  him,  and  views  of  the  subject  taken  in 
all  the  shapes  in  which  it  can  present  itself, 
have  possessed  him  with  our  estimates  of 
everything  relating  to  it,  with  a  minuteness 
which  no  written  communication  to  Mr. 
Livingston  could  ever  have  attained.  These 
will  prepare  them  to  meet  and  decide  on  every 
form  of  proposition  which  can  occur,  without 
awaiting  new  instructions  from  hence,  which 
might  draw  to  an  indefinite  length  a  dis 
cussion  where  circumstances  imperiously 
oblige  us  to  a  prompt  decision.  For  the  oc 
clusion  of  the  Mississippi  is  a  state  of  things 
in  which  we  cannot  exist.  He  goes,  therefore, 
joined  with  Chancellor  Livingston,  to  aid  in 
the  issue  of  a  crisis  the  most  important  the 
United  States  have  ever  met  since  their  In 
dependence,  and  which  is  to  decide  their  fu 
ture  character  and  career. — To  DUPONT  DE 
NEMOURS,  iv,  456.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  204.  (W., 
Feb.  1803.)  See  MONROE. 

4841.  -  — .     The   future   destinies  of 
our  country  hang  on  the  event  of  this   ne 
gotiation,   and  I  am  sure  they  could  not  be 
placed  in  more  able  or  more  zealous  hands. 
On  our  parts  we  shall  be  satisfied  that  what 
you    do   not   effect,    cannot   be   effected. — To 
ROBERT  R.   LIVINGSTON,     iv,   461.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  210.     (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4842. .     It  may  be   said,   if  this 

object  be  so  all-important  to  us,  why  do  we 
not  offer  such  a  sum  as  to  ensure  its  pur 
chase?  The  answer  is  simple.  We  are  an 
agricultural  people,  poor  in  money,  and  owing 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louisiana 


great  debts.  These  will  be  falling  due  by 
instalments  for  fifteen  years  to  come,  and  re 
quire  from  us  the  practice  of  a  rigorous  econ 
omy  to  accomplish  their  payment ;  and  it  is 
our  principle  to  pay  to  a  moment  whatever 
we  have  engaged,  and  never  to  engage  what 
we  cannot,  and  mean  not  faithfully  to  pay. 
We  have  calculated  our  resources,  and  find 
the  sum  to  be  moderate  which  they  would 
enable  us  to  pay,  and  we  know  from  late 
trials  that  little  can  be  added  to  it  by  borrow 
ing. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS.  iv,  458. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  206.  (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4843. .     The  country,  too,  which 

we  wish  to  purchase,  except  the  portion  al 
ready  granted,  and  which  must  be  confirmed 
to  the  private  holders,  is  a  barren  sand,  six 
hundred  miles  from  east  to  west,  and  from 
thirty  to  forty  and  fifty  miles  from  north 
to  south,  formed  by  deposition  of  the  sands 
by  the  Gulf  Stream  in  its  circular  course 
round  the  Mexican  Gulf,  and  which  being 
spent  after  performing  a  semicircle,  has  made 
from  its  last  depositions  the  sand  bank  of 
East  Florida.  In  West  Florida,  indeed,  there 
are  on  the  borders  of  the  rivers  some  rich 
bottoms,  formed  by  the  mud  brought  from  the 
upper  country.  These  bottoms  are  all  possessed 
by  individuals.  But  the  spaces  between  river 
and  river  are  mere  banks  of  sand ;  and  in 
East  Florida  there  are  neither  rivers,  nor 
consequently  any  bottoms.  We  cannot,  then, 
make  anything  by  a  sale  of  the  lands  to  in 
dividuals.  So  that  it  is  peace  alone  which 
makes  it  an  object  with  us,  and  which  ought 
to  make  the  cession  of  it  desirable  to  France. 
— To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  458.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  206.  (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4844. .  You  see  with  what  frank 
ness  I  communicate  with  you  on  this  sub 
ject;  that  I  hide  nothing  from  you,  and  that 
I  am  endeavoring  to  turn  our  private  friend 
ship  to  the  good  of  our  respective  countries. 
And  can  private  friendship  ever  answer  a 
nobler  end  than  by  keeping  two  nations  at 
peace,  who,  if  this  new  position  which  one  of 
them  is  taking  were  rendered  innocent,  have 
more  points  of  common  interest,  and  fewer 
of  collision,  than  any  two  on  earth ;  who  be 
come  natural  friends,  instead  of  natural 
enemies,  which  this  change  of  position  would 
make  them.— To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv, 
459.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  207.  (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4845. .  The  measure  was  more 
over  proposed  from  another  cause.  We  must 
know  at  once  whether  we  can  acquire  New 
Orleans  or  not.  We  are  satisfied  nothing 
else  will  secure  us  against  a  war  at  no  dis 
tant  period ;  and  we  cannot  press  this  reason 
without  beginning  those  arrangements  which 
will  be  necessary  if  war  is  hereafter  to  re 
sult.  For  this  purpose  it  was  necessary  that 
the  negotiators  should  be  fully  possessed  of 
every  idea  we  have  on  the  subject,  so  as  to 
meet  the  propositions  of  the  opposite  party, 
in  whatever  form  they  may  be  offered ;  and 
give  them  a  shape  admissible  by  us  without 
being  obliged  to  wait  new  instructions  hence. 
With  this  view,  we  have  joined  Mr.  Monroe 


with  yourself  at  Paris,  and  to  Mr.  Pinckney 
at  Madrid,  although  we  believe  it  will  be 
hardly  necessary  for  him  to  go  to  this  last 
place.  Should  we  fail  in  this  object  of  the 
mission,  a  further  one  will  be  superadded  for 
the  other  side  of  the  channel.— To  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON,  iv,  461.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  200. 
(W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

4846.  LOUISIANA,  Mississippi  navi 
gation  secured.— The  acquisition  of  New  Or 
leans  would  of  itself  have  been  a  great  thing, 
as  it  would  have  ensured  to  our  western 
brethren  the  means  of  exporting  their  prod 
uce;  but  that  of  Louisiana  is  inappreciable, 
because,  giving  us  the  sole  dominion  of  the 
Mississippi,  it  excludes  those  bickerings  with 
foreign  powers,  which  we  know  of  a  certainty 
would  have  put  us  at  war  with  France  im 
mediately;  and  it  secures  to  us  the  course 
of  a  peaceful  nation. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  261.  (M.,  Aug.  1803.) 

4847. .  The  acquisition  of  Lou 
isiana,  although  more  immediately  beneficial 
to  the  western  States,  by  securing  for  their 
produce  a  certain  market,  not  subject  to  in 
terruptions  by  officers  over  whom  we  have 
no  control,  yet  is  also  deeply  interesting  to 
the  maritime  portion  of  our  country,  inas 
much  as  by  giving  the  exclusive  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  it  avoids  the  burthens  and 
sufferings  of  a  war,  which  conflicting  inter 
ests  on  that  river  would  inevitably  have  pro 
duced  at  no  distant  period.  It  opens,  too,  a 
fertile  region  for  the  future  establishments  in 
the  progress  of  that  multiplication  so  rapidly 
taking  place  in  all  parts. — R.  TO  A.  TENNES 
SEE  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  115.  (1803.) 

—  LOUISIANA,  Monroe  and.— See  MON 
ROE. 

—  LOUISIANA,  New  Orleans  entrepot. 
— See  NEW  ORLEANS. 

4848.  LOUISIANA,   Payment  for.— We 
shall  not  avail  ourselves  of  the  three  months' 
delay   after   possession    of   the    province,    al 
lowed  by  the  treaty  for  the  delivery  of  the 
stock,  but  shall  deliver  it  the  moment  that 
possession  is  known  here,   which  will  be  on 
the  eighteenth  day  after  it  has  taken  place. — 
To   ROBERT   R.    LIVINGSTON,     iv,    512.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  279.     (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4849.  — .  When  we  contemplate  the 

ordinary    annual    augmentation    of    imposts 
from  increasing  population  and   wealth,   the 
augmentation  of  the  same  revenue  by  its  ex 
tension  to  the  new  acquisition,  and  the  econ 
omies  which  may  still  be  introduced  into  our 
public  expenditures,   I   cannot  but  hope  that 
Congress    in    reviewing   their    resources    will 
find  means  to  meet  the  intermediate  interests 
of  this  additional   debt  without  recurring  to 
new  taxes,  and  applying  to  this  object  only 
the   ordinary   progression   of   our   revenue. — 
THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  27.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  271.     (Oct.  1803.) 

4850.  — .     [The  acquisition]  was  so 

far    from    being    thought,    by    any    party,    a 
breach  of  neutrality,  that  the  British  minister 


Louisiana 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


518 


congratulated  Mr.  King  on  the  acquisition, 
and  declared  that  the  King  had  learned  it 
with  great  pleasure ;  and  when  Baring,  the 
British  banker,  asked  leave  of  the  minister  to 
purchase  the  debt  and  furnish  the  money  to 
France,  the  minister  declared  to  him,  that 
so  far  from  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way, 
if  there  were  any  difficulty  in  the  payment  of 
the  money,  it  was  the  interest  of  Great  Britain 
to  aid  it.— To  W.  A.  BUR  WELL,  v,  20.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  469.  (M.,  Sep.  1806.) 

4851.  LOUISIANA,  Possession  by  Great 
Britain. — I  am  so  deeply  impressed  with  the 
magnitude  of  the  dangers  which  will  attend 
our  government,  if  Louisiana  and  the  Flor- 
idas  be  added  to  the  British  empire,  that,  in 
my  opinion,  we  ought  to  make  ourselves 
parties  in  the  general  war  expected  to  take 
place,  should  this  be  the  only  means  of  pre 
venting  the  calamity.  But  I  think  we  should 
defer  this  step  as  long  as  possible;  because 
war  is  so  full  of  chances,  which  may  relieve 
us  from  the  necessity  of  interfering;  and  if 
necessary,  still  the  later  we  interfere,  the 
better  we  shall  be  prepared.  It  is  often  in 
deed  more  easy  to  prevent  the  capture  of  a 
place  than  to  retake  it.  Should  it  be  so  in  the 
case  in  question,  the  difference  between  the 
two  operations  of  preventing  and  retaking, 
will  not  be  so  costly  as  two,  three,  or  four 
years  more  of  war.  So  that  I  am  for  pre 
serving  neutrality  as  long,  and  entering  into 
the  war  as  late,  as  possible.— OFFICIAL  OPIN 
ION,  vii,  509.  FORD  ED.,  v,  238.  (August 
1790.) 

4852. .     It  is  said  that  Arnold  is 

at  Detroit  reviewing  the  militia  there.  Other 
symptoms  indicate  a  general  design  on  all 
Louisiana  and  the  two  Floridas.  What  a 
tremendous  position  would  success  in  these 
two  objects  place  us  in !  Embraced  from  the 
St.  Croix  to  the  St.  Mary's  on  one  side  by 
their  possessions,  on  the  other  by  their  fleet, 
we  need  not  hesitate  to  say  that  they  would 
soon  find  means  to  unite  to  them  all  the  ter 
ritory  covered  by  the  ramifications  of  the 
Mississippi.— To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED., 
v,  199-  (N.Y.,  July  1790.) 

4853.  LOUISIANA,  Questions  of  bound 
ary. — I  suppose  Monroe  will  touch  on  the 
limits  of  Louisiana  only  incidentally,  inasmuch 
as  its  extension  to  Perdido  curtails  Florida,  and 
renders  it  of  less  worth.  I  am  satis 

fied  our  right  to  the  Perdido  is  substantial,  and 
can  be  opposed  by  a  quibble  on  form  only ;  and 
our  right  westwardly  to  the  bay  of  St.  Bernard, 
may  be  strongly  maintained. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  iv,  502.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  245.  (M.,  Aug. 
1803.) 

4854. .     We  did  not  collect  the 

sense  of  our  brethren  the  other  day  by  regular 

?uestions,  but  as  far  as  I  could  understand 
rom  what  was  said,  it  appeared  to  be, — i.  That 
an  acknowledgment  of  our  right  to  the  Perdido, 
is  a  sine  qua  non,  and  no  price  to  be  given  for 
it.  2.  No  absolute  and  perpetual  relinquishment 
of  right  is  to  be  made  of  the  country  east  of  the 
Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  even  in  exchange  for 
Florida.  (I  am  not  quite  sure  that  this  was  the 
opinion  of  all.)  It  would  be  better  to  lengthen 
the  term  of  years  to  any  definite  degree  than  to 


cede  in  perpetuity.  3.  That  a  country  may  be 
laid  off  within  which  no  further  settlement  shall 
be  made  by  either  party  for  a  given  time,  say 
thirty  years.  This  country  to  be  from  the  North 
river  eastwardly  towards  the  Rio  Colorado,  or 
even  to,  but  not  beyond  the  Mexican  or  Sabine 
river.  To  whatever  river  it  be  extended,  it 
might  from  its  source  run  northwest,  as  the 
most  eligible  direction ;  but  a  due  north  line 
would  produce  no  restraint  that  we  should  feel 
in  twenty  years.  This  relinquishment,  and  two 
millions  of  dollars,  to  be  the  price  of  all  the 
Floridas  east  of  the  Perdido,  or  to  be  appor 
tioned  to  whatever  part  they  will  cede.  But  on 
entering  into  conferences,  both  parties  should 
agree  that,  during  their  continuance,  neither 
should  strengthen  their  situation  between  the 
Iberville,  Mississippi,  and  Perdido,  nor  interrupt 
the  navigation  of  the  rivers  therein.  If  they 
will  not  give  such  an  order  instantly,  they 
should  be  told  that  we  have  for  peace's  sake 
only,  forborne  till  they  could  have  time  to 
give  such  an  order,  but  that  as  soon  as  we  re 
ceive  notice  of  their  refusal  to  give  the  order, 
we  shall  enter  into  the  exercise  of  our  right  of 
navigating  the  Mobile,  and  protect  it,  and  In 
crease  our  force  there  part  passu  with  them. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  550.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
309.  (July  1804.) 

4855. .  In  conversation  with  Mr. 

Gallatin  as  to  what  might  be  deemed  the  result 
of  our  conference,  he  seemed  to  have  under 
stood  the  former  opinion  as  not  changed,  to 
wit,  that  for  the  Floridas  east  of  the  Perdido 
might  be  given  not  only  the  two  millions  of 
dollars  and  a  margin  to  remain  unsettled,  but 
an  absolute  relinquishment  from  the  North 
river  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard  and  Colorado 
river.  This,  however,  I  think  should  be  the 
last  part  of  the  price  yielded,  and  only  for  an 
entire  cession  of  the  Floridas,  not  for  a  part 
only. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  313. 
(1804.) 

4856.  LOUISIANA,  Spain  and  acquisi 
tion. — At  this  moment  a  little  cloud  hovers 
in  the  horizon.  The  government  of  Spain 
has  protested  against  the  right  of  France  to 
transfer;  and  it  is.  possible  she  may  refuse 
possession,  and  that  this  may  bring  on  acts 
of  force.  But  against  such  neighbors  as 
France  there,  and  the  United  States  here, 
what  she  can  expect  from  so  gross  a  com 
pound  of  folly  and  false  faith,  is  not  to  be 
sought  in  the  book  of  wisdom.  She  is  afraid 
of  her  enemies  in  Mexico ;  but  not  more  than 
we  are. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  509. 
(W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4857. .     Spain  entered  with  us  a 

protestation  against  our  ratification  of  the 
treaty,  grounded,  first,  on  the  assertion  that 
the  First  Consul  had  not  executed  the  con 
ditions  of  the  treaties  of  cession;  and,  sec 
ondly,  that  he  had  broken  a  solemn  promise 
not  to  alienate  the  country  to  any  nation. 
We  answered,  that  these  were  private  ques 
tions  between  France  and  Spain,  which  they 
must  settle  together ;  that  we  derived  our  title 
from  the  First  Consul,  and  did  not  doubt  his 
guarantee  of  it.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  511.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  278.  (W.,  Nov. 
1803.)  See  SPAIN. 

4858.  LOUISIANA,  Taking  possession 
of.— We  *  *  *  [have]  sent  off  9rders  to 
the  Governor  of  the  Mississippi  Territory  and 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louisiana 


General  Wilkinson  to  move  down  with  the 
troops  at  hand  to  New  Orleans,  to  receive 
the  possession  from  M.  Laussat.  If  he  is 
heartily  disposed  to  carry  the  order  of  the 
[First]  Consul  into  execution,  he  can  prob 
ably  command  a  volunteer  force  at  New  Or 
leans,  and  will  have  the  aid  of  ours  also,  if 
he  desires  it,  to  take  the  possession,  and  de 
liver  it  to  us.  If  he  is  not  so  disposed,  we 
shall  take  the  possession,  and  it  will  rest  with 
the  government  of  France,  by  adopting  the 
act  as  their  own,  and  obtaining  the  confirma 
tion  of  Spain,  to  supply  the  non-execution  of 
their  stipulation  to  deliver,  and  to  entitle 
themselves  to  the  complete  execution  of  our 
part  of  the  agreements. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIV 
INGSTON,  iv,  511.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  279.  (W., 
Nov.  1803.) 

4859. .     I  think  it  possible  that 

Spain,  recollecting  our  former  eagerness  for 
the  island  of  New  Orleans,  may  imagine  she 
can,   by  a  free  delivery  of  that,   redeem  the 
residue  of  Louisiana ;  and  that  she  may  with 
hold  the  peaceable  cession  of  it.     In  that  case 
no    doubt    force    must   be    used. — To    JAMES 
MADISON.     FORD    ED.,    viii,    263.     (M.,    Sep. 
1803.) 

4860.  LOUISIANA,    Treaty   ratified.— 
This  treaty   [Louisiana]    must,  of  course,  be 
laid  before  both  Houses   [of  Congress],  be 
cause  both  have  important  functions  to  ex 
ercise  respecting  it.    They,  I  presume,  will  see 
their  duty  to  their  country  in  ratifying  and 
paying  for  it,  so  as  to  secure  a  good  which 
would  otherwise  probably  be  never  again  in 
their  power.     But,  I  suppose,  they  must  then 
appeal  to  the  nation  for  an  additional  article 
to  the  Constitution,  approving  and  confirm 
ing  an   act   which  the   nation  had   not  pre 
viously  authorized.— To  JOHN   C.   BRECKEN- 
RIDGE.      iv,  500.      FORD  ED.,  viii,  244.      (M., 
Aug.  1803.) 

4861. .  Your  treaty  has  obtained 

nearly  a  general  approbation.  The 

question  on  its  ratification  in  the  Senate  was 
decided  by  twenty-four  against  seven,  which 
was  ten  more  than  enough.  The  vote  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  making  provis 
ion  for  its  execution  was  carried  by  eighty- 
nine  against  twenty-three,  which  was  a  ma 
jority  of  sixty-six,  and  the  necessary  bills^re 
going  through  the  Houses  by  greater  major 
ities.— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  510. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  278.  (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4862. .  You  will  observe  in  the 

enclosed  letter  from  Monroe  a  hint  to  do 
without  delay  what  we  are  bound  to  do  [re 
garding  the  treaty].  There  is  reason,  in  the 
opinion  of  our  ministers,  to  believe,  that  if 
the  thing  were  to  do  over  again,  it  could  not 
be  obtained,  and  that  if  we  give  the  least 
opening,  they  will  declare  the  treaty  void.  A 
warning  amounting  to  that  has  been  given 
them,  and  an  unusual  kind  of  letter  written 
by  their  minister  to  our  Secretary  of  State, 
direct. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  iv,  505. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  247.  (M.,  Sep.  1803.) 

4863.  — .  M.  Pichon,  according  to 

instructions  from  his  government,  proposed 


to  have  added  to  the  ratification  a  protesta 
tion  against  any  failure  in  time  or  other  cir 
cumstances  of  execution,  on  our  part.  He 
was  told,  that  in  that  case  we  should  annex  a 
counter  protestation,  which  would  leave  the 
thing  exactly  where  it  was;  that  this  trans 
action  had  been  conducted,  from  the  com 
mencement  of  the  negotiation  to  this  stage  of 
it.  with  a  frankness  and  sincerity  honorable  to 
both  nations,  and  comfortable  to  the  heart  of 
an  honest  man  to  review;  that  to  annex  to 
this  last  chapter  of  the  transaction  such  an 
evidence  of  mutual  distrust,  was  to  change  its 
aspect  dishonorably  for  us  both,  and,  contrary 
to  truth,  as  to  us;  for  that  we  had  not  the 
smallest  doubt  that  France  would  punctually 
execute  its  part ;  and  I  assured  M.  Pichon  that 
I  had  more  confidence  in  the  word  of  the  First 
Consul  than  in  all  the  parchment  we  could 
sign.  He  saw  that  we  had  ratified  the  treaty ; 
that  both  branches  had  passed,  by  great  ma 
jorities,  one  of  the  bills  for  execution,  and 
would  soon  pass  the  other  two;  that  no  cir 
cumstances  remained  that  could  leave  a  doubt 
of  our  punctual  performance;  and  like  an 
able  and  honest  minister  (which  he  is  in  the 
highest  degree),  he  undertook  to  do  what  he 
knew  his  employers  would  do  themselves, 
were  they  here  spectators  of  all  the  existing 
circumstances,  and  exchanged  the  ratifica 
tions  purely  and  simply;  so  that  this  instru 
ment  goes  to  the  world  as  an  evidence  of  the 
candor  and  confidence  of  the  nations  in  each 
other,  which  will  have  the  best  effects.— To 
ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  510.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  278.  (W.,  Nov.  1803.) 

4864. .  The  treaty  which  has  so 

happily  sealed  the  friendship  of  our  two 
countries  has  been  received  here  with  general 
acclamation. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv, 
508.  (W.,  1803.) 

4865. .  For  myself  and  my  coun 
try,  I  thank  you  for  the  aids  you  have  given 
in  it ;  and  I  congratulate  you  on  having  lived 
to  give  those  aids  in  a  transaction  replete 
with  blessings  to  unborn  millions  of  men.  and 
which  will  mark  the  face  of  a  portion  on  the 
globe  so  extensive  as  that  which  now  com 
poses  the  United  States  of  America. — To  DU 
PONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  509.  (W.,  1803.) 

4866. .     It   is   not   true   that  the 

Louisiana  treaty  was  antedated,  lest  Great 
Britain  should  consider  our  supplying  her 
enemies  with  money  as  a  breach  of  neutrality. 
After  the  very  words  of  the  treaty  were  fi 
nally  agreed  to,  it  took  some  time,  perhaps 
some  days,  to  make  out  all  the  copies  in  the 
very  splendid  manner  of  Bonaparte's  treaties. 
Whether  the  3Oth  of  April.  1803,  the  date  ex 
pressed,  was  the  day  of  the  actual  compact, 
or  that  on  which  it  was  signed,  our  memories 
do  not  enable  us  to  say.  If  the  former,  then 
it  is  strictly  conformable  to  the  day  of  the 
compact;  if  the  latter,  then  it  was  postdated, 
instead  of  being  antedated.* — To  W.  A.  BUR- 
WELL,  v,  20.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  469.  (M.,  Sep. 
1806.) 

*  This  antedating  of  the  treaty  was  one  of  the 
charges  made  by  John  Randolph  against  the  admin 
istration  of  Jefferson.— EDITOR. 


Louis  XVI. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


520 


4867.  LOUIS  XVI.,  Character  of.— He 
had  not  a  wish  but  for  the  good  of  the  nation  • 
and  for  that  object,  no  personal  sacrifice  would 
ever  have  cost  him  a  moment's  regret ;  but 
his  mind  was  weakness  itself,  his  constitution 
timid,  his  judgment  null,  and  without  sufficient 
firmness  even  to  stand  by  the  faith  of  his  word. 
His  Queen,  too,  haughty,  and  bearing  no  contra 
diction,  had  an  absolute  ascendency  over  him ; 
and  around  her  were  rallied  the  King's  brother, 
D'Artois,  the  court  generally,  and  the  aristo 
cratic  part  of  his  ministers,  particularly  Breteuil, 
Broglio,  Vauguyon,  Foulon,  Luzerne,  men  whose 
principles  of  government  were  those  of  the  age 
of  Louis  XIV.  Against  this  host,  the  good 
counsels  of  Necker,  Montmorin,  St.  Priest,  al 
though  in  unison  with  the  wishes  of  the  King 
himself,  were  of  little  avail.  The  resolutions 
of  the  morning,  formed  under  their  advice, 
would  be  reversed  in  the  evening,  by  the  in 
fluence  of  the  Queen  and  Court. — AUTOBI 
OGRAPHY,  i,  88.  FORD  ED.,  i,  121.  (1821.) 

4868. .     The  King  is  a  good  man. 

To  EDWARD  CARRINGTON.  ii,  99.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
359-  (P-,  1787.) 

4869. .    Under    a    good    and    a 

young  King,  as  the  present,  I  think  good  may 
be  made  of  the  Assemblee  des  Notables. — To 
LA  COMTESSE  DE  TESSE.  ii,  133.  (N.,  March 
1787.) 

4870. .  The  model  of  royal  ex 
cellence. — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  iii,  137. 
(N.Y.,  1790.) 

4871. .     The  King  loves  business, 

economy,  order,  and  justice,  and  wishes  sin 
cerely  the  good  of  his  people ;  but  he  is  irascible, 
rude,  very  limited  in  his  understanding,  and  re 
ligious,  bordering  on  bigotry.  He  *  *  *, 
loves  his  Queen,  and  is  too  much  governed  by 
her.  *  *  *  Unhappily  the  King  shows  a 
propensity  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  That 
for  drink  has  increased  lately,  or,  at  least,  it 
has  become  more  known. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  153.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  393.  (P.,  1787.) 

4872.  LOUIS    XVI.,  Execution.— We 

have  just  received  the  news  of  the  decapitation 
of  the  King  of  France.  Should  the  present  fo 
ment  in  Europe  not  produce  republics  every 
where,  it  will  at  least  soften  the  monarchical 
governments  by  rendering  monarchs  amenable  to 
punishment  like  other  criminals,  and  doing  away 
that  rage  of  insolence  and  oppression,  the  in 
violability  of  the  King's  person. — To . 

iii,  527.     (Pa.,  March  1793.) 

4873. .  It  is  certain  that  the  la 
dies  of  this  city  [Philadelphia],  of  the  first 
circle,  are  open-mouthed  against  the  murderers 
of  a  sovereign,  and  they  generally  speak  those 
sentiments  which  the  more  cautious  husband 
smothers. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  520.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  193.  (i793.) 

4874. .    The  death  of  the  King 

of  France  has  not  produced  as  open  condemna 
tions  from  the  monocrats  as  I  expected. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  519.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  192. 
(March  1793.) 

4875. .     The   deed   which   closed 

the  mortal  course  of  these  sovereigns  [Louis 
XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette],  I  shall  neither 
approve  nor  condemn.  I  am  not  prepared  to 
say  that  the  first  magistrate  of  a  nation  cannot 
commit  treason  against  his  country,  or  is  un 
amenable  to  its  punishment ;  nor  yet,  that  where 
there  is  no  written  law,  no  regulated  tribunal, 
there  is  not  a  law  in  our  hearts,  and  a  power 


in  our  hands,  given  for  righteous  employment 
in  maintaining  right  and  redressing  wrong.  Of 
those  who  judged  the  King,  many  thought  him 
wilfully  criminal ;  many  that  his  existence  would 
keep  the  nation  in  perpetual  conflict  with  the 
horde  of  kings  who  would  war  against  a  re 
generation  which  might  come  home  to  them 
selves,  and  that  it  were  better  that  one  should 
die  than  all.  I  should  not  have  voted  with  this 
portion  of  the  legislature.  I  should  have  shut 
up  the  Queen  in  a  convent,  putting  harm  out 
of  her  power,  and  placed  the  King  in  his  sta 
tion,  investing  him  with  limited  powers,  which, 
I  verily  believe,  he  would  have  honestly  exer 
cised  according  to  the  measure  of  his  under 
standing.  In  this  way  no  void  would  have  been 
created,  courting  the  usurpation  of  a  military 
adventurer,  nor  occasion  given  for  those 
enormities  which  demoralized  the  nations  of 
the  world,  and  destroyed  and  are  yet  to  destroy 
millions  and  millions  of  its  inhabitants. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  101.  FORD  ED.,  i,  141.  (1821.) 

4876.  LOUIS  XVI.,  Friend  to  America. 
—Our  best  and  greatest  friend.— To  MARQUIS 
DE  LA  LUZERNE.    iii,  141.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

4877.  LOUIS    XVI.,    Good    qualities.— 

The  King's  dispositions  are  solidly  good.  He 
is  capable  of  great  sacrifices.  All  he  wants  to 
induce  him  to  do  a  thing,  is  to  be  assured  it 
will  be  for  the  good  of  the  nation. — To  MR. 
CUTTING,  ii,  439.  (P.,  1788.) 

4878.  LOUIS  XVI.,  Habits.— The  King, 
long    in    the    habit    of    drowning    his    cares    in 
wine,  plunges  deeper  and  deeper.     The  Queen 
cries,  but  sins  on. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     ii,  258. 
(P.,  1787.) 

4879. .  The  King  goes  for  noth 
ing.  He  hunts  one  half  the  day,  is  drunk  the 
other,  and  signs  whatever  he  is  bid  [by  the 
Queen]. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  294.  (P.,  1787.) 

4880.  LOUIS  XVI.,  Honesty.— The  King 
is  the  honestest  man  in  his  kingdom,  and  the 
most  regular  and  economical.  He  has  no  foible 
which  will  enlist  him  against  the  good  of  his 
people ;  and  whatever  constitution  will  pro 
mote  this,  he  will  befriend.  But  he  will  not 
befriend  it  obstinately :  he  has  given  repeated 
proofs  of  a  readiness  to  sacrifice  his  opinion  to 
the  wish  of  the  nation.  I  believe  he  will  con 
sider  the  opinion  of  the  States  General,  as  the 
best  evidence  of  what  will  please  and  profit  the 
nation,  and  will  conform  to  it. — To  MR.  CUT 
TING,  ii,  470.  (P.,  Aug.  1788.) 

4881. .  He  is  an  honest,  unam 
bitious  man,  who  desires  neither  money  nor 
power  for  himself. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii,  28. 
(P.,  1789.) 

4882. .     The  King  is  honest,  and 

wishes  the  good  of  his  people ;  but  the  expedi 
ency  of  an  hereditary  aristocracy  is  too  difficult 
a  question  for  him.  On  the  contrary,  his  prej 
udices,  his  habits  and  his  connections,  decide 
him  in  his  heart  to  support  it. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
iii,  51.  (P.,  1789.) 

4883. .     The  King  has  an  honest 

heart. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  39. 
(P.,  1785-) 

4884.  LOUIS    XVI.,    Revenues.— It    is 

urged  principally  against  the  King  that  his 
revenue  is  one  hundred  and  thirty  millions 
more  than  that  of  his  predecessor  was,  and  yet 
he  demands  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions 
further. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  ii,  258.  (P.,  1787.) 


521 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Louis  XVI. 

Luzerue  (Marquis  de  la) 


4885.  LOUIS  XVI.,    Sincerity.— I    have 
not  a  single  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  the  King. 
— To    MR.    MASON,     iii,    72.     (P.,    July    1789.) 
See      MARIE     ANTOINETTE      and      REVOLUTION 
(FRENCH). 

4886.  LOUIS  XVIII.,  Restoration  of.— 

I  have  received  some  information  from  an  eye 
witness  of  what  passed  on  the  occasion  of  the 
second  return  of  Louis  XVIil.  The  Emperor 
Alexander,  it  seems,  was  solidly  opposed  to 
this.  In  the  consultation  of  the  allied  sover 
eigns  and  their  representatives  with  the  execu 
tive  council  at  Paris,  he  insisted  that  the 
Bourbons  were  too  incapable  and  unworthy  of 
being  placed  at  the  head  of  the  nation ;  de 
clared  he  would  support  any  other  choice  they 
should  freely  make,  and  continued  to  urge 
most  strenuously  that  some  other  choice  should 
be  made.  The  debates  ran  high  and  warm, 
and  broke  off  after  midnight,  every  one  re 
taining  his  own  opinion.  He  lodged  *  *  * 
at  Talleyrand's.  When  they  returned  into 
council  the  next  day,  his  host  had  overcome  his 
firmness.  Louis  XVIII.  was  accepted,  and 
through  the  management  of  Talleyrand,  ac 
cepted  without  any  capitulation,  although  the 
sovereigns  would  have  consented  that  he  should 
be  first  required  to  subscribe  and  swear  to  the 
constitution  prepared,  before  permission  to  en 
ter  the  kingdom.  It  would  seem  as  if  Talley 
rand  had  been  afraid  to  admit  the  smallest  in 
terval  of  time,  lest  a  change  of  mind  would 
bring  back  Bonaparte  on  them.  But  I  observe 
that  the  friends  of  a  limited  monarchy  there 
consider  the  popular  representation  as  much 
improved  by  the  late  alteration,  and  confident  it 
will  in  the  end  produce  a  fixed  government  in 
which  an  elective  body,  fairly  representative 
of  the  people,  will  be  an  efficient  element. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  82.  (P.F.,  1817.) 

4887.  LUXURIES,  The  Republic  and.— 

I  own  it  to  be  my  opinion,  that  good  will  arise 
from  the  destruction  of  our  credit  [in  Eu 
rope].  I  see  nothing  else  which  can  restrain 
our  disposition  to  luxury,  and  to  the  change 
of  those  manners  which  alone  can  preserve 
republican  government. — To  ARCHIBALD  STU 
ART,  i,  518.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  188.  (1786.) 

4888.  LUXURIES,     Taxation    of.— The 

*  *  *  revenue,  on  the  consumption  of  for 
eign  articles,  is  paid  cheerfully  by  those  who 
can  afford  to  add  foreign  luxuries  to  domestic 
comforts. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  viii, 
41.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  343.  (1805.) 

4889. .     The   great   mass   of  the 

articles  on  which  impost  is  paid  is  foreign 
luxuries,  purchased  by  those  only  who  are 
rich  enough  to  afford  themselves  the  use  of 
them. — SIXTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  68. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  494.  (Dec.  1806.) 

4890.  — .  The  government  which 

steps  out  of  the  ranks  of  the  ordinary  articles 
of  consumption  to  select  and  lay  under  dis 
proportionate  burthens  a  particular  one,  be 
cause  it  is  a  comfort,  pleasing  to  the  taste,  or 
necessary  to  health,  and  will  therefore  be 
bought,  is,  in  that  particular,  a  tyranny. — To 

SAMUEL  SMITH,     vii,  285.     FORD  ED.,  x,  252. 

(M.,  1819.)     See  TAXATION. 

_  LYNCH-LAW.— See  LAW. 
4891.  LUZERNE  (Marquis  de  la),  Dis 
appointments. — We  have,  for  some  time,  ex 


pected  that  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  would 
obtain  a  promotion  in  the  diplomatic  line  by 
being  appointed  to  some  of  the  courts  where  this 
country  keeps  an  ambassador.  But  none  of  the 
vacancies  taking  place,  I  think  the  present  dis 
position  is  to  require  his  return  to  his  station 
in  America.  He  told  me  himself  lately  that  he 
should  return  in  the  Spring.  I  have  never 
pressed  this  matter  on  the  court,  though  I  knew 
it  to  be  desirable  and  desired  on  our  part ;  be 
cause,  if  the  compulsion  on  him  to  return  had 
been  the  work  of  Congress,  he  would  have  re 
turned  in  such  ill  temper  with  them,  as  to 
disappoint  them  in  the  good  they  expected  from 
it.  He  would  forever  have  laid  at  their  door 
his  failure  of  promotion.  I  did  not  press  it  for 
another  reason,  which  is,  that  I  have  great  rea 
son  to  believe  that  the  character  of  the  Count  de 
Moustier,  who  would  go,  were  the  Chevalier 
to  be  otherwise  provided  for,  would  give  the 
most  perfect  satisfaction  in  America. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  106.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  364. 
(P,  1787.) 

4892.  LUZERNE  (Marquis  de  la),  Se 
cret  marriage.— The  Marquis  de  la  Luzerne 
had  been  for  many  years  married  to  his  broth 
er's  wife's  sister,  secretly.     She  was  ugly  and 
deformed,  but  sensible,  amiable,  and  rather  rich. 
When   he   was   named   ambassador   to    London, 
with  ten  thousand  guineas  a  year,  the  marriage 
was  avowed,  and  he  relinquished  his  cross  of 
Malta,    from    which    he    derived    a    handsome 
revenue  for  life,  and  which  was  very  open  to 
advancement.      She    stayed    here    [Paris]    and 
not  long  after  died.     His  real  affection  for  her, 
which   was   great   and   unfeigned,    and   perhaps 
the  loss  of  his  order  for  so  short-lived  a  sat 
isfaction,   has  thrown  him  almost   into   a  state 
of  despondency. — To  JAMES   MADISON,    ii,  445. 
FORD  EDV  v,  44.     (P.,  1788.) 

4893.  LUZERNE  (Marquis  de  la),  Trib 
ute   to. — This   government   is   now    formed, 
organized,    and    in    action;     and    it    considers 
among  its  earliest  duties,  and  assuredly  among 
its   most   cordial,    to   testify   to   you   the   regret 
which  the  people  and  government  of  the  United 
States  felt  at  your  removal  from  among  them  ; 
a  very  general  and  sincere  regret,  and  tempered 
only   by   the   consolation   of  your  personal   ad 
vancement,  which  accompanied  it.     You  will  re 
ceive,    Sir,    by   order   of   the    President   of   the 
United  States,  as  soon  as  they  can  be  prepared, 
a  medal  and  chain  of  gold,  of  which  he  desires 
your  acceptance  in  token  of  their  esteem,  and 
of   the    sensibility    with    which    they    will    ever 
recall  your  recollection  of  their  memory.     But 
as  this  compliment  may,  hereafter,  be  rendered 
to  other  missions,   from  which  yours  was  dis 
tinguished  by  eminent  circumstances,  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  wishes  to  pay  you  the 
distinct  tribute  of  an  express  acknowledgment 
of  your  services,  and  our  sense  of  them.     You 
came  to  us,   Sir,   through   all   the  perils   which 
encompassed   us   on   all   sides.      You   found   us 
struggling   and    suffering   under   difficulties,    as 
singular  and  trying  as  our  situation  was   new 
and  unprecedented.     Your  magnanimous  nation 
had    taken    side    with    us    in    the    conflict,    and 
yourself    became    the    centre    of    our    common 
councils,    the    link    which    connected    our    com 
mon  operations.     In  that  position  you  labored 
without    ceasing,     until    all    our    labors    were 
crowned  with  glory  to  your  nation,  freedom  to 
ours,  and  benefit  to  both.      During  the  whole, 
we    are   constant    evidence   of   your   zeal,    your 
abilities   and   your   good   faith.      We   desire   to 
convey  this  testimony  of  it  home  to  your  breast, 
and   to   that    of    your    sovereign,    our    best    and 
greatest  friend,  and  this  I  do,  Sir,  in  the  name, 


tyon  (Matthew) 
Madison  (James) 


THE'JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


522 


and  by  the  express  instruction  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LA 
LUZERNE.  iii,  141.  (N.Y.,  April  30,  1790.) 

4894.  LYON     (Matthew),     Prosecution 

of.— You  will  have  seen  the  disgusting  pro 
ceedings  in  the  case  of  Lyon.  If  they  would 
have  accepted  even  of  a  commitment  to  the 
Serjeant,  it  might  have  been  had.  But  to  get 
rid  of  his  vote  was  the  most  material  object. 
These  proceedings  must  degrade  the  General 
Government,  and  lead  the  people  to  lean  more 
on  their  State  governments,  which  have  been 
sunk  under  the  early  popularity  of  the  former. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  211.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
202.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

4895.  MACDONOUGH        (Commodore), 
Victory  of.— The  success  of  Macdonough  [in 
the  battle  of  Lake  Champlain]  has  been  happily 
timed  to  dispel  the  gloom  of  your  present  meet 
ing,  and  to  open  the  present  session  of  Congress 
with  hope  and  good  humor. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  488.     (M.,   1814.) 

4896. .     I    congratulate    you    on 

the  destruction  of  a  second  hostile  fleet  on  the 
Lakes  by  Macdonough.  *  *  *  While  our  ene 
mies  cannot  but  feel  shame  for  their  barbarous 
achievements  at  Washington,  they  will  be  stung 
to  the  soul  by  these  repeated  victories  over  them 
on  that  element  on  which  they  wish  the  world 
to  think  them  invincible.  We  have  dissipated 
that  error.  They  must  now  feel  a  conviction 
themselves  that  we  can  beat  them  gun  to  gun, 
ship  to  ship,  and  fleet  to  fleet,  and  that  their 
early  successes  on  'the  land  have  been  either 
purchased  from  traitors,  or  obtained  from  raw 
men  entrusted  of  necessity  with  commands  for 
which  no  experience  had  qualified  them.,  and 
that  every  day  is  adding  that  experience  to  un 
questioned  bravery. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
vi,  386.  (M.,  1814.) 

4897.  MACE,  Design  for.— I  send  you  a 
design  for  a  Mace  by  Dr.  Thornton,  whose  taste 
and  inspiration  are  both  good.     But  I  am  not 
satisfied  with  the  introduction  of  the  rattlesnake 
into  the  design.     There  is  in  man  as  well  as 
brutes,   an  antipathy  to  the  snake,  which  ren 
ders  it  a  disgusting  object  wherever  it  is  pre 
sented.    I  would  myself  rather  adopt  the  Roman 
staves   and   axe,   trite   as   it   is ;    or   perhaps   a 
sword,   sheathed  in   a  roll  of  parchment    (that 
is   to   say   an   imitation   in   metal   of   a   roll   of 
parchment),  written  over,  in  the  raised  Gothic 
letters  of  the  law,  with  that  part  of  the  Con 
stitution     which     establishes     the     House     of 
Representatives,  for  that  house,  or  the  Senate. 
For  the  Senate,  however,  if  you  have  that  same 
disgust  for  the  snake,  I  am  sure  you  will  your 
self  imagine  some  better  substitute ;  or  perhaps 
you    will    find    that    disgust    overbalanced    by 
stronger  considerations  in  favor  of  the  emblem. 
— To  GOVERNOR  HENRY  LEE.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  320. 
(Pa.,  I793-) 

4898.  MACON    (Nathaniel)    Confidence 
in. — Some  enemy  whom  we  know  not,  is  sow 
ing  tares  among  us.     Between  you  and  myself 
nothing   but    opportunities    of    explanation    can 
be    necessary    to    defeat   those    endeavors.      At 
least  on   my  part  my   confidence   in   you   is  so 
unqualified  that  nothing  further  is  necessary  for 
my  satisfaction.     I  must,  therefore,  ask  a  con 
versation     with     you. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  439.   (W.,   1806.) 

4899. .  While  such  men  as  your 
self  and  your  worthy  colleagues  of  the  legis 
lature,  and  such  characters  as  compose  the  ex 
ecutive  administration,  are  watching  for  us  all, 


I  slumber  without  fear,  and  review  in  my 
dreams  the  visions  of  antiquity.  * — To  NATHAN 
IEL  MACON.  vii,  in.  FORD  ED.,  x,  120.  (M., 
1819.) 

—  MADEIRA,  Climate  of.— See  CLI 
MATE. 

4900.  MADISON  (James),  Ability  of.— 

Mr.  Madison  came  into  the  House  [Legislature 
of  Virginia]  in  1776,  a  new  member  and  young; 
which  circumstances,  concurring  with  his  ex 
treme  modesty,  prevented  his  venturing  himself 
in  debate  before  his  removal  to  the  Council 
of  State,  in  November,  '77.  From  thence  he 
went  to  Congress,  then  consisting  of  few  mem 
bers.  Trained  in  these  successive  schools,  he 
acquired  a  habit  of  self-possession,  which  placed 
at  ready  command  the  rich  resources  of  his 
luminous  and  discriminating  mind,  and  of  his 
extensive  information,  and  rendered  him  the 
first  of  every  assembly  afterwards,  of  which 
he  became  a  member.  Never  wandering  from 
his  subject  into  vain  declamation,  but  pursu 
ing  it  closely,  in  language  pure,  classical  and 
copious,  soothing  always  the  feelings  of  his 
adversaries  by  civilities  and  softness  of  expres 
sion,  he  rose  to  the  eminent  station  which  he 
held  in  the  great  National  Convention  of  1787  ; 
and  in  that  of  Virginia  which  followed,  he 
sustained  the  new  Constitution  in  all  its  parts, 
bearing  off  the  palm  against  the  logic  of  George 
Mason,  and  the  fervid  declamation  of  Mr. 
[Patrick]  Henry.  With  these  consummate 
powers,  were  united  a  pure  and  spotless  virtue, 
which  no  calumny  has  ever  attempted  to  sully. 
Of  the  powers  and  polish  of  his  pen,  and  of 
the  wisdom  of  his  administration  in  the  highest 
office  of  the  nation,  I  need  say  nothing.  They 
have  spoken,  and  will  forever  speak  for  them 
selves. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  41.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
56.  (1821.) 

4901.  MADISON  (James),  Administra 
tion  of. — I  leave  everything  in  the  hands  of 
men  so  able  to  take  care  of  them,  that  if  we 
are  destined  to  meet  misfortunes,  it  will  be  be 
cause  no  human  wisdom  could  avert  them. — To 
DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,     v,  433.   (W.,  1809.) 

4902. .  If  peace  can  be  pre 
served,  I  hope  and  trust  you  will  have  a  smooth 
administration.  I  know  no  government  which 
would  be  so  embarrassing  in  war  as  ours.  This 
would  proceed  very  much  from  the  lying  and 
licentious  character  of  our  papers ;  but  much, 
also,  from  the  wonderful  credulity  of  the  mem 
bers  of  Congress  in  the  floating  lies  of  the  day. 
And  in  this  no  experience  seems  to  correct 
them.  I  have  never  seen  a  Congress  during 
the  last  eight  years,  a  majority  of  which  I 
would  not  implicitly  have  relied  on  in  any 
question,  could  their  minds  have  been  purged  of 
all  errors  of  fact.  The  evil,  too,  increases 
greatly  with  the  protraction  of  the  session,  and 
I  apprehend,  in  case  of  war,  their  session  would 
have  a  tendency  to  become  permanent. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON.  v,  437.  (W.,  March 
1809.) 

4903. .     Any    services    which    I 

could  have  rendered  will  be  more  than  supplied 
by  the  wisdom  and  virtues  of  my  successor. 
— REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  v,  473.  (M.,  1809.) 

*  Nathaniel  Macon  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  1801  to  1806,  and  subsequently 
United  States  Senator  from  North  Carolina.  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke  made  him  one  of  the  legatees 
of  his  estate,  and  said  of  him  in  his  will,  "he  is  tho 
best,  the  purest,  and  wisest  man  I  ever  knew". — 
EDITOR. 


523 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Madison  (James) 


4904.  — .     Mr.  Madison  is  my  sue 

cessor.  This  ensures  to  us  a  wise  and  hones' 
administration. — To  BARON  HUMBOLDT.  v,  41  s 
(W.,  1809.) 

4905. .     I  do  not  take  the  trouble 

of  forming  opinions  on  what  is  passing  among 
[my  successors],  because  I  have  such  entire 
confidence  in  their  integrity  and  wisdom  as  to 
be  satisfied  all  is  going  right,  and  that  every  one 
is  best  in  the  station  confided  to  him. — To  DA 
VID  HOWELL.  v,  555.  (M.,  1810.) 

4906. .  Anxious,  in  my  retire 
ment,  to  enjoy  undisturbed  repose,  my  knowl 
edge  of  my  successor  and  late  coadjutors,  and 
my  entire  confidence  in  their  wisdom  and  in 
tegrity,  were  assurances  to  me  that  I  might 
sleep  in  security  with  such  watchmen  at  the 
helm,  and  that  whatever  difficulties  and  dan 
gers  should  assail  our  course,  they  would  do 
what  could  be  done  to  avoid  or  surmount  them. 
In  this  confidence  I  envelop  myself,  and  hope  to 
slumber  on  to  my  last  sleep.  And  should  dif 
ficulties  occur  which  they  cannot  avert,-  if  we 
follow  them  in  phalanx,  we  shall  surmount  them 
without  danger. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  533. 
(M.,  1810.) 

4907. .     If  you   will   except   the 

bringing  into  power  and  importance  those  who 
were  enemies  to  himself  as  well  as  to  the 
principles  of  republican  government,  I  do  not 
recollect  a  single  measure  of  the  President 
which  I  have  not  approved.  Of  those  under 
him,  and  of  some  very  near  him,  there  have 
been  many  acts  of  which  we  have  all  disap 
proved,  and  he  more  than  we. — To  THOMAS 
LEIPER.  vi,  465.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  521.  (M.,  1815.) 

4908.  MADISON    (James),    Confidence 
in. — In  all  cases  I  am  satisfied  you  are  doing 
what  is  for  the  best,  as  far  as  the  means  put 
into    your    hands    will    enable    you,    and    this 
thought  quiets  me  under  every  occurrence. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,   vi,  114.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  ^84 
(M.,  May  1813.) 

—  MADISON  (James),  Election  contest. 
—  See  HENRY  (PATRICK). 

4909.  MADISON  (James),  Federal  Con- 
vention    debates. — In  a  society  of  members, 
between   whom   and  yourself   are  great   mutual 
esteem   and   respect,   a   most  anxious   desire   is 
expressed  that  you  would  publish  your  debates 
of  the  [Federal]  Convention.    That  these  meas 
ures    of    the    army,    navy    and    direct    tax    will 
bring   about    a   revolution    of   public   sentiment 
is   thought   certain,    and   that   the    Constitution 
will  then  receive  a  different  explanation.     Could 
those  debates  be  ready  to  appear  critically,  their 
effect  would  be  decisive.     I  beg  of  you  to  turn 
this    subject    in    your    mind.      The    arguments 
against  it  will  be  personal ;  those  in  favor  of  it 
moral ;  and  something  is  required  from  you  as 
a  set  off  against  the  sin  of  your  retirement. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,   iv,  263.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  318. 
(Pa.,  Jan.  1799.) 

4910.  MADISON     (James),     Hamilton 
and. — Hamilton  is  really  a  Colossus  to  the 
anti-republican    party.  *   *  *  When    he    comes 
forward,  there  is  nobody  but  yourself  who  can 
meet  him. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    iv,  121.     FORD 
ED.,  vii,  32.     (M.,   1795.) 

4911. .     You   will   see  in   Fenno 

two  numbers  of  a  paper  signed  "  Marcellus  ". 
They  promise  much  mischief,  and  are  ascribed, 
without  any  difference  of  opinion,  to  [Alexan 


der]  Hamilton.  You  must  take  your  pen  against 
this  champion.  You  know  the  ingenuity  of  his 
talents;  and  there  is  not  a  person  but  yourself 
who  can  foil  him.  For  heaven's  sake,  then,  take 
up  your  pen,  and  do  not  desert  the  public  cause 
altogether. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  231  FORD 
EDV  vii,  231.  (Pa.,  April  1798.) 

4912. .     Let  me  pray  and  beseech 

you  to  set  apart  a  certain  portion  of  every  post 
day  to  write  what  may  be  proper  for  the  public 
Send  it  to  me  while  here  [Philadelphia],  and 
when  I  go  away  I  will  let  you  know  to  whom 
you  may  send,  so  that  your  name  will  be  sa 
credly  secret.  You  can  render  such  incalculable 
services  in  this  way,  as  to  lessen  the  effect  of 
our  loss  of  your  presence  here. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON  iv,  281.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  344.  (Pa.,  Feb. 
I799-) 

4913.  MADISON      (James),      Jefferson 
and  administration  of.— The  unwarrantable 
ideas   often   expressed   in   the   newspapers,   and 
by   persons   who   ought   to   know   better,   that   I 
intermeddle  in  the  Executive  councils,  and  the 
indecent  expressions,  sometimes,  of  a  hope  that 
Mr.   Madison  will  pursue  the  principles  of  my 
administration,   expressions   so   disrespectful   to 
his  known  abilities  and  dispositions,  have  ren 
dered  it  improper  in  me  to  hazard  suggestions 
to   him,   on   occasions   even   where   ideas  might 
occur  to  me,  that  might  accidentally  escape  him. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  123.     (M.,  1813.) 

—  MADISON  (James),  Jefferson,  Presi 
dency  and.— See  PRESIDENT. 

4914.  MADISON    (James),    Jefferson's 
bequest    to.— I    give    to    my    friend,    James 
Madison,  of  Montpelier,  my  gold-mounted  walk 
ing-staff    of    animal    horn,    as    a    token    of   the 
cordial  and  affectionate   friendship,   which,   for 
nearly    now    an    half-century,     has    united    us 
in    the    same   principles    and    pursuits    of    what 
we  have  deemed  for  the  greatest  good  of  our 
country. — JEFFERSON'S     WILL,     ix,     514.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  395.     (March  1826.) 

4915.  MADISON    (James),    Jefferson's 
friendship     for.— My     friendship     for     Mr. 
Madison,    my    confidence    in    his    wisdom    and 
virtue,  and  my  approbation  of  all  his  measures, 
and   especially   of  his  taking  up   at  length   the 
gauntlet  against  England,  is  known  to  all  with 
whom   I   have  ever  conversed  or  corresponded 
on   these   measures.— To    THOMAS    LEIPER.     vi 
465.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  521.     (M.,  1815.) 

4916.  —         _.      The     friendship     which 
has  subsisted  between  us,  now  half  a  century, 
and  the  harmony  of  our  political  principles  and 
pursuits,  have  been  sources  of  constant  happi 
ness  to  me  through  that  long  period.     And   if 
[  remove  beyond  the  reach  of  attentions  to  the 
University,  or  beyond  the  bourne  of  life  itself, 
as   I   soon   must,   it  is  a  comfort  to  leave  that 
institution   under  your  care,   and   an   assurance 
that  it  will  not  be  wanting.     It  has  also  been 
a  great  solace  to  me,  to  believe  that  you  are  en 
gaged  in  vindicating  to  posterity  the  course  we 
have  pursued  for  preserving  to  them,  in  all  their 

mrity,  the  blessings  of  self-government,  which 
we  had  assisted,  too,  in  acquiring  for  them 
If  ever  the  earth  has  beheld  a  system  of  ad 
ministration  conducted  with  a  single  and  stead- 
"ast  eye  to  the  general  interest  and  happiness 

f  those  committed  to  it,  one  which,  protected 

)y  truth,  can  never  know  reproach,  it  is  that  to 
which  our  lives  have  been  devoted.  To  my 
self  you  have  been  a  pillar  of  support  through 

ife.     Take    care    of    me    when    dead,    and    be 


Madison  (James) 
Maine 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


524 


assured  that  I  shall  leave  with  you  my  last 
affections.* — To  JAMES  MADISON,  vii,  434. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  377.  (M.,  February  1826.) 

4917.  MADISON  (James),  John  Adams 
and. — Charles  Lee  consulted  a  member  from 
Virginia    to    know    whether    [John]     Marshall 
would  be  agreeable  [as  Minister  to  France].  He 
named  you,  as  more  likely  to  give  satisfaction. 
The   answer   was,    "  nobody    of    Mr.    Madison's 
way  of  thinking  will  be  appointed  ". — To  JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,    179.     FORD   ED.,  vii,    132.     (Pa., 
June  I797-) 

4918.  MADISON     (James),     Judgment 
of. — There  is  no  sounder  judgment  than  his. 
To    J.    W.    EPPES.      FORD    ED.,    ix,    484.      (M., 
1814.) 

—  MADISON  (James),  Marbury  vs.— 
See  MARBURY  vs.  MADISON. 

_  MADISON  (James),  Monroe  and.— 
See  MONROE. 

4919.  MADISON  (James),  Opinions  of. 
— No  man  weighs  more  maturely  than  Mr. 
Madison  before  he  takes  a  side  on  any  ques 
tion. — To  PEREGRINE  FITZHUGH.     iv,  170.     (M., 
I797-) 

4920.  MADISON    (James),    Opposition 
to. — With   respect   to   the   opposition   threat 
ened,  although  it  may  give  some  pain,   no  in 
jury  of  consequence  is  to  be  apprehended.     Du- 
ane  flying  off  from  the  government,  may,  for  a 
little  while,  throw  confusion  into  our  ranks  as 
John   Randolph   did.     But,    after   a   moment   of 
time  to  reflect  and  rally,  and  to  see  where  he 
is,  we  shall  stand  our  ground  with  firmness.     A 
few   malcontents   will   follow   him,   as   they   did 
John  Randolph,  and  perhaps  he  may  carry  off 
some  well-meaning  Anti-Snyderites  of  Pennsyl 
vania.     The  federalists  will  sing  hosannas,  and 
the  world  will  thus  know  of  a  truth  what  they 
are.     This    new    minority    will    perhaps    bring 
forward  their  new  favorite,  who  seems  already 
to  have  betrayed  symptoms  of  consent.     They 
will  blast  him  in  the  bud,  which  will  be  no  mis 
fortune.     They  will  sound  the  tocsin  against  the 
ancient    dominion,    and    anti-dominionism    may 
become  their  rallying  point.     And  it  is  better 
that  all  this  should  happen  two  than  six  years 
hence. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
321.     (M.,  April  1811.) 

4921.  MADISON  (James),  Pure  princi 
ples  of. — I  know  them  both   [Mr.   Madison 
and  Mr.   Monroe]   to  be  of  principles  as  truly 
republican    as    any    men    living. — To    THOMAS 
RITCHIE,      vii,    191.      FORD  ED.,  x,    170.      (M., 
1820.) 

4922.  MADISON  (James),  Reelection  as 
President. — I  have  known  Mr.  Madison  from 
1779,  when  he  first  came  into  the  public    councils, 
and   from  three   and  thirty  years'   trial,   I   can 
say  conscientiously  that  I  do  not  know  in  the 
world  a  man  of  purer  integrity,  more  dispassion 
ate,   disinterested,   and   devoted  to  genuine  re 
publicanism  ;   nor   could   I,   in   the  whole   scope 
of  America  and  Europe,  point  out  an  abler  head. 
He  may  be  illy  seconded  by  others,  betrayed  by 
the  Hulls  and  Arnolds  of  our  country,  for  such 
there   are   in   every   country,    and   with   sorrow 
and  suffering  we  know  it.     But  what  man  can 
do  will  be  done  by  Mr.  Madison.     I  hope,  there- 
tore,  there  will  be  no  difference  among  republic 
ans   as   to   his   reelection;    we   shall   know   his 

*  The  quotation  is  from  the  last  letter  written  by 
Jefferson  to  Madison.— EDITOR. 


value  when  we  have  to  give  him  up,  and  to 
look  at  large  for  his  successor. — To  THOMAS  C. 
FLOURNEY.  vi,  82.  (M.,  Oct.  1812.) 

4923.  MADISON  (James),    Removal  of 
Armstrong. — If  our  operations  have  suffered 
or  languished  from  any  want  of  injury  in  the 
present  head   [of  the  War  Department]   which 
directs    them,    I    have    so    much    confidence    in 
the  wisdom  and  conscientious  integrity  of  Mr. 
Madison,  as  to  be  satisfied,  that  however  tortur 
ing  to  his  feelings,  he  will  fulfil  his  duty  to  the 
public  and  to  his  own  reputation,  by  making  the 
necessary    change. — To    WILLIAM    DUANE.     vi, 
81.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  369.     (M.,  Oct.   1812.) 

4924.  MADISON  (James),  Republican 
ism  of. — Our  enemies  may  try  their  cajoleries 
with  my  successor.     They  will  find  him  as  im 
movable    in    his    republican    principles    as    him 
whom   they   have   honored   with   their   peculiar 
enmity. — To    DR.    E.    GRIFFITH,     v,   451.     £M., 
1809.) 

4925.  MADISON    (James),    Services   to 
Jefferson. — Mr.   Madison   is  entitled  to  his 
full  share  of  all  the  measures  of  my  administra 
tion.     Our   principles   were   the   same,    and   we 
never    differed    sensibly    in    the    application    of 
them. — To  W.  C.  NICHOLAS.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  252. 
(M.,  !8o9.) 

4926.  MADISON    (James),    Statesman 
ship. — Our  ship  is  sound,  the  crew  alert  at 
their    posts,    and    our    ablest    steersman    at    its 
helm. — To    JOHN  MELISH.  v,  573.     (M.,  1811.) 

4927.  MADISON    (James),    University 
of  Virginia  and. — I  do  not  entertain  your 
apprehensions  for  the  happiness  of  our  brother 
Madison  in  a  state  of  retirement.    Such  a  mind 
as  his,  fraught  with  information  and  \yith  matter 
for  reflection,  can  never  know  ennui.     Besides, 
there  will  always  be  work  enough  cut  out  for 
him   to   continue   his    active   usefulness   to   his 
country.     For    example,    he    and    Monroe    (the 
President)    are   now  here    (Monticello)    on  the 
work  of  a  collegiate  institution  to  be  established 
in   our   neighborhood,    of  which   they   and   my 
self  are  three  of  six  visitors.     This,  if  it  suc 
ceeds,  will  raise  up  children  for  Mr.   Madison 
to  employ  his  attention  through  life. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,     vii,  62.     (M.,   1817.) 

4928.  MADISON  (James),  Wisdom  of. 

— My  successor,  to  the  purest  principles  of  re 
publican  patriotism,  adds  a  wisdom  and  fore 
sight  second  to  no  man  on  earth. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  v,  508.  (M.,  1810.) 

—  MAGNETIC     NEEDLE.— See     LATI 
TUDE  AND  LONGITUDE. 

4929.  MAILS,   Expediting.— The   Presi 
dent  has  desired  me  to  confer  with  you  on 
the  proposition  I  made  the  other  day,  of  en 
deavoring  to  move  the  posts  at  the  rate  of  one 
hundred  miles  a  day.     It  is  believed  to  be 
practicable   here,    because    it    is    practiced    in 
every  other  country.     *     *     *     I  am  anxious 
that  the  thing  should  be  begun  by  way  of  ex 
periment,    for    a    short    distance,    because    I 
believe  it  will  so  increase  the  income  of  the 
post-office  as  to   show  we  may  go  through 
with  it. — To    COLONEL    PICKERING,      iii,  344. 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

4930.  MAINE,  English  encroachments. 
— The  English  encroachments  on  the  province 


525 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Maine 
Majority 


of  Maine  become  serious.  They  have  seized 
vessels,  too,  on  our  coast  of  Passamaquoddy, 
thereby  displaying  a  pretension  to  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  sepa 
rates  Nova  Scotia  and  Maine,  and  belongs  as 
much  to  us  as  them. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAY 
ETTE,  ii,  21.  (P.,  1786.) 

4931.  MAINE,   Independence    of.— If  I 

do  not  contemplate  this  subject  [the  Missouri 
question]  with  pleasure,  I  do  sincerely  [con 
template]  that  of  the  independence  of  Maine, 
and  the  wise  choice  they  have  made  of  General 
King  in  the  agency  of  their  affairs. — To  MARK 
LANGDON  HILL,  vii,  155.  (M.,  1820.) 

4932.  MAJORITY,  Abuses  by.— The  ma 
jority,  oppressing  an  individual,  is  guilty  of 
a  crime;  abuses  its  strength,  and,  by  acting 
on  the  law  of  the  strongest,  breaks  up  the 
foundations     of     society. — To     DUPONT     DE 
NEMOURS,     vi,  591.    FORD  ED.,  x,  24.     (P.F., 
1816.) 

4933.  MAJORITY,  Dissent  from.— It  is 
true  that  dissentients  have  a  right  to  go  over 
to  the  minority,  and  to  act  with  them.     But 
I  do  not  believe  your  mind  has  contemplated 
that  course ;  that  it  has  deliberately  viewed 
the   strange  company  into   which   it  may  be 
led,  step  by  step,  unintended  and  unperceived 
by  itself.    The  example  of  John  Randolph  is 
a  caution  to  all  honest  and  prudent  men,  to 
sacrifice  a  little  of  self-confidence,  and  to  go 
with  their  friends,  although  they  may  some 
times  think  they  are  going  wrong.     *     * 
As  far  as  my  good  will  may  go  ( for  I  can  no 
longer  act),  I  shall  adhere  to  my  government, 
Executive  and   Legislative,   and,   as  long  as 
they   are   republican,    I    shall   go   with   their 
measures    whether    I    think    them    right    or 
wrong;  because  I  know  they  are  honest,  and 
are  wiser  and  better  informed  than  I  am.     In 
doing  this,  however,  I  shall  not  give  up  the 
friendship  of  those  who  differ  from  me,  and 
who  have  equal   right  with  myself  to  shape 
their  own  course. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.     v, 
592.    FORDED.,  ix,  316.    (M.,  1811.) 

4934.  MAJORITY,   Force  vs.— Absolute 
acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority, 
— the  vital  principle  of  republics,  from  which 
is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital  principle 
and  immediate  parent  of  despotism,  I  deem 
[one  of  the]  essential  principles  of  our  gov 
ernment     and,     consequently,      [one]     which 
ought  to  shape  its  administration. — FIRST  IN 
AUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii,  4.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  4. 
(1801.) 

4935.  MAJORITY,    Generations   and.— 

This  corporeal  globe,  and  everything  upon  it, 
belong  to  its  present  corporeal  inhabitants, 
during  their  generation.  They  alone  have  a 
right  to  direct  what  is  the  concern  of  them 
selves  alone,  and  to  declare  the  law  of  that 
direction ;  and  this  declaration  can  only  be 
made  by  their  majority. — To  SAMUEL  KER- 
CHIVAL.  vii,  1 6.  FORD  ED.,  x,  44.  (M., 
1816.) 

4936. .     A  generation  may  bind 

itself  as  long  as  its  majority  continues  in  life; 
when  that  has  disappeared,  another  majority 
is  in  place,  holds  all  the  rights  and  powers 


their  predecessors  once  held,  and  may  change 
their  laws  and  institutions  to  suit  themselves. 
—To     JOHN      CARTWKIGHT.     vii,     359.    M., 
824.)     See  GENERATIONS. 

4937.  MAJORITY,  Law  of.— Where  the 
law  of  the  majority  ceases  to  be  acknowl 
edged,  there  government  ends ;  the  law  of  the 
strongest  takes  its  place,  and  life  and  prop 
erty  are  his  who  can  take  them. — R.  TO  A. 
ANNAPOLIS  CITIZENS,     viii,  150.     (1809.) 

4938.  -  — .     The   lex   majoris  partis 
[is]  founded  in  common  law  as  well  as  com 
mon  right.— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,   367. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  229.     (1782.) 

4939.  MAJORITY,    Natural    law.— The 
lex  majoris  partis  is  the  natural  law  of  every 
assembly   of    men,    whose    numbers    are    not 
fixed  by  any  other  law. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  367.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  230.     (1782.) 

4940.  -  _.     The  law  of  the  majority 
is  the  natural  law  of  every  society  of  men. — 
OFFICAL  OPINION,    vii,  496.    FORD  ED.,  v,  206. 
1790.) 

4941. .     The   lex  majoris  partis 

is  a  fundamental  law  of  nature,  by  which  alone 
self-government  can  be  exercised  by  a  so 
ciety. — To  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE.  FORD  ED.,  vii 
417-  (Pa.,  1800.) 

4942.  MAJORITY,  Oppressive.— I    have 
seen  with  deep  concern  the  afflicting  oppres 
sion  under  which  the  republican  citizens  of 
Connecticut  suffer  from  an  unjust  majority. 
The  truths  expressed  in  your  letter  have  been 
long  exposed  to  the  nation  through  the  chan 
nel  of  the  public  papers,  and  are  the  more 
readily  believed  because  most  of  the  States 
during  the  momentary  ascendancy  of  kindred 
majorities  in  them,  have  seen  the  same  spirit 
of  oppression  prevail. — To  THOMAS  SEYMOUR. 
v,  43.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  29.     (W.,  1807.) 

4943.  MAJORITY,  Reasonable.— Bear  in 

mind  this  sacred  principle,  that  though  the 
will  of  the  majority  is  in  all  cases  to  prevail, 
that  will,  to  be  rightful,  must  be  reasonable; 
that  the  minority  possess  their  equal  rights, 
which  equal  laws  must  protect,  and  to  violate 
would  be  oppression. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii.  2.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  2.  (March 
1801.) 

4944.  MAJORITY,  Representatives  of. 
—Our  Executive  and  Legislative  authorities 
are  the  choice  of  the  nation,  and  possess  the 
nation's  confidence.    They  are  chosen  because 
they  possess  it,  and  the  recent  elections  prove 
it  has  not  been  abated  by  the  attacks  which 
have  for  some  time  been  kept  up  against  them. 
If  the  measures  which  have  been  pursued  are 
approved  by  the  majority,  it  is  the  dutv  of 
the  minority  to  acquiesce  and  conform. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.    v,  592.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  315. 
(M.,  1811.) 

4945.  MAJORITY,     Respect    for.— The 

measures  of  the  fair  majority  *  *  *  ought 
always  to  be  respected. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  461.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  103. 
(M.,  1792.) 


Majority 
Man 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


526 


4946.  MAJORITY,  Slender.— After  an 
other  election  our  majority  will  be  two  to  one 
in  the  Senate,  and  it  would  not  be  for  the 
public  good  to  have  it  greater. — To  JOEL  BAR 
LOW,  iv,  437.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  149.  (W.,  May 
1802.) 

4947. .  The  first  principle  of  re 
publicanism  is  that  the  lex  majoris  partis  is 
the  fundamental  law  of  every  society  of  in 
dividuals  of  equal  rights;  to  consider  the  will 
of  the  society  enounced  by  the  majority  of  a 
single  vote  as  sacred  as  if  unanimous,  is  the 
first  of  all  lessons  in  importance,  yet  the  last 
which  is  thoroughly  learnt.  This  law  once 
disregarded,  no  other  remains  but  that  of 
force,  which  ends  necessarily  in  military  des 
potism.  This  has  been  the  history  of  the 
French  Revolution. — To  F.  H.  ALEXANDER 

VON     HUMBOLDT.      VU,     75-      FORD     ED.,     X,     89. 

(M.,  1817.) 
4948.  MAJORITY,    Submission    to.— If 

we  are  faithful  to  our  country,  if  we  acquiesce, 
with  good  will,  in  the  decisions  of  the  ma 
jority,  and  the  nation  moves  in  mass  in  the 
same  direction,  although  it  may  not  be  that 
which  every  individual  thinks  best,  we  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  any  quarter. — R.  TO  A. 
VIRGINIA  BAPTISTS,  viii,  139.  (1808.) 

4949. .  I  readily  suppose  my 

opinion  wrong,  when  opposed  by  the  major 
ity. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  447.  FORD  ED., 
v,  48.  (P.,  1788.) 

4950. .  The  fundamental  law  of 

every  society  is  the  lex  majoris  partis,  to 
which  we  are  bound  to  submit. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS,  iii,  13.  FORD  ED.,  v,  90.  (P., 
1789.) 

4951.  MAJORITY,  Will  of.— The  will  of 
the  majority  honestly  expressed  should  give 
law. — ANAS,  ix,  131.  FORD  ED.,  i,  215. 
(I793-) 

4952. .  It  is  my  principle  that 

the  will  of  the  majority  should  always  pre 
vail. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  332.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  479-  (P.,  1787.) 

4953. .  It  accords  with  our  prin 
ciples  to  acknowledge  any  government  to  be 
rightful  which  is  formed  by  the  will  of  the 
nation  substantially  declared. — To  GOUVER- 
NEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  489.  (1792.) 

4954. .  We  are  sensible  of  the 

duty  and  expediency  of  submitting  our  opin 
ions  to  the  will  of  the  majority,  and  can 
wait  with  patience  till  they  get  right,  if  they 
happen  to  be  at  any  time  wrong. — To  JOHN 
BRECKENRIDGE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  418.  (Pa.,  Jan. 
1800.) 

4955. .  The  fundamental  princi 
ple  of  the  government  is  that  the  will  of  the 
majority  is  to  prevail. — To  DR.  WILLIAM 
EUSTIS.  v,  411.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  236.  (W., 
Jan.  1809.) 

4956.  MALESHEKBES  (C.  G.  de  la  M.), 
Eminence. — He  is  unquestionably  the  first 
character  in  the  kingdom  for  integrity,  patriot 
ism,  knowledge  and  experience  in  business. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  157.  (P.,  1787.) 


4957.  MALESHERBES  (C.  G.  de  la  M.), 

Integrity. — I  am  particularly  happy  at  the 
reentry  of  Malesherbes  into  the  Council.  His 
knowledge,  his  integrity,  render  his  value  in 
appreciable,  and  the  greater  to  me,  because, 
while  he  had  no  views  of  office.,  we  had  estab 
lished  together  the  most  unreserved  intimacy. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  153.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
392.  (P.,  1787.) 

4958. .     No  man's  recommenda 
tion  merits  more  reliance  than  that  of  M.   de 

Malesherbes. — To  .      v,     381.      (W 

1808.) 

4959.  MALICE,    Escape    from. — If    you 

meant  to  escape  malice,  you  should  have  con 
fined  yourself  within  the  sleepy  line  of  reg 
ular  duty. — To  JAMES  STEPTOE.  i,  324.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  63.  (1782.) 

4960.  MALICE,  Political.— You  certainly 
acted  wisely  in  taking  no  notice  of  what  the 
malice  of  Pickering  could  say  of  you.     Were 
such  things  to  be  answered,  our  lives  would  be 
wasted  in  the  filth  of  fendings  and  provings, 
instead  of  being  employed  in  promoting  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  our  fellow  citi 
zens.     The  tenor  of  your  life  is  the  proper 
and  sufficient  answer. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vii, 
62.     (M.,  1817.) 

4961.  MALICE,    Virtue   and.— There    is 
no   act,   however  virtuous,    for   which   inge 
nuity   may   not   find    some   bad   motive. — To 
EDWARD  DOWSE,    iv,  477.     (W.,  1803.) 

4962. .     Malice  will  always  find 

bad  motives  for  good  actions.  Shall  we 
therefore  never  do  good? — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON,  v,  524.  (M.,  1810.) 

4963.  MAN",    A    curious    animal.— Man 
is  in  all  his  shapes  a  curious  animal. — To  MR. 
VOLNEY.    iv,  159.     (M.,  1797.) 

4964.  MAN,  Destructive.— In  the  whole 
animal   kingdom    I    recollect   no    family   but 
man,  steadily  and  systematically  employed  in 
the  destruction  of  itself.     Nor  does  what  is 
called  civilization  produce  any  other  effect, 
than  to  teach  him  to  pursue  the  principle  of 
the  bellum  omnium  in  omnia  on  a  greater 
scale,   and   instead   of   the   little  contest  be 
tween  tribe  and  tribe,  to  comprehend  all  the 
quarters  of  the  earth  in  the  same  work  of 
destruction.       If  to  this  we  add,  that  as  to 
other  animals,  the  lions  and  tigers  are  mere 
lambs    compared    with    man   as    a    destroyer, 
we  must  conclude  that  nature  has  been  able 
to    find    in    man    alone    a    sufficient    barrier 
against  the  too  great  multiplication  of  other 
animals  and  of  man  himself,  an  equilibrating 
power   against   the   fecundity   of   generation. 
While  in  making  these  observations,  mv  sit 
uation  points  my  attention  to  the  warfare  of 
man  in  the  physical  world,  yours  may  pre 
sent  him  as  equally  warring  in  the  moral  one. 
—To  JAMES  MADISON,      iv,   156.      FORD  ED., 
vii,  99-     (I797-) 

4965. .    The  greatest  honor  of  a 

man  is  in  doing  good  to  his  fellow  men,  not 
in  destroying  them. — ADDRESS  TO  INDIANS. 
viii,  208.  (1807.) 


527 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Man 
Manners 


4966. .     The  Great  Spirit  did  not 

make  men  that  they  might  destroy  one  an 
other,  but  doing  to  each  other  all  the  good 
in  their  power,  and  thus  filling  the  land  with 
happiness  instead  of  misery  and  murder. — 
INDIAN  ADDRESS,  viii,  228.  (1809.) 

4967.  MAN,    Freedom    and    happiness 
of. — The    freedom    and    happiness    of    man 
*    *    *    are  the  sole  objects  of  all  legitimate 
government.— To    GENERAL    KOSCIUSKO.      v, 
509.     (M.,  1810.) 

—  MAN,  Future  generations  and.— See 
GENERATIONS. 

4968.  MAN,  Goodness  in.— I  am  not  yet 
decided  to  drop  Lownes,  on  account  of  his 
being  a  good  man,  and  I  like  much  to  be  in 
the  hands  of  good  men.    There  is  great  pleas 
ure  in  unlimited  confidence. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  62.     (M.,  1796.) 

4969.  MAN,  Honesty  of.— Men  are  dis 
posed  to  live  honestly,  if  the  means  of  doing 
so  are  open  to  them. — To   M.   DE  MARBOIS. 
vii,  77.     (M.,  1817.) 

4970. .  In  truth  man  is  not  made 

to  be  trusted  for  life,  if  secured  against  all 
liability  to  account.— To  M.  CORAY.  vii,  322. 
(M.,  1823.) 

4971.  MAN,  Madness  of.— What  a  Bed 
lamite  is  man!— To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vii,  200. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  186.    (M.,  1821.) 

4972.  MAN,  Political  equality  of.— All 
men  are  created  equal. — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4973.  MAN,   A   rational   animal.— Man 
is  a  rational  animal,  endowed  by  nature  with 
rights,  and  with  an  innate  sense  of  justice. — 
To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,     vii,  291.     FORD  ED., 
x,  227.     (M.,  1823.) 

—  MAN,    Bights    of.— See    RIGHTS    OF 
MAN. 

4974.  MAN,   Schoolboy  through  life.— 
The  bulk  of  mankind  are  schoolboys  through 
life. — NOTES    ON    A    MONEY    UNIT,      i,    163. 
(1784-) 

4975.  MANKIND,      Government     of.— 
Men,  enjoying  in  ease  and  security,  the  full 
fruits  of  their  own  industry,   enlisted  by  all 
their  interests  on  the  side  of  law  and  order, 
habituated    to   think    for  themselves,    and    to 
follow  their  reason  as  their  guide, 

[are]  more  easily  and  safely  governed  than 
with  minds  nourished  in  error,  and  vitiated 
and  debased,  as  in  Europe,  by  ignorance,  in 
digence,  and  oppression. — To  WILLIAM  JOHN 
SON,  vii,  292.  FORD  ED.,  x,  227.  (M.,  1823.) 

4976.  MANKIND,    Improvement    of.— 
The  energies  of  the  nation,  as   depends  on 
me,   shall   be  reserved  for  the  improvement 
of  the  condition  of  man,  not  wasted  in  his 
destruction. — REPLY    TO     ADDRESS,    iv,     388. 
(W.,  1801.) 

4977. .    Although  a  soldier  your 
self,  I  am  sure  you  contemplate  the  peaceable 


employment  of  man  in  the  improvement  of  his 
condition,  with  more  pleasure  than  his  mur 
ders,  raperies  and  devastations. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  vi,  69.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  363.  (M., 
June  1812.) 

4978. .     That  every  man  shall  be 

made  virtuous,  by  any  process  whatever,  is, 
indeed,  no  more  to  be  expected,  than  that 
every  tree  shall  be  made  to  bear  fruit,  and 
every  plant  nourishment.  The  brier  and 
bramble  can  never  become  the  vine  and  olive ; 
but  their  asperities  may  be  softened  by  cul 
ture,  and  their  properties  improved  to  use 
fulness  in  the  order  and  economy  of  the 
world.  And  I  do  hope  that,  in  the  present 
spirit  of  extending  to  the  great  mass  of  man 
kind  the  blessings  of  instruction,  I  see  a  pros 
pect  of  great  advancement  in  the  happiness  of 
the  human  race;  and  that  this  may  proceed 
to  an  indefinite,  although  not  to  an  infinite 
degree. — To  C.  C.  BLATCHLY.  vii,  263.  (M., 
1822.) 

4979.  MANKIND,     Love     for.— Loving 
mankind    in    my    individual    relations    with 
them,   I  pray  to  be  permitted  to  depart   in 
their  peace. — To   SPENCER  ROANE.     vii,   136. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  142.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

4980.  MANKIND,      Relations     with.— 

During  a  long  life,  as  much  devoted  to  study 
as  a  faithful  transaction  of  the  trusts  com 
mitted  to  me  would  permit,  no  subject  has 
occupied  more  of  my  consideration  than  our 
relations  with  all  the  beings  around  us,  our 
duties  to  them,  and  our  future  prospects. 
After  reading  and  hearing  everything  which 
probably  can  be  suggested  respecting  them,  I 
have  formed  the  best  judgment  I  could  as  to 
the  course  they  prescribe,  and  in  the  due  ob 
servance  of  that  course,  I  have  no  recollec 
tions  which  give  me  uneasiness. — To  WILL 
IAM  CANBY.  vi,  210.  (M.,  1813.) 

4981. .      We   must   endeavor  to 

forget  our  former  love  for  them,  and  hold 
them  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies 
in  War,  in  Peace  friends. — DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

4982.  MANNERS,  American  vs.  French. 

— I  am  much  pleased  with  the  people  of  this 
country.  The  roughness  of  the  human  mind  is 
so  thoroughly  rubbed  off  with  tnem  that  it  seems 
as  if  one  might  glide  through  a  whole  life  among 
them  without  a  jostle.  Perhaps,  too,  their  man 
ners  may  be  the  best  calculated  for  happiness  to 
a  people  in  their  situation,  but  I  am  convinced 
they  fall  far  short  of  effecting  a  happiness  so 
temperate,  so  uniform  and  so  lasting  as  is  gen 
erally  enjoyed  with  us. — To  MRS.  TRIST.  i,  394. 
(P.,  1785.) 

4983.  -  — .    Nourish  peace  with  their 
[the  French]   persons,  but  war  against  their 
manners.      Every  step  we  take  towards  the 
adoption  of  their  manners  is  a  step  to  perfect 
misery. — To  MRS.  TRIST.    i,  395.     (P.,  1785.) 

4984.  MANNERS,   Institutions    and.— 
Time  indeed  changes  manners  and  notions,  and 
so   far  we   must   expect   institutions  to  bend 
to  them. — To  SPENCER  ROANE.    vii,  211.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  188.     (M.,  1821.) 


Manners 
Manufactures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


528 


4985.  MANNERS,  National.— The  man 
ners    of    every    nation    are    the    standard    of 
orthodoxy  within  itself.     But  these  standards 
being  arbitrary,  reasonable  people  in  all  allow 
free  toleration   for  the   manners,   as   for  the 
religion  of  others.— To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  SAY. 
vi,  433-     (M.,  1815.) 

4986.  MANSFIELD    (Lord),    Able    and 
eloquent.— A  man  of  the  clearest  head,  and 
most  seducing  eloquence.— To   PHILIP   MAZZEI. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  115.     (P.,  1785.) 

4987.  MANSFIELD    (Lord),    Decisions 
of. — I  hold  it  essential,  in  America,  to  forbid 
that  any  English  decision  which  has  happened 
since   the   accession   of   Lord   Mansfield   to   the 
bench,    should    ever   be    cited    in    a   court ;    be 
cause,    though    there    have    come    many    good 
ones    from    him,   yet  there   is   so   much   poison 
instilled  into   a  great  part  of  them,  that  it  is 
better   to   proscribe   the   whole. — To    MR.    CUT 
TING,    ii,  487-     (P->  1788.) 

4988.  .     The    object    of    former 

judges  has  been  to   render  the  law   more   and 
more  certain ;  that  of  this  personage  to  render  it 
more  incertain  under  pretence  of  rendering  it 
more    reasonable. — To    PHILIP    MAZZEI.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  115.     (P.,  1785-) 

4989.  MANUFACTURES,    Agriculture, 
commerce  and. — I  trust  the  good  sense  of 
our  country  will   see  that  its  greatest  pros 
perity  depends  on  a  due  balance  between  ag 
riculture,    manufactures   and   commerce. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.     v,  417.     FORD  EDV  ix,  239. 
(W.,  1809.) 

4990. .  An  equilibrium  of  agri 
culture,  manufactures  and  commerce,  is  cer 
tainly  become  essential  to  our  independence. 
Manufactures  sufficient  for  our  own  consump 
tion,  of  what  we  raise  the  raw  material  (and 
no  more).  Commerce  sufficient  to  carry  the 
surplus  produce  of  agriculture,  beyond  our 
own  consumption,  to  a  market  for  exchanging 
it  for  articles  we  cannot  raise  (and  no  more). 
These  are  the  true  limits  of  manufactures  and 
commerce.  To  go  beyond  them  is  to  increase 
our  dependence  on  foreign  nations,  and  our 
liability  to  war.  These  three  important 
branches  of  human  industry  will  then  grow 
together,  and  be  really  handmaids  to  each 
other.— To  JAMES  JAY.  v,  440.  (M.,  April 
1809.)  See  AGRICULTURE  and  COMMERCE. 

4991.  MANUFACTURES,  British  pro 
hibition  of. — By  an  act  passed  in  the  fifth 
year  of  the  reign  of  his  late  Majesty,  King 
George  II.,  an  American  subject  is  forbidden 
to  make  a  hat  for  himself,  of  the  fur  which 
he  has  taken  perhaps  on  his  own  soil ;  an  in 
stance  of  despotism  to  which  no  parallel  can 
be  produced  in  the  most  arbitrary  ages  of 
British  history.— RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMER 
ICA,  i,  129.  FORD  ED.,  i,  434-  (I774-) 

4992. .  By  an  act  passed  in  the 

twenty-third  year  of  King  George  II.,  the  iron 
which  we  make,  we  are  forbidden  to  manufac 
ture;  and,  heavy  as  that  article  is,  and  nec 
essary  in  every  branch  of  husbandry,  besides 
commission  and  insurance,  we  are  to  pay 
freight  for  it  to  Great  Britain,  and  freight 
for  it  back  again,  for  the  purpose  of  sup 


porting,  not  men,  but  machines  in  the  island 
of  Great  Britain.— RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMER 
ICA,  i,  129.  FORD  ED.,  i,  434.  (1774.)  See 
TRADE. 

-  MANUFACTURES,  Centralization 
and. — See  1159. 

4993.  MANUFACTURES,  The  Colonies 
and.— I  think  nothing  can  bring  the  security 
of  our  continent  and  its  cause  into  danger,  if 
we  can  support  the  credit  of  our  paper.  To 
do  that,  I  apprehend,  one  of  two  steps  must 
be  taken.  Either  to  procure  free  trade  by 
alliance  with  some  naval  power  able  to  pro 
tect  it;  or,  if  we  find  there  is  no  prospect  of 
that,  to  shut  our  ports  totally,  to  all  the 
world,  and  turn  our  Colonies  into  manufac 
tories.  The  former  would  be  most  eligible, 
because  most  conformable  to  the  habits  and 
wishes  of  our  people.— To  BENJAMIN  FRANK 
LIN,  i,  205.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  132.  (1777.) 

4994. .  During  the  present  con 
test  we  have  manufactured  within  our  fam 
ilies  the  most  necessary  articles  of  clothing. 
Those  of  cotton  will  bear  some  comparison 
with  the  same  kinds  of  manufacture  in  Eu 
rope;  but  those  of  wool,  flax  and  hemp  are 
very  coarse,  unsightly,  and  unpleasant;  and 
such  is  our  attachment  to  agriculture,  and 
such  our  preference  for  foreign  manufactures, 
that  be  it  wise  or  unwise,  our  people  will  cer 
tainly  return  as  soon  as  they  can,  to  the  rais 
ing  raw  materials,  and  exchanging  them  for 
finer  manufactures  than  they  are  able  to  ex 
ecute  themselves. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii, 
404.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  268.  (1782.) 

4995.  MANUFACTURES,       Cotton.— 

Great  advances  are  making  in  the  establish 
ment  of  manufactures.  Those  of  cotton  will, 
I  think,  be  so  far  proceeded  on,  that  we  shall 
never  again  have  to  recur  to  the  importation 
of  cotton  goods  for  our  own  use. — To  WILL 
IAM  LYMAN.  v,  280.  (W.,  1808.) 

4996. .     I   am    much   pleased   to 

find  our  progress  in  manufactures  to  be  so 
great.  That  of  cotton  is  peculiarly  interest 
ing,  because  we  raise  the  raw  material  in  such 
abundance,  and  because  it  may,  to  a  great  de 
gree,  supply  our  deficiencies  both  in  wool  and 
linen.— To  J.  DORSEY.  ¥,235.  (W.,  1808.) 

4997.  MANUFACTURES,  The  Em 
bargo  and.— The  Embargo  *  *  *  prom 
ises  lasting  good  by  promoting  among  our 
selves  the  establishment  of  manufactures 
hitherto  sought  abroad,  at  the  risk  of  colli 
sions  no  longer  regulated  by  the  laws  of  rea 
son  or  morality. — R.  TO  A.  PHILADELPHIA 
DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICANS,  viii,  128.  (1808.) 

4998. .     The    suspension   of  our 

foreign  commerce,  produced  by  the  injustice 
of  the  belligerent  powers,  and  the  consequent 
losses  and  sacrifices  of  our  citizens,  are  sub 
jects  of  just  concern.  The  situation  into 
which  we  have  thus  been  forced,  has  impelled 
us  to  apply  a  portion  of  our  industry  and 
capital  to  internal  manufactures  and  improve 
ments.  The  extent  of  this  conversion  is  daily 
increasing,  and  little  doubt  remains  that  the 


529 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Manufacture* 


establishments  formed  and  forming  will, 
under  the  auspices  of  cheaper  materials  and 
subsistence,  the  freedom  of  labor  from  tax 
ation  with  us,  and  of  protecting  duties  and 
prohibitions,  become  permanent. — EIGHTH 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  109.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
223.  (1808.) 

4999.  .    AS     a     countervail     to 

our  short-lived  sacrifices  [by  the  Embargo], 
when  these  shall  no  longer  be  felt,  we  shall 
permanently  retain  the  benefit  they  have 
prompted,  of  fabricating  for  our  own  use  the 
materials  of  our  own  growth,  heretofore 
carried  to  the  work-houses  of  Europe,  to  be 
wrought  and  returned  to  us. — R.  TO  A.  BAL 
TIMORE  TAMMANY  SOCIETY,  viii,  170.  (1809.) 

5000. .  It  is  true  that  the  Em 
bargo  laws  have  not  had  all  the  effect  in 
bringing  the  powers  of  Europe  to  a  sense  of 
justice  which  a  more  faithful  observance  of 
them  might  have  produced.  Yet  they  have 
had  the  important  effects  of  saving  our  sea 
men  and  property,  of  giving  time  to  prepare 
for  defence;  and  they  will  produce  the  fur 
ther  inestimable  advantage  of  turning  the 
attention  and  enterprise  of  our  fellow  cit 
izens,  and  the  patronage  of  our  State 
Legislatures  to  the  establishment  of  use 
ful  manufactures  in  our  country.  They 
will  have  hastened  the  day  when  an  equi 
librium  between  the  occupations  of  agri 
culture,  manufactures,  and  commerce,  shall 
simplify  our  foreign  concerns  to  the  exchange 
only  of  that  surplus  which  we  cannot  con 
sume  for  those  articles  of  reasonable  comfort 
or  convenience  which  we  cannot  produce. — 
R.  TO  A.  PENNA.  DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  163.  (1809.) 

5001. .     Amidst  the  pressure  of 

evils  with  which  the  belligerent  edicts  [Ber 
lin  decrees,  Orders  of  Council,  &c.],  have  af 
flicted  us,  some  permanent  good  will  arise; 
the  spring  given  to  manufactures  will  have 
durable  effects.  Knowing  most  of  my  own 
State,  I  can  affirm  with  confidence  that  were 
free  intercourse  opened  again  to-morrow,  she 
would  never  again  import  one -half  of  the 
coarse  goods  which  she  has  done  down  to 
the  date  of  the  edicts.  These  will  be  made  in 
our  families.  For  finer  goods  we  must  resort 
to  the  larger  manufactories  established  in  the 
towns. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS.  v,  415. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  226.  (W.,  1809.) 

5002. .     The  interruption  of  our 

commerce  with  England,  produced  by  our 
Embargo  and  Non-Intercourse  law,  and  the 
general  indignation  excited  by  her  bare-faced 
attempts  to  make  us  accessories  and  tributa 
ries  to  her  usurpation  on  the  high  seas,  have 
generated  in  this  country  an  universal  spirit 
for  manufacturing  for  ourselves,  and  of  re 
ducing  to  a  minimum  the  number  of  articles 
for  which  we  are  dependent  on  her.  The  ad 
vantages,  too,  of  lessening  the  occasions  of 
risking  our  peace  on  the  ocean,  and  of  plant 
ing  the  consumer  in  our  own  soil  by  the  side 
of  the  grower  of  produce,  are  so  palpable, 
that  no  temporary  suspension  of  injuries  on 


her  part,  or  agreements  founded  on  that,  will 
now  prevent  our  continuing  in  what  we  have 
begun.  The  spirit  of  manufacturing  has  taken 
deep  root  among  us,  and  its  foundations  are 
laid  in  too  great  expense  to  be  abandoned. — 
To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  456.  (M.,  June 
1809.) 

5003. .      Nothing   more   salutary 

for  us  has  ever  happened  than  the  British  ob 
structions  to  our  demands  for  their  manufac 
tures.  Restore  free  intercourse  when  they 
will,  their  commerce  with  us  will  have  totally 
changed  its  form,  and  the  articles  we  shall 
in  future  want  from  them  will  not  exceed 
their  own  consumption  of  our  produce. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  36.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  333.  (M., 
Jan.  1812.) 

5004.  MANUFACTURES,     Encourage 
ment  of. — The  present  aspect  of  our  foreign 
relations  has  encouraged  here  a  general  spirit 
of  encouragement  to  domestic  manufactures. 
The  Merino  breed  of  sheep  is  well  established 
with  us,  and  fine  samples  of  cloth  are  sent  to 
us   from  the   North.   Considerable  manufac 
tures  of  cotton  are  also  commencing.     Phila 
delphia,  particularly,  is  becoming  more  man 
ufacturing  than  commercial.— To  MR.  MAURY. 
v,  214.     (W.,  Nov.  1807.) 

5005.  .      My    idea    is    that    we 

should  encourage  home  manufactures  to  the 
extent   of   our   own    consumption   of   every 
thing  of  which  we  raise  the  raw  material. — To 
DAVID  HUMPHREYS,    v,  416.   FORD  ED.,  ix,  226. 
(W.,  1809.) 

5006.  .     Every    syllable    uttered 

in  my  name  becomes  a  text  for  the  federalists 
to  torment  the  public  mind  on  by  their  para 
phrases  and  perversions.    I  have  lately  incul 
cated  the  encouragement  of  manufactures  to 
the  extent  of  our  own  consumption  at  least, 
in  all  articles  of  which  we  raise  the  raw  ma 
terial.     On  this  the  federal  papers  and  meet 
ings  have  sounded  the  alarm  of  Chinese  pol 
icy,  destruction  of  commerce,  &c. ;    that  is  to 
say,   the  iron  which  we  make  must  not  be 
wrought  here  into  plows,  axes,  hoes,  &c.,  in 
order    that    the    ship-owner    may    have    the 
profit  of  carrying  it  to   Europe,   and  bring 
ing  it  back  in  a  manufactured   form,  as   if 
after  manufacturing  our  own  raw  materials 
for  our  own  use,  there  would  not  be  a  surplus 
produce   sufficient  to  employ  a  due  propor 
tion  of  navigation  in  carrying  it  to  market 
and  exchanging  it  for  those  articles  of  which 
we  have  not  the  raw  material.     Yet  this  ab 
surd   hue   and  cry  has  contributed  much   to 
federalize  New  England.    Their  doctrine  goes 
to   the   sacrificing   agriculture   and   manufac 
tures  to  commerce ;  to  the  calling  off  our  peo 
ple  from  the  interior  country  to  the  sea  shore 
to  turn  merchants,  and  to  convert  this  great 
agricultural  country  into  a  city  of  Amster 
dam.    But  I  trust  the  good  sense  of  our  coun 
try  will   see  that  its  greatest  prosperity  de 
pends  on  a  due  balance  between  agriculture, 
manufactures  and  commerce,  and  not  in  this 
protuberant  navigation  which  has  kept  us  in 
hot   water   from   the   commencement  of  our 


M  ami  factures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


530 


government,  and  is  now  engaging  us  in  war. 
— To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  v,  417.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
239-  (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

5007.  .     The  government  of  the 

United  States,  at  a  very  early  period,  when 
establishing  its  tariff  on  foreign  importations, 
were  very  much  guided  in  their  selection  of 
objects  by  a  desire  to  encourage  manufac 
tures  within  themselves.— To .     vii, 

220.     (M.,  1821.) 

5008.  MANUFACTURES,  Fear  of  Brit 
ish  competition. — I  much  fear  the  effect  on 
our  infant  establishments  of  the  policy  avowed 
by  Mr.  Brougham.      Individual  British  mer 
chants  may  lose  by  their  late  immense  impor 
tations;  but  British  commerce  and  manufac 
tures,  in  the  mass,  will  gain  by  beating  down 
the  competition  of  ours,  in  our  own  markets. 
Against  this  policy,  our  protecting  duties  are 
as  nothing,  our  patriotism  less. — To  WILLIAM 
SAMPSON.    FORD  ED.,  x,  74.     (M.,  1817.) 

5009.  MANUFACTURES,    Fostering.— 

Enough  of  the  non-importation  law  should  be 
reserved  *  *  *  to  support  those  manufac 
turing  establishments  which  the  British  Orders 
[of  Council]  and  our  interests  forced  us  to 
make. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.  v,  442. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  251.  (M.,  April  1809.) 

5010.  MANUFACTURES,    Great    Brit 
ain  and  American.— Radically  hostile  to  our 
navigation    and    commerce,    and    fearing    its 
rivalry,  Great  Britain  will  completely  crush 
it,  and  force  us  to  resort  to  agriculture,  not 
aware  that  we  shall  resort  to  manufactures 
also,  and  render  her  conquests  over  our  navi 
gation  and  commerce  useless,  at  least,  if  not 
injurious,  to  herself  in  the  end,  and  perhaps 
salutary  to  us,  as  removing  out  of  our  way 
the  chief  causes  and  provocations  to  war. — To 
HENRY  DEARBORN,    v,  530.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  278. 
(M.,  1810.) 

5011.  MANUFACTURES,        Home.— 

There  can  be  no  question,  in  a  mind  truly 
American,  whether  it  is  best  to  send  our  cit 
izens  and  property  into  certain  captivity,  and 
then  wage  war  for  their  recovery,  or  to  keep 
them  at  home,  and  to  turn  seriously  to  that 
policy  which  plants  the  manufacturer  and  the 
husbandman  side  by  side,  and  establishes  at 
the  door  of  every  one  that  exchange  of 
mutual  labors  and  comforts,  which  we  have 
hitherto  sought  in  distant  regions,  and  under 
perpetual  risk  of  broils  with  them. — R.  TO  A. 
OF  NEW  YORK  TAMMANY  SOCIETY,  viii,  127. 
(Feb.  1808.) 

5012. .     I    see   with   satisfaction 

that  our  citizens  *  *  *  are  pre 
paring  to  provide  for  themselves  those  com 
forts  and  conveniences  of  life,  for  which  it 
would  be  unwise  evermore  to  recur  to  distant 
countries.— R.  TO  A.  NEW  HAMPSHIRE  LEG 
ISLATURE,  viii,  131.  (1808.) 

5013. .     I  have  not  formerly  been 

an  advocate  for  great  manufactories.  I 
doubted  whether  our  labor,  employed  in  ag 
riculture,  and  aided  by  the  spontaneous  ener 


gies  of  the  earth,  would  not  procure  us  more 
than  we  could  make  ourselves  of  other  neces 
saries.  But  other  considerations  entering  into 
the  question,  have  settled  my  doubts. — To 
JOHN  MELISH.  vi,  94.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  373.  (M., 
Jan.  1813.) 

5014. .     if  the  piracies  of  France 

and  England  are  to  be  adopted  as  the  law  of 
nations,  or  should  become  their  practice,  it 
will  oblige  us  to  manufacture  at  home  all 
the  material  comforts.  This  may  furnish  a 
reason  to  check  imports  until  necessary  manu 
factures  are  established  among  us.  This  of 
fers  the  advantage,  too,  of  placing  the  con 
sumer  of  our  produce  near  the  producer. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,  vi,  128.  (M.,  1813.) 

5015. .  We  are  become  manu 
facturers  to  a  degree  incredible  to  those  who 
do  not  see  it,  and  who  only  consider  the 
short  period  of  time  during  which  we  have 
been  driven  to  them  by  the  suicidal  policy  of 
England. — To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  SAY.  vi,  431. 
(M.,  March  1815.) 

5016. .     The    prohibiting    duties 

we  lay  on  all  articles  of  foreign  manufacture 
which  prudence  requires  us  to  establish  at 
home,  with  the  patriotic  determination  of  every 
good  citizen  to  use  no  foreign  article  which 
can  be  made  within  ourselves,  without  regard 
to  difference  of  price,  secures  us  against  a  re 
lapse  into  foreign  dependency. — To  JEAN 
BAPTISTE  SAY.  vi,  431.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

5017. .     It    is    our    business    to 

manufacture  for  ourselves  whatever  we  can, 
to  keep  our  markets  open  for  what  we  can 
spare  or  want. — To  THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  465. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  520.  (M.,  1815.)  See  MARKETS. 

5018. .     No  one  has  been  more 

sensible  than  myself  of  the  advantages  of 
placing  the  consumer  by  the  side  of  the  pro 
ducer,  nor  more  disposed  to  promote  it  by 
example.— To  MRS.  K.  D.  MORGAN.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  473.  (M.,  1822.)  See  PROTECTION 
and  TARIFF. 

5019.  MANUFACTURES,  Homespun.— 

Homespun  is  become  the  spirit  of  the  times. 
I  think  it  an  useful  one,  and,  therefore>  that 
it  is  a  duty  to  encourage  it  by  example.  The 
best  fine  cloth  made  in  the  United  States  is, 
I  am  told,  at  the  manufacture  of  Colonel 
Humphreys  in  your  neighborhood  [New  Ha 
ven],  Could  I  get  the  favor  of  you  to  pro 
cure  me  there  as  much  of  his  best  as  would 
make  me  a  coat?  I  should  prefer  a  deep  blue, 
but,  if  not  to  be  had,  then  a  black.— To 
ABRAHAM  BISHOP.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  225.  (W., 
1808.) 

5020.  MANUFACTURES,  Household.— 
There  is  no  manufacture  of  wire  or  of  cotton 
cards,  or  if  any,  it  is  not  worth  notice.     No 
manufacture     of     stocking-weaving,     conse 
quently  none  for  making  the  machine;  none 
of  cotton  cloths  of  any  kind  for  sale;  though 
in  almost  every  family  some  is  manufactured 
for  the  use  of  the  family,   which  is  always 
good  in  quality,  and  often  tolerably  fine.     In 
the  same  way,  they  make  excellent  stockings 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Manufactures 


of  cotton,  weaving  it  in  like  manner,  carried 
on  principally  in  the  family  way.  Among 
the  poor,  the  wife  weaves  generally,  and  the 
rich  either  have  a  weaver  among  their  serv 
ants,  or  employ  their  poor  neighbors. — To 
THOMAS  DIGGES.  ii,  412.  FORD  ED.,  v,  28. 
(P.,  1788.) 
5021. .  The  checks  which  the 


commercial  regulations  of  Europe  have  given 
to  the  sale  of  our  produce,  has  produced  a 
very  considerable  degree  of  domestic  manu 
facture,  which,  so  far  as  it  is  in  the  house 
hold  way,  will  doubtless  continue ;  and  so  far 
as  it  is  more  public,  will  depend  on  the  con 
tinuance  or  discontinuance  of  this  policy  of 
Europe. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
70.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

5022.  -  —.1  shall  be  glad  to  hear 

*  *  *  any  improvements  in  the  arts  ap 
plicable  to  *  *  *  household  manufacture. 
— To  TENCH  COXE.  iv,  105.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  509. 
(M.,  May  1794.) 

5023.  -  — .     The  mass  of  household 
manufacture,  unseen  by  the  public  eye,  and  so 
much  greater  than  what  is  seen,  is  such  at 
present,  that  let  our  intercourse  with  England 
be   opened    when    it   may,   not   one-half   the 
amount  of  what   we   have   heretofore   taken 
from  her  will  ever  again  be  demanded.  The 
great  call  from  the  country  has  hitherto  been 
of  coarse  goods.    These  are  now  made  in  our 
families,   and   the   advantage   is  too   sensible 
ever  to  be  relinquished.     It  is  one  of  those 
obvious  improvements  in  our  condition  which 
needed  only  to  be  forced  on  our  attention, 
never  again  to  be  abandoned. — To  DUPONT  DE 
NEMOURS,    v,  456.     (M.,  June  1809.) 

5024. .     We    are    going    greatly 

into  manufactures ;  but  the  mass  of  them  are 
household  manufactures  of  the  coarse  articles 
worn  by  the  laborers  and  farmers  of  the  fam 
ily.  These  I  verily  believe  we  shall  succeed 
in  making  to  the  whole  extent  of  our  neces 
sities.  But  the  attempts  at  fine  goods  will 
probably  be  abortive.  They  are  undertaken 
by  company  establishments,  and  chiefly  in  the 
towns;  will  have  but  little  success  and  short 
continuance  in  a  country  where  the  charms 
of  agriculture  attract  every  being  who  can 
engage  in  it.  Our  revenue  will  be  less  than 
it  would  be  were  we  to  continue  to  import 
instead  of  manufacturing  our  coarse  goods. 
But  the  increase  of  population  and  production 
will  keep  pace  with  that  of  manufactures,  and 
maintain  the  quantum  of  exports  at  the 
present  level  at  least ;  and  the  imports  need 
be  equivalent  to  them,  and  consequently  the 
revenue  on  them  be  undiminished. — To  DU 
PONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  583.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  317. 
(M.,  1811.) 

5025. .  The  economy  and  thrifti- 

ness  resulting  from  our  household  manufac 
tures  are  such  that  they  will  never  again  be 
laid  aside. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  36.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  333.  (M.,  Jan.  1812.) 

5026. .     Our    manufacturers   are 

now  very  nearly  on  a  footing  with  those  of 


England.  She  has  not  a  single  improvement 
which  we  do  not  possess,  and  many  of  them 
better  adapted  by  ourselves  to  our  ordinary 
use.  We  have  reduced  the  large  and  ex 
pensive  machinery  for  most  things  to  the 
compass  of  a  private  family,  and  every  fam 
ily  of  any  size  is  now  getting  machines  on  a 
small  scale  for  their  household  purposes. 
Quoting  myself  as  an  example,  and  I  am 
much  behind  many  others  in  this  business, 
my  household  manufactures  are  just  getting 
into  operation  on  the  scale  of  a  carding  ma 
chine  costing  $60  only,  which  may  be  worked 
by  a  girl  of  twelve  years  old,  a  spinning  ma 
chine,  which  may  be  had  for  $10,  carrying  six 
spindles  for  wool,  to  be  worked  by  a  girl  also, 
another  which  can  be  made  for  $25,  carrying 
twelve  spindles  for  cotton,  and  a  loom,  with 
a  flying  shuttle,  weaving  its  twenty  yards  a 
day.  I  need  2,000  yards  of  linen,  cotton,  and 
woollen  yearly,  to  clothe  my  family,  which 
this  machinery,  costing  $150  only,  and  worked 
by  two  women  and  two  girls,  will  more  than 
furnish. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  vi,  68. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  362.  (M.,  June  1812.) 

5027. .     I    have   hitherto    myself 

depended  entirely  on  foreign  manufactures ; 
but  I  have  now  thirty-five  spindles  agoing,  a 
hand  carding  machine,  and  looms  with  the 
flying  shuttle,  for  the  supply  of  my  own 
farms,  which  will  never  be  relinquished  in 
my  time.  The  continuance  of  the  war  will 
fix  the  habit  generally,  and  out  of  the  evils  of 
impressment  and  of  the  Orders  of  Council,  a 
great  blessing  for  us  will  grow. — To  JOHN 
MELISH.  vi,  94.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  373.  (M., 
Jan.  1813.) 

5028. .     Small    spinning    jennies 

of  from  half  a  dozen  to  twenty  spindles,  will 
soon  make  their  way  into  the  humblest  cot 
tages,  as  well  as  the  richest  houses  [in  the 
South] ;  and  nothing  is  more  certain,  than 
that  the  coarse  and  middling  clothing  for  our 
families,  will  forever  hereafter  continue  to  be 
made  within  ourselves. — To  JOHN  MELISH. 
vi,  94.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  373.  (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

5029. .     Household  manufacture 

is  taking  deep  root  with  us.  I  have  a  card 
ing  machine,  two  spinning  machines,  and 
looms  with  the  flying  shuttle  in  full  operation 
for  clothing  my  own  family ;  and  I  verily  be 
lieve  that  by  the  next  winter  this  State  will 
not  need  a  yard  of  imported  coarse  or  mid 
dling  cloth.  I  think  we  have  already  a  sheep 
for  every  inhabitant,  which  will  suffice  for 
clothing;  and  one-third  more,  which  a  single 
year  will  add,  will  furnish  blanketing. — To 
JAMES  RONALDSON.  vi,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  371. 
(M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

5030. .     The  specimens  of  Mrs. 

Mason's  skill  in  manufactures  excite  the  ad 
miration  of  all.  They  prove  she  is  really  a 
more  dangerous  adversary  to  our  British  foes 
than  all  our  generals.  These  attack  the  hos 
tile  armies  only;  she  the  source  of  their  sub 
sistence.  What  these  do  counts  nothing,  be 
cause  they  take  one  day  and  lose  another: 
what  she  does  counts  double,  because  what 


Manufactures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


532 


she  takes  from  the  enemy  is  added  to  us.  I 
hope,  too,  she  will  have  more  followers  than 
our  generals,  but  few  rivals,  I  fear.  These 
specimens  exceed  anything  I  saw  during  the 
Revolutionary  war:  although  our  ladies  of 
that  day  turned  their  whole  efforts  to  these 
objects,  and  with  great  praise  and  success. — 
To  JOHN  T.  MASON.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  473.  (M., 
1814.) 

5031. .     I  presume,  like  the  rest 

of  us  in  the  country,  you  are  in  the  habit  of 
household  manufacture,  and  that  you  will  not, 
like  too  many,  abandon  it  on  the  return  of 
peace,  to  enrich  our  late  enemy,  and  to 
nourish  foreign  agents  in  our  bosom,  whose 
baneful  influence  and  intrigues  cost  us  so 
much  embarrassment  and  dissension. — To 
GEORGE  FLEMING,  vi,  506.  (M.,  Dec.  1815.) 

5032. .     The  interruption  of  our 

intercourse  with  England  has  rendered  us  one 
essential  service  in  planting,  radically  and 
firmly,  coarse  manufactures  among  us.  I 
make  in  my  family  two  thousand  yards  of 
cloth  a  year,  which  I  formerly  bought  from 
England,  and  it  only  employs  a  few  women, 
children  and  invalids,  who  could  do  little  on 
the  farm.  The  State  generally  does  the  same, 
and  allowing  ten  yards  to  a  person,  this 
amounts  to  ten  millions  of  yards;  and  if  we 
are  about  the  medium  degree  of  manufac 
turers  in  the  whole  Union,  as  I  believe  we 
are,  the  whole  will  amount  to  one  hundred 
millions  of  yards  a  year,  which  will  soon  re 
imburse  us  the  expenses  of  the  war. — To  MR. 
MAURY.  vi,  471.  (M.,  1815.) 

5033.  MANUFACTURES,        Independ 
ence,  prosperity  and.— The  risk  of  hanging 
our  prosperity  on  the  fluctuating  counsels  and 
caprices  of  others  renders  it  wise  in  us  to 
turn  seriously  to  manufactures,  and  if  Eu 
rope  will  not  let  us  carry  our  provisions  to 
their    manufactures,    we    must    endeavor    to 
bring  their  manufactures  to  our  provisions. — 
To   DAVID   HUMPHREYS.     FORD  ED.,  v,   344. 
(Pa.,  1791-) 

5034.  MANUFACTURES,      Jefferson's 
views  in  1782.— The  political  economists  of 
Europe  have  established  it  as  a  principle,  that 
every  State  should  endeavor  to  manufacture 
for  itself ;  and  this  principle,  like  many  others, 
we  transfer  to  America,  without  calculating 
the  difference  of  circumstance  which  should 
often  produce  a  difference  of  result.     In  Eu 
rope,  the  lands  are  either  cultivated,  or  locked 
up  against  the  cultivator.    Manufacture  must, 
therefore,  be  resorted  to  of  necessity,  not  of 
choice,  to  support  the  surplus  of  their  people. 
But  we  have  an  immensity  of  land  courting 
the  industry  of  the  husbandman.     Is  it  best 
then  that  all  our  citizens  should  be  employed 
in  its  improvement,  or  that  one  half  of  them 
should  be  called  off   from  that  to   exercise 
manufactures  and  handicrafts  for  the  other? 
Those  who  labor  in  the  earth  are  the  chosen 
people  of  God,  if  ever  He  had  a  chosen  peo 
ple,  whose  breasts  He  has  made  His  peculiar 
deposit   for   substantial   and   genuine   virtue. 
It  is  the  focus  in  which  He  keeps  alive  that 
sacred    fire,    which    otherwise    might    escape 


from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Corruption  of 
morals  in  the  mass  of  cultivators  is  a  phe 
nomenon  of  which  no  age  nor  nation  has  fur 
nished  an  example.  It  is  the  mark  set  on 
those,  who,  not  looking  up  to  heaven,  to 
their  own  soil  and  industry,  as  does  the  hus 
bandman,  for  their  subsistence,  depend  for 
it  on  casualities  and  caprice  of  customers.  De 
pendence  begets  subservience  and  venality, 
suffocates  the  germ  of  virtue,  and  prepares 
fit  tools  for  the  designs  of  ambition.  This, 
the  natural  progress  and  consequence  of  the 
arts,  has  sometimes  perhaps  been  retarded  by 
accidental  circumstances;  but,  generally 
speaking,  the  proportion  which  the  aggregate 
of  the  other  classes  of  citizens  bears  in  any 
State  to  that  of  its  husbandmen,  is  the  pro 
portion  of  its  unsound  to  its  healthy  parts, 
and  is  a  good  barometer  whereby  to  measure 
its  degree  of  corruption.  While  we  have  land 
to  labor,  then,  let  us  never  wish  to  see  our 
citizens  occupied  at  a  work  bench,  or  twirl 
ing  a  distaff.  Carpenters,  masons,  smiths, 
are  wanting  in  husbandry;  but,  for  the  gen 
eral  operations  of  manufacture,  let  our  work 
shops  remain  in  Europe.  It  is  better  to  carry 
provisions  and  materials  to  workmen  there, 
than  bring  them  to  the  provisions  and  ma 
terials,  and  with  them  their  manners  and 
principles.  The  loss  by  the  transportation  of 
commodities  across  the  Atlantic  will  be  made 
up  in  happiness  and  permanence  of  govern 
ment.  The  mobs  of  great  cities  add  just  so 
much  to  the  support  of  pure  government,  as 
sores  do  to  the  strength  of  the  human  body. 
It  is  the  manners  and  spirit  of  a  people  which 
preserve  a  republic  in  vigor.  A  degeneracy 
in  these  is  a  canker  which  soon  eats  to  the 
heart  of  its  laws  and  constitution. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA.  viii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  268. 
(1782.) 

5035.  MANUFACTURES,  Jefferson's 
views  in  1816.— You  tell  me  I  am  quoted  by 
those  who  wish  to  continue  our  dependence 
on  England  for  manufactures.  There  was  a 
time  when  I  might  have  been  so  quoted  with 
more  candor,  but  within  the  thirty  years 
which  have  since  elapsed,  how  are  circum 
stances  changed!  We  were  then  in  peace. 
Our  independent  place  among  nations  was 
acknowledged.  A  commerce  which  offered 
the  raw  material  in  exchange  for  the  same 
material  after  receiving  the  last  touch  of  in 
dustry,  was  worthy  of  welcome  to  all  nations. 
It  was  expected  that  those  especially  to  whom 
manufacturing  industry  was  important,  would 
cherish  the  friendship  of  such  customers  by 
every  favor,  by  every  inducement,  and,  par 
ticularly,  cultivate  their  peace  by  every  act  of 
justice  and  friendship.  Under  this  prospect 
the  question  seemed  legitimate,  whether,  with 
such  an  immensity  of  unimproved  land,  court 
ing  the  hand  of  husbandry,  the  industry  of 
agriculture,  or  that  of  manufactures,  would 
add  most  to  the  national  wealth?  And  the 
doubt  was  entertained  on  this  consideration 
chiefly,  that  to  the  labor  of  the  husbandman  a 
vast  addition  is  made  by  the  spontaneous 
energies  of  the  earth  on  which  it  is  employed ; 
for  one  grain  of  wheat  committed  to  the  earth, 


533 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Manufactures 


she  renders  twenty,  thirty,  and  even  fifty- 
fold,  whereas  to  the  labor  of  the  manufac 
turer  nothing  is  added.  Pounds  of  flax,  in 
his  hands,  yield,  on  the  contrary,  but  penny 
weights  of  lace.  This  exchange,  too,  labo 
rious  as  it  might  seem,  what  a  field  did  it 
promise  for  the  occupations  of  the  ocean ; 
what  a  nursery  for  that  class  of  citizens  who 
were  to  exercise  and  maintain  our  equal  rights 
on  that  element?  This  was  the  state  of 
things  in  1785,  when  the  "  Notes  on  Vir 
ginia  "  were  first  printed ;  when,  the  ocean 
being  open  to  all  nations,  and  their  common 
right  in  it  acknowledged  and  exercised  under 
regulations  sanctioned  by  the  assent  and 
usage  of  all,  it  was  thought  that  the  doubt 
might  claim  some  consideration.  But  who,  in 
1785,  could  foresee  the  rapid  depravity  which 
was  to  render  the  close  of  that  century  the 
disgrace  of  the  history  of  man?  Who  could 
have  imagined  that  the  two  most  distin 
guished  in  the  rank  of  nations,  for  science 
and  civilization,  would  have  suddenly  de 
scended  from  that  honorable  eminence,  and 
setting  at  defiance  all  those  moral  laws  es 
tablished  by  the  Author  of  nature  between 
nation  and  nation,  as  between  man  and  man, 
would  cover  earth  and  sea  with  robberies  and 
piracies,  merely  because  strong  enough  to  do 
it  with  temporal  impunity;  and  that  under 
this  disbandment  of  nations  from  social  order, 
we  should  have  been  despoiled  of  a  thousand 
ships,  and  have  thousands  of  our  citizens  re 
duced  to  Algerine  slavery?  Yet  all  this  has 
taken  place.  One  of  these  nations  [Great 
Britain]  interdicted  to  our  vessels  all  harbors 
of  the  globe  without  having  first  proceeded 
to  some  one  of  hers,  there  paid  a  tribute  pro 
portioned  to  the  cargo,  and  obtained  her 
license  to  proceed  to  the  port  of  destination. 
The  other  [France]  declared  them  to  be  law 
ful  prize  if  they  had  touched  at  the  port,  or 
been  visited  by  a  ship  of  the  enemy  nation. 
Thus  were  we  completely  excluded  from  the 
ocean.  Compare  this  state  of  things  with 
that  of  1785,  and  say  whether  an  opinion 
founded  in  the  circumstances  of  that  day  can 
be  fairly  applied  to  those  of  the  present?  We 
have  experienced  what  we  did  not  then  be 
lieve,  that  there  exists  both  profligacy  and 
power  enough  to  exclude  us  from  the  field  of 
interchange  with  other  nations ;  that  to  be  in 
dependent  for  the  comforts  of  life  we  must 
fabricate  them  ourselves.  We  must  now 
place  the  manufacturer  by  the  side  of  the 
agriculturist.  The  former  question  is  sup 
pressed,  or  rather  assumes  a  new  form.  Shall 
we  make  our  own  comforts,  or  go  without 
them,  at  the  will  of  a  foreign  nation?  He, 
therefore,  who  is  now  against  domestic  manu 
facture,  must  be  for  reducing  us  either  to  de 
pendence  on  that  foreign  nation,  or  to  be 
clothed  in  skins,  and  to  live,  like  wild  beasts, 
in  dens  and  caverns.  I  am  not  one  of  these; 
experience  has  taught  me  that  manufactures 
are  now  as  necessary  to  our  independence  as 
to  our  comfort ;  and  if  those  who  quote  me  as 
of  a  different  opinion,  will  keep  pace  with  me 
in  purchasing  nothing  foreign  where  an  equiv 
alent  of  domestic  fabric  can  be  obtained,  with 


out  regard  to  difference  of  price,  it  will  not 
be  our  fault  if  we  do  not  soon  have  a  supply 
at  home  equal  to  our  demand,  and  wrest  that 
weapon  of  distress  from  the  hand  which  has 
wielded  it.  If  it  shall  be  proposed  to  go  be 
yond  our  own  supply,  the  question  of  1785 
will  then  recur,  Will  our  surplus  labor  be  then 
most  beneficially  employed  in  the  culture  of 
the  earth,  or  in  the  fabrications  of  art?  We 
have  time  yet  for  consideration,  before  that 
question  will  press  upon  us;  and  the  maxim 
to  be  applied  will  depend  on  the  circumstances 
which  shall  then  exist;  for  in  so  complicated  a 
science  as  political  economy,  no  one  axiom 
can  be  laid  down  as  wise  and  expedient  for  all 
times  and  circumstances,  and  for  their  con 
traries.  Inattention  to  this  is  what  has  called 
for  this  explanation,  which  reflection  would 
have  rendered  unnecessary  with  the  candid, 
while  nothing  will  do  with  those  who  use 
the  former  opinion  only  as  a  stalking  horse 
to  cover  their  disloyal  propensities  to  keep  us 
in  eternal  vassalage  to  a  foreign  and  un 
friendly  people.* — To  BENJAMIN  AUSTIN,  vi, 
521.  FORD  ED.,  x,  8.  (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

5036.  MANUFACTURES,  Labor  and.— 

In  general,  it  is  impossible  that  manufactures 
should  succeed  in  America  from  the  high 
price  of  labor.  This  is  occasioned  by  the 
great  demand  of  labor  for  agriculture.  A 
manufacturer,  going  from  Europe,  will  turn 
to  labor  of  other  kinds  if  he  finds  more  to 
be  got  by  it,  and  he  finds  some  employment 
so  profitable  that  he  can  soon  lay  up  money 
enough  to  buy  fifty  acres  of  land,  to  the  cul 
ture  of  which  he  is  irresistibly  tempted  by  the 
independence  in  which  that  places  him,  and 
the  desire  of  having  a  wife  and  family  around 
him.  If  any  manufactures  can  succeed  there, 
it  will  be  that  of  cotton. — To  THOMAS  DIGGES. 
ii,  412.  FORD  ED.,  v,  27.  (P.,  1788.) 

5037.  MANUFACTURES,       Machinery 
and. — The  endeavors  which  Dr.  Wallace  in 
formed  you  we  were  making  in  the  line  of 
manufactures  are  very  humble  indeed.     We 
have  not  as  yet  got  beyond  the  clothing  of 
our  laborers.     We  hope,  indeed,  soon  to  be 
gin  finer  fabrics,  and  for  higher  uses.     But 
these  will  probably  be  confined  to  cotton  and 
wool.     *     *     *     I  have  lately  seen  the  im 
provement  of  the  loom  by  Janes,  the  most 
beautiful  machine  I  have  ever  seen.     *    *    * 
I  am  endeavoring  to  procure  this  improve 
ment.    These  cares  are  certainly  more  pleas 
ant  than   those   of  the   state.— To  JOHN   T. 
MASON.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  475.     (M.,  1814.) 

5038.  MANUFACTURES,  National  de 
fence    and. — The    endeavors    of    five    years, 
aided  with  some  internal  manufacturers,  have 

*  Mr.  Austin  asked  Jefferson's  permission  to  pub 
lish  the  letter  containing  the  foregoing  extract.  Jef 
ferson  wrote  in  reply  :  "  I  am,  in  general,  extremely 
unwilling  to  be  carried  into  the  newspapers,  no  mat 
ter  what  the  subject ;  the  whole  pack  of  the  Essex 
[Junto]  Kennel  would  open  upon  me.  With  respect, 
however,  to  so  much  of  my  letter  *  *  *  as  relates 
to  manufactures,  I  have  less  repugnance,  because 
there  is,  perhaps,  a  degree  of  duty  to  avow  a  change 
of  opinion  called  for  by  a  change  of  circumstance, 
and  especially  on  a  point  now  becoming  peculiarly 
interesting."— EDITOR. 


Manufactures 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


534 


not  yet  found  a  tolerable  supply  of  arms.  To 
make  these  within  ourselves,  then,  as  well  as 
the  other  implements  of  war,  is  as  necessary 
as  to  make  our  bread  within  ourselves. — To 
SPEAKER  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES.  FORD  ED.,  ii, 
267.  (Wg.,  I779-) 

5039. .  I  suppose  that  the  es 
tablishing  a  manufacture  of  arms  [in  Vir 
ginia]  to  go  hand  in  hand  with  the  purchase 
of  them  from  hence  [France]  is  at  present 
opposed  by  good  reasons.  This  alone  would 
make  us  independent  for  an  article  essential 
to  our  preservation,  and  workmen  could  prob 
ably  be  either  got  here,  or  drawn  from  England 
to  be  embarked  hence.— To  GOVERNOR  HENRY. 
FORD  EDV  iv,  48.  (P.,  1785.) 

5040.  MANUFACTURES,      Navigation 

vs. — Some  jealousy  of  this  spirit  of  manu 
facture  seems  excited  among  commercial  men. 
It  would  have  been  as  just  when  we  first 
began  to  make  our  own  plows  and  hoes. 
They  have  certainly  lost  the  profit  of  bring 
ing  these  from  a  foreign  country.  *  *  * 
I  do  not  think  it  fair  in  the  shipowners  to  say 
we  ought  not  to  make  our  own  axes,  nails, 
&c.,  here,  that  they  may  have  the  benefit  of 
carrying  the  iron  to  Europe,  and  bringing 
back  the  axes,  nails,  &c.  Our  agriculture 
will  still  afford  surplus  produce  enough  to 
employ  a  due  proportion  of  navigation. — To 
DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  v,  415.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
226.  (W.,  i8oQ.) 

5041.  MANUFACTURES,        Protection 

of. — To  protect  the  manufactures  adapted  to 
our  circumstances  *  *  *  [is  one  of]  the 
landmarks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves 
in  all  our  proceedings. — SECOND  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE.  viii,  21.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  187. 
(1802.)  See  PROTECTION  and  TARIFF. 

5042.  MANUFACTURES,     Rivalry    in 
foreign  markets. — We  hope  to  remove  the 
British  fully  and  finally  from  our  continent. 
And  what  they  will  feel  more,  for  they  value 
their  colonies  only  for  the  bales  of  cloth  they 
take  from  them,  we  have  established  manu 
factures,  not  only  sufficient  to  supersede  our 
demand  from  them,  but  to  rivalize  them  in 
foreign  markets. — To  MADAME  DE  TESSE.    vi, 
273.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  440.     (Dec.  1813.) 

5043.  MANUFACTURES,  Rooted.— Our 

domestic  manufactures  *  *  *  have  taken 
such  deep  root  [that  they]  never 

again  can  be  shaken. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAY 
ETTE,  vi,  427.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  511.  (M.,  1815.) 

5044.  -  — .    We  owe  to  the  past  fol 
lies  and  wrongs  of  the  British  the  incalculable 
advantage  of  being  made  independent  of  them 
for  every  material  manufacture.    These  have 
taken  such  root  in  our  private  families  espe 
cially,  that  nothing  now  can  ever  extirpate 
them. — To  W.  H.  CRAWFORD,    vi,  420.    FORD 
ED.,  ix,  504.     (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

5045.  MANUFACTURES,  State  aid  to. 
—The  House  of  Delegates  of  Virginia  seemed 
disposed  to  adventure  £2,500  for  the  establish 
ing  a  woollen  manufactory  in  Virginia,  but  the 
Senate  did  not  concur.     By  their  returning  to 


the  subject,  however,  at  a  subsequent  session, 
and  wishing  more  specific  propositions,  it  is 
probable  they  might  be  induced  to  concur,  if 
they  saw  a  certain  provision  that  their  money 
would  not  be  paid  for  nothing.  Some  unsuc 
cessful  experiments  heretofore  may  have  sug 
gested  this  caution.  Suppose  the  propositions 
brought  into  some  such  shape  as  this:  The 
undertaker  is  to  contribute  £1,000,  the  State 
£2,500,  viz. :  the  undertaker  having  laid  out  his 
£1,000  in  the  necessary  implements  to  be 
brought  from  Europe,  and  these  being  landed 
in  Virginia  as  a  security  that  he  will  proceed, 
let  the  State  pay  for  the  first  necessary  pur 
pose  then  to  occur  £  1,000. 

Let  it  pay  him  a  stipend  of  .£100  a  year  for  the 

first  three  years 
Let 


st  tree  years 

it  give  him  a  bounty  (supp 
every  yard  of  woollen  cloth 


ose  one-third) 

on  every  yard  of  woollen  cloth  equal  to  good 
plains,  which  he  shall  weave  for  five  years, 
not  exceeding  ^250  a  year  (20,000  yards)  the 
four  first  years,  and  £200  the  fifth i,200 

^2,500 

To  every  workman  whom  he  shall  import,  let 
them  give,  after  he  shall  have  worked  in  the 
manufactory  five  years,  warrants  for  —  acres 
of  land,  and  pay  the  expenses  of  survey,  patents, 
&c.  (This  last  article  is  to  meet  the  proposition 
of  the  undertaker.  I  do  not  like  it,  because  it 
tends  to  draw  off  the  manufacturer  from  his 
trade.  I  should  better  like  a  premium  to  him 
on  his  continuance  in  it;  as,  for  instance,  that 
he  should  be  free  from  State  taxes  as  long  as 
he  should  carry  on  his  trade.) 

The  President's  intervention  seems  necessary 
till  the  contracts  shall  be  concluded.  It  is  pre 
sumed  he  would  not  like  to  be  embarrassed 
afterwards  with  the  details  of  superintendence. 
Suppose,  in  his  answer  to  the  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  he  should  say  that  the  undertaker  being 
in  Europe,  more  specific  propositions  cannot  be 
obtained  from  him  in  time  to  be  laid  before  this 
assembly ;  that  in  order  to  secure  to  the  State 
the  benefits  of  the  establishment,  and  yet  guard 
them  against  an  unproductive  grant  of  money, 
he  thinks  some  plan  like  the  preceding  one 
might  be  proposed  to  the  undertaker.  That  as 
it  is  not  known  whether  he  would  accept  it  ex 
actly  in  that  form,  it  might  disappoint  the  views 
of  the  State  were  they  to  prescribe  that  or  any 
other  form  rigorously,  consequently  that  a  dis 
cretionary  power  must  be  given  to  a  certain 
extent.  That  he  would  willingly  cooperate  with 
their  Executive  in  effecting  the  contract,  and 
certainly  would  not  conclude  it  on  any  terms 
worse  for  the  State  than  those  before  explained, 
and  that  the  contracts  being  once  concluded,  his 
distance  and  other  occupations  would  oblige 
him  to  leave  the  execution  open  to  the  Execu 
tive  of  the  State. — OFFICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  460. 
(1790.) 

5046.  MANUFACTURES,  Tariff  on 
foreign. — Where  a  nation  imposes  high  du 
ties  on  our  productions,  or  prohibits  them 
altogether,  it  may  be  proper  for  us  to  do 
the  same  by  theirs ;  first  burdening  or  exclud 
ing  those  productions  which  they  bring  here, 
in  competition  with  our  own  of  the  same 
kind;  selecting  next,  such  manufactures  as 
we  take  from  them  in  greatest  quantity,  and 
which,  at  the  same  time,  we  could  the  soonest 
furnish  to  ourselves,  or  obtain  from  other 
countries ;  imposing  on  them  duties  lighter  at 
first,  but  heavier  and  heavier,  afterwards,  as 
other  channels  of  supply  open.  Such  duties, 
having  the  effect  of  indirect  encouragement 
to  domestic  manufactures  of  the  same  kind, 


535 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Manufactures 
Marbury  vs.  Madison 


may  induce  the  manufacturer  to  come  him 
self  into  these  States,  where  cheaper  subsist 
ence,  equal  laws,  and  a  vent  of  his  wares, 
free  of  duty,  may  ensure  him  the  highest 
profits  from  his  skill  and  industry.  And 
here,  it  would  be  in  the  power  of  the  State 
governments  to  cooperate  essentially,  by 
opening  the  resources  of  encouragement 
which  are  under  their  control,  extending  them 
liberally  to  artists  in  those  particular  branches 
of  manufacture  for  which  their  soil,  climate, 
population  and  other  circumstances  have  ma 
tured  them,  and  fostering  the  precious  efforts 
and  progress  of  household  manufacture,  by 
some  patronage  suited  to  the  nature  of  its 
objects,  guided  by  the  local  informations  they 
possess,  and  guarded  against  abuse  by  their 
presence  and  attentions.  The  oppressions  on 
our  agriculture,  in  foreign  ports,  would  thus 
be  made  the  occasion  of  relieving  it  from  a 
dependence  on  the  councils  and  conduct  of 
others,  and  of  promoting  arts,  manufactures 
and  population  at  home. — FOREIGN  COMMERCE 
REPORT,  vii,  648.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  481.  (Dec. 
1793- )  See  DUTIES,  PROTECTION  and  TARIFF. 

5047.  MANUFACTURES,  Virginia.— 
In  Virginia  we  do  little  in  the  fine  way,  but 
in  coarse  and  middling  goods  a  great  deal. 
Every  family  in  the  country  is  a  manufac 
tory  within  itself,  and  is  very  generally  able 
to  make  within  itself  all  the  stouter  and  mid 
dling  stuffs  for  its  own  clothing  and  house 
hold  use.  We  consider  a  sheep  for  every 
person  in  the  family  as  sufficient  to  clothe  it, 
in  addition  to  the  cotton,  hemp  and  flax  which 
we  raise  ourselves.  For  fine  stuff  we  shall 
depend  on  your  northern  manufactories.  Of 
these,  that  is  to  say,  of  company  establish 
ments  we  have  none.  We  use  little  machin 
ery.  The  spinning  jenny,  and  loom  with  the 
flying  shuttle,  can  be  managed  in  a  family; 
but  nothing  more  complicated. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vi,  36.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  332.  (M.,  Jan. 
1812.) 

5048. .     For  fine  goods  there  are 

numerous  establishments  at  work  in  the  large 
cities,  and  many  more  daily  growing  up ;  and 
of  merinos  we  have  some  thousands,  and 
these  multiplying  fast.  We  consider  a  sheep 
for  every  person  as  sufficient  for  their  woollen 
clothing,  and  this  State  and  all  to  the  north 
have  fully  that,  and  those  to  the  south  and 
west  will  soon  be  up  to  it.  In  other  articles, 
we  are  equally  advanced,  so  that  nothing  is 
more  certain  than  that,  come  peace  when  it 
will,  we  shall  never  again  go  to  England  for  a 
shilling  where  we  have  gone  for  a  dollar's 
worth.  Instead  of  applying  to  her  manufac 
turers  there,  they  must  starve  or  come  here 
to  be  employed.— To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  vi, 
69.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  363.  (M.,  June  1812.) 

—  MAPLE  SUGAR.— See  SUGAR. 

5049.  MARBURY  vs.  MADISON,  Case 
of. — I  observe  that  the  case  of  Marbury  vs. 
Madison  has  been  cited  [in  the  trial  of  Aaron 
Burr],  and  I  think  it  material  to  stop  at  the 
threshold  the  citing  that  case  as  authority  and 
to  have  it  denied  to  be  law.  I.  Because  the 


judges  in  the  outset,  disclaimed  all  cognizance 
of  the  case,  although  they  then  went  on  to  say 
what  would  have  been  their  opinion,  had  they 
had  cognizance  of  it.  This,  then,  was  confess 
edly  an  extra-judicial  opinion,  and,  as  such  of 
no  authority.  2.  Because,  had  it  been  judi 
cially  pronounced,  it  would  have  been  against 
law;  for  to  a  commission,  a  deed,  a  bond, 
delivery  is  essential  to  give  validity.  Until, 
therefore,  the  commission  is  delivered  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  Executive  and  his  agents, 
it  is  not  his  deed.  He  may  withhold  or  can 
cel  it  at  pleasure,  as  he  might  his  private 
deed  in  the  same  situation.  The  Constitution 
intended  that  the  three  great  branches  of  the 
government  should  be  coordinate,  and  in 
dependent  of  each  other.  As  to  acts,  there 
fore,  which  are  to  be  done  by  either,  it  has 
given  no  control  to  another  branch.  A 
judge,  I  presume,  cannot  sit  on  a  bench  with 
out  a  commission,  or  a  record  of  a  commis 
sion  ;  and  the  Constitution  having  given  to  the 
Judiciary  branch  no  means  of  compelling  the 
Executive  either  to  deliver  a  commission,  or 
to  make  a  record  of  it,  shows  that  it  did  not 
intend  to  give  the  Judiciary  that  control  over 
the  Executive,  but  that  it  should  remain  in 
the  power  of  the  latter  to  do  it  or  not.  Where 
different  branches  have  to  act  in  their  re 
spective  lines,  finally  and  without  appeal,  un 
der  any  law,  they  may  give  to  it  different  and 
opposite  constructions.  Thus,  in  the  case  of 
William  Smith,  the  House  of  Representatives 
determined  he  was  a  citizen ;  and  in  the  case 
of  William  Duane  (precisely  the  same  in 
every  material  circumstance),  the  judges  de 
termined  he  was  no  citizen.  In  the  cases  of 
Callender  and  some  others,  the  judges  de 
termined  the  Sedition  Act  was  valid  under  the 
Constitution,  and  exercised  their  regular  pow 
ers  of  sentencing  them  to  fine  and  imprison 
ment.  But  the  Executive  determined  that  the 
Sedition  Act  was  a  nullity  under  the  Con 
stitution,  and  exercised  his  regular  power  of 
prohibiting  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  or 
rather  of  executing  the  real  law,  which  pro 
tected  the  acts  of  the  defendants.  From  these 
different  constructions  of  the  same  act  by 
different  branches,  less  mischief  arises  than 
from  giving  to  any  one  of  them  a  control  over 
the  others.  The  Executive  and  Senate  act  on 
the  construction,  that  until  delivery  from  the 
Executive  department,  a  commission  is  in 
their  possession,  and  within  their  rightful 
power;  and  in  cases  of  commissions  not  re 
vocable  at  will,  where,  after  the  Senate's  ap 
probation  and  the  President's  signing  and 
sealing,  new  information  of  the  unfitness  of 
the  person  has  come  to  hand  before  the  de 
livery  of  the  commission,  new  nominations 
have  been  made  and  approved,  and  new  com 
missions  have  issued.  On  this  construction 
I  have  hitherto  acted;  on  this  I  shall  ever 
act,  and  maintain  it  with  the  powers  of  the 
government,  against  any  control  which  may 
be  attempted  by  the  judges,  in  subversion  of 
the  independence  of  the  Executive  and  Sen 
ate  within  their  peculiar  department.  I  pre 
sume,  therefore,  that  in  a  case  where  our  de 
cision  is  by  the  Constitution  the  supreme  one, 


Marie  Antionette 
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536 


and  that  which  can  be  carried  into  effect,  it  is 
.he  constitutionally  authoritative  one,  and  that 
nat  by  the  judges  was  coram  non  judice,  and 
nauthoritative,  because  it  cannot  be  carried 
uito  effect.  I  have  long  wished  for  a  proper 
occasion  to  have  the  gratuitous  opinion  in 
Marbury  vs.  Madison  brought  before  the  pub 
lic,  and  denounced  as  not  law ;  and  I  think  the 
present  a  fortunate  one,  because  it  occupies 
such  a  place  in  the  public  attention.  I  should 
be  glad,  therefore,  if,  in  noticing  that  case, 
you  could  take  occasion  to  express  the  de 
termination  of  the  Executive,  that  the  doc 
trines  of  that  case  were  given  extra- judicially 
and  against  law,  and  that  their  reverse  will  be 
the  rule  of  action  with  the  Executive. — To 
GEORGE  HAY.  v,  84.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  53.  (W., 
June  1807.) 

5050.  MARIE  ANTOINETTE,  Charac 
ter. — This  angel,  as  gaudily  painted  in  the 
rhapsodies  of  the  Rhetor  Burke,  with  some 
smartness  of  fancy,  but  no  good  sense,  was 
proud,  disdainful  of  restraint,  indignant  at  all 
obstacles  to  her  will,  eager  in  the  pursuit  of 
pleasure,  and  firm  enough  to  hold  to  her  de 
sires,  or  perish  in  their  wreck. — AUTOBIOGRA 
PHY,  i,  101.  FORD  ED.,  i,  140.  (1821.) 

5051. .     She    is    capricious    like 

her  brother,  and  governed  by  him ;  devoted  to 
pleasure  and  expense ;  and  not  remarkable  for 
any  other  vices  or  virtues. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  154.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  393.  (P.,  1787-) 

5052. .     It  may  be  asked  what  is 

the  Queen  disposed  to  do  in  the  present  situa 
tion  of  things?  Whatever  rage,  pride  and  fear 
can  dictate  in  a  breast  which  never  knew  the 
presence  of  one  moral  restraint. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
iii,  118.  (P.,  Sep.  1789.) 

5053.  MARIE  ANTOINETTE,  Extrava 
gance.—  Nor  should  we  wonder  at    *    *    * 
[the]    pressure    [for    a    fixed    constitution    in 
1788-9]  when  we  consider  the  monstrous  abuses 
of  power  under  which     *     *     *     [the  French] 
people  were  ground  to  powder ;  when  we  pass 
in  review     *     *     *     the  enormous  expenses  of 
the  Queen,  the  princes  and  the  Court. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,     i,  86.     FORD  ED.,   i,   118.     (1821.) 

5054.  MARIE      ANTOINETTE,     Gam 
bling. — Her  inordinate  gambling  and  dissipa 
tions,   with   those   of   the   Count   d'Artois   and 
others  of  her  clique,  had  been  a  sensible  item 
in    the    exhaustion    of    the    treasury. — AUTOBI 
OGRAPHY,     i,  101.     FORD  ED.,  i,  140.     (1821.) 

5055.  MABIE  ANTOINETTE,  Beform 
—The  exhaustion  of  the  treasury  called  into 
action  the  reforming  hand  of  the  nation ;  and 
her  opposition  to  it,  her  inflexible  perverseness 
and  dauntless  spirit,  led  herself  to  the  guillotine 
drew  the   King  on  with   her,   and  plunged  the 
world    into    crimes    and    calamities    which    will 
forever   stain   the   pages   of   modern   history. — 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,      101.     FORD  ED.,     i,    140 
(1821.) 

5056.  MABIE     ANTOINETTE,      The 
Bevolution  and.— I  have  ever  believed,  that 
had   there   been   no    Queen,    there   would   have 
been  no  Revolution.     No  force  would  have  been 
provoked,  nor  exercised.     The  King  would  have 
gone   hand    in    hand   with    the   wisdom    of   his 
sounder    counsellors,    who,    guided    by    the    in 
creased  lights  of  the  age,  wished  only,  with  the 


same  pace,  to  advance  the  principles  of  their 
social  constitution. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  101. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  140.  (1821.) 

5057.  MABINE    HOSPITALS,    Estab 
lishment  of. — With  respect  to  marine  hospi 
tals,  I  presume  you  know  that  such  establish 
ments  have  been  made  by  the  General  Govern 
ment  in  the  several   States,   that  a  portion  of 
seamen's  wages  is  drawn  for  their  support,  and 
the    Government    furnishes    what    is    deficient. 
Mr.  Gallatin  is  attentive  to  them,  and  they  will 
grow  with  our  growth. — To  JAMES  RONALDSON. 
vi,  92.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  371.     (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

_  MABINE  LEAGUE.— See  1335. 

5058.  MABITIME  LAW,  Violation  of. 
—A  statement  of  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain 
towards    this    country,    so    far   as    respects   the 
violations    of    the    Maritime    Law    of    nations 
[must  be  laid  before  Congress].     Here  it  would 
be    necessary    to    state    each    distinct    principle 
violated,   and  to  quote  the  cases  of  violation, 
and   to   conclude  with   a  view   of  her  vice-ad 
miralty  courts,  their  venality  and  rascality,  in 
order  to  show  that  however  for  conveniences 
(and  not  of  right)    the  court  of  the  captor  is 
admitted  to  exercise  the  jurisdiction,  yet  that 
in    so   palpable   an   abuse   of   that   trust,    some 
remedy  must  be  applied. — To  CAESAR  A.  ROD 
NEY,     v,    200.     FORD   ED.,   ix,    144.     (W.,    Oct. 
1807.) 

5059.  MABKETS,  Access  to.— It  is  not 
to  the  moderation  and  justice  of  others  we  are 
to  trust  for  fair  and  equal  access  to  market 
with  our  productions,  or  for  our  due  share  in 
the  transportation  of  them;  but  to  our  own 
means  of  independence,  and  the  firm  will  to 
use  them. — FOREIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT,     vii, 
650.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  483.    (Dec.  1793.) 

5060.  MABKETS,  British.— It  is  but  too 

true,  that  Great  Britain  furnishes  markets  for 
three-fourths  of  the  exports  of  the  eight 
northernmost  States, — a  truth  not  proper  to 
be  spoken  of,  but  which  should  influence  our 
proceedings  with  them. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
i,  406.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  85.  (P.,  1785.) 

5061.  MABKETS,  Exclusion  from.— Let 
them   [the  British]   not  think  to  exclude  us 
from  going  to  other  markets  to  dispose  of 
those  commodities  which  they  cannot  use,  nor 
to  supply  those  wants  which  they  cannot  sup 
ply. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,      i,   142. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  446.     (1774.) 

5062. .    Besides  the  duties  *  '*  * 

[the  acts  of  Parliament]  impose  on  our 
articles  of  export  and  import  they  prohibit 
our  going  to  any  markets  northward  of  Cape 
Finisterre,  in  the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  for  the 
sale  of  commodities  which  great  Britain  will 
not  take  from  us,  and  for  the  purchase  of 
others,  with  which  she  cannot  supply  us ;  and 
that,  for  no  other  than  the  arbitrary  purpose 
of  purchasing  for  themselves,  by  a  sacrifice  of 
our  rights  and  interests,  certain  privileges  in 
their  commerce  with  an  allied  State,  who,  in 
confidence,  that  their  exclusive  trade  with 
America  will  be  continued,  while  the  prin 
ciples  and  power  of  the  British  Parliament 
be  the  same,  have  indulged  themselves  in 
every  exorbitance  which  their  avarice  could 
dictate  or  our  necessity  extort;  have  raised 


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THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Markets 


their  commodities  called  for  in  America,  to 
the  double  and  treble  of  what  they  sold  for, 
before  such  exclusive  privileges  were  given 
them,  and  of  what  better  commodities  of  the 
same  kind  would  cost  us  elsewhere ;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  give  us  much  less  for  what 
we  carry  thither,  than  might  be  had  at  more 
convenient  ports. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,  i,  128.  FORD  ED.,  i,  433.  0774-) 

5063. .  These  acts  [of  Parlia 
ment]  prohibit  us  from  carrying,  in  quest  of 
other  purchasers,  the  surplus  of  our  tobaccos, 
remaining  after  the  consumption  of  Great 
Britain  is  supplied  ;  so  that  we  must  leave  them 
with  the  British  merchant  for  whatever  he 
will  please  to  allow  us,  to  be  by  him  re- 
shipped  to  foreign  markets,  where  he  will  reap 
the  benefits  of  making  sale  of  them  for  full 
value. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  129. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  433.  (I774-) 

5064.  MARKETS,    Extension    of.— The 
mass  of  our  countrymen  being  interested  in 
agriculture,  I  hope  I  do  not  err  in  supposing 
that   in   a   time   of   profound   peace,    as   the 
present,  to  enable  them  to  adopt  their  pro 
ductions  to  the  market,  to  point  out  markets 
for  them,  and  endeavor  to  obtain  favorable 
terms  of  reception,  is  within  the  line  of  my 
duty.— To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  139.     FORD  ED.,  iv, 
378.     (1787.) 

5065.  MARKETS,    Fish    oil.— The    duty 
on  whale  oil  [in  the  British  markets]  amounts 
to  a  prohibition.     This   duty  was  originally 
laid  on   all   foreign  fish  oil   with  a  view  to 
favor    the    British    and    American    fisheries. 
When  we  became  independent,  and  of  course 
foreign  to  Great  Britain,  we  became  subject 
to   the    foreign    duty.        No    duty,    therefore, 
which  France  may  think  proper  to  lay  on  this 
article,  can  drive  it  to  the  English  market. 
It  could  only  oblige  the  inhabitants  of  Nan- 
tucket   to    abandon   their   fishery.        But   the 
poverty  of  their  soil,  offering  them  no  other 
resource,   they  must  quit  their  country,   and 
either   establish  themselves  in   Nova   Scotia, 
where,   as   British  fishermen,  they  may  par 
ticipate  of  the  British  premium   in  addition 
to  the  ordinary  price  of  their  whale  oil,  or 
they  must  accept  the  conditions  which  this 
government  offers  for  the  establishment  they 
have  proposed  at  Dunkirk.     Your  Excellency 
will  judge  what  conditions  may  counterbal 
ance  in  their  minds  the  circumstances  of  the 
vicinity   of   Nova    Scotia,    sameness   of   lan 
guage,   laws,   religion,  customs  and  kindred. 
Remaining  in  their  native  country,  to  which 
they  are  most  singularly  attached,  excluded 
from  commerce  with  England,  taught  to  look 
to  France  as  the  only  country  from  which  they 
can   derive   sustenance,   they  will   in   case  of 
war  become  useful  rovers  against  its  enemies. 
Their  position,  their  poverty,  their  courage, 
their  address,   and  their  hatred  will   render 
them  formidable  scourges  on  the  British  com 
merce. — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.    ii,  312. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5066. .     You  have  heard  of  the 

Arret   of    September    28th    [1788]    excluding 


foreign  whale  oils  from  the  ports  of  this 
country  [France].  I  have  obtained  the 
promise  of  an  explanatory  Arret  to  declare 
that  that  of  September  28th  was  not  meant 
to  extend  to  us.  Orders  are  accordingly 
given  in  the  ports  to  receive  ours,  and  the 
Arret  will  soon  be  published.  This  places 
us  on  a  better  footing  than  ever,  as  it  gives  us 
a  monopoly  of  this  market  in  conjunction 
with  the  French  fishermen. — To  THOMAS 
PAINE,  ii,  549.  (P.,  1788.) 

5067.  -  — .    You    recollect   well    the 

Arret  of  December  29th,  1787,  in  favor  of  our 
commerce,  and  which,  among  other  things, 
gave  free  admission  to  our  whale  oil,  under 
a  duty  of  about  two  louis  a  ton.  In  con 
sequence  of  the  English  treaty,  their  oils 
flowed  in  and  overstocked  the  market.  The 
light  duty  they  were  liable  to  under  the  treaty, 
still  lessened  by  false  estimates  and  aided  by 
the  high  premiums  of  the  British  govern 
ment,  enabled  them  to  undersell  the  French 
and  American  oils.  This  produced  an  out 
cry  of  the  Dunkirk  fishery.  It  was  proposed 
to  exclude  all  European  oils,  which  would 
not  infringe  the  British  treaty.  I  could  not 
but  encourage  this  idea,  because  it  would  give 
to  the  French  and  American  fisheries  a 
monopoly  of  the  French  market.  The  Arret 
was  so  drawn  up;  but,  in  the  very  moment 
of  passing  it,  they  struck  out  the  word  Eu 
ropean,  so  that  our  oils  became  involved. 

*  *     *     As  soon  as  it  was  known  to  me  I 
wrote  to  Monsieur  de  Montmorin,  and  had 
conferences  with  him  and  the  other  ministers. 

*  *  *  An  immediate  order  was  given  for  the 
present  admission  of  our  oils.     *     *     *     It 
was  observed  that  if  our  States  would  pro 
hibit  all  foreign  oils  from  being  imported  into 
them,  it  would  be  a  great  safeguard,  and  an 
encouragement  to  them  to  continue  the  ad 
mission. — To   JOHN    ADAMS,      ii,    538.      (P., 
1788.) 

5068. .     The  Arret  of  September 

28th  [1788],  to  comprehend  us  with  the  Eng 
lish,  in  the  exclusion  of  whale  oil  from  their 
ports  *  *  *  would  be  a  sentence  of  banish 
ment  to  the  inhabitants  of  Nantucket,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  they  would  have  removed 
to  Nova  Scotia  or  England,  in  preference  to 
any  other  part  of  the  world. — To  WILLIAM 
CARMICHAEL.  ii,  551.  (P.,  1788.) 

5069. .  This  branch  of  com 
merce  [whale  oils]  *  *  *  will  be  on  a 
better  footing  than  ever  as  enjoying  jointly 
with  the  French  oil,  a  monopoly  of  the 
French  markets. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  513.  (P., 
1788.) 

5070. .     The   English  began    [in 

1787]  to  deluge  the  markets  of  France  with 
their  whale  oils ;  and  they  were  enabled,  by 
the  great  premiums  given  by  their  govern 
ment,  to  undersell  the  French  fisherman, 
aided  by  feebler  premiums,  and  the  American, 
aided  by  his  poverty  alone.  Nor  is  it  certain 
that  these  speculations  were  not  made  at  the 
risk  of  the  British  government,  to  suppress 
the  French  and  American  fishermen  in  their 


Markets 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


538 


only  market.  Some  remedy  seemed  neces 
sary.  Perhaps  it  would  not  have  been  a  bad 
one  to  subject,  by  a  general  law,  the  merchan 
dise  of  every  nation,  and  of  every  nature,  to 
pay  additional  duties  in  the  ports  of  France, 
exactly  equal  to  the  premiums  and  drawbacks 
given  on  the  same  merchandise  by  their  own 
government.  This  might  not  only  counteract 
the  effect  of  premiums  in  the  instance  of 
whale  oils,  but  attack  the  whole  British  sys 
tem  of  bounties  and  drawbacks,  five-eighths 
of  our  whale  oil,  and  two-thirds  of  our  salted 
fish,  they  take  from  us  one-fourth  of  our 
tobacco,  three-fourths  of  our  live  stock,  *  *  * 
a  considerable  and  growing  portion  of  our 
rice,  great  supplies,  occasionally,  of  other 
grain;  in  1789,  which,  indeed,  was  extraor 
dinary,  four  millions  of  bushels  of  wheat, 
and  upwards  of  a  million  of  bushels  of  rye 
and  barley  *  *  *  and  nearly  the  whole 
carried  in  our  own  vessels.  They  are  a  free 
market  now,  and  will,  in  time,  be  a  valuable 
one  for  ships  and  ship  timber,  potash  and 
peltry. — REPORT  ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  551. 
(I7QI-) 

5071. .  France  is  the  only  coun 
try  which  can  take  our  surplus,  and  they  take 
principally  of  the  common  oil ;  as  the  habit 
is  but  commencing  with  them  of  a  just  value 
to  spermaceti  whale.  Some  of  this,  how 
ever,  finds  its  vent  there.  There  was,  indeed, 
a  particular  interest  perpetually  soliciting  the 
exclusion  of  our  oils  from  their  markets. 
The  late  government  there  saw  well  that  what 
we  should  lose  thereby  would  be  gained  by 
others,  not  by  themselves.  And  we  are  to 
hope  that  the  present  government,  as  wise 
and  friendly,  will  also  view  us,  not  as  rivals, 
but  as  cooperatprs  against  a  common  rival 
(England).  Friendly  arrangements  with 
them,  and  accommodation  to  mutual  interest, 
rendered  easier  by  friendly  dispositions  exist 
ing  on  both  sides,  may  long  secure  to  us  this 
important  resource  for  our  seamen.  Nor  is 
it  the  interest  of  the  fisherman  alone  which 
calls  for  the  cultivation  of  friendly  arrange 
ments  with  that  nation;  besides  by  the  aid 
of  which  they  make  London  the  centre  of 
commerce  for  the  earth.  A  less  general 
remedy,  but  an  effectual  one,  was  to  prohibit 
the  oils  of  all  European  nations ;  the  treaty 
with  England  requiring  only  that  she  should 
be  treated  as  well  as  the  most  favored  Eu 
ropean  nation.  But  the  remedy  adopted  was 
to  prohibit  all  oils,  without  exception. — To 
COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii,  520.  (P.,  1788.) 

5072. .     England    is    the   market 

for  the  greatest  part  of  our  spermaceti  oil. 
They  impose  on  all  our  oils  a  duty  of  eighteen 
pounds  five  shillings  sterling  the  ton,  which, 
as  to  the  common  kind,  is  a  prohibition, 
*  *  *  and  as  to  the  spermaceti,  gives  a 
preference  of  theirs  over  ours  to  that  amount, 
so  as  to  leave,  in  the  end,  but  a  scanty  benefit 
to  the  fishermen ;  and,  not  long  since,  by  a 
change  of  construction,  without  any  change 
of  law,  it  was  made  to  exclude  our  oils  from 
their  ports,  when  carried  in  our  vessels.  On 
some  change  of  circumstance,  it  was  con 
strued  back  again  to  the  reception  of  our  oils, 


on  paying  always,  however,  the  same  duty 
of  eighteen  pounds  five  shillings.  This  serves 
to  show  that  the  tenure  by  which  we  hold  the 
admission  of  this  commodity  in  their  markets, 
is  as  precarious  as  it  is  hard.  Nor  can  it 
be  announced  that  there  is  any  disposition  on 
their  part  to  arrange  this  or  any  other  com 
mercial  matter  to  mutual  convenience. — RE 
PORT  ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii,  552.  (1791.) 

5073.  MARKETS,      Fisheries.— Agricul 
ture  has  too  many  markets  to  be  allowed  to 
take  away  those  of  the  fisheries. — REPORT  ON 
THE  FISHERIES,    vii,  544.     (1791.) 

5074.  MARKETS,    Foreign.— We     have 
hitherto    respected    the    indecision    of    Spain 
[with  respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi],     *          *    because  our  western  citi 
zen  s  have  had  vent  at  home  for  their  pro 
ductions.      A    surplus    of   production    begins 
now  to  demand  foreign  markets.     Whenever 
they  shall  say,  "  We  cannot,  we  will  not,  be 
longer  shut  up  ",  the  United  States  will  be 
reduced  to  the   following  dilemma:     i.    To 
force  them  to  acquiescence.     2.  To  separate 
from  them  rather  than  take  part  in  a  war 
against   Spain.     3.   Or  to  preserve  them   in 
our    Union,    by    joining    them    in    the    war. 
*    *    *    The  third  is  the  alternative  we  must 
adopt. — INSTRUCTIONS    TO    WILLIAM    CARMI- 
CHAEL.    ix,  412.    FORD  ED.,  v,  226.     (1790.) 

5075. .  Our  commerce  is  cer 
tainly  of  a  character  to  entitle  it  to  favor  in 
most  countries.  The  commodities  we  offer 
are  either  necessaries  of  life,  or  materials  for 
manufacture,  or  convenient  subjects  of  rev 
enue  ;  and  we  take  in  exchange,  either  manu 
factures,  when  they  have  received  the  last 
finish  of  art  and  industry,  or  mere  luxuries. 
Such  customers  may  reasonably  expect  wel 
come  and  friendly  treatment  at  every  market. 
Customers,  too,  whose  demands,  increasing 
with  their  wealth  and  population,  must  very 
shortly  give  full  employment  to  the  whole 
industry  of  any  nation  whatever,  in  any  line 
of  supply  they  may  get  into  the  habit  of  call 
ing  for  from  it. — FOREIGN  COMMERCE  RE 
PORT,  vii,  646.  FORDED.,,  vi,  479.  (Dec.  1793.) 

5076.  MARKETS,   Fostering.— The  way 
to  encourage  purchasers  is  to  multiply  their 
means   of   payment. — To    COUNT   DE    MONT 
MORIN.     ii,  529.     (P.,  1788.) 

5077.  MARKETS,       French. — No       two 

countries  are  better  calculated  for  the  ex 
changes  of  commerce.  France  wants  rice, 
tobacco,  potash,  furs,  and  ship-timber.  We 
want  wines,  brandies,  oils,  and  manufactures. 
—To  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  i,  390.  (P., 
1785.) 

5078. .     If     American     produce 

can  be  brought  into  the  ports  of  France,  the 
articles  of  exchange  for  it  will  be  taken  in 
those  ports;  and  the  only  means  of  drawing 
it  hither  is  to  let  the  merchant  see  that  he 
can  dispose  of  it  on  better  terms  here  than 
anywhere  else.  If  the  market  price  of  this 
country  does  not  in  itself  offer  this  supe 
riority,  it  may  be  worthy  of  consideration, 


539 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Markets 


whether  it  should  be  obtained  by  such  abate 
ments  of  duties,  and  even  by  such  other  en 
couragements  as  the  importance  of  the  article 
may  justify.  Should  some  loss  attend  this 
in  the  beginning,  it  can  be  discontinued  when 
the  trade  shall  be  well  established  in  this 
channel. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  i,  597. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  256.  (P.,  1786.) 

5079.  — .     I  have  laid  my  shoulder 

to  the  opening  the  markets  of  France  to  our 
produce,  and  rendering  its  transportation  a 
nursery  for  our  seamen. — To  GENERAL  WASH 
INGTON,  ii,  536.  FORD  ED.,  v,  58.  (P., 
1788.) 

5080. .     I   very   much   fear   that 

France  will  experience  a  famine  this  summer. 
The  effects  of  this  admit  of  no  calculation. 
Grain  is  the  thing  for  us  now  to  cultivate. 
The  demand  will  be  immense,  and  the  price 
high.  I  think  cases  were  shown  us  that  to  sell 
it  before  the  spring  is  an  immense  sacrifice.  I 
fear  we  shall  experience  a  want  of  vessels 
to  carry  our  produce  to  Europe.  In  this  case 
the  tobacco  will  be  left,  because  bread  is  more 
essential  to  them. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  241.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

5081.  MARKETS,  French  Asiatic.— Ar 
ticle  13  of  the  Arret  gives  us  the  privilegesand 
advantages    of    native    subjects    in    all    the 
French  possessions  in  Asia,  and  in  the  scales 
leading    thereto.      This   expression   means   at 
present  the  Isles  of  France  and  Bourbon,  and 
will  include  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  should 
any   future   event   put   it   into   the   hands   of 
France.    It  was  with  a  view  to  this  that  I  pro 
posed  the  expression,  because  we  were  then 
in  hourly  expectation  of  a  war,   and  it  was 
suspected  that  France  would  take  possession 
of  that  place.     It  will,   in  no  case,   be  con 
sidered  as  including  anything  westward  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope.    I  must  observe  further, 
on  this  article,  that  it  will  only  become  valu 
able  on  the  suppression  of  their  East  India 
Company;  because  as  long  as  their  monopoly 
continues,  even  native  subjects  cannot  enter 
their  Asiatic  ports  for  the  purposes  of  com 
merce.     It  is  considered,  however,  as  certain 
that  this  company  will  be  immediately  sup 
pressed.— To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  343.     (P.,  1787.) 

5082.  MARKETS,  Fur.— The  fur  trade  is 
an  object  of  desire  in  this  country  [France]. 
London  is  at  present  their  market  for  furs. 
They   pay   for   them   there   in    ready   money. 
Could  they  draw  their  furs  into   their  own 
ports  from  the  United  States  they  would  pay 
us  for  them  in  productions.     Nor  should  we 
lose  by  the  change  of  market,  since,  though 
the    French    pay    the    London    merchants    in 
cash,  those  merchants  pay  us  with  manufac 
tures.     A  very  wealthy  and   well   connected 
company  is  proposing  here  to  associate  them 
selves  with   an  American   company,   each  to 

'possess  half  the  interest,  and  to  carry  on  the 
fur  trade  between  the  two  countries.  The 
company  here  expect  to  make  the  principal 
part  of  the  advances;  they  also  are  solicit 
ing  considerable  indulgences  from  this  gov 
ernment  from  which  the  part  of  the  company 


on  our  side  of  the  water  will  reap  half  the 
advantage.  As  no  exclusive  idea  enters  into 
this  scheme,  it  appears  to  me  worthy  of  en 
couragement.  It  is  hoped  the  government 
here  will  interest  themselves  for  its  success. 
If  they  do,  one  of  two  things  may  happen : 
either  the  English  will  be  afraid  to  stop  the 
vessels  of  a  company  consisting  partly  of 
French  subjects,  and  patronized  by  the 
Court;  in  which  case  the  commerce  will  be 
laid  open  generally;  or  if  they  stop  the  ves 
sels,  the  French  company,  which  is  strongly 
connected  with  men  in  power,  will  complain 
in  form  to  their  government,  who  may  thus 
be  interested  as  principals  in  the  rectification 
of  this  abuse.  As  yet,  however,  the  propo 
sition  has  not  taken  such  a  form  as  to  assure 
us  that  it  will  be  prosecuted  to  this  length. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  231.  (P.,  1786.) 

5083.  MARKETS,  Home.— There  can  be 
no  question,  in  a  mind  truly  American, 
whether  it  is  best  to  send  pur  citizens  and 
property  into  certain  captivity,  and  then 
wage  war  for  their  recovery,  or  to  keep  them 
at  home,  and  to  turn  seriously  to  that  policy 
which  plants  the  manufacturer  and  the  hus 
bandman  side  by  side,  and  establishes  at  the 
door  of  every  one  that  exchange  of  mutual 
labors  and  comforts,  which  we  have  hitherto 
sought  in  distant  regions,  and  under  perpet 
ual  risk  of  broils  with  them. — R.  TO  A.  N. 
Y.  TAMMANY  SOCIETY,  viii,  127.  (Feb. 
1808.) 

5084. .  The  advantages    *    *    * 

of  planting  the  consumer  in  our  own  soil  by 
the  side  of  the  grower  of  produce,  are  so  pal 
pable,  that  no  temporary  suspension  of  in 
juries  on  England's  part,  or  agreements 
founded  on  that,  will  now  prevent  our  con 
tinuing  in  what  we  have  begun  [manufactur 
ing]. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  v,  456. 
(M.,  June  1809.) 

5085. .  The  bringing  our  coun 
trymen  to  a  sound  comparative  estimate  of 
the  vast  value  of  internal  commerce,  and 
the  disproportionate  importance  of  what  is 
foreign,  is  the  most  salutary  effort  which  can 
be  made  for  the  prosperity  of  these  States, 
which  are  entirely  misled  from  their  true  in 
terests  by  the  infection  of  English  prejudices, 
and  illicit  attachments  to  English  interests 
and  connections. — To  DR.  THOMAS  COOPER. 
vi,  294.  (M.,  1814.) 

5086.  MARKETS,  Land. — The  long  suc 
cession  of  years  of  stunted  crops,  of  reduced 
prices,  the  general  prostration  of  the  farming 
business,  under  levies  for  the  support  of  man 
ufacturers,  &c.,  with  the  calamitous  fluctua 
tions  of  value  in  our  proper  medium,  have 
kept  agriculture  in  a  state  of  abject  depres 
sion,  which  has  peopled  the  Western  States 
by  silently  breaking  up  those  on  the  Atlantic, 
and  glutted  the  land  market,  while  it  drew 
off  its  bidders.  In  such  a  state  of  things, 
property  has  lost  its  character  of  being  a 
resource  for  debts.  Highland  in  Bedford, 
which,  in  the  days  of  our  plethory,  sold 
readily  for  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  dollars 


Markets 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


540 


the  acre  (and  such  sales  were  many  then), 
would  not  now  sell  for  more  than  from  ten 
to  twenty  dollars,  or  one-quarter  or  one- 
fifth  of  its  former  price. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  vii,  434.  FORD  ED.,  x,  377.  (M.,  Feb 
ruary  1826.) 

5087.  MARKETS,     Monopolized.— It    is 

contrary  to  the  spirit  of  trade,  and  to  the 
dispositions  of  merchants,  to  carry  a  com 
modity  to  any  market  where  but  one  person 
is  allowed  to  buy  it,  and  where,  of  course, 
that  person  fixes  its  price,  which  the  seller 
must  receive,  or  reexport  his  commodity,  at 
the  loss  of  his  voyage  thither.  Experience 
accordingly  shows,  that  they  carry  it  to  other 
markets,  and  that  they  take  in  exchange 
the  merchandise  of  the  place  where  they  de 
liver  it.— To  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  i,  386. 
(P,  1785.) 

5088.  MARKETS,    Necessity   and.— We 
must  accept  bread  from  our  enemies  if  our 
friends    cannot    furnish    it. — To    COUNT    DE 
MONTMORIN.     ii,  523.     (P.,  1788.) 

5089.  MARKETS,    Neutrality    and.— If 
the  new  government  wears  the  front  which 
I  hope  it  will,  I   see  no  impossibility  in  the 
availing  ourselves  of  the  wars  of  others  to 
open   up    the   other   parts    [West    India    Is 
lands]   of  America  to  our  commerce  as  the 
price  of  our  neutrality. — To  GENERAL  WASH 
INGTON,    ii,  533.    FORD  ED.,  v,  57.     (P.,  1788.) 

5090.  MARKETS,   Reciprocity  and.— It 

were  to  be  wished  that  some  positively  favor 
able  stipulations  respecting  our  grain,  flour 
and  fish,  could  be  obtained,  even  on  our  giv 
ing  reciprocal  advantages  to  some  other  com 
modities  of  Spain,  say  her  wines  and 
brandies.  But  if  we  quit  the  ground  of  the 
most  favored  nation,  as  to  certain  articles  for 
our  convenience,  Spain  may  insist  on  doing 
the  same  for  other  articles  for  her  con 
venience.  *  *  *  If  we  grant  favor  to  the 
wines  and  brandies  of  Spain,  then  Portugal 
and  France  will  demand  the  same;  and  in 
order  to  create  an  equivalent,  Portugal  may 
lay  a  duty  on  our  fish  and  grain,  and  France, 
a  prohibition  on  our  whale  oils,  the  removal 
of  which  will  be  proposed  as  an  equivalent. 
This  much,  however,  as  to  grain  and  flour, 
may  be  attempted.  There  has,  not  long 
since,  been  a  considerable  duty  laid  on  them 
in  Spain.  This  was  while  a  treaty  on  the 
subject  of  commerce  was  pending  between  us 
and  Spain,  as  that  Court  considers  the  matter. 
It  is  not  generally  thought  right  to  change 
the  state  of  things  pending  a  treaty  concern 
ing  them.  On  this  consideration,  and  on  the 
motive  of  cultivating  our  friendship,  per 
haps  the  Commissioners  may  induce  them 
to  restore  this  commodity  to  the  footing 
on  which  it  was  on  opening  the  con 
ferences  with  Mr.  Gardoqui,  on  the  26th 
day  of  July,  1785.  If  Spain  says,  "  do 
the  same  by  your  tonnage  on  our  ves 
sels  ",  the  answer  may  be,  that  our  tonnage 
affects  Spain  very  little,  and  other  nations 
very  much;  whereas  the  duty  on  flour  in 
Spain  affects  us  very  much,  and  other  na 


tions  very  little.  Consequently,  there  would 
be  no  equality  in  reciprocal  relinquishment, 
as  there  had  been  none  in  the  reciprocal  in 
novation  ;  and  Spain,  by  insisting  on  this, 
would,  in  fact,  only  be  aiding  the  interests 
of  her  rival  nations,  to  whom  we  should  be 
forced  to  extend  the  same  indulgence.  At  the 
time  of  opening  the  conferences,  too,  we  had 
as  yet  not  erected  any  system ;  our  govern 
ment  itself  being  not  yet  erected.  Innova 
tion  then  was  unavoidable  on  our  part,  if  it 
be  innovation  to  establish  a  system.  We  did 
it  on  fair  and  general  ground,  on  ground 
favorable  to  Spain.  But  they  had  a  system 
and,  therefore,  innovation  was  avoidable  on 
their  part. — MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS. 
vii,  590.  FORD  ED.,  v,  479.  (March  1792.) 

5091.  MARKETS,  Salted  provisions.— 1 

wish  that  you  could  obtain  the  free  introduc 
tion  of  our  salted  provisions  into  France. 
Nothing  would  be  so  generally  pleasing  from 
the  Chesapeake  to  New  Hampshire. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  168.  (N.Y., 
1790.) 

5092. .  It  gives  great  satisfaction 

that  the  Arret  du  Conseil  of  December,  1787, 
stands  a  chance  of  being  saved.  It  is,  in 
truth,  the  sheet-anchor  of  our  connection 
with  France,  which  will  be  much  loosened 
when  that  is  lost.  This  Arret  saved,  a  free 
importation  of  salted  meats  into  France,  and 
of  provisions  of  all  kinds  into  her  colonies, 
will  bind  our  interests  to  that  country  more 
than  to  all  the  world  besides. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  iii,  225.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5093.  MARKETS,    Speculation    and.— I 

think  the  best  rule  is,  never  to  sell  on  a  rising 
market.  Wait  till  it  begins  to  fall.  Then, 
indeed,  one  will  lose  a  penny  or  two,  but 
with  a  rising  market  you  never  know  what 
you  are  to  lose. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  163.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

5094.  MARKETS,   Steady.— Sudden    vi 
cissitudes  of  opening  and  shutting  ports  do 
little  injury  to  merchants  settled  on  the  op 
posite  [British]  coast,  watching  for  the  open 
ing,  like  the  return  of  a  tide,  and  ready  to 
enter  with  it.     But  they  ruin  the  adventurer 
whose  distance  requires  six  months'  notice. — 
To   COUNT   DE   MONTMORIN.     ii,    525.      (P., 
1788.) 

5095. .  A  regular  course  of  trade 

is  not  quitted  in  an  instant,  nor  constant 
customers  deserted  for  accidental  ones. — To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,  iii,  68.  (P.,  1789.) 

5096.  MARKETS,       Sugar.— Evidence 
grows  upon  us  that  the  United  States  may 
not   only   supply  themselves   with   sugar   for 
their    own    consumption,    but    be    great    ex 
porters. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
325.     (Pa.,  1791-) 

5097.  MARKETS,    Tobacco.— While    the 
navigating  and  provision  States,  who  are  the 
majority,  can  keep  open  all  the  markets,  or  at 
least    sufficient    ones    for    their   objects,    the 
cries   of   the   tobacco    makers,    who   are   the 
minority,  and  not  at  all  in  favor,  will  hardly 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Markets 
Marriage 


be  listened  to.  It  is  truly  the  fable  of  the 
monkey  pulling  the  nuts  out  of  the  fire  with 
the  cat's  paw;  and  it  shows  that  George 
Mason's  proposition  in  the  [Federal]  Con 
vention  was  wise,  that  on  laws  regulating 
commerce,  two-thirds  of  the  votes  should  be 
required  to  pass  them. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iv.  323.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  432.  (Pa.,  March 
1800.)  See  TOBACCO. 

5098.  MARKETS,  Wheat  and  flour.— 
We  can  sell  them  [the  Portuguese]  the  flour 
ready  manufactured  for  much  less  than  the 
wheat  of  which  it  is  made.  In  carrying  to 
them  wheat,  we  carry  also  the  bran,  which 
does  not  pay  its  own  freight.  In  attempting 
to  save  and  transport  wheat  to  them,  much 
is  lost  by  the  weavil,  and  much  spoiled  by 
heat  in  the  hold  of  the  vessel.  This  loss  must 
be  laid  on  the  wheat  which  gets  safe  to 
market,  where  it  is  paid  for  by  the  consumer. 
Now,  this  is  much  more  than  the  cost  of 
manufacturing  it  with  us,  which  would  pre 
vent  that  loss.  *  *  *  Let  them  buy  of  us 
as  much  wheat  as  will  make  a  hundred 
weight  of  flour.  They  will  find  that  they 
have  paid  more  for  the  wheat  than  we  should 
have  asked  for  the  flour,  besides  having  lost 
the  labor  of  their  mills  in  grinding  it.  The 
obliging  us,  therefore,  to  carry  it  to  them  in 
the  form  of  wheat,  is  a  useless  loss  to  both 
parties. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  492.  (P., 
1785.) 

5099. .  It  seems  that  so  far  from 

giving  new  liberties  to  our  corn  trade,  Por 
tugal  contemplates  the  prohibition  of  it,  by 
giving  that  trade  exclusively  to  Naples.  What 
would  she  say  should  we  give  her  wine  trade 
exclusive  to  France  and  Spain  ?  *  *  *  Can 
a  wise  statesman  seriously  think  of  risking 
such  a  prospect  as  this? — To  DAVID  HUM 
PHREYS,  iii,  488.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

5100. .     I    must    forever    repeat 

that,  instead  of  excluding  our  wheat,  Portu 
gal  will  open  her  ports  to  our  flour. — To 
DAVID  HUMPHREYS.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  205.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

5101.  MARQUE,    Letters   of.— The   Ad 
ministrator  shall  not  possess  the  prerogative 
*     *     *     of  issuing  letters  of  marque,  or  re 
prisal. — PROPOSED   VA.    CONSTITUTION.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  19.     (June  1776.) 

5102.  -  — .     Our  delegates   [to  Con 
gress]   inform  us  that  we  might  now  obtain 
letters  of  marque  for  want  of  which  our  peo 
ple   [in  Virginia]  have  long  and  exceedingly 
suffered.    I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  desiring 
them  to  apply  for  fifty. — To  THE  PRESIDENT 
OF  CONGRESS.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  241.     (1799.) 

5103. .     I  have  to-day  consulted 

the  other  gentlemen  [of  the  Cabinet]  on  the 
question  whether  letters  of  marque  were  to 
be  considered  as  written  within  our  inter 
dict.  We  are  unanimously  of  opinion  they  are 
not.  We  consider  them  as  essentially  mer 
chant  vessels;  that  commerce  is  their  main 
object,  and  arms  merely  incidental  and  de 
fensive. — To  ALBERT  GALL  ATI  N.  v,  123.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  104.  (W.,  July  1807.) 


5104.  MARRIAGE,  Congratulations  on. 

— It  is  customary  in  America  to  "  wish  joy  " 
to  a  new  married  couple,  and  this  is  generally 
done  by  those  present  in  the  moment  after 
the  ceremony.  A  friend  of  mine,  however, 
always  delayed  the  wish  of  joy  till  one  year 
after  the  ceremony,  because  he  observed  they 
had  by  that  time  need  of  it.  I  am  entitled 
fully  then  to  express  the  wish  to  you  as 
you  must  now  have  been  married  at  least 
three  years.  I  have  no  doubt,  however,  that 
you  have  found  real  joy  in  the  possession  of 
a  good  wife,  and  the  endearments  of  a  child. 
—To  PHILIP  MAZZEI.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  15.  (W., 
1801.) 

5105.  MARRIAGE,     Happiness     in.— I 

*  *  *  give  you  my  sincere  congratulations 
on  your  marriage.  Your  own  dispositions, 
and  the  inherent  comforts  of  that  state,  will 
insure  you  a  great  addition  of  happiness. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  590.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
250.  (P.,  1786.) 

5106.  -  — .     The   happiness   of   your 
life  now  depends  on  the  continuing  to  please 
a   single  person.     To  this  all  other  objects 
must  be  secondary,  even  your  love  for  me, 
were  it  possible  that  could  ever  be  an  obstacle. 
But  this  it  never  can  be.    Neither  of  you  can 
ever  have  a  more  faithful  friend  than  my 
self,   nor  one  on   whom   you   can   count   for 
more  sacrifices.     My  own  is  become  a  sec 
ondary  object  to  the  happiness  of  you  both. 
Cherish,  then,  for  me,  my  dear  child,  the  af 
fection    of   your   husband,    and    continue    to 
love  me  as  you  have  done,  and  to  render  my 
life  a  blessing  by  the  prospect  it  may  hold  up 
to    me   of   seeing   you   happy. — To    MARTHA 
JEFFERSON    RANDOLPH.    D.   L.   J.,    180.     (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

5107. .     I     have     one     daughter 

married  to  a  man  of  science,  sense,  virtue, 
and  competence;  in  whom  indeed  I  have 
nothing  more  to  wish.  *  *  *  If  the  other 
shall  be  as  fortunate,  *  *  *  I  shall  imagine 
myself  as  blessed  as  the  most  blessed  of  the 
patriarchs. — To  MRS.  CHURCH.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
455.  (G.,  1793.) 

5108.  MARRIAGE,  Harmony  in.— Har 
mony  in  the  married   state  is  the  very  first 
object  to  be  aimed  at.     Nothing  can  preserve 
affections  uninterrupted  but  a  firm  resolution 
never  to  differ  in  will,  and  a  determination 
in  each  to  consider  the  love  of  the  other  as  of 
more    value    than    any    object    whatever    on 
which  a  wish  had  been  fixed.     How  light  in 
fact  is  the  sacrifice  of  any  other  wish  when 
weighed   against  the   affections  of  one   with 
whom  we  are  to  pass  our  whole  life !     And 
though   opposition    in   a   single   instance   will 
hardly  of  itself  produce  alienation,  yet  every 
one    has    their    pouch    into    which    all    these 
little  oppositions  are  put;  while  that  is  filling 
the    alienation    is    insensibly   going   on,    and 
when   filled   it   is   complete. — To   MARY  JEF 
FERSON  EPPES.     D.  L.  J.,  246.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

5109.  MARRLAGE,  Motherhood  and.— 

It    [motherhood]    is    undoubtedly    the    key- 


Marriage 
Mason  (J.  M.) 


THE  JEFFEKSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


542 


stone  of  the  arch  of  matrimonial  happiness. — 
To  MARTHA  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH.  D.  L.  J., 
192.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5110.  MARRIAGE,     Youthful.— I     sin 
cerely  sympathize  with  you  on  the  step  which 
your   brother   has   taken    without    consulting 
you,  and  wonder  indeed  how  it  could  be  done, 
with  any  attention  in  the  agents,  to  the  laws 
of  the  land.     I  fear  he  will  hardly  persevere 
in  the  second  plan  of  life  adopted  for  him, 
as   matrimony   illy   agrees   with   study,    espe 
cially  in  the  first  stages  of  both.     However, 
you  will  readily  perceive  that,  the  thing  be 
ing  done,  there  is  now  but  one  question,  that 
is  what  is  to  be  done  to  make  the  best  of  it, 
in  respect  both  to   his  and  your  happiness? 
A  step  of  this  kind   indicates  no  vice,  nor 
other  foible  than  of  following  too  hastily  the 
movements    of    a    warm    heart.       It    admits, 
therefore,   of  the  continuance  of  cordial   af 
fection,  and  calls  perhaps  more  indispensably 
for  your  care  and  protection.     To  conciliate 
the  affection  of  all  parties,  and  to  banish  all 
suspicion  of  discontent,  will  conduce  most  to 
your  own  happiness  also. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE.     FORD  ED.,  v,  317.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

5111.  MARRIAGE   WITH   ROYALTY. 

— Our  young  Republic  *  *  *  should  pre 
vent  its  citizens  from  becoming  so  established 
in  wealth  and  power,  as  to  be  thought  worthy 
of  alliance  by  mafriage  with  the  nieces,  sis 
ters,  &c.,  of  kings.— To  COLONEL  HUMPHREYS. 
ii,  253-  (P.,  1787.) 

5112.  MARSHALL   (John),   Crafty.— A 
crafty  chief  judge,  who  sophisticates  the  law  to 
his  mind,  by  the  turn  of  his  own  reasoning. — To 
THOMAS  RITCHIE,     vii,  192.     FORD  ED.,  x,  171. 
(M.,  1820.) 

5113.  MARSHALL    (John),    Hamilton 
and. — I  learn  that  [Alexander]  Hamilton  has 
expressed    the    strongest    desire    that    Marshall 
shall  come  into  Congress  from  Richmond,   de 
claring  that  there  is  no  man  in  Virginia  whom 
he  wishes  so  much  to  see  there ;  and  I  am  told 
that    Marshall    has    expressed    half    a   mind   to 
come.     Hence    I    conclude    that    Hamilton    has 
plied  him  well  with  flattery  and  solicitation,  and 
I   think  nothing  better  could  be   done  than  to 
make  him  a  judge. — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD 
ED.,  vi,  95.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

5114.  MARSHALL     (John),     Marbury 
vs.  Madison  Case. — His  twistifications  in  the 
case  of  Marbury,  in  that  of  Burr,  and  the  Yazoo 
case  show  how  dexterously  he  can  reconcile  law 
to    his   personal   biases. — To    PRESIDENT    MADI 
SON.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  276.     (M.,  1810.) 

5115.  MARSHALL    (John),    Mischief- 
maker.— Though    Marshall    will   be    able    to 
embarrass  the  republican  party  in  the  Assembly 
a  good   deal,   yet  upon   the   whole,   his   having 
gone  into  it  will  be  of  service.     He  has  been 
hitherto  able  to  do  more  mischief  acting  under 
the  mask  of  republicanism  than  he  will  be  able 
to  do  throwing  it  plainly  off.     His  lax  lounging 
manners  have  made  him  popular  with  the  bulk 
of   the   people    of    Richmond,    and   a   profound 
hypocrisy    with    many    thinking    men    of    our 
country.     But    having    come    forth    in    the    full 
plenitude   of  his   English   principles,   the   latter 
will  see  that  it  is  high  time  to  make  him  known. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  37.     (Nov. 
I79S-) 


5116.  MARSHALL  (John),  Moot  cases 
and. — The    practice   of  Judge     Marshall,   of 
travelling  out  of  his  case  to  prescribe  what  the 
law  would  be   in   a  moot   case   not  before  the 
court,  is  very  irregular  and  very  censurable. — 
To  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,     vii,  295.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
230.     (M.,  1823.) 

5117.  MARSHALL    (John),    Sophistry 
of. — The    rancorous    hatred    which    Marshall 
bears   to   the   government   of   his   country,    and 

:    *    *    the  cunning  and  sophistry  within  which 
he  is  able  to  enshroud  himself. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  275.     (M.,  1810.)     See  ^ 
HISTORY,    JUDICIARY,     MAZZEI,     and     SUPREME 
COURT. 

5118.  MARTIAL  LAW,  Recourse  to.— 

There  are  extreme  cases  where  the  laws  be 
come  inadequate  even  to  their  own  preserva 
tion,  and  where  the  universal  resource  is  a 
dictator,  or  martial  law. — To  DR.  JAMES 
BROWN,  v,  379.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  211.  (W., 
1808.) 

5119.  MARTIN    (Luther),  Burr    and.— 

Shall  we  move  to  commit  Luther  Martin  as 
particeps  criminis  with  Burr?  Graybell  will  fix 
upon  him  misprision  of  treason  at  least.  And 
at  any  rate,  his  evidence  will  put  down  this 
unprincipled  and  impudent  federal  bull-dog,  and 
add  another  proof  that  the  most  clamorous  de 
fenders  of  Burr  are  all  his  accomplices.  It  will 
explain  why  Luther  Martin  flew  so  hastily  to 
the  "  aid  of  his  honorable  friend  ",  abandoning 
his  clients  and  their  property  during  a  session  of 
a  principal  court  in  Maryland,  now  filled,  as  I 
am  told,  with  the  clamors  and  ruin  of  his 
clients. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  99.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
58.  (W.,  June  1807.)  See  LOGAN. 

5120.  MASON    (George),    Ability    of.— 

George  Mason  [was]  a  man  of  the  first  order 
of  wisdom  among  those  who  acted  on  the  thea 
tre  of  the  Revolution,  of  expansive  mind,  pro 
found  judgment,  cogent  in  argument,  learned  in 
the  lore  of  our  former  constitution,  and  earnest 
for  the  republican  change  on  democratic  princi 
ples.*  His  elocution  was  neither  flowing  or 
smooth  ;  but  his  language  was  strong,  his  man 
ner  most  impressive,  and  strengthened  by  a 
dash  of  biting  cynicism  when  provocation  made 
it  seasonable. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  40.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  56.  (1821.) 

5121.  MASON    (George),  Virginia  Con 
stitution  and. — What  are   George   Mason's 
sentiments  as  to  the  amendment  of  our  Consti 
tution?     What  amendment  would  he  approve? 
Is  he  determined  to  sleep  on,  or  will  he  rouse 
and  be  active? — To  JAMES  MADISON.     FORD  ED., 
iii,  347.     (A.,  Dec.  1783-) 

5122. .     That  George  Mason  was 

the  author  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  and  of  the 
Constitution  founded  on  it,  the  evidence  of  the 
day  established  fully  in  my  mind. — To  HENRY 
LEE.  vii,  407.  FORD  ED.,  x,  342.  (M.,  1825.) 

5123. .  The  fact  is  unquestion 
able,  that  the  Bill  of  Rights  and  the  Constitution 
of  Virginia  were  drawn  originally  by  George 
Mason,  one  of  our  really  great  men,  and  of  the 
first  order  of  greatness. — To  A.  B.  WOODWARD. 
vii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  x,  341.  (M.,  1825.) 

5124.  MASON  (J.  M.),  Red-hot  Feder 
alist. — I  do  not  know  Dr.  [John  M.]  Mason 

*  George  Mason  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Dec 
laration.  u  Mason,"  said  James  Madison,  "possessed 
the  greatest  talents  for  debate  of  any  man  I  have  ever 
seen  or  heard  speak." — EDITOR. 


543 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Mason  (J.  T.) 
Massachusetts 


personally,  but  by  character  well.  He  is  the 
most  red-hot  federalist,  famous,  or  rather  in 
famous  for  the  lying  and  slandering  which  he 
vomited  from  the  pulpit  in  the  political  ha 
rangues  with  which  he  polluted  the  place. 
I  was  honored  with  much  of  it.  He  is  a  man 
who  can  prove  everything  if  you  will  take  his 
word  for  proof.  Such  evidence  of  Hamilton's 
being  a  republican  he  may  bring ;  but  Mr. 
Adams,  Edmund  Randolph,  and  myself,  could 
repeat  an  explicit  declaration  of  Hamilton's 
against  which  Dr.  Mason's  proofs  would  weigh 
nothing. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  495.  FORD  EDV 
ix,  269.  (M.,  1810.) 

5125.  MASON    (J.  T.),  Meteoric.— John 

Thompson  Mason  is  a  meteor  whose  path  cannot 
be  calculated.  All  the  powers  of  his  mind  seem 
at  present  to  be  concentrated  in  one  single  ob 
ject,  the  producing  a  convention  to  new  model 
the  [State]  Constitution. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORJD  ED.,  iii,  318.  (T.,  May  1783.) 

5126.  MASSACHUSETTS,    Apostasy.— 
Oh    Massachusetts !    how   have   I    lamented   the 
degradation  of  your  apostasy !      Massachusetts, 
with  whom  I  went  in  pride  in  1776,  whose  vote 
was    my    vote    on    every    public    question,    and 
whose    principles    were    then    the    standard    of 
whatever   was    free   or   fearless.     But   she   was 
then  under  the  counsels  of  the  two  Adamses ; 
while  Strong,  her  present  leader,  was  promoting 
petitions  for  submission   to   British  power  and 
British    usurpation.     While   under    her   present 
counsels,  she  must  be  contented  to  be  nothing ; 
as   having   a   vote,   indeed,   to   be   counted,   but 
not  respected.     But  should  the  State,  once  more, 
buckle  on  her  republican  harness,  we  shall  re 
ceive  her  again   as  a   sister,   and  recollect  her 
wanderings  among  the  crimes  only  of  the  parri 
cide  party,  which  would  have  basely  sold  what 
their    fathers    so    bravely    won    from   the    same 
enemy.     Let  us  look  forward,  then,  to  the  act 
of  repentance,  which,  by  dismissing  her  venal 
traitors,   shall   be   the   signal   of   return   to   the 
bosom,  and  to  the  principles  of  her  brethren ; 
and,  if  her  late  humiliation  can  just  give  her 
modesty   enough   to   suppose  that  her  southern 
brethren   are   somewhat   on   a  par  with   her  In 
wisdom,     in     information,     in     patriotism,     in 
bravery,  and  even  in  honesty,  although  not  in 
psalm-singing,  she  will  more  justly  estimate  her 
own   relative   momentum   in   the   Union.     With 
her    ancient    principles,    she    would    really    be 
great,  if  she  did  not  think  herself  the  whole. — 
To  GENERAL  DEARBORN,     vi,  451.     (M.,   March 
1815.) 

5127.  MASSACHUSETTS,  Defection  of . 
— Some  apprehend  danger  from  the  defection 
of  Massachusetts.     It  is  a  disagreeable  circum 
stance  but  not  a  dangerous   one.     If  they  be 
come  neutral,  we  are  sufficient  for  one  enemy 
without  them,  and  in  fact  we  get  no  aid  from 
them  now.     If  their  administration  determines 
to  join  the  enemy,  their  force  will  be  annihilated 
by  equality  of  division  among  themselves.    Their 
federalists  will  then  call  in  the   English  army, 
the  republicans  ours,  and  it  will  only  be  a  trans 
fer  of  the  scene  of  war  from  Canada  to  Massa 
chusetts  ;  and  we  can  get  ten  men  to  go  to  Mas 
sachusetts    for    one    who    will    go    to    Canada. 
Every  one,  too,  must  know  that  we  can  at  any 
moment  make  peace   with   England   at  the   ex 
pense  of  the  navigation  and  fisheries  of  Massa 
chusetts.     But  it  will  not  come  to  this.     Their 
own  people  will  put  down  these  factionists  as 
soon  as  they  see  the  real  object  of  their  oppo 
sition  ;   and  of  this  Vermont,   New  Hampshire, 
and  even  Connecticut  itself,  furnish  proofs. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,     vi,  402.     (M.,  Nov.  1814.) 


_  MASSACHUSETTS,   Federal  Consti 
tution  and. — See  CONSTITUTION  (FEDERAL). 

5128.  MASSACHUSETTS,     Federalism 
in. — Massachusetts  still  lags;    because  most 
deeply    involved    in    the    parricide    crimes    and 
treasons    of    the    war.     But    her    gangrene    is 
contracting,   the   sound   flesh    advancing   on   it, 
and    all    there   will    be    well. — To    MARQUIS    DE 
LAFAYETTE,     vii,    66.     FORD    ED.,    x,    83.     (M., 
1817.) 

5129.  MASSACHUSETTS,  Justice  to.— 
So   far  as   either   facts   or  opinions   have  been 
truly   quoted    from   me,   they   have   never   been 
meant  to  intercept  the  just  fame  of  Massachu 
setts  for  the  promptitude  and  perseverance  of 
her  early  resistance.     We  willingly  cede  to  her 
the  laud  of  having  been    (although  not  exclu 
sively)   "the  cradle  of  sound  principles",  and, 
if   some   of  us  believe   she   has   deflected   from 
them  in  her  course,  we  retain  full  confidence  in 
her  ultimate   return   to   them. — To    SAMUEL  A. 
WELLS,     i,  117.     FORD  ED.,  x,  129.     (M.,  1819.) 

5130.  MASSACHUSETTS,      Patriotism 
of  People. — The  progression  of  -sentiment  in 
the  great  body  of  our  fellow  citizens  of  Massa 
chusetts,    and   the    increasing   support   of   their 
opinion,  I  have  seen  with  satisfaction,  and  was 
ever  confident  I  should  see  ;  persuaded  that  an 
enlightened  people,  whenever  they  should  view 
impartially  the  course  we  have  pursued,  could 
never  wish  that  our  measures  should  have  been 
reversed ;  could  never  desire  that  the  expenses 
of  the  government  should  have  been  increased, 
taxes    multiplied,    debt    accumulated,    wars    un 
dertaken,  and  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife 
left  in  the  hands  of  our  neighbors,  rather  than 
the   hoe   and   plough.      In   whatever   tended   to 
strengthen  the  republican  features  of  our  Con 
stitution,    we    could    not    fail    to    expect    from 
Massachusetts,  the  cradle  of  our  Revolutionary 
principles,    an    ultimate    concurrence ;    and    cul 
tivating  the  peace  of  nations,  with  justice  and 
prudence,   we   yet   were   always   confident   that, 
whenever   our   rights   would   have   to   be   vindi 
cated  against  the  aggression  of  foreign  foes,  or 
the   machinations   of   internal   conspirators,   the 
people   of   Massachusetts,   so   prominent   in   the 
military  achievements  which  placed  our  country 
in  the  right  of  self-government,  would  never  be 
found  wanting  in  their  duty  to  the  calls  of  their 
country,  or  the  requisitions  of  their  government. 
— R.  TO  A.    MASSACHUSETTS  LEGISLATURE,  via, 
116.     (Feb.  1807.) 

5131.  MASSACHUSETTS,    Republican 
ism  in. — I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the 
triumph    of    republicanism     in     Massachusetts. 
The   hydra   of   federalism   has   now   lost   all   its 
heads  but  two    [Connecticut  and  Delaware]. — 
To  MR.  BIDWELL.    v,  14.     (W.,  1806.) 

5132. .     I  tender  to  yourself,  to 

Mr.  Lincoln,  and  to  your  State,  my  sincere  con 
gratulations  on  the  happy  event  of  the  election 
of  a  republican  Executive  to  preside  over  its 
councils.  The  *  *  *  just  respect  with  which  all 
the  States  have  ever  looked  to  Massachusetts, 
could  leave  none  of  them  without  anxiety,  while 
she  was  in  a  state  of  alienation  from  her  family 
and  friends. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  100.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  75.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

5133. .  Of  the  return  of  Massa 
chusetts  to  sound  principles  I  never  had  a 
doubt.  The  body  of  her  citizens  has  never 
been  otherwise  than  republican.  Her  would-be 
dukes  and  lords,  indeed,  have  been  itching  for 
coronets ;  her  lawyers  for  robes  of  ermine,  her 


Massachusetts 
Materialism 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


544 


priests  for  lawn  sleeves,  and  for  a  religious 
establishment  which  might  give  them  wealth, 
power,  and  independence  of  personal  merit. 
But  her  citizens,  who  were  to  supply  with  the 
sweat  of  their  brow  the  treasures  on  which  these 
drones  were  to  riot,  could  never  have  seen  any 
thing  to  long  for  in  the  oppressions  and  pauper 
ism  of  England.  After  the  shackles  of  aristoc 
racy  of  the  bar  and  priesthood  have  been  burst 
by  Connecticut,  we  cannot  doubt  the  return  of 
Massachusetts  to  the  bosom  of  the  republican 
family. — To  SAMUEL  A.  WELLS.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
133.  (M.,  1819.) 

5134.  MASSACHUSETTS,  Saddled    by. 
— We    are    completely    under   the    saddle    of 
Massachusetts      and      Connecticut,      and     they 
ride  us  very  hard,  cruelly  insulting  our  feelings, 
as   well   as    exhausting   our   strength   and   sub 
sistence.     Their  natural  friends,  the  three  other 
eastern  States,  join  them  from  a  sort  of  family 
pride,  and  they  have  the  art  to  divide  certain 
other  parts  of  the  Union,  so  as  to  make  use  of 
them  to  govern  the  whole. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR. 
iv,  245.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  263.     (Pa.,  June  1798.) 

5135.  MASSACHUSETTS,     Selfishness 
of. — Could     the     people     of     Massachusetts 
emerge  from  the  deceptions  under  which  they 
are  kept  by  their  clergy,  lawyers,  and  English 
presses,  our  salvation  would  be  sure  and  easy. 
Without  that,  I  believe  it  will  be  effected;  but 
it   will   be   uphill    work.      Nor    can    we    expect 
ever  their  cordial  cooperation,  because  they  will 
not  be  satisfied  longer  than  while  we  are  sac 
rificing  everything,  to  navigation  and  a  navy. — 
To    EDMUND    PENDLETON.      FORD   ED.,   vii,    376. 
(M.,   1799-) 

5136.  MASSACHUSETTS,    The    Union 
and. — The  conduct  of  Massachusetts,  which 
is  the  subject  of  your  address  to   Mr.   Quincy 
is  serious,  as  embarrassing  the  operations  of  the 
war,  and  jeopardizing  its  issue ;  and  is  still  more 
so,    as    an   example    of   contumacy    against   the 
Constitution.    One  method  of  proving  their  pur 
pose   would   be   to    call    a   convention   of   their 
State,  and  to  require  them  to  declare  themselves 
members  of  the  Union,  and  obedient  to  its  de 
terminations,  or  not  members,  and  let  them  go. 
Put  this  question  solemnly  to  their  people,  and 
their  answer  cannot  be  doubtful.     One  half  of 
them   are  republicans,   and  would   cling  to  the 
Union  from  principle.     Of  the  other  half,  the 
dispassionate    part    would    consider,    first,    that 
they  do  not  raise  bread  sufficient  for  their  own 
subsistence,   and  must  look  to   Europe   for  the 
deficiency   if   excluded    from   our   ports,   which 
vital  interests  would  force  us  to  do.     Secondly, 
that  they  are  navigating  people  without  a  stick 
of  timber  for  the  hull  of  a  ship,  nor  a  pound 
of  anything  to  export  in  it,  which  would  be  ad 
mitted  at  any  market.     Thirdly,  that  they  are 
also   a  manufacturing  people,   and   left  by  the 
exclusive  system   of   Europe  without  a  market 
but  ours.     Fourthly,  that  as  rivals  of  England 
in   manufactures,   in   commerce,    in   navigation, 
and  fisheries,  they  would  meet  her  competition 
in   everp   point.      Fifthly,   that   England   would 
feel    no    scruples   in   making   the   abandonment 
and  ruin  of  such  a  rival  the  price  of  a  treaty 
with  the  producing  States ;   whose  interest  too 
it  would  be  to  nourish  a  navigation  beyond  the 
Atlantic,  rather  than  a  hostile  one  at  our  own 
door.     And   sixthly,  that  in   case  of  war  with 
the   Union,   which    occurrences   between    coter 
minous    nations    frequently    produce,    it    would 
be   a   contest   of   one   against  fifteen.      The   re 
maining  portion   of  the   federal   moiety   of  the 
State  would,  I  believe,  brave  all  these  obstacles, 
because  they  are  monarchists  in  principle,  bear 


ing  deadly  hatred  to  their  republican  fellow 
citizens,  impatient  under  the  ascendency  of 
republican  principles,  devoted  in  their  attach 
ment  to  England,  and  preferring  to  be  placed 
under  her  despotism,  if  they  cannot  hold  the 
helm  of  government  here.  I  see,  in  their  separa 
tion,  no  evil  but  the  example,  and  I  believe 
that  the  effect  of  that  would  be  corrected  by  an 
early  and  humiliating  return  to  the  Union,  after 
losing  much  of  the  population  of  their  country, 
insufficient  in  its  own  resources  to  feed  her 
numerous  inhabitants,  and  inferior  in  all  its 
allurements  to  the  more  inviting  soils,  climates, 
and  governments  of  the  other  States.  Whether 
a  dispassionate  discussion  before  the  public,  of 
the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  separation 
to  both  parties,  would  be  the  best  medicine  of 
this  dialytic  fever,  or  to  consider  it  as  a  sac 
rilege  ever  to  touch  the  question,  may  be 
doubted.  I  am,  myself,  generally  disposed  to 
indulge,  and  to  follow  reason ;  and  believe  that 
in  no  case  would  it  be  safer  than  in  the  present. 
Their  refractory  course,  however,  will  not  be 
unpunished  by  the  indignation  of  their  co- 
States,  their  loss  of  influence  with  them,  the 
censures  of  history,  and  the  stain  on  the  char 
acter  of  their  State. — To  JAMES  MARTIN,  vi, 
213.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  420.  (M.,  Sep.  1813.)  See 
FEDERALISTS,  HARTFORD  CONVENTION,  and  PAR 
TIES. 

5137.  MASTODON,    Bones    of. —Of    the 

bones  you  sent  me,  I  reserved  a  very  few  for 
myself.  I  got  Dr.  Wistar  to  select  from  the 
rest  every  piece  which  could  be  interesting  to 
the  Philosophical  Society  [of  Philadelphia], 
and  sent  the  residue  to  the  National  Institute 
of  France.  These  have  enabled  them  to  de 
cide  that  the  animal  was  neither  a  mammoth 
nor  an  elephant,  but  of  a  distinct  kind,  to  which 
they  have  given  the  name  of  Mastodont,  from 
the  protuberance  of  its  teeth.  These,  from 
their  forms,  and  the  immense  mass  of  their 
jaws,  satisfy  me  this  animal  must  have  been 
arboriverous.  Nature  seems  not  to  have  pro 
vided  other  food  sufficient  for  him,  and  the 
limb  of  a  tree  would  be  no  more  to  him  than  a 
bough  of  a  cotton  tree  to  a  horse. — To  GENERAL 
WILLIAM  CLARKE,  v,  467.  (M.,  1809.)  See 
PALEONTOLOGY. 

5138.  MATCHES,  Phosphoric.— I  should 
have   sent   you   a    specimen    of   the   phosphoric 
matches,   but  that   I   am  told   Mr.    Rittenhouse 
has  had  some  of  them.     They  are  a  beautiful 
discovery  and  very  useful,   especially  to  heads 
which,  like  yours  and  mine,  cannot  at  all  times 
be  got  to  sleep.     The  convenience  of  lighting  a 
candle  without  getting   out   of  bed,   of   sealing 
letters  without  calling  a  servant,  of  kindling  a 
fire  without  flint,  steel,  punk,  &c.,  is  of  value. 
— To    CHARLES    THOMSON.      FORD    ED.,    iv,    14. 
(1/84.) 

5139.  MATERIALISM,     Views     on.— I 
consider  [Dugald]  Stewart  and  [Destutt]  Tracy 
as  the  ablest  metaphysicians   living ;   by  which 
I    mean    investigators    of   the    thinking    faculty 
of  man.     Stewart  seems  to  have  given  its  nat 
ural     history     from     facts     and     observations ; 
Tracy  its  modes  of  action  and  deduction,  which 
he  calls  Logic,  and  Ideology ;   and  Cabanis,  in 
his  Physique  et  Morale  de  I'Homme,  has  investi 
gated   anatomically,   and  most   ingeniously,   the 
particular  organs  in  the  human  structure  which 
may  most  probably  exercise  that  faculty.     And 
they  ask,  why  may  not  the  mode  of  action  called 
thought,  have  been  given  to  a  material   organ 
of  peculiar  structure,  as  that  of  magnetism  is  to 
the  needle,  or  of  elasticity  to  the  spring  by  a 
particular  manipulation  of  the  steel.     They  ob- 


545 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Materialism 
Mazzei  (Philip) 


serve  that  on  ignition  of  the  needle  or  spring, 
their  magnetism  and  elasticity  cease.  So  on 
dissolution  of  the  material  organ  by  death,  its 
action  of  thought  may  cease  also,  and  that  no 
body  supposes  that  the  magnetism  or  elasticity 
retires  to  hold  a  substantive  and  distinct  ex 
istence.  These  were  qualities  only  of  particular 
conformations  of  matter ;  change  the  conforma 
tion,  and  its  qualities  change  also.  Mr.  Locke 
and  other  materialists  have  charged  with  blas 
phemy  the  spiritualists  who  have  denied  the 
Creator  the  power  of  endowing  certain  forms 
of  matter  with  the  faculty  of  thought.  These, 
however,  are  speculations  and  subtleties  in 
which,  for  my  own  part,  I  have  little  indulged 
myself.  When  I  meet  with  a  proposition  be 
yond  finite  comprehension,  I  abandon  it  as 
I  do  a  weight  which  human  strength  cannot 
lift,  and  I  think  ignorance  in  these  cases  is 
truly  the  softest  pillow  on  which  I  can  lay  my 
head.  Were  it  necessary,  however,  to  form  an 
opinion,  I  confess  I  should,  with  Mr.  Locke, 
prefer  swallowing  one  incomprehensibility 
rather  than  two.  It  requires  one  effort  only 
to  admit  the  single  incomprehensibility  of  mat 
ter  endowed  with  thought,  and  two  to  believe, 
first  that  of  an  existence  called  spirit,  of  which 
we  have  neither  evidence  nor  idea,  and  then, 
secondly,  how  that  spirit,  which  has  neither 
extension  nor  solidity,  can  put  material  organs 
into  motion.  These  are  things  which  you  and 
I  may  perhaps  know  ere  long.  We  have  so  lived 
as  to  fear  neither  horn  of  the  dilemma. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  153.  (M.,  1820.) 

5140.  -  The    crowd    of    scepti 
cisms  in  your  puzzling  letter  on  matter,  spirit, 
motion,  &c.,  kept  me  from  sleep.     I  read  it  and 
laid  it  down ;  read  it,  and  laid  it  down,  again 
and  again  ;  and  to  give  rest  to  my  mind,  I  was 
obliged    to    recur    ultimately    to    my    habitual 
anodyne,   "  I    feel,    therefore   I   exist ".      I   feel 
bodies  which  are  not  myself :   there  are  other 
existences   then.      I    call    them    matter.      I    feel 
them   changing  place.      This  gives   me   motion. 
Where  there  is  an  absence  of  matter,  I  call  it 
void,  or  nothing,  or  immaterial  space.    On  the 
basis  of  sensation,   of  matter,   and  motion,  we 
may  erect  the   fabric  of  all  the   certainties  we 
can  have  or  need.     I  can  conceive  thought  to  be 
an  action  of  a  particular  organization  of  mat 
ter,  formed  for  that  purpose  by  its  creator,  as 
well  as  that,  attract  ion  is  an  action  of  matter, 
or  magnetism  of  loadstone.     When  he  who  de 
nies  to  the  Creator  the  power  of  endowing  mat 
ter   with   the   mode   of   action    called    thinking. 
shall  show  how  He  could  endow  the  sun  with 
the    mode    of    action    called    attraction,    which 
reins   the  planets   in   the  track  of  their  orbits, 
or  how  an  absence  of  matter  can  have  a  will, 
and  by  that  will  put  matter  into  motion,  then 
the  materialist  may  be  lawfully  required  to  ex 
plain  the  process  by  which  matter  exercises  the 
faculty   of  thinking.      When   once   we   quit  the 
basis  of  sensation,  all  is  in  the  wind.     To  talk 
of  immaterial  ex;stences,  is  to  talk  of  nothings. 
To  say  that  the  human  soul,  angels,  God,   are 
immaterial,  is  to  say,  they  are  nothings,  or  that 
there  is  no  God,  no  angels,  no  soul.     I  cannot 
reason  otherwise ;  but  I  believe  I  am  supported 
in  my  creed  of  materialism  by  the  Lockes,  the 
Tracys,    and   the    Stewarts. — To   JOHN    ADAMS. 
vii,  175.     (M.,  1820.) 

5141.  MATHEMATICS,  Favorite  study. 

—^•Having  to  conduct  my  grandson  through 
his  course  of  mathematics,  I  have  resumed  that 
study  with  great  avidity.  It  was  ever  my  fa 
vorite  one.  We  have  no  theories  there,  no 
uncertainties  remain  on  the  mind  ;  all  is  demon 
stration  and  satisfaction.  I  have  forgotten 


much,  and  recover  it  with  more  difficulty  than 
when  in  the  vigor  of  my  mind  I  originally  ac 
quired  it. — To  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  vi,  3.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  328.  (P.P.,  1811.) 

5142.  MAZZEI     (Philip),     Book     by.— 

Mazzei  will  print  soon  two  or  three  volumes 
8vo.,  of  Recherches  Historiques  and  Politiques 
sur  les  Etats  d'Amerique,  which  are  sen 
sible.— To  M.  OTTO,  ii,  95.  (P.,  1787.) 

5143.  MAZZEI    (Philip),     Consulship 
ancit — An  alarming  paragraph  in  your  letter 
says  Mazzei  is  coming  to  Annapolis.     I  tremble 
at  the  idea.     I   know   he  will  be  worse  to   me 
than  a  return  of  my  double  quotidian  headache. 
Ihere  is  a  resolution,  reported  to  Congress  by  a 
committee,  that  they  will  never  appoint  to  the 
office   of  minister,   charge   des   affaires,   consul, 
agent,   &c.,   any   but   natives.      To  this   I   think 
there  will  not  be  a  dissenting  voice;  and  it  will 
be  taken  up  among  the  first  things.    Could  you 
not,  by  making  him  acquainted  with  this,  divert 
him  from  coming  here?     A  consulate  is  his  ob 
ject,  in  which  he  will  assuredly  fail.     But  his 
coming  will  be  attended  with  evil.     He  is  the 
violent   enemy   of   Franklin,   having   been   some 
time  at  Paris,  and,  from  my  knowledge  of  the 
man,  I  am  sure  he  will  have  employed  himself 
in  collecting  on  the  spot  facts  true  or  false  to 
impeach  him.     You  know  there  are  people  here 
who,  on  the  first  idea  of  this,  will  take  him  to 
their  bosom,  and  turn  all  Congress  topsy-turvy. 
For   God's  sake,   then,  save  us   from  this   con 
fusion  if  you  can. — To  JAMES   MADISON.    FORD 
ED.,  iii,  425.     (A.,  1784.) 

5144.  MAZZEI    (Philip),    Jefferson's 
letter  to.— [Respecting]  the  letter  to  Mazzei 
imputed  to  me  in  the  papers,  the  general  sub 
stance  is  mine,  though  the  diction  has  been  con 
siderably  varied  in  the  course  of  its  translations 
from    English    into    Italian,    from    Italian    into 
French,  and  from  French  into  English.     I  first 
met  with  it  at  Bladensburg,  and  for  a  moment 
conceived   I   must  take  the  field  of  the  public 
papers.      I    could    not    disavow    it    wholly,    be 
cause    the    greatest    part    of    it    was    mine,    in 
substance    though    not    in    form.      I    could    not 
avow  it  as  it  stood,  because  the  form  was  not 
mine,    and,    in    one    place,    the    substance    very 
materially   falsified.     This,  then,   would  render 
explanations    necessary;    nay,    it   would    render 
proofs  of  the  whole  necessary,  and  draw  me  at 
length  into  a  publication  of  all  (even  the  secret) 
transactions    of   the   administration    [of    Wash 
ington]  while  I  was  of  it;  and  embroil  me  per 
sonally   with   every   member  of  the   Executive, 
with    the   Judiciary,    and   with    others    still.      I 
soon  decided   in  my  own   mind,   to  be  entirely 
silent.     I  consulted  with  several  friends  at  Phil 
adelphia,  who,  every  one  of  them,  were  clearly 
against   my  avowing   or  disavowing,   and   some 
of  them  conjured  me  most  earnestly  to  let  noth 
ing  provoke  me  to  it.     I  corrected,  in  conversa 
tion  with  them,  a  substantial  misrepresentation 
in  the  copy  published.    The  original  has  a  senti 
ment  like  this   (for  I  have  it  not  before  me), 
"  they  are  endeavoring  to  submit  us  to  the  sub 
stance,  as  they  already  have  to  the  forms  of  the 
British   government " ;    meaning   by   forms,    the 
birth-days,  levees,  processions  to  parliament,  in 
auguration  pomposities,  &c.     But  the  copy  pub 
lished  says,  "  as  they  have  already  submitted  us 
to   the  form   of  the   British  ",   &c.,   making   me 
express    hostility    to    the    form    of    our   goverri- 
ment,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  Constitution  itself. 
For   this   is   really   the   difference   of  the   word 
form,   used   in    the   singular   or   plural,    in   that 
phrase,    in    the     English    language.       Now,    it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  explain  this  pub- 


Mazzei  (Philip) 
Medicinal  Springs 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


546 


licly,  without  bringing  on  a  personal  difference 
between  General  Washington  and  myself,  which 
nothing  before  the  publication  of  this  letter 
has  ever  done.  It  would  embroil  me  also  with 
all  those  with  whom  his  character  is  still  pop 
ular,  that  is  to  say,  nine-tenths  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  what  good  would  be  ob 
tained  by  avowing  the  letter  with  the  necessary 
explanations  ?  Very  little  indeed,  in  my  opin 
ion,  to  counterbalance  a  good  deal  of  harm. 
From  my  silence  in  this  instance,  it  can  never 
be  inferred  that  I  am  afraid  to  own  the  gen 
eral  sentiments  of  the  letter.  If  I  am  subject 
to  either  imputation,  it  is  to  that  of  avowing 
such  sentiments  too  frankly  both  in  private  and 
public,  often  when  there  is  no  necessity  for  it, 
merely  because  I  disdain  everything  like  du 
plicity.  Still,  however,  I  am  open  to  convic 
tion.  Think  for  me,  *  *  *  advise  me  what  to 
do,  and  confer  with  Colonel  Monroe. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  193.  FORD  ED.,  vii  164. 
(M.,  Aug.  I797-) 

5145. .     The  letter  to  Mazzei  has 

been  a  precious  theme  of  crimination  for  federal 
malice.  It  was  a  long  letter  of  business  in 
which  was  inserted  a  single  paragraph  only  of 
political  information  as  to  the  state  of  our 
country.  In  this  information  there  was  not 
one  word  which  would  not  then  have  been, 
or  would  not  now  be  approved  by  every  repub 
lican  in  the  United  States,  looking  back  to 
those  times,  as  you  will  see  by  a  faithful  copy 
now  enclosed  of  the  whole  of  what  that  letter 
said  on  the  subject  of  the  United  States,  or 
of  its  government.  This  paragraph,  extracted 
and  translated,  got-  into  a  Paris  paper  at  a 
time  when  the  persons  in  power  there  were 
laboring  under  very  general  disfavor,  and  their 
friends  were  eager  to  catch  even  at  straws 
to  buoy  them  up.  To  them,  therefore,  I  have 
always  imputed  the  interpolation  of  an  entire 
paragraph  additional  to  mine,  which  makes  me 
charge  my  own  country  with  ingratitude  and 
injustice  to  France.  There  was  not  a  word  in 
my  letter  respecting  France,  or  any  of  the  pro 
ceedings  or  relations  between  this  country  and 
that.  Yet  this  interpolated  paragraph  has  been 
the  burden  of  federal  calumny,  has  been  con 
stantly  quoted  by  them,  made  the  subject  of 
unceasing  and  virulent  abuse,  and  is  still 
quoted,  *  *  *  as  if  it  were  genuine,  and  really 
written  by  me.  And  even  Judge  Marshall  makes 
history  descend  from  its  dignity,  and  the 
ermine  from  its  sanctity,  to  exaggerate,  to 
record  and  to  sanction  this  forgery.  In  the 
very  last  note  of  his  book  [Life  of  Washing 
ton}  he  says,  "  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson  to 
Mr.  Mazzei,  an  Italian,  was  published  in  Flor 
ence,  and  republished  in  the  Moniteur,  with 
very  severe  strictures  on  the  conduct  of  the 
United  States  ".  And  instead  of  the  letter  itself, 
he  copies  what  he  says  are  the  remarks  of  the 
editor,  which  are  an  exaggerated  commentary 
on  the  fabricated  paragraph  itself,  and  silently 
leaves  to  his  reader  to  make  the  ready  inference 
that  these  were  the  sentiments  of  the  letter. 
Proof  is  the  duty  of  the  affirmative  side.  A 
negative  cannot  be  positively  proved.  But,  in 
defect  of  impossible  proof  of  what  was  not  in 
the  original  letter,  I  have  its  press-copy  still  in 
my  possession.  It  has  been  shown  to  several 
and  is  open  to  anyone  who  wishes  to  see  it. 
I  have  presumed  only  that  the  interpolation  was 
done  in  Paris.  But  I  never  saw  the  letter  in 
either  its  Italian  or  French  dress,  and  it  may 
have  been  done  here,  with  the  commentary 
handed  down  to  posterity  by  the  Judge.  The 
genuine  paragraph,  retranslated  through  Italian 
and  French  into  English,  as  it  appeared  here 
in  a  federal  paper,  besides  the  mutilated  hue 


which  these  translations  and  retranslatipns  of  it 
produced  generally,  gave  a  mistranslation  of  a 
single  word,  which  entirely  perverted  its  mean 
ing,  and  made  it  a  pliant  and  fertile  text  of 
misrepresentation  of  my  political  principles. 
The  original,  speaking  of  an  Anglican,  mo 
narchical  and  aristocratical  party,  which  had 
sprung  up  since  he  had  left  us,  states  their 
object  to  be  "  to  draw  over  us  the  substance, 
as  they  had  already  done  the  forms  of  the  Brit 
ish  Government  ".  Now  the  "  forms  "  here 
meant,  were  the  levees,  birthdays,  the  pompous 
cavalcade  to  the  State  house  on  the  meeting  of 
Congress,  the  formal  speech  from  the  throne, 
the  procession  of  Congress  in  a  body  to  reecho 
the  speech  in  an  answer,  &c.,  &c.  But  the 
translator  here,  by  substituting  form,  in  the  sin 
gular  number,  for  forms  in  the  plural,  made  it 
mean  the  frame  or  organization  of  our  govern 
ment,  or  its  form,  of  legislative,  executive  and 
judiciary  authorities,  coordinate  and  inde 
pendent  ;  to  which  form  it  was  to  be  inferred 
that  I  was  an  enemy.  In  this  sense  they  al 
ways  quoted  it,  and  in  this  sense  Mr.  Picker 
ing  still  quotes  it  and  countenances  the  infer 
ence. — To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  vii,  365.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  308.  (1824.) 

5146.  MAZZEI    (Philip),   King  of  Po 
land   and.— The    King   of    Poland    sent    an 
ancient   Secretary   here    [Paris],  *  *  *  to   look 
out  for  a  correspondent,  a  mere  letter  writer  for 
him.      A    happy    hazard    threw    Mazzei    in    his 
way,  *  *  *  and   he   is   appointed.      He   has   no 
diplomatic  character  whatever,  but  is  to  receive 
eight  thousand  livres  a  year,  as  an  intelligencer. 
I    hope   this   employment   may   have   some   per 
manence.     The  danger  is  that  he  will  overact 
his  part. — To  JAMES   MADISON,     ii,  444.     FORD 
ED.,  v,  44.     (P.,   1788.) 

5147.  MAZZEI   (Philip),  Worth  of.— An 

intimacy  of  forty  years  had  proved  to  me  his 
great  worth,  and  a  friendship  which  had  begun 
in  personal  acquaintance,  was  maintained  after 
separation,  without  abatement  by  a  constant 
interchange  of  letters.  His  esteem,  too,  in  this 
country  was  very  general ;  his  early  and  zealous 
cooperation  in  the  establishment  of  our  Inde 
pendence  having  acquired  for  him  here  a  great 
degree  of  favor. — To  GIOVANNI  CARMIGIANI. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  49.  (M.,  1816.) 

5148. .     Your  letter  brought  me 

the  first  information  of  the  death  of  my  an 
cient  friend  Mazzei,  which  I  learn  with  sincere 
regret.  He  had  some  peculiarities  (and  who 
of  us  has  not?),  but  he  was  of  solid  worth; 
honest,  able,  zealous  in  sound  principles,  moral 
and  political,  constant  in  friendship,  and 
punctual  in  all  his  undertakings.  He  was 
greatly  esteemed  in  this  country,  and  some  one 
has  inserted  in  our  papers  an  account  of  his 
death,  with  a  handsome  and  just  eulogy  of 
him,  and  a  proposition  to  publish  his  life. — To 
THOMAS  APPLETON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  46.  (M. 
1816.) 

—  MEASURES,      Standard      of. — See 

STANDARD  OF  MEASURES. 

—  MECKLENBURG     DECLARATION. 

— See  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

5149.  MEDICINAL  SPRINGS,  France. 

— I  stayed  at  Aix   [France]   long  enough  to 

5 rove  the  inefficiency  of  the  waters. — To  JOHN 
AY.     ii,  138.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  376.     (1787.) 

5150.  MEDICINAL  SPRINGS,  Virgin 
ian. — We  [in  Virginia]  have  taken  too  little 
pains   to    ascertain   the   properties    of   our   dif- 


547 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Medicine 


ferent  mineral  waters,  the  cases  in  which  they 
are  respectively  remedial,  the  proper  process 
in  their  use,  and  other  circumstances  necessary 
to  give  us  their  full  value. — To  Miss  WRIGHT. 
vii,  408.  (M.,  1825.) 

5151.  MEDICINE,  Moliere  and.— Medi 
cal   science   was   demolished   here    [France]    by 
the  blows  of  Moliere,  and   in  a  nation  so  ad 
dicted   to   ridicule,    I   question   if   ever   it   rises 
under  the  weight  while  his  comedies  continue 
to    be    acted.      It    furnished    the    most   striking 
proof  I  have  ever  seen  in   ^y  life  of  the  injury 
which    ridicule   is   capable  pf   doing.— To    DR. 
JAMES  CURRIE.    FORD  ED.,  ™J  132.     (P.,  1786.) 

5152.  MEDICINE,    S^'gery   vs.— While 
surgery   is   seated   in   the   f  cnple   of  the   exact 
sciences,    medicine    has    freely    entered    its 
threshold.      Her   theories   have   passed   in   such 
rapid   succession   as   to   prove  the   insufficiency 
of   all,   and  their   fatal   errors   are  recorded   in 
the  necrology  of  man. — To  DR.  CRAWFORD,    vi, 
32.     (M.,  1812.) 

5153.  MEDICINE,    Theories   of.— Theo 
ries  and  systems  of  medicine  have  been  in  per 
petual  change  from  the  days  of  the  good  Hip 
pocrates   to   the   days   of   the   good   Rush,   but 
which  of  them  is  the  true  one?    The  present,  to 
be   sure,   as   long   as   it   is   the  present,   but   to 
yield  its  place  in  turn  to  the  next  novelty,  which 
is  then  to  become  the  true  system,  and  is  to 
mark  the  vast  advance  of  medicine   since  the 
days  of  Hippocrates.     Our  situation  is  certainly 
benefited   by   the   discovery    of   some   new    and 
very  valuable  medicines ;  and  substituting  those 
for    some    of    his    with    the    treasure    of    facts, 
and    of    sound    observations    recorded    by    him 
(mixed  to  be  sure  with  anilities  of  his  day), 
we   shall   have   nearly   the  present  sum   of  the 
healing  art. — To  JOHN  BRAZIER,     vii,   132.   (P. 
F.,   1819.) 

5154. .  In  his  theory  of  bleed 
ing  and  mercury  I  was  ever  opposed  to  my 
friend  Rush,  whom  I  greatly  loved.  He  did 
much  harm,  in  the  sincerest  persuasion  that  he 
was  preserving  life  and  happiness  to  all  around 
him. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  390.  (M.,  1814.) 

5155.  MEDICINE,  Views  on  Science  of. 

— We  know  from  what  we  see  and  feel,  that 
the  animal  body  is,  in  its  organs  and  func 
tions,  subject  to  derangement,  inducing  pain, 
and  tending  to  its  destruction.  In  this  dis 
ordered  state,  we  observe  nature  providing  for 
the  reestablishment  of  order,  by  exciting  some 
salutary  evacuation  of  the  morbific  matter,  or 
by  some  other  operation  which  escapes  our 
imperfect  senses  and  researches.  She  brings  on 
a  crisis,  by  stools,  vomhV'ng,  sweat,  urine,  ex 
pectoration,  bleeding,  &c.,  which,  for  the  most 
part,  ends  in  the  restoration  of  healthy  action. 
Experience  has  taught  us,  also,  that  there  are 
certain  substances,  by  which,  applied  to  the  liv 
ing  body,  internally  or  externally,  we  can  at  will 
produce  these  small  evacuations,  and  thus  do, 
in  a  short  time,  what  nature  would  do  but 
slowly,  and  do  effectually,  what  perhaps  she 
would  not  have  strength  to  accomplish.  * 
So  far,  I  bow  to  the  utility  of  medicine.  It 
goes  to  the  well-defined  forms  of  disease,  and 
happily,  to  those  the  most  frequent.  But  the 
disorders  of  the  animal  body,  and  the  symp 
toms  indicating  them,  are  as  various  as  the 
elements  of  which  the  body  is  composed.  The 
combinations,  too,  of  these  symptoms  are  so 
infinitely  diversified,  that  many  associations  of 
them  appear  too  rarely  to  establish  a  definite 
disease :  and  to  an  unknown  disease,  there 
cannot  be  a  known  remedy.  Here,  then,  the 


judicious,  the  moral,  the  humane  physician 
should  stop.  Having  been  so  often  a  witness 
to  the  salutary  efforts  which  nature  makes  to 
reestablish  the  disordered  functions,  he  should 
rather  trust  to  their  action,  than  hazard  the  in 
terruption  of  that,  and  a  greater  derangement 
of  the  system,  by  conjectural  experiments  on  a 
machine  so  complicated  and  so  unknown  as  the 
human  body,  and  a  subject  so  sacred  as  human 
life.  Or,  if  the  appearance  of  doing  something 
be  necessary  to  keep  alive  the  hope  and  spirits 
of  the  patient,  it  should  be  of  the  most  innocent 
character.  One  of  the  most  successful  physi 
cians  I  have  ever  known,  has  assured  me,  that 
he  used  more  bread  pills,  drops  of  colored 
water,  and  powders  of  hickory  ashes,  than  of  all 
other  medicines  put  together.  It  was  certainly 
a  pious  fraud.  But  the  adventurous  physician 
goes  on,  and  substitutes  presumption  for 
knowledge.  From  the  scanty  field  of  what  is 
known,  he  launches  into  the  boundless  region 
of  what  is  unknown.  He  establishes  for  his 
guide  some  fanciful  theory  of  corpuscular  at 
traction,  of  chemical  agency,  of  mechanical 
powers,  of  stimuli,  of  irritability  accumulated 
or  exhausted,  of  depletion  by  the  lancet  and 
repletion  by  mercury,  or  some  other  ingenious 
dream,  which  lets  him  into  all  nature's  secrets 
at  short  hand.  On  the  principle  which  he  thus 
assumes,  he  forms  his  table  of  nosology,  arrays 
his  diseases  into  families,  and  extends  his  cura 
tive  treatment,  by  analogy,  to  all  the  cases  he 
has  thus  arbitrarily  marshalled  together.  I 
have  lived  myself  to  see  the  disciples  of  Hoff 
man,  Boerhaave,  Stalh,  Cullen,  Brown,  succeed 
one  another  like  the  shifting  figures  of  a  magic 
lantern,  and  their  fancies,  like  the  dresses  of 
the  annual  doll-babies  from  Paris,  becoming 
from  their  novelty,  the  vogue  of  the  day,  and 
yielding  to  the  next  novelty  their  ephemeral 
favor.  The  patient,  treated  on  the  fashionable 
theory,  sometimes  gets  well  in  spite  of  the 
medicine.  The  medicine,  therefore,  restored 
him,  and  the  young  doctor  receives  new  cour 
age  to  proceed  in  his  bold  experiments  on  the 
lives  of  his  fellow  creatures.  I  believe  we  may 
safely  affirm,  that  the  inexperienced  and  pre 
sumptuous  band  of  medical  tyros  let  loose  upon 
the  world,  destroys  more  of  human  life  in  one 
year,  than  all  the  Robinhoods,  Cartouches,  and 
Macheaths  do  in  a  century.  It  is  in  this  part 
of  medicine  that  I  wish  to  see  a  reform,  an 
abandonment  of  hypothesis  for  sober  facts,  the 
first  degree  of  value  set  on  clinical  observa 
tion,  and  the  lowest  on  visionary  theories.  I 
would  wish  the  young  practitioner,  especially, 
to  have  deeply  impressed  on  his  mind,  the  real 
limits  of  his  art,  and  that  when  the  state  of  his 
patient  gets  beyond  these,  his  office  is  to  be 
a  watchful,  but  quiet  spectator  of  the  opera 
tions  of  nature,  giving  them  fair  play  by  a  well- 
regulated  regimen,  and  by  all  the  aid  they  can 
derive  from  the  excitement  of  good  spirits  and 
hope  in  the  patient.  I  have  no  doubt,  that 
some  diseases  not  yet  understood  may  in  time 
be  transferred  to  the  table  of  those  known. 
But,  were  I  a  physician,  I  would  rather  leave 
the  transfer  to  the  slow  hand  of  accident,  than 
hasten  it  by  guilty  experiments  on  those  who 
put  their  lives  into  my  hands.  The  only  sure 
foundations  of  medicine  are,  an  intimate  knowl 
edge  of  the  human  body,  and  observation  on  the 
effects  of  medicinal  substances  on  that.  The 
anatomical  and  clinical  schools,  therefore,  are 
those  in  which  the  young  physician  should  be 
formed.  If  he  enters  with  innocence  that  of 
the  theory  of  medicine,  it  is  scarcely  possible 
he  should  come  out  untainted  with  error.  His 
mind  must  be  strong  indeed,  if,  rising  above 
juvenile  credulity,  it  can  maintain  a  wise  in 
fidelity  against  the  authority  of  his  instructors, 


Mediterranean  Trade 
Mercier  (James) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


548 


and  the  bewitching  delusions  of  their  theories. 
You  see  that  I  estimate  justly  that  portion  of 
instruction  which  our  medical  students  derive 
from  your  labors  ;  and,  associating  with  it  one 
of  the  chairs  which  my  old  and  able  friend, 
Dr.  Rush,  so  honorably  fills,  I  consider  them 
as  the  two  fundamental  pillars  of  the  edifice. 
Indeed,  I  have  such  an  opinion  of  the  talents 
of  the  professors  in  the  other  branches  which 
constitute  the  school  of  medicine  with  you,  as 
to  hope  and  believe,  that  it  is  from  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  that  Europe,  which  has  taught  us 
so  many  other  things,  will  at  length  be  led  into 
sound  principles  in  this  branch  of  science,  the 
most  important  of  all  others,  being  that  to 
which  we  commit  the  care  of  health  and  life. 

I  dare  say,  that  by  this  time,  you  are  suf 
ficiently  sensible  that  old  heads  as  well  as 
young,  may  sometimes  be  charged  with  igno 
rance  and  presumption.  The  natural  course  of 
the  human  mind  is  certainly  from  credulity  to 
skepticism  ;  and  this  is  perhaps  the  most  favor 
able  apology  I  can  make  for  venturing  so  far  out 
of  my  depth,  and  to  one,  too,  to  whom  the  strong 
as  well  as  the  weak  points  of  this  science  are  so 
familiar.  But  having  stumbled  on  the  subject 
in  my  way,  I  wished  to  give  a  confession  of  my 
faith  to  a  friend ;  and  the  rather,  as  I  had  per 
haps,  at  times,  to  him  as  well  as  others,  ex 
pressed  my  skepticism  in  medicine,  without  de 
fining  its  extent  or  foundation.  At  any  rate,  it 
has  permitted  me,  for  a  moment,  to  abstract 
myself  from  the  dry  and  dreary  waste  of  pol 
itics,  into  which  I  have  been  impressed  by  the 
times  on  which  I  happened,  and  to  indulge  in 
the  rich  fields  of  nature,  where  alone  I  should 
have  served  as  a  volunteer,  if  left  to  my  nat 
ural  inclinations  and  partialities. — To  DR.  CAS 
PAR  WISTAR.  v,  105.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  81.  (W., 
June  1807.) 

5156.  MEDITERRANEAN      TRADE, 
Reestablishment  of.— It  rests  with  Congress 
to  decide  between  war,  tribute,  and  ransom,  as 
the  means  of  reestablishing  our  Mediterranean 
commerce.     If    war,    they    will    consider    how 
far    our   own   resources    shall    be    called    forth, 
and  how  far  they  will  enable  the  Executive  to 
engage,  in  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  the  co 
operation  of  other  powers.     If  tribute  or  ran 
som,  it  will  rest  with  them  to  limit  and  pro 
vide  the  amount ;  and  with  the  Executive,  ob 
serving  the  same  constitutional  forms,  to  take 
arrangements  for  employing  it  to  the  best  ad 
vantage. — REPORT    ON    MEDITERRANEAN    TRADE. 
vii,  526.     (1790.) 

—  MEDIUM,  Circulating. — See  MONEY. 

5157.  MEMORY,  Decay  of.— Of  all  the 

faculties  of  the  human  mind,  that  of  memory  is 
the  first  which  suffers  decay  from  age.  *  *  * 
It  was  my  earliest  monition  to  retire  from  pub 
lic  business. — To  MR.  LATROBE.  vi,  74.  (M., 
1812.) 

5158.  MERCER    (John   Francis),    Poli 
tics  of. — Our  old  friend,  Mercer,  broke  off 
from  us  some  time  ago  ;   at  first  professing  to 
disdain   joining   the   federalists,   yet,    from   the 
habit  of  voting  together,  becoming  soon  identi 
fied   with    them.     Without    carrying    over   with 
him   one   single  person,   he   is   now   in   a   state 
of  as  perfect  obscurity  as  if  his  name  had  never 
been  known.     Mr.  J.  Randolph  is  in  the  same 
track,  and  will  end  in  the  same  way. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,      v,    9.      FORD    ED.,    viii,    447.      (W., 
May  1806.) 

5159.  MERCHANTS,     Anglomanias— I 
join  in  your   reprobation  of  our  merchants, 
priests  and  lawyers,   for  their  adherence  to 


England  arid  monarchy,  in  preference  to  their 
own  country  and  its  Constitution.  But  mer 
chants  have  no  country.  The  mere  spot 
they  stand  on  does  not  constitute  so  strong 
an  attachment  as  that  from  which  they  draw 
their  gains. — To  HORATIO  G.  SPAFFORD.  vi, 
334.  (M.,  1814.) 

5160.  MERCHANTS,     Education    of.— 

For  the  merchant  f  should  not  say  that  the 
[classical]  Langua^  are  a  necessary.  Ethics, 
mathematics,  geo£taphy,  political  economy, 
history,  seem  reconstitute  the  immediate 
foundations  of  K°Jjis.  calling. — To  JOHN 
BRAZIER,  vii,  133.  (P.P.,  1819.) 

5161.  MERCHANTS,  Freedom  of  Com 
merce    and. — The    merchants    will    manage 
commerce  the  better,  the  more  they  are  left 
free  to  manage  for  themselves. — To  GIDEON 
GRANGER,     iv,  331.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  452.  (M., 
1800.) 

5162.  MERCHANTS,    Natural    Repub 
licans. — A  merchant  is  naturally  a  republican, 
and  can  be  otherwise   only   from   a  vitiated 
state  of  things. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    FORD 
ED.,  viii,  252.     (1803.) 

5163.  MERCHANTS,    Patriotism    of.— 

Merchants  are  the  least  virtuous  citizens  and 
possess  the  least  of  the  amor  patricz. — To 
M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  288.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  143. 
(P.,  1786.) 

5164.  MERCHANTS,  Peace  and.— Some 
of  our  merchants  have  been  milking  the  cow ; 
yet   the   great   mass   of   them    have   become 
deranged.     They  are  daily  falling  down  by 
bankruptcies,  and  on  the  whole,  the  condition 
of  our  commerce  is  far  less  firm  and  really 
prosperous,  than  it  would  have  been  by  the 
regular  operations  and  steady  advances  which 
a    state  of    peace    would    have    occasioned. 
Were  a  war  to  take  place,  and  throw  our  ag 
riculture    into    equal    convulsions    with    our 
commerce,   our  business   would   be   done   at 
both    ends. — To    HORATIO    GATES,      iv,    213. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  204.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

5165.  MERCHANTS,     Protection    of.— 

Where  a  nation  refuses  permission  to  our 
merchants  and  factors  to  reside  within  cer 
tain  parts  of  their  dominions,  we  may,  if  it 
should  be  thought  expedient,  refuse  residence 
to  theirs  in  any  and  every  part  of  ours,  or 
modify  their  transactions. — FOREIGN  COM 
MERCE  REPORT,  vii,  649.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  482. 
(Dec.  I793-) 

5166.  MERCHANTS,  Selfish.— Ministers 
and  merchants  love  nobody. — To  JOHN  LANG- 
DON,    i,  429-     (P.,  I78S-) 

5167.  .      The     merchants     here 

[France]     are    endeavoring    to    exclude    us 
from  their  islands.  [West  Indies].— To  JOHN 
LANGDON.    i,  429.     (P.,  1785.) 

5168.  MERCIER     (James),     Rescued 
from  slavery. — In  Mr.  Barclay's  letter  (from 
Morocco)  is  this  paragraph  :     "  There  is  a  young 
man  now  under  my  care  who  has  been  a  slave 
some  time  with  the  Arabs  in  the  desert."     His 
name  is  James   Mercier,   born   at  the  town   of 


549 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Merit 
Meteorology 


Suffolk,  Nansemond  County,  Virginia.  The 
King  sent  him  after  the  first  audience,  and  I 
shall  take  him  to  Spain.  On  Mr.  Barclay's  re 
turn  to  Spain,  he  shall  find  there  a  letter  from 
me  to  forward  this  young  man  to  his  own 
country,  for  the  expenses  of  which  I  will  make 
myself  responsible. — To  CJOVERNOR  HENRY,  i, 
601.  (P.,  1786.)  ^ 

5169.  MERIT,   RelicT  of  distressed.— I 
do  not  know  that  I  can  proffer  you  any  reward 
for  this  favor    [to  my   friend],   other  than  the 
sublime  pleasure  of  relieving  distressed  merit, 
a  pleasure  which   can   be  properly   felt  by  the 
virtuous    alone. — To    THOMAS    ADAMS.      FORD 
ED.,    i,    382.     (1770.) 

5170.  MERRY    (A.),    Character.— With 
respect  to  Merry  [British  Minister]  he  appears 
so  reasonable  and  good  a  man,  that  I  should  be 
sorry  to  lose  him  as  long  as  there  remains  a  pos 
sibility  of  reclaiming  him  to  the  exercise  of  his 
own   dispositions.     If  his   wife  perseveres,   she 
must  eat  her  soup  at  home,  and  we  shall  endeavor 
to  draw  him  into  society  as  if  she  did  not  exist. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  the  good  understanding 
of   nations   should   hang  on   the   caprice   of   an 
individual,    who    ostensibly   has    nothing   to   do 
with    them. — To    JAMES     MONROE.     FORD    ED., 
viii,  292.     (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

5171.  MERRY  (A.),  Social  claims  of.— 

Mr.  Merry  is  with  us,  and  we  believe  him  to 
be  personally  as  desirable  a  character  as  could 
have  been  sent  us.  But  he  is  unluckily  asso 
ciated  with  one  of  an  opposite  in  every  point. 
She  has  already  disturbed  our  harmony  ex 
tremely.  He  began  by  claiming  the  first  visit 
from  the  national  ministers.  He  corrected  him 
self  in  this.  But  a  pretension  to  take  precedence 
at  dinners,  &c.,  over  all  others  is  persevered  in. 
We  have  told  him  that  the  principle  of  society, 
as  well  as  of  government,  with  us,  is  the  equal 
ity  of  the  individuals  composing  it ;  that  no 
man  here  would  come  to  a  dinner,  where  he 
was  to  be  marked  with  inferiority  to  any  other ; 
that  we  might  as  well  attempt  to  force  our 
principle  of  equality  at  St.  James's  as  he  his 
principle  of  precedence  here.  I  had  been  in 
the  habit,  when  I  invited  female  company 
(having  no  lady  in  my  family)  to  ask  one  of 
the  ladies  of  the  four  Secretaries  to  come  and 
take  care  of  my  company  ;  and  as  she  was  to 
dp  the  honors  of  the  table  I  handed  her  to 
dinner  myself.  That  Mr.  Merry  might  not 
construe  this  as  giving  them  a  precedence  over 
Mrs.  Merry,  I  have  discontinued  it.  And  here, 
as  well  as  in  private  houses,  the  pele-mele  prac 
tice  is  adhered  to.  They  have  got  Yrujo  to 
take  a  zealous  part  in  the  claim  of  precedence. 
It  has  excited  generally  emotions  of  great  con 
tempt  and  indignation  (in  which  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  participate  sensibly),  that 
the  agents  of  foreign  nations  should  assume  to 
dictate  to  us  what  shall  be  the  laws  of  our 
society.  The  consequence  will  be  that  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Merry  will  put  themselves  into  Co 
ventry,  and  that  he  will  lose  the  best  half  of 
his  usefulness  to  his  nation,  that  derived  from 
a  perfectly  familiar  and  private  intercourse 
with  the  Secretaries  and  myself.  The  latter,  be 
assured,  is  a  virago,  and  in  the  short  course  of 
a  few  weeks  has  established  a  degree  of  dis 
like  among  all  classes  which  one  would  have 
thought  impossible  in  so  short  a  time.  Thorn 
ton  has  entered  into  their  ideas.  At  this  we 
wonder,  because  he  is  a  plain  man,  a  sensible 
one,  and  too  candid  to  be  suspected  of  wishing 
to  bring  on  their  recall,  and  his  own  substitu 
tion.  To  counterwork  their  misrepresentations, 
it  would  be  as  well  their  government  should  un 


derstand  as  much  of  these  things  as  can  be 
communicated  with  decency,  that  they  may 
know  the  spirit  in  which  their  letters  are  writ 
ten. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  290. 
(W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

—  MESMERISM.— See  FRANKLIN  (BEN 
JAMIN). 

—  MESSAGES     TO     CONGRESS.— See 

CONGRESS. 

5172.  METAPHYSICS,  Views  on.— The 

relations  between  the  physical  and  moral  fac 
ulties  of  man  have  ever  been  a  subject  of  great 
interest  to  the  inquisitive  mind  *  *  *  . 
That  thought  may  be  a  faculty  of  our  material 
organization  has  been  believed  in  the  gross ; 
and  though  the  modus  operandi  of  nature, 
in  this,  as  in  most  other  cases,  can  never  be  de 
veloped  and  demonstrated  to  beings  limited  as 
we  are,  yet  I  feel  confident  you  will  have  con 
ducted  us  as  far  on  the  road  as  we  can  go,  and 
have  lodged  us  within  reconnoitering  distance 
of  the  citadel  itself. — To  M.  CABANIS.  iv,  496. 
(W.,  1803.) 

5173. .  The  science  of  the  hu 
man  mind  is  curious,  but  is  one  on  which  I 
have  not  indulged  myself  in  much  speculation. 
The  times  in  which  I  have  lived,  and  the  scenes 
in  which  I  have  been  engaged,  have  required  me 
to  keep  the  mind  too  much  in  action  to  have 
leisure  to  study  minutely  its  laws  of  action. — 
To  EZRA  STILES,  vii,  127.  (M.,  1819.) 

5174.  METEORIC    STONES,    Origin.— 

[With  respect]  to  the  stone  in  your  possession, 
supposed  meteoric,  its  descent  from  the  atmos 
phere  presents  so  much  difficulty  as  to  require 
careful  examination.  But  I  do  not  know  that 
the  most  effectual  examination  could  be  made 
by  the  members  of  the  national  Legislature,  to 
whom  you  have  thought  of  exhibiting  it. 
*  *  *  I  should  think  that  an  inquiry  by 
some  of  our  scientific  societies,  *  *  '* 
would  be  likely  to  be  directed  *  *  *  with 
such  knowledge  of  the  subject,  as  would  inspire 
a  general  confidence.  We  certainly  are  not  to 
deny  whatever  we  cannot  account  for.  A  thou 
sand  phenomena  present  themselves  daily  which 
we  cannot  explain,  but  where  facts  are  sug 
gested,  bearing  no  analogy  with  the  laws  of 
nature  as  yet  known  to  us,  their  verity  needs 
proofs  proportioned  to  their  difficulty.  A  cau 
tious  mind  will  weigh  well  the  opposition  of 
the  phenomenon  to  everything  hitherto  ob 
served,  the  strength  of  the  testimony  by  which 
it  is  supported,  and  the  errors  and  misconcep 
tions  to  which  even  our  senses  are  liable.  It 
may  be  very  difficult  to  explain  how  the  stone 
you  possess  came  into  the  position  in  which  it 
was  found,  but  is  it  easier  to  explain  how  it  got 
into  the  clouds  from  whence  it  is  supposed  to 
have  fallen?  The  actual  fact,  however,  is  the 
thing  to  be  established,  and  this  I  hope  will  be 
done  by  those  whose  situations  and  qualifica 
tions  enable  them  to  do  it. — To  DANIEL  SAL 
MON,  v,  245.  (W.,  1808.) 

5175.  METEOROLOGY,    Slow   progress 
in. — Of  all  the  departments  of  science  no  one 
seems  to  have  been  less  advanced  for  the  last 
hundred  years  than  that  of  meteorology.     The 
new    chemistry,    indeed,    has    given    us    a    new 
principle  of  the  generation  of  rain,  by  proving 
water  to   be   a  composition   of   different  gases, 
and   has   aided   our   theory   of   meteoric   lights. 
Electricy    stands    where    Dr.    Franklin's    early 
discoveries  placed  it,  except  with  its  new  modi 
fication   of  galvanism.      But  the  phenomena  of 
snow,  hail,  halo,  aurora  borealis,  haze,  looming, 


Dfetropotamia 
Militia 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


550 


&c.,  are  as  yet  very  imperfectly  understood. 
I  am  myself  an  empiric  in  natural  philosophy, 
suffering  my  faith  to  go  no  further  than  my 
facts.  I  am  pleased,  however,  to  see  the  efforts 
of  hypothetical  speculation,  because  by  the  col 
lisions  of  different  hypotheses,  truth  may  be 
elicited  and  science  advanced  in  the  end.  This 
skeptical  disposition  does  not  permit  me  to  say 
whether  your  hypothesis  for  looming  and  float 
ing  volumes  of  warm  air  occasionally  perceived, 
may  or  may  not  be  confirmed  by  future  ob 
servations.  More  facts  are  yet  wanting  to 
furnish  a  solution  on  which  we  may  rest  with 
confidence.  I  even  doubt  as  yet  whether  the 
looming  at  sea  and  on  land  is  governed  by  the 
same  laws. — To  GEORGE  F.  HOPKINS,  vii,  259. 
(M.,  1822.)  See  CLIMATE. 

—  METROPOTAMIA,    Proposed    State 

of. — See  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

5176.  MEXICO,   Interesting.— Mexico  is 
one   of   the   most   interesting   countries  of     ur 
hemisphere,    and    merits    every    attention. — To 
DR.  BARTON,     v,  470.     (M.,   1809.) 

_  MICHIGANIA,  Proposed  State  of.— 

See  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

5177.  MILITIA,  Bravery.— Ill  armed  and 

untried  militia,  who  never  before  saw  the 
face  of  an  enemy,  have,  at  times  during 
the  course  of  this  war  [of  the  Revolution] 
given  occasions  of  exultation  to  our  enemies, 
but  they  afforded  us,  while  at  Warwick,  a 
little  satisfaction  in  the  same  way.  Six  or 
eight  hundred  of  their  picked  men  of  light 
infantry,  with  General  Arnold  at  their  head, 
having  crossed  the  [James]  river  from  War 
wick,  fled  from  a  patrol  of  sixteen  horse, 
every  man  into  his  boat  as  he  could,  some 
pushing  North,  some  South  as  their  fears 
drove  them. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  i, 
306.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  33.  (R.,  1781.) 

5178. .  Our  militia  are  heroes 

when  they  have  heroes  to  lead  them  on. — To 
W.  H.  CRAWFORD,  vi,  420.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  504. 
(M,  1815.) 

5179.  MILITIA,  Classification.— You 
will  consider  whether  it  would  not  be  ex 
pedient,  for  a  state  of  peace  as  well  as  of 
war,  so  to  organize  or  class  the  militia,  as 
would  enable  us,  on  any  sudden  emergency, 
to  call  for  the  services  of  the  younger  por 
tions,  unencumbered  with  the  old  and  those 
having  families.  Upwards  of  three  hundred 
thousand  able  bodied  men,  between  the  ages 
of  eighteen  and  twenty-six  years,  which  the 
last  census  shows  we  may  now  count  within 
our  limits,  will  furnish  a  competent  number 
for  offence  or  defence  in  any  point  where 
they  may  be  wanted,  and  give  time  for  rais 
ing  regular  forces  after  the  necessity  of  them 
shall  become  certain ;  and  the  reducing  to  the 
early  period  of  life  all  its  active  service,  can 
not  but  be  desirable  to  our  younger  citizens, 
of  the  present  as  well  as  future  times,  inas 
much  as  it  engages  to  them  in  more  advanced 
age  a  quiet  and  undisturbed  repose  in  the 
bosom  of  their  families.  I  cannot,  then,  but 
earnestly  recommend  to  your  early  consider 
ation  the  expediency  of  so  modifying  our 
militia  system  as,  by  a  separation  of  the  more 
active  part  from  that  which  is  less  so,  we 


may  draw  from  it,  when  necessary,  an  ef 
ficient  corps,  fit  for  real  and  active  service, 
and  to  be  called  to  it  in  regular  rotation.— 
FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  49.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  392.  (Dec.  i8o'  ) 

5180. v  '  A.  militia  of  young  men 

will  hold  on  until  titulars  can  be  raised,  and 
will  be  the  nursery  v/hich  will  furnish  them. 
—To  WILLIAM  A.  BURWELL.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
416.  (W.,  1806.) 

5181. .     A  militia  can  never  be 

used  for  distant  service  on  any  other  plan; 
and  Bonaparte  will  conquer  the  world,  if  they 
do  not  learn  his  secret  of  composing  armies 
of  young  men  only,  whose  enthusiasm  and 
health  enable  them  to  surmount  all  obstacles. 
—To  MR.  BIDWELL.  v,  16.  (W.,  1806.) 

5182. .     Convinced  that  a  militia 

of  all  ages  promiscuously  are  entirely  use 
less  for  distant  service,  and  that  we  never 
shall  be  safe  until  we  have  a  selected  corps 
for  a  year's  distant  service  at  least,  the  classi 
fication  of  our  militia  is  now  the  most  es 
sential  thing  the  United  States  have  to  do. 
Whether,  on  Bonaparte's  plan  of  making  a 
class  for  every  year  between  certain  periods, 
or  that  recommended  in  my  message,  I  do 
not  know,  but  I  rather  incline  to  his.  The 
idea  is  not  new,  as  you  may  remember  we 
adopted  it  once  in  Virginia  during  the  Revo 
lution,  but  abandoned  it  too  soon.  It  is  the 
real  secret  of  Bonaparte's  success. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  v,  76.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  49.  (M.,  May 
1807.) 

5183. .     The   session   before   the 

last  I  proposed  to  the  Legislature  the  classifi 
cation  of  the  militia,  so  that  those  in  the 
prime  of  life  only,  and  unburthened  with 
families,  should  ever  be  called  into  distant 
service;  and  that  every  man  should  receive 
a  stand  of  arms  the  first  year  he  entered 
the  militia.  *  *  *  It  will  prevail  in  time. — 
To  MR.  COXE.  v,  58.  (W.,  1807.) 


5184. 


Against     great     land 


armies  we  cannot  attempt  defence  but  by 
equal  armies.  For  these  we  must  depend  on 
a  classified  militia,  which  will  give  us  the 
service  of  the  class  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
six,  in  the  nature  of  conscripts,  comprising 
a  body  of  about  250,000,  to  be  specially 
trained.  This  measure,  attempted  at  a  former 
session,  was  pressed  at  the  last,  and  might, 
I  think,  have  been  carried  by  a  small  ma 
jority.  But  considering  that  great  innova 
tions  should  not  be  forced  on  a  slender  ma 
jority,  and  seeing  that  the  general  opinion 
is  sensibly  rallying  to  it,  it  was  thought  better 
to  let  it  lie  over  to  the  next  session,  when, 
I  trust,  it  will  be  passed. — To  GENERAL 
ARMSTRONG,  v,  281.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  194.  (W., 
May  1808.) 

5185. .     In  the  beginning  of  our 

government  we  were  willing  to  introduce  the 
least  coercion  possible  on  tl.e  will  of  the 
citizen.  Hence  a  system  of  military  ^duty 
was  established  too  indulgent  to  his  indo 
lence.  This  [war]  is  the  first  opportunity  we 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Militia 


have  had  of  trying  it,  and  it  has  completely 
failed ;  an  issue  foreseen  by  many,  and  for 
which  remedies  have  been  proposed.  That 
of  classing  the  militia  According  to  age,  and 
allotting  each  age  to  i^e  particular  kind  of 
service  to  which  it  wa£.  competent,  was  Pro~ 
posed  to  Congress  in  i8ci,  and  subsequently; 
and,  on  the  last  trial,  <0v-as  lost,  I  believe,  by 
a  single  vote.  Had  it  prevailed,  what  has 
now  happened  would  not  have  happened. 
Instead  of  burning  our  Capitol,  we  should 
have  possessed  theirs  in  Montreal  and  Que 
bec.  We  must  now  adopt  it,  and  all  will  be 
safe.— To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  379.  (M., 
1814) 

5186.  MILITIA,   Comfort  of.— The   sol 
diers  themselves  will  thank  you,  when  sep 
arated    from    domestic   accommodation,    they 
find   themselves,   through   your   attention   to 
their    comfort,    provided    with    conveniences 
which  will  administer  to  their  first  wants. — 
LETTER  TO  COUNTY  LIEUTENANTS.     FORD  ED., 
ii,  428.     (R.,  1781.) 

5187.  MILITIA,  Commissions  in.— The 
Executive,    apprehending   they   have   no   au 
thority    to   grant   brevet    commissions,    refer 
to  the  General  Assembly  the  expedience  of 
authorizing  them  to  give  to  this  gentleman* 
a  Lieutenant  Colonel's  commission  by  way  of 
brevet. — To  SPEAKER  OF  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  266.     (Wg.,  I779-) 

5188.  MILITIA,   Compulsory  service 
in. — We  must  train  and  classify  the  whole  of 
our  male  citizens,  and  make  military  instruction 
a  regular  part  of  collegiate  education.     We  can 
never  be  safe  till  this  is  done. — To  JAMES  MON 
ROE,     vi,  131.     (M.,  1813.) 

5189. .     I  think  the  truth  must 

now  be  obvious  that  our  people  are  too  happy  at 
home  to  enter  into  regular  service,  and  that  we 
cannot  be  defended  but  by  making  every  citizen 
a  soldier,  as  the  Greeks  and  Romans  who  had 
no  standing  armies  ;  and  that  in  doing  this  all 
must  be  marshalled,  classed  by  their  ages,  and 
every  service  ascribed  to  its  competent  class. — 
To  J.  W.  EPPES.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  484.  (M., 
1814.) 

5190.  MILITIA,    Crimes    and    punish 
ments. — Any  officer  or  soldier,  guilty  of  mu 
tiny,    desertion,    disobedience    of    command, 
absence    from    duty   or   quarters,   neglect   of 
guard,    or   cowardice,    shall    be   punished    at 
the   discretion   of  a   courtmartial   by   degra 
ding,  cashiering,  drumming  out  of  the  army, 
whipping  not  exceeding  twenty   lashes,   fine 
not  exceeding  two  months,  or  imprisonment 
not   exceeding   one   month.— INVASION    BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  127.     (i777-) 

5191.  MILITIA,    Defects    in    organiza 
tion. — Congress  have  had  too  much  experi 
ence  of  the  radical  defects  and  inconveniences 
of   militia   service   to   need   my   enumerating 
them. — To    THE     PRESIDENT     OF     CONGRESS. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  277.     (Wg.,  I779-) 

5192.  MILITIA,  Distant  service.— Mili 
tia  do  well  for  hasty  enterprises,  but  cannot 

*  M.  Le  Mair,  a  Frenchman,  who  had  purchased 
arms  in  Europe  for  Virginia  and  requested  a  brevet- 
commission  as  a  reward  for  his  services.  Jefferson 
was  then  Governor  of  Virginia.— EDITOR. 


be  relied  on  for  lengthy  service,  and  out  of 
their  own  country. — To  NORTH  CAROLINA 
ASSEMBLY.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  480.  (R.,  1781.) 

5193. .    We  hope  it  will  be  the 

last  time  we  shall  have  occasion  to  require 
our  militia  to  go  out  of  their  own  country, 
as  we  think  it  most  advisable  to  put  that 
distant,  disagreeable  service  on  our  regulars, 

*  *    *    and  to  employ  our  militia  on  service 
in  our  own  country. — To  COLONEL  ABRAHAM 
PENN.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  29.     (R.,  1781.) 

5194. .     I  am  sensible  it  is  much 

more  practicable  to  carry  on  a  war  with 
militia  within  our  own  country  [State]  than 
out  of  it— To  MAJOR  GENERAL  GREENE. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  2.  (R.,  1781.) 

5195. .     The    law    of    a    former 

session  of  Congress,  for  keeping  a  body  of 
100,000  militia  in  readiness  for  service  at  a 
moment's  warning,  is  still  in  force.  *  *  * 
When  called  into  action,  it  will  not  be  for  a 
lounging,  but  for  an  active,  and  perhaps 
distant,  service.* — To  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO. 
v,  51.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  34.  (W.,  March  1807.) 

5196. .     If  the  marching  of  the 

militia  into  an  enemy's  country  be  once  ceded 
as  unconstitutional  (which  I  hope  it  never 
will  be),  then  will  [the  British!  force  [in 
Canada],  as  now  strengthened,  bid  us  perma 
nent  defiance. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  131. 
(M.,  June  1813.) 

5197.  —         — .    Abolish,  by  a  declaratory 
law,   the  doubts   which   abstract   scruples   in 
some,  and  cowardice  and  treachery  in  others, 
have   conjured   up   about   passing   imaginary 
lines,    and    limiting,    at   the   same   time,    the 
services  of  the  militia  to  the  contiguous  prov 
inces   of  the   enemy. — To   PRESIDENT   MADI 
SON,     vi,  391.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  489.     (M.,  Oct. 
1814.) 

—  MILITIA,  Draft  law.— See  DRAFT. 

5198.  MILITIA,    Employment    of.— I 
must  desire  that,  so  far  as  the  agency  of  the 
militia  be  employed,  it  may  be  with  the  ut 
most  discretion,  and  with  no  act  of  force  be 
yond   what    shall   be   necessary   to   maintain 
obedience  to  the  laws,  using  neither  deeds  nor 
words  unnecessarily  offensive. — To  CHARLES 
SIMMS,    v,  418.     (W.,  Jan.  1809.) 

5199.  MILITIA,    Enrolment.— For    ma 
king  provision  against  invasions  and  insurrec 
tions,  and  laying  the  burthen  equally  upon  all 

*  *     *     the   commanding   officer  of   every 
county     *     *     *     shall   enroll    under   some 
captain  such  persons     *     *     *     as  ought  to 
make  a  part  of  the  militia,  who  together  with 
those   before   enrolled,    and   not   yet   formed 
into  tenths     *     *     *     shall  by  such  captain 

*  *    *    be  divided  into  equal  parts,  as  nearly 
as  may  be,  each  part  to  be  distinguished  by 
fair  and  equal  lot  by  numbers  from  one  to 
ten,  and  when  so  distinguished,  to  be  added 
to  and  make  part  of  the  militia  of  the  county. 
Where  any  person    *    *    *    shall  not  attend, 

*  The  Governors  of  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  Mis 
sissippi  Territory  were  also  urged  to  furnish  volun 
teers.— EDITOR. 


Militia 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


552 


or  shall  refuse  to  draw  for  himself,  the  cap 
tain  shall  cause  his  lot  to  be  drawn  for  him. 
—INVASION  BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  123.  O777-) 
5200.  MILITIA,  Equalization  of  duty. 
— As  militia  duty  becomes  heavy,  it  becomes 
our  duty  to  divide  it  equally. — To  GENERAL 
NELSON.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  464.  (R.,  1781.) 

5201. .     Where  any  county  shall 

have  sent  but  half  the  quota  called  for,  they 
have  performed  but  half  their  tour,  and 
ought  to  be  called  on  again.  Where  any 
county  has  furnished  their  full  complement, 
they  have  performed  their  full  tour,  and  it 
would  be  unjust  to  call  on  them  again  till  we 
have  gone  through  the  counties.  Militia 
becoming  burthensome,  it  is  our  duty  to 
divide  it  as  equally  as  we  can. — To  COLONEL 
JAMES  INNES.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  465.  (R.,  1781.) 

5202. .   The  spirit  of  disobedience 

*  *  *  in  your  county  must  be  subdued. 
Laws  made  by  common  consent  must  not  be 
trampled  on  by  individuals.  It  is  very  much 
[to]  the  [public]  good  to  force  the  unworthy 
into  their  due  share  of  contributions  to  the 
public  support,  otherwise  the  burthen  on  [the 
worthy]  will  become  oppressive  indeed. — To 
COLONEL  VANMETER.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  24.  (R., 
1/81.) 

5203.  MILITIA,  Expensive.— Whether  it 
be  practicable  to   raise  and  maintain  a  suf 
ficient   number  of   regulars   to   carry  on   the 
war,  is  a  question.    That  it  would  be  burthen- 
some  is  undoubted,  yet  perhaps  it  is  as  certain 
that  no  possible  mode  of  carrying  it  on  can  be 
so  expensive  to  the  public,  so  distressing  and 
disgusting    to    individuals,    as    the    militia. — 
To  THE  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES.     FORD  ED.,  ii, 
474.    (R.,  1781.) 

5204.  MILITIA,  Improving.— We  should 
at  every  session    [of  Congress]    continue  to 
amend  the  defects    *    *    *     in  the  laws  for 
regulating    the    militia,    until    they    are    suf 
ficiently  perfect.     Nor  should  we  now  or  at 
any  time  separate,  until  we  can  say  we  have 
done    everything    for    the    militia    which    we 
could  do  were  an  enemy  at  our  door. — FIRST 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  12.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
121.     (Dec.  1801.) 

5205. .     Uncertain    as    we    must 

ever  be  of  the  particular  point  in  our  circum 
ference  where  an  enemy  may  choose  to  in 
vade  us,  the  only  force  which  can  be  ready  at 
every  point  and  competent  to  oppose  them,  is 
the  body  of  neighboring  citizens  as  formed 
into  a  militia.  On  these,  collected  from  the 
parts  most  convenient,  in  numbers  propor 
tioned  to  the  invading  foe,  it  is  best  to  rely, 
not  only  to  meet  the  first  attack,  but  if  it 
threatens  to  be  permanent,  to  maintain  the 
defence  until  regulars  may  be  engaged  to 
relieve  them. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii, 
ii.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  121.  (Dec.  1801.) 

5206.  -     -   .      Considering    that    our 

regular  troops  are  employed  for  local  pur 
poses,  and  that  the  militia  is  our  general  re 
liance  for  great  and  sudden  emergencies,  you 
will  doubtless  think  this  institution  worthy 


of  a  review,  and  give  it  those  improvements 
of    which    you    find    it    susceptible. — SECOND 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,   19.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
185.     (Dec.  1802.)      * 
ft 

5207. .  . :  i  compliance  with  a  re 
quest  of  the  HousVbf  Representatives,  as 
well  as  with  a  sense^tv^  what  is  necessary,  I 
take  the  liberty  of  urging  on  you  the  impor 
tance  and  indispensable  necessity  of  vigorous 
exertions,  on  the  part  of  the  State  govern 
ments,  to  carry  into  effect  the  militia  system 
adopted  by  the  national  Legislature,  agree 
able  to  the  powers  reserved  to  the  States  re 
spectively,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  a  manner  the  best  calculated 
to  ensure  such  a  degree  of  military  discipline, 
and  knowledge  of  tactics,  as  will  under  the 
auspices  of  a  benign  Providence,  render  the 
militia  a  sure  and  permanent  bulwark  of 

national  defence. — To  .     iv,  469.      (W., 

Feb.  1803.) 

5208. .     It  is  incumbent  on  us.  at 

every  meeting,  to  revise  the  condition  of  the 
militia,  and  to  ask  ourselves  if  it  is  prepared 
to  repel  a  powerful  enemy  at  every  point  of 
our  territories  exposed  to  invasion.  Some 
of  the  States  have  paid  a  laudable  attention 
to  this  object;  but  every  degree  of  neglect 
is  to  be  found  among  others.  Congress  alone 
have  power  to  produce  a  uniform  state  of 
preparation  in  this  great  organ  of  defence; 
the  interests  which  they  so  deeply  feel  in 
their  own  and  their  country's  security  will 
present  this  as  among  the  most  important 
objects  of  their  deliberation. — ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,  viii,  108.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  223.  (1808.) 

5209.  MILITIA,  Maintenance 'of  .—[The 
maintenance    of]    a    well-disciplined    militia, 
our  best  reliance  in  peace  and  for  the  first 
moments   of  war,   till    regulars   may   relieve 
them,  I  deem   [one  of  the]   essential  princi 
ples    of   our    government   and,    consequently 
[one]   which  ought  to  shape  its  administra 
tion. — FIRST     INAUGURAL     ADDRESS,      viii,  4. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  4.     (1803.) 

5210.  MILITIA,  Menial  labor.— A  mili 
tia  of  freemen  cannot  easily  be  induced  to 
labor  in  works  of  that  kind  [building  forts]. 
— To  THE  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES.     FORD  ED., 
iii.  36.     (R.,  1781.) 

5211.  MILITIA,  Mutiny.— The  precedent 
of   a     *     *     *     mutiny  would  be   so   mis 
chievous  as  to  induce  us  to  believe  that  an 
accommodation  to  their  present  temper  [would 
be]      most      prudent. — To      MAJOR-GENERAL 
STEUBEN.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  466.     (R.,  Feb.  1781.) 

5212.  -  — .     The  best  way,   perhaps, 
is  not  to  go  against  the  mutineers    [militia 
men]  when  embodied,  which  would  bring  on, 
perhaps,  an  open  rebellion,  or  bloodshed  most 
certainly;    but,    when    they    shall    have    dis 
persed,  to  go  and  take  them  out  of  their  beds, 
singly  and  without  noise;  or,  if  they  be  not 
found,  the  first  time,  to  go  again  and  again, 
so   that  they   may  never  be  able   to   remain 
in    quiet   at   home.       This    is    what    I    must 
recommend    to   you    and,    therefore,    furnish 


553 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Militia 


the  bearers  with  the  commissions  as  you 
desire. — To  COLONEL  ^AN  METER.  FORD  ED., 
iii,  25.  (R.,  1781.)  - 

5213.  MILITIA,  *>val.— I  send  you  a 
copy  of  the  marine  t .*,  lations  of  France. 
There  are  things  in  it  ^Mch  may  become  in 
teresting  to  us ;  particularly,  what  relates  to 
the  establishment  of  a  marine  militia,  and 
their  classification. — To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  91. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5214. .  I  wish  to  consult  you  on 

a  plan  of  a  regular  naval  militia,  to  be  com 
posed  of  all  our  sea-faring  citizens,  to  enable 
us  to  man  a  fleet  speedily  by  supplying  vol 
untary  enlistments  by  calls  on  that  militia. — 
To  ROBERT  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  381.  (W., 
Oct.  1805.) 

5215.  —          — .     I  think  it  will  be  neces 
sary  to  erect  our  sea-faring  men  into  a  naval 
militia,  and   subject  them  to  tours  of  duty 
in  whatever  port  they  may  be. — To  GENERAL 
SMITH,    v,  147.     (W.,  July  1807.) 

5216.  -  — .     It   is    *    *    *    material 
that  the  seaport  towns  should  have  artillery- 
militia  duly  trained     *     *     *     .—To  W.  H. 
CABELL.     v,  191.     (M.,  1807.) 

5217. .     I  think  our  naval  militia 

plan,  both  as  to  name  and  structure,  better 
for  us  than  the  English  plan  of  Sea-fencibles. 
— To  ROBERT  SMITH,  v,  234.  (1808.) 

5218.  MILITIA,     Officers.— Any    officer 
resigning  his  commission  on  being  called  into 
duty  by  the   Governor,   or  his  commanding 
officer,  shall  be  ordered  into  the  ranks,  and 
shall  moreover  suffer  punishment  as  for  dis 
obedience     of     command. — INVASION     BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  125.     (1777.) 

5219.  —  — .     Much  will  depend  on  the 
proper  choice  of  officers. — INVASION   CIRCU 
LAR-LETTER.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  398.     (R.,    1781.) 


5220. 


-.     The  good  of  the  service 


requires  that  the  field  officers  at  least  be  ex 
perienced  in  the  service.  For  this  reason, 
these  will  be  provided  for  at  the  rendezvous. 
I  beg  that  this  may  not  be  considered  by  the 
militia  field  officers  [as  arising]  from  want  of 
respect  to  them.  We  know  and  confide  in 
their  zeal ;  but  it  cannot  be  disreputable  to 
them  to  be  less  knowing  in  the  art  of  war 
than  those  who  have  greater  experience  in  it ; 
and  being  less  knowing,  I  am  quite  sure  the 
spirit  of  patriotism,  with  which  they  are  ani 
mated,  will  lead  them  to  wish  that  measure 
to  be  adopted  which  will  most  promote  the 
public  safety,  however  it  may  tend  to  keep 
them  from  the  post  in  which  they  would  wish 
to  appear  in  defence  of  their  country.* — To 
COUNTY  LIEUTENANTS.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  398. 
(R,  1781.) 

5221. .     I   enclose  you  a  charge 

against  *  *  *  [three  militia  officers],  as 
having  become  members  of  an  organized 
company,  calling  themselves  the  Tar  Com- 

*  From  a  letter  calling  out  the  militia  of  several 
counties  of  Virginia  when  the  State  was  invaded  by 
the  British  forces.— EDITOR. 


pany,  avowing  their  object  to  be  the  tarring 
and  feathering  citizens  of  some  description. 
Although  in  some  cases  the  animadversions 
of  the  law  may  be  properly  relied  on  to  pre 
vent  what  is  unlawful,  yet  with  those  clothed 
with  authority  from  the  Executive,  and  being 
a  part  of  the  Executive,  other  preventives 
are  expedient.  These  officers  should  be 
warned  that  the  Executive  cannot  tamely  look 
on  and  see  its  officers  threaten  to  become 
the  violators  instead  of  the  protectors  of  the 
rights  of  our  citizens. — To  HENRY  DEAR 
BORN,  v,  383.  (1808.) 

5222.  MILITIA,  Payment  of  Ohio.— If 

we  suffer  the  question  of  paying  the  [Ohio] 
militia  embodied  to  be  thrown  on  their  Leg 
islature,  it  will  excite  acrimonious  debate  in 
that  body,  and  they  will  spread  the  same  dis 
satisfaction  among  their  constituents,  and 
finally  it  will  be  forced  back  on  us  through 
Congress.  Would  it  not,  therefore,  be  better 
to  say  to  Mr.  Kirker,  that  the  General  Gov 
ernment  is  fully  aware  that  emergencies 
which  appertain  to  them  will  sometimes  arise 
so  suddenly  as  not  to  give  time  for  con 
sulting  them,  before  the  State  must  get  into 
action;  that  the  expenses  in  such  cases,  in 
curred  on  reasonable  grounds,  will  be  met 
by  the  General  Government ;  and  that  in  the 
present  case  [Burr's  Conspiracy],  although 
it  appears  there  was  no  real  ground  for  em 
bodying  the  militia,  and  that  more  certain 
measures  for  ascertaining  the  truth  should 
have  been  taken  before  embodying  them,  yet 
an  unwillingness  to  damp  the  public  spirit 
of  our  countrymen,  and  the  justice  due  to  the 
individuals  who  came  forward  in  defence  of 
their  country,  and  could  not  know  the 
grounds  on  which  they  were  called,  have 
determined  us  to  consider  the  call  as  justi 
fiable,  and  to  defray  the  expenses. — To  GEN 
ERAL  DEARBORN,  v,  206.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  22. 
(W.,  Oct.  1807.) 

5223.  MILITIA,   Public  property  and. 
— Be  pleased  to  give  the  same  notice  to  the 
militia  as  formerly,  that  no  man  will  be  ever 
discharged  till  he  shall  have  returned  what 
ever  public  arms  or  accoutrements  he  shall 
have  received. — To  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  NEL 
SON.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  396.     (R.,  1781.) 

5224.  MILITIA,  Regular  army  and.— I 
am  for  relying  for  internal  defence  on  our 
militia   solely,    till   actual   invasion. — To   EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,     iv,  268.     FORD  ED.,  vii,   328. 
(Pa.,  1799.) 

5225. .  None  but  an  armed  na 
tion  can  dispense  with  a  standing  army.  To 
keep  ours  armed  and  disciplined,  is  therefore 

at   all  times   important. — To  .     iv,   469. 

(W.,  1803.) 

5226.  MILITIA,  Security  in.— For  a  peo 
ple  who  are  free,  and  who  mean  to  remain 
so,    a    well    organized   and   armed    militia    is 
their  best  security. — EIGHTH   ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,     viii,   108.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  223.      (Nov. 
1808.) 

5227.  MILITIA,  Slaves  and.— Slaves  are 
by  the   law  excluded   from  the  militia,   and 


Militia 
Mineralogist  s 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


554 


wisely  as  to  that  part  of  a  soldier's  duty 
which  consists  in  exercise  of  arms.  But 
whether  male  slaves  might  not  under  proper 
regulations  be  subjected  to  the  routine  of 
duty  as  pioneers,  and  to  other  military  labors, 
can  only  be  determined  by  the  wisdom  of  the 
Legislature.— To  THE  VA.  HOUSE  OF  DELE 
GATES.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  36.  (R.,  1781.) 

5228.  MILITIA,     Standing     fire.— The 
scene  of  military  operations  has  been  hitherto 
so  distant  from  these  States  that  their  militia 
are    strangers    to    the    actual    presence    of 
danger.      Habit    alone   will    enable   them    to 
view  this  with  familiarity,  to  face  it  without 
dismay;    a   habit   which    must   be   purchased 
by   calamity,    but   cannot   be   purchased    too 
dear. — To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS.    FORD 
ED.,  ii,  335-     (R-,  1780.) 

5229.  MILITIA,     Subsistence    of.— The 
present  [British]  invasion  [of  Virginia]  hav 
ing  rendered  it  necessary  to  call  into  the  field 
a  large  body  of  militia,  the  providing  them 
with    subsistence,    and   the    means    of   trans 
portation  becomes  an  arduous  task  in  the  un 
organized  state  of  our  military  system.     To 
effect  this  we  are  obliged  to  vest  the  heads  of 
the  Commissary's  and  Quartermaster's  depart 
ments  with  such  powers  as,  if  abused,  will  be 
most  afflicting  to  the  people.     Major  General 
Steuben,  taught  by  experience  on  similar  oc 
casions,   has  pressed  on  us  the  necessity  of 
calling   to   the   superintendence   of  these   of 
ficers  some  gentleman  of  distinguished  char 
acter  and  abilities,  who,  while  he  prescribes 
to  them   such   rules  as   will   effectually  pro 
duce  the  object  of  their  appointment,  will  yet 
stand    between    them    and    the    people    as    a 
guard  from  oppression.     *     *          Under  the 
exigency  we  have  taken  the  liberty  of  casting 
our  eyes  on  yourself  as  most  likely  to  fulfill 
our   wishes   and,   therefore,    solicit  your  un 
dertaking  this  charge.— To  COLONEL  RICHARD 
MEADE.     FORD  EDV  ii,  400.     (R.,  1781.) 

5230.  MILITIA,    Washington    on    use 
of. — In  conversation  with  the  President,  and 
speaking  about  General   [Nathaniel]   Greene, 
he  said  that  he  and  General  Greene  had  al 
ways   differed   in   opinion   about  the   manner 
of  using  militia.     Greene  always  placed  them 
in  his   front;    himself  was  of  opinion   they 
should  always  be  used  as  a  reserve  to  im 
prove  any  advantage,  for  which  purpose  they 
were    the    finest   fellows   in    the    world.     He 
said  he  was  on  the  ground  of  the  battle  of 
Guilford,  with  a  person  who  was  in  the  ac 
tion,  and  who  explained  the  whole  of  it  to  him. 
That   General   Greene's   front  was  behind   a 
fence  at  the  edge  of  a  large  field,  through 
which  the  enemy  were  obliged  to  pass  to  get 
at  them;  and  that  in  their  passage  through 
this,  they  must  have  been  torn  all  to  pieces, 
if  troops  had  been  posted  there  who  would 
have   stood   their  ground;    and   that  the   re 
treat    from    that    position    was    through    a 
thicket,  perfectly  secure.     Instead  of  this,  he 
posted  the  North  Carolina  militia  there,  who 
only  gave  one  fire  and  fell  back,  so  that  the 
whole  benefit  of  their  position  was  lost.    He 
thinks  that  the  regulars,  with  their  field  pieces, 


would    have    hardly    le     a    single    man  get 

through    that    field.— n£JE    ANAS,      ix,  146. 

FORD  ED.,  i,  232.  (ld»3.)  See  ARMY  and 
WAR.  ^ 

5231.  MILITIA  \  ^B    LOUISIANA.— 

The  spirit  of  this  cou^y  is  totally  adverse  to 
a  large  military  force.  I  have  tried  for  two 
sessions  to  prevail  on  the  Legislature  to  let 
me  plant  thirty  thousand  well  chosen  volun 
teers  on  donation  lands  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Mississippi,  as  a  militia  always  at  hand 
for  the  defence  of  New  Orleans;  but  I  have 
not  yet  succeeded. — To  MR.  CHANDLER 
PRICE,  v,  47.  (W.,  1807.) 

5232. .    The  defence  of  Orleans 

against  a  land  army  can  never  be  provided 
for,  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Con 
stitution,  till  we  can  get  a  sufficient  militia 
there — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v,  215.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  167.  (Nov.  1807.) 

5233. .  A  measure  has  now  twice 

failed,  which  I  have  warmly  urged,  the  im 
mediate  settlement  by  donation  lands,  of  such 
a  body  of  militia  in  the  Territories  of  Or 
leans  and  Mississippi,  as  will  be  adequate  to 
the  defence  of  New  Orleans. — To  GENERAL 
ARMSTRONG,  v,  281.  (W.,  May  1808.) 

5234.  MIND,  Body  and.— If  this  period 
[youth]   be  suffered  to  pass  in  idleness,  the 
mind    becomes    lethargic    and    impotent,    as 
would    the   body   it   inhabits    if   unexercised 
during  the   same   time.     The   sympathy  be 
tween  body  and  mind  during  their  rise,  prog 
ress   and   decline,   is   too    strict   and   obvious 
to  endanger  our  being  misled  while  we  reason 
from  the  one  to  the  other. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,  viii,  390.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  253.     (1782.) 

5235.  MIND,      Freedom      of.— Almighty 
God  hath  created  the  mind  free,  and  mani 
fested  His  supreme  will  that  free  it  shall  re 
main  by  making  it  altogether  insusceptible  of 
restraint. — STATUTE    OF    RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM. 
viii,  454.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  227.     (1779.) 

5236.  MIND,  Influencing.— All  attempts 
to  influence   [the  mind]  by  temporal  punish 
ments,  or  burthens,  or  by  civil  incapacitations, 
tend  only  to  beget  habits  of  hypocrisy  and 
meanness,  and  are  a  departure  from  the  plan 
of   the    Holy    Author    of   our    religion,    who 
being  Lord  both  of  body  and  mind,  yet  choose 
not  to  propagate  it  by  coercions  on  either, 
as  was  in  his  Almighty  power  to  do,  but  to 
exalt  it  by  its  influence  on   reason  alone. — 
STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS   FREEDOM,     viii,   454. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  238.     (1779.) 

5237.  MIND,    Qualities    of.— I    estimate 
the  qualities  of  the  mind;  i,  good  humor;  2, 
integrity;  3,  industry;  4,  science.     The  pref 
erence  of  the  first  to  the  second  quality  may 
not  at  first  be  acquiesced  in ;  but  certainly  we 
had  all  rather  associate  with  a  good-humored, 
light-principled   man,   than   with   an    ill-tem 
pered  rigorist  in  morality. — To  DR.   BENJA 
MIN  RUSH,     v,  225.     (W.,  1808.) 

5238.  MINERALOGISTS     IN     AMEB- 
ICA. — I   have   never   known    in   the   United 


555 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Mineralogy 
Ministers 


States  but  one  emine  ;  mineralogist,  who  could 
have  been  engaged  on  hire.  This  was  a  Mr. 
Goudon  from  France,  who  came  over  to  Phila 
delphia  six  or  seven  years  ago. — To  GOVERNOR 
NICHOLAS,  vi,  588.  (P.F.,  1816.) 

5239.  MINERALOGY,     Utility.— To 

learn  *  *  *  the  ordinary  arrangement  of 
the  different  strata  of  minerals  in  the  earth,  to 
know  from  their  habitual  collocations  and  prox 
imities,  where  we  find  one  mineral ;  whether 
another,  for  which  we  are  seeking,  may  be 
expected  to  be  in  its  neighborhood,  is  useful. 
But  the  dreams  about  the  modes  of  creation, 
enquiries  whether  our  globe  has  been  formed  by 
the  agency  of  fire  or  water,  how  many  millions 
of  years  it  has  cost  Vulcan  or  Neptune  to  pro 
duce  what  the  fiat  of  the  Creator  would  effect 
by  a  single  act  of  will,  is  too  idle  to  be  worth 
a  single  hour  of  any  man's  life. — To  DR.  JOHN 
P.  EMMETT.  vii,  443.  (M.,  1826.) 

5240.  MINES,  Federal  Government  and. 
— I  am  afraid  we  know  too  little  as  yet  of  the 
lead    mines    to    establish    a    permanent    system. 
I  verily  believe  that  of  leasing  will  be  far  the 
best   for   the   United    States.     But   it  will   take 
time   to   find   out   what   rent  may   be   reserved, 
so  as  to  enable  the  lessee  to  compete  with  those 
who   work  mines   in   their   own   right,   and  yet 
have    an    encouraging    profit    for    themselves. 
Having  on  the  spot  two  such  men  as  Lewis  and 
Bates,    in    whose    integrity    and    prudence    un 
limited    confidence    may    be    placed,    would    it 
not  be  best  to  confide  to  them  the  whole  busi 
ness  of  leasing  and  regulating  the  management 
of  our  interests,   recommending  to   them   short 
leases,    at    first,    till    themselves    shall    become 
thoroughly    acquainted    with    the    subject,    and 
shall   be   able  to   reduce  the  management  to   a 
system,  which  the  government  may  then  approve 
and  adhere  to  ?     I  think  one  article  of  it  should 
be  that  the  rent  shall  be  paid  in  metal,  not  in 
mineral,   so   that  we   may   have   nothing  to   do 
with  works  which  will  always  be  mismanaged, 
and  reduce  our  concern  to  a  simple  rent.     We 
shall  lose  more  by  ill-managed  smelting  works 
than   the   digging   the   ore   is   worth.     Then,   it 
would  be  better  that  our  ore  remained  in  the 
earth   than   in   a   storehouse,   and   consequently 
we    give    nine-tenths    of    the    ore    for    nothing. 
These  thoughts  are  merely  for  your  considera 
tion. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.     v,    210.     (Nov. 
1807.) 

5241. .     It  is  not  merely  a  ques 
tion  about  the  terms  we  have  to  consider,  but 
the  expediency  of  working  them. — To   ALBERT 
GALLATIN.     v,     290.     (M.,     1808.) 

5242. .     I    received    your    favor 

covering   an    offer     ;  of   an   iron   mine 

to  the  public,  and  I  thank  you  for  *  *  * 
making  the  communication  *  *  *  .  But 
having  always  observed  that  public  works  are 
much  less  advantageously  managed  than  they 
are  by  private  hands,  I  have  thought  it  better 
for  the  public  to  go  to  market  for  whatever  it 
wants  which  is  to  be  found  there ;  for  there 
competition  brings  it  down  to  the  minimum  of 
value.  I  have  no  doubt  we  can  buy  brass  can 
non  at  market  cheaper  than  we  could  make  iron 
ones.  I  think  it  material,  too,  not  to  abstract 
the  high  executive  officers  from  those  functions 
which  nobody  else  is  charged  to  carry  on,  and 
to  employ  them  in  superintending  works  which 
are  going  on  abundantly  in  private  hands.  Our 
predecessors  went  on  different  principles ;  they 
bought  iron  mines,  and  sought  for  copper  ones. 
We  own  a  mine  at  Harper's  Ferry  of  the  finest 
iron  ever  put  into  a  cannon,  which  we  are 
afraid  to  attempt  to  work.  We  have  rented  it 


heretofore,  but  it  is  now  without  a  tenant. — To 
MR.  BIBB,  v,  326.  (M.,  July  1808.) 

5243.  MINES,  Silver.— I  enclose  for  your 
information  the  account  of  a  silver  mine  to 
fill  your  treasury. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  v, 
245.  (1808.) 

5244. .  With  respect  to  the  sil 
ver  mine  on  the  Platte,  1700  miles  from  St. 
Louis,  I  will  observe  that  in  the  present  state 
of  things  between  us  and  Spain,  we  could  not 
propose  to  make  an  establishment  at  that  dis 
tance  from  all  support.  It  is  interesting,  how 
ever,  that  the  knowledge  of  its  position  should 
be  preserved,  which  can  be  done  either  by  con 
fiding  it  to  the  government,  who  will  certainly 
never  make  use  of  it  without  an  honorable  com 
pensation  for  the  discovery  to  yourself  or  your 
representatives,  or  by  placing  it  wherever  you 
think  safest. — To  ANTHONY  G.  BETTAY.  v,  246. 
(W.,  1808.) 

5245.  MINES,  Virginia  lead.— We  take 

the  liberty  of  recommending  the  lead  mines  to 
you  as  an  object  of  vast  importance.  We 
great  an  extent.  Considered  as,  perhaps,  the 
think  it  impossible  they  can  be  worked  to  too 
sole  means  of  supporting  the  American  cause, 
they  are  inestimable.  As  an  article  of  com 
merce  to  our  Colony,  too,  they  will  be  valuable ; 
and  even  the  wagonage,  if  done  either  by  the 
Colony  or  individuals  belonging  to  it,  will  carry 
to  it  no  trifling  sum  of  money.* — To  GOVERNOR 
PATRICK  HENRY.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  67.  (July  1776.) 

5246.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Appoint 
ment  and  grade. — The  Constitution  having 
declared  that  the  President  shall  nominate  and, 
by    and    with    the    advice    and    consent    of    the 
Senate,   shall  appoint,  ambassadors,  other  pub 
lic    ministers,    and    consuls,    the    President    de 
sired    my    opinion    whether    the    Senate    has    a 
right   to    negative   the   grade   he    may   think   it 
expedient  to  use  in  a  foreign  mission  as  well 
as    the   person   to    be    appointed.     I    think    the 
Senate  has  no  right  to  negative  the  grade.     The 
Constitution  has  divided  the  powers  of  govern 
ment   into   three   branches,   Legislative,    Execu 
tive  and  Judiciary,  lodging  each  with  a  distinct 
magistracy.     The  Legislative  it  has  given  com 
pletely  to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives.     It  has  declared  that  the  Executive  pow 
ers  shall  be  vested  in  the  President,  submitting 
only  special  articles  of  it  to  a  negative  by  the 
Senate,  and  it  has  vested  the  Judiciary  power 
in  the  courts  of  justice,  with  certain  exceptions 
also   in  favor  of  the   Senate.     The  transaction 
of  business  with   foreign   nations   is   Executive 
altogether.     It    belongs,    then,    to    the    head    of 
that  department,  except  as  to  such  portions  of  it 
as  are  specially  submitted  to  the  Senate.     Ex 
ceptions    are    to    be    construed    strictly.     The 
Constitution    itself    indeed    has    taken    care    to 
circumscribe  this  one  within  very  strict  limits  ; 
for    it    gives    the    nomination    of    the    foreign 
agents   to   the    President,    the   appointments   to 
him   and  the   Senate  jointly,   and  the   commis 
sioning   to   the    President.     This   analysis   calls 
our  attention  to  the  strict  import  of  each  term. 
To  nominate  must  be  to  propose.     Appointment 
seems  that  act  of  the  will  which  constitutes  or 
makes   the    agent,    and   the   commission    is    the 
public  evidence  of  it.     But  there  are  still  other 
acts  previous  to  these  not  specially  enumerated 
in  the  Constitution,  to  wit:      ist.  The  destina 
tion    of    a    mission    to    the    particular    country 
where  the  public  service  calls  for  it,  and  2nd, 

*  A  note  in  the  FORD  EDITION  says  this  paper  was 
evidently  intended  to  be  signed  by  the  whole  Vir 
ginia  delegation.— EDITOR. 


Ministers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


'      556 


the  character  or  grade  to  be  employed  in  it. 
The  natural  order  of  all  these  is  first,  desti 
nation  ;  second,  grade ;  third,  nomination ; 
fourth,  appointment;  fifth,  commission.  _  If 
appointment  does  not  comprehend  the  neigh 
boring  acts  nomination  or  commission  (and 
the  Constitution  says  it  shall  not,  by  giving 
them  exclusively  to  the  President),  still  less 
can  it  pretend  to  comprehend  those  previous 
and  more  remote,  of  destination  and  grade. 
The  Constitution,  analyzing  the  three  last, 
shows  they  do  not  comprehend  the  two  first. 
The  fourth  is  the  only  one  it  submits  to  the 
Senate.  Shaping  it  into  a  right  to  say  that 
"  A  or  B  is  unfit  to  be  appointed  ".  Now,  this 
cannot  comprehend  a  right  to  say  that  A  or  B 
is  indeed  fit  to  be  appointed,  but  the  grade 
fixed  on  is  not  the  fit  one  to  employ,  or,  "  our 
connections  with  the  country  of  his  destination 
are  not  such  as  to  call  for  any  mission  ".  The 
Senate  is  not  supposed  by  the  Constitution  to 
be  acquainted  with  the  concerns  of  the  Ex 
ecutive  Department.  It  was  not*  intended  that 
these  should  be  communicated  to  them,  nor  can 
they,  therefore,  be  qualified  to  judge  of  the  ne 
cessity  which  calls  for  a  mission  to  any  particu 
lar  place,  or  of  the  particular  grade,  more  or 
less  marked,  which  special  and  secret  circum 
stances  may  call  for.  All  this  is  left  to  the 
President.  They  are  only  to  see  that  no  unfit 
person  be  employed.  It  may  be  objected  that 
the  Senate  may  by  continual  negatives  on  the 
person,  do  what  amounts  to  a  negative  on  the 
grade,  and  so,  indirectly,  defeat  this  right  of 
the  President.  But  this  would  be  a  breach  of 
trust ;  an  abuse  of  the  power  confided  to  the 
Senate,  of  which  that  body  cannot  be  supposed 
capable.  So  the  President  has  power  to  con 
voke  the  Legislature,  and  the  Senate  might 
defeat  that  power  by  refusing  to  come.  This 
equally  amounts  to  a  negative  on  the  power 
of  convoking.  Yet  nobody  will  say  they  pos 
sess  such  a  negative,  or  would  be  capable  of 
usurping  it  by  such  oblique  means.  If  the 
Constitution  had  meant  to  give  the  Senate  a 
negative  on  the  grade,  or  destination,  as  well 
as  on  the  person,  it  would  have  said  so  in 
direct  terms,  and  not  left  it  to  be  effected  by 
a  sidewind.  It  could  never  mean  to  give  them 
the  use  of  one  power  through  the  abuse  of  an 
other. — OPINION  ON  POWERS  OF  THE  SENATE. 
vii,  465.  FORD  ED.,  v,  161.  (1790.) 

5247. .     The  Secretary  of  State 

recapitulated  [to  a  committee  of  the  Senate] 
the  circumstances  which  justified  the  Presi 
dent's  having  continued  the  grade  of  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  [at  The  Hague]  ;  but  added, 
that  whenever  the  biennial  bill  should  come  on, 
each  House  would  have  a  constitutional  right 
to  review  the  establishment  again,  and  when 
ever  it  should  appear  that  either  House  thought 
any  part  of  it  might  be  reduced,  on  giving  to 
the  Executive  time  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
first  convenient  occasion  to  reduce  it,  the  Ex 
ecutive  could  not  but  do  it ;  but  that  it  would 
be  extremely  injurious  *  *  to  do  it  so 

abruptly  as  to  occasion  the  recall  of  ministers, 
or  unfriendly  sensations  in  any  of  those 
countries  with  which  our  commerce  is  in 
teresting. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  422.  FORD  EDV  i, 
172.  (January  1792.) 

5248. .  After  mature  considera 
tion  and  consultation,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the 

*  In  one  of  the  two  editions  of  JEFFERSON'S  WRI 
TINGS,  quoted  in  this  work,  "not  "  is  omitted.  The 
MS.  copy  of  the  opinion  which,  with  the  other  papers 


Constitution  has  made  the  President  the  sole 
competent  judge  to  what  places  circumstances 
render  it  expedient  that  ambassadors,  or  other 
public  ministers,  should  be  sent,  and  of  what 
grade  they  should  be ;  and  that  it  has  ascribed 
to  the  Senate  no  executive  act  but  the  single  one 
of  giving  or  withholding  their  consent  to  the 
person  nominated.  I  think  it  my  duty,  there 
fore,  to  protest,  and  do  protest  against  the 
validity  of  any  resolutions  of  the  Senate  assert 
ing  or  implying  any  right  in  that  House  to  ex 
ercise  any  executive  authority,  but  the  single 
one  before  mentioned. — PARAGRAPH  FOR  PRESI 
DENT'S  MESSAGE.  FORD  ED.,  v,  415.  (1792.) 

5249.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Exchange 
of. — I  doubt  whether  it  be  honorable  for  us 
to  keep  anybody  at  London  unless  they  keep 
some  person  at  New  York. — To  W.  S.  SMITH. 
ii,  284.  (P.,  1787.) 

5250. .     The    President    *    *    * 

authorized  Mr.  Gpuverneur  Morris  to  enter 
into  conference  with  the  British  ministers  in 
order  to  discover  their  sentiments  on  the  ex 
change  of  a  minister.  The  letters  of  Mr.  Mor 
ris  *  *  *  [to  the  President]  state  the 
communications,  oral  and  written,  which  have 
passed  between  him  and  the  ministers ;  and 
from  these  the  Secretary  of  State  draws  the 
following  inference:  That  *  *  *  their 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  is  disposed  to 
exchange  a  minister,  but  meets  with  opposition 
in  his  Cabinet,  so  as  to  render  the  issue  uncer 
tain.  The  Secretary  of  State  is  of  opinion 
that  Mr.  Morris's  letters  remove  any  doubts 
which  might  have  been  entertained  as  to  the 
intentions  and  dispositions  of  the  British  Cabi 
net  ;  that  it  would  be  dishonorable  to  the  United 
States,  useless  and  even  injurious,  to  renew 
the  propositions  for  *  *  *  the  exchange  of 
a  minister,  and  that  this  subject  should  now 
remain  dormant,  till  it  shall  be  brought  forward 
earnestly  by  them. — OFFICIAL  REPORT,  vii,  517. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  261.  (December  1790.) 

5251. .     You     have    placed     the 

British  proposition  of  exchanging  a  minister  on 
proper   ground.     It   must   certainly   come   from 
them,    and    come    in    unequivocal    form.     With 
those  who  respect  their  own  dignity  so  much, 
ours  must  not  be  counted  at  naught.     On  their 
own  proposal  formally,  to  exchange  a  minister 
we  sent  them  one.     They  have  taken  no  notice 
of  that,  and  talk  of  agreeing  to  exchange  one 
now,  as  if  the  idea  were  new.     Besides,  what 
they  are  saying  to  you,  they  are  talking  to  us 
through   Quebec ;   but  so   informally,   that  they 
may  disavow  it  when  they  please. — To  GOUVER- 
NEUR  MORRIS,     iii,  182.     FORD  ED.,  v,  224.     (N. 
Y.,   Aug.    1790.) 

5252.  MINISTERS  (Foreign).  Extraor 
dinary  expenses.— With  respect  to  the  ex 
traordinary  expenses  which  you  may  be  under 
the  necessity  of  incurring  at  the  coronation,  I 
am  not  authorized  to  give  any  advice.     *     *     * 
I  should  certainly  suppose  that  the  representa 
tive  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  was  to  do 
as    the    representatives    of    other    sovereignties 
do,  and  that  it  would  be  viewed  as  the  compli 
ment   of   our   nation   and   not   of   its   minister. 
If   this   be   the   true   point   of   view,    it   proves 
at  whose  expense   it  should  be. — To   WILLIAM 
CARMICHAEL.     FORD  ED.,  v,   125.     (P.,   1789.) 

5253.  MINISTERS     (Foreign),     Outfit 
of. — When  Congress  made  their  first  appoint 
ments   of   ministers   to   be  resident   in   Europe, 
I  have  understood  (for  I  was  not  then  in  Con 
gress)    that    they    allowed    them    all    their    ex- 


557 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Ministers 


penses,  and  a  fixed  st  over  and  above  for  their 
time.  Among  their  Kpenses  was  necessarily 
understood  the'r  outfit.  Afterwards  they 
thought  proper  to  give  them  fixed  salaries  of 
eleven  thousand  one  hundred  and  eleven  dol 
lars  and  one-ninth  a  year  ;  and  again  by  a  reso 
lution  of  May  the  6th  and  8th,  1784,  the 
"  salaries  "  of  their  ministers  at  foreign  courts 
were  reduced  to  nine  thousand  dollars,  to  take 
place  on  the  ist  of  August  ensuing.  On  the 
7th  of  May,  I  was  appointed  in  addition  to  Mr. 
Adams  and  Dr.  Franklin,  for  the  negotiation 
of  treaties  of  commerce ;  but  this  appointment 
being  temporary,  for  two  years  only,  and  not 
as  of  a  resident  minister,  the  article  of  outfit 
did  not  come  into  question.  I  asked  an  ad 
vance  of  six  months'  salary,  that  I  might  be  in 
cash  to  meet  the  first  expenses,  which  was 
ordered.  The  year  following  I  was  appointed 
to  succeed  Dr.  Franklin  at  this  court  [France]. 
This  was  the  first  appointment  of  a  minister 
resident,  since  the  original  ones,  under  which 
all  expenses  were  to  be  paid.  So  much  of  the 
ancient  regulation  as  respected  annual  expenses 
had  been  altered  to  a  sum  certain ;  so  much  of 
it  as  respected  first  expenses,  or  outfit,  remained 
unaltered;  and  I  might,  therefore,  expect  that 
the  actual  expenses  for  outfit  were  to  be  paid. 
When  I  prepared  my  account  for  settlement 
with  Mr.  Barclay,  I  began  a  detail  of  the  arti 
cles  of  clothing,  carriage,  horses,  and  house 
hold  furniture.  I  found  they  were  numerous, 
minute,  and  incapable  from  their  nature  of  be 
ing  vouched ;  and  often  entered  in  my  memo 
randum  book  under  a  general  head  only,  so  that 
I  could  not  specify  them.  I  found  they  would 
exceed  a  year's  salary.  Supposing,  therefore, 
that  mine  being  the  first  case,  Congress  would 
make  a  precedent  of  it,  and  prefer  a  sum  fixed 
for  the  outfit  as  well  as  the  salary,  I  have 
charged  it  in  my  account  at  a  year's  salary ; 
presuming  that  there  can  be  no  question  that 
an  outfit  is  a  reasonable  charge.  It  is  the  usage 
here  (and  I  suppose  at  all  courts),  that  a  min 
ister  resident  shall  establish  his  house  in  the 
first  instant.  If  this  is  to  be  done  out  of  his 
salary,  he  will  be  a  twelvemonth,  at  least,  with 
out  a  copper  to  live  on.  It  is  the  universal 
practice,  therefore,  of  all  nations  to  allow  the 
outfit  as  a  separate  article  from  the  salary.  I 
have  enquired  here  into  the  usual  amount  of 
it.  I  find  that  sometimes  the  sovereign  pays 
the  actual  cost.  This  is  particularly  the  case 
of  the  Sardinian  ambassador  now  coming  here, 
who  is  to  provide  a  service  of  plate,  and  every 
article  of  furniture  and  other  matters  of  first 
expense,  to  be  paid  for  by  his  court.  In  other 
instances,  they  give  a  service  of  plate,  and  a 
fixed  sum  for  all  other  articles,  which  fixed  sum 
is  in  no  case  lower  than  a  year's  salary.  I  de 
sire  no  service  of  plate,  having  no  ambition  for 
splendor.  My  furniture,  carriage  and  apparel 
are  all  plain,  yet  they  have  cost  me  more  than 
a  year's  salary.  I  suppose  that  in  every 
country,  and  in  every  condition  of  life,  a  year's 
expense  would  be  found  a  moderate  measure 
for  the  furniture  of  a  man's  house.  It  is  not 
more  certain  to  me  that  the  sun  will  rise  to 
morrow,  than  that  our  government  must  allow 
the  outfit  on  their  future  appointment  of  for 
eign  ministers ;  and  it  would  be  hard  on  me 
so  to  stand  between  the  discontinuance  of  a 
former  rule,  and  institution  of  a  future  one. 
as  to  have  the  benefit  of  neither. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  ii,  401.  (P.,  1788.) 

5254. .  The  outfit  given  to  min 
isters  resident  to  enable  them  to  furnish  their 
house,  but  given  by  no  nation  to  a  temporary 
minister,  who  is  never  expected  to  take  a 


house  or  to  entertain,  but  considered  on  the 
footing  of  a  voyageur,  our  predecessors  gave 
to  their  extraordinary  ministers  by  the  whole 
sale.  In  the  beginning  of  our  administration, 
among  other  articles  of  reformation  in  ex 
pense,  it  was  determined  not  to  give  an  outfit 
to  ministers  extraordinary,  and  not  to  incur 
the  expense  with  any  minister  of  sending  a 
frigate  to  carry  or  bring  him.  The  Boston 
happened  to  be  going  to  the  Mediterranean, 
and  was  permitted,  therefore,  to  take  up  Mr. 
Livingston,  and  touch  in  a  port  of  France.  A 
frigate  was  denied  to  Charles  Pinckney,  and 
has  been  refused  to  Mr.  King  for  his  return. 
Mr.  Madison's  friendship  and  mine  to  you 
being  so  well  known,  the  public  will  have  eagle 
eyes  to  watch  if  we  grant  you  any  indulgences 
out  of  the  general  rule ;  and  on  the  other  hand, 
the  example  set  in  your  case  [as  Minister 
Extraordinary  to  France]  will  be  more  cogent 
on  future  ones,  and  produce  greater  approba 
tion  to  pur  conduct.  The  allowance,  therefore, 
will  be  in  this,  and  all  similar  cases,  all  the  ex 
penses  of  your  journey  and  voyage,  taking  a 
ship's  cabin  to  yourself,  nine  thousand  dollars 
a  year  from  your  leaving  home  till  the  pro 
ceedings  of  your  mission  are  terminated,  and 
then  the  quarter's  salary  for  the  expenses  of 
your  return,  as  prescribed  by  law. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  455.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  191.  (W., 
1803.) 

5255.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Privi- 
leges.—Legal  provision  should  be  made  for 
protecting  and  vindicating  those  privileges  and 
immunities  to  which  foreign  ministers,  and 
others  attending  on  Congress  are  entitled  by 
the  law  of  nations. — CONGRESS  RESOLUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  463.  (April  1784.) 

5256. .  Foreign  ministers  are  not 

bound  to  an  acquaintance  with  the  laws  of  the 
land.  They  are  privileged  by  their  ignorance 
of  them.  They  are  bound  by  the  laws  of  nat 
ural  justice  only. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  246.  (M.,  1790.) 

5257. Every  person,  diplomatic 

in  his  own  right,  is  entitled  to  the  privileges  of 
the  law  of  nations,  in  his  own  right.  Among 
these  is  the  receipt  of  all  packages  unopened 
and  unexamined  by  the  country  which  receives 
him.  The  usage  of  nations  has  established 
that^  this  shall  liberate  whatever  is  imported 
bond  fide  for  his  own  use,  from  paying  duty. 
A  government  may  control  the  number  of 
diplomatic  characters  it  will  receive ;  but  if  it 
receives  them  it  cannot  control  their  rights 
while  bond  fide  exercised.  Thus  Dr.  Franklin, 
Mr.  Adams,  Colonel  Humphreys  and  myself,  all 
residing  at  Paris  at  the  same  time,  had  all  of 
us  our  importation  duty  free.  Great  Britain 
had  an  ambassador  and  a  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  there,  and  an  ambassador  extra  for 
several  years;  all  three  had  their  entries  free. 
In  most  countries  this  privilege  is  permanent. 
Great  Britain  is  niggardly,  and  allows  it  only 
on  the  first  arrival.  But  in  this,  as  she  treats 
us  only  as  she  does  the  most  favored  nations, 
so  we  should  treat  her  as  we  do  the  most  fa 
vored  nations.  If  these  principles  are  correct, 
Mr.  Foster  is  duty  free. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
iv,  588.  (W.,  1805.) 

5258.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Reception 
of-— The  Secretary  of  State  has  the  honor  to 
inform  the  Minister  of  France  that  the  Presi 
dent  will  receive  his  letters  of  credence  to-day 
at  half  after  two  :  that  this  will  be  done  in  a 
room  of  private  audience,  without  any  cere 
mony  whatever,  or  other  person  present  than 
the  Secretary  of  State,  this  being  the  usage 


Ministers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


558 


which  will  be  observed.  As  the  Secretary  of 
State  will  be  with  the  President  before  that 
hour  on  business,  the  Minister  will  find  him 
there. — To  JEAN  BAPTISTS  TERNANT.  FORD  ED., 
v,  370.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

5259. .     The     reception    of    the 

minister  at  all  *  *  *  (in  favor  of  which 
Colonel  Hamilton  has  given  his  opinion,  though 
reluctantly,  as  he  confessed),  is  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  legitimacy  of  their  [the  French] 
government. — OPINION  ON  FRENCH  TREATIES. 
vii,  616.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  223.  (1793.) 

5260. .     It  has  been  said  without 

contradiction,  and  the  people  have  been  made 
to  believe,  that  the  refusal  of  the  French  to  re 
ceive  our  Envoys  was  contrary  to  the  law  of 
nations,  and  a  sufficient  cause  of  war ;  whereas, 
every  one  who  has  ever  read  a  book  on  the  law 
of  nations  knows,  that  it  is  an  unquestionable 
right  in  every  power  to  refuse  any  minister 
who  is  personally  disagreeable. — To  EDMUND 
PENDLETON.  iv,  289.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  359.  (Pa., 
I799-) 

5261.  .      The    Constitution    has 

made   the    Executive   the   organ    for   managing 
our   intercourse   with    foreign   nations.      It   au 
thorizes    him    to    appoint    and    receive    ambas 
sadors,    other    public    ministers,    and    consuls. 
The    term    minister    being    applicable   to    other 
agents  as  well  as  diplomatic,  the  constant  prac 
tice  of  the  government,   considered  as   a  com 
mentary,   established  this  broad  meaning ;   and 
the  public  interest  approves  it ;  because  it  would 
be  extravagant  to  employ  a  diplomatic  minister 
for  a  business  which  'a  mere  rider  would  exe 
cute.     The  Executive  being  thus  charged  with 
the  foreign  intercourse,  no  law  has  undertaken 
to  prescribe  its  secific  duties. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN,    iv,   529.      (1804.) 

5262.  MINISTERS     (Foreign),     Rejec 
tion. — The  public  interest  certainly  made  the 
rejection  of  Chevalier  de  Onis  expedient,  and 
as  that  is  a  motive  which  it  is  not  pleasant  al 
ways   to    avow,    I    think   it   fortunate   that   the 
contending    claims    of    Charles    and    Ferdinand 
furnished  such  plausible  embarrassment  to  the 
question  of  right ;  for,  on  our  principles,  I  pre 
sume,  the  right  of  the  Junta  to  send  a  minister 
could  not  be  denied. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
v,  480.     (M.,  Nov.  1809.) 

5263.  MINISTERS   (Foreign),   Revolu 
tions  and. — Whenever  the  scene  [Paris  dur 
ing  Revolution]  became  personally  dangerous  to 
you,  it  was  proper  you  should  leave  it,  as  well 
from  personal  as  public  motives.     But  what  de 
gree    of    danger    should    be    awaited,    to    what 
distance  or  place  you  should  retire,  are  circum 
stances  which  must  rest  with  your  own  discre 
tion,  it  being  impossible  to  prescribe  them  from 
hence. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  489.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,   131.     (Pa.,  Nov.   1792.) 

5264.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Rotation 

in. — I  think  it  possible  that  it  will  be  estab 
lished  into  a  maxim  of  the  new  government 
to  discontinue  its  foreign  servants  after  a  cer 
tain  time  of  absence  from  their  own  country, 
because  they  lose  in  time  that  sufficient  degree 
of  intimacy  with  its  circumstances  which  alone 
can  enable  them  to  know  and  pursue  its  in 
terests.  Seven  years  have  been  talked  of. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  244.  (M.,  1790.) 

5265.  MINISTERS  (Foreign),  Salaries. 

— You  have  doubtless  heard  of  the  complaints 
of  our  foreign  ministers  as  to  the  incompetency 
of  their  salaries.  I  believe  it  would  be  better 


were  they  somewhat  enlarged.  Yet  a  moment's 
reflection  will  satisfy  you  that  a  man  may  live 
in  any  country  on  any  scale  he  pleases,  and 
more  easily  in  that  [France]  than  this,  because 
there,  the  grades  are  more  distinctly  marked. 
From  the  ambassador  there  a  certain  degree  of 
representation  is  expected.  But  the  lower 
grades  of  Envoy,  Minister,  Resident,  Charge, 
have  been  introduced  to  accommodate  both  the 
sovereign  and  missionary  as  to  the  scale  of  ex 
pense.  I  can  assure  you  from  my  own  knowl 
edge  of  the  ground,  that  these  latter  grades 
are  left  free  in  the  opinion  of  the  place  to  adopt 
any  style  they  please,  and  that  it  does  not  lessen 
their  estimation  or  their  usefulness.  When  I 
was  at  Paris,  two-thirds  of  the  diplomatic  men 
of  the  second  and  third  orders  entertained  no 
body.  Yet  they  were  as  much  invited  out  and 
honored  as  those  of  the  same  grades  who  en 
tertained.  *  *  *  This  procures  one  some  sun 
shine  friends  who  like  to  eat  of  your  good 
things,  but  has  no  effect  on  the  men  of  real 
business,  the  only  men  of  real  use  to  you,  in 
a  place  where  every  man  is  estimated  at  what 
he  really  is. — To  GENERAL  JOHN  ARMSTRONG. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  302.  (W.,  1804.) 

—  MINISTERS    (Foreign),    Secretaries 
of  Legation  and.— See  SUMTER. 

5266.  MINISTERS     (Foreign),    Verbal 

communications. — Verbal  communications 
are  very  insecure ;  for  it  is  only  necessary  to 
deny  them  or  to  change  their  terms,  in  order 
to  do  away  their  effect  at  any  time.  Those  in 
writing  have  many  and  obvious  advantages,  and 
ought  to  be  preferred. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY. 
iv,  63.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  416.  (Pa.,  1793.)  See 
DIPLOMATIC  ESTABLISHMENT. 

5267.  MINISTERS      (Imperial).— What 

are  their  [Kings]  ministers  but  a  committee, 
badly  chosen? — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,  ii, 
221.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  426.  (P.,  1787.) 

5268.  MINISTERS   (Imperial),   Politic. 

— Ministers  and  merchants  love  nobody.  The 
merchants  here  [France]  are  endeavoring  to 
exclude  vis  from  their  [West  India]  islands. 
The  ministers  will  be  governed  in  it  by  political 
motives,  and  will  do  it,  or  not  do  it,  as  these 
shall  appear  to  dictate,  without  love  or  hatred 
to  anybody. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  i,  429.  (P., 
1785-) 

5269.  MINISTERS    (Religious),     Fear 
less  of. — You  judge  truly  that  I  am  not  afraid 
of  the  priests.     They  have  tried  upon   me  all 
their  various  batteries,  of  pious  whining,  hypo 
critical   canting,   lying  and   slandering,   without 
being  able  to  give  me  one  moment  of  pain. — 
To  HORATIO  GATES  SPAFFORD.     FORD  ED.,  x,  13. 
(M.,  1816.) 

5270.  MINISTERS  (Religious),  French. 

— The  Cures  throughout  the  [French]  King 
dom  form  the  mass  of  the  clergy.  They  are 
the  only  part  favorably  known  to  the  people, 
because  solely  charged  with  the  duties  of  bap 
tism,  burial,  confession,  visitation  of  the  sick, 
instruction  of  the  children,  and  aiding  the  poor. 
They  are  themselves  of  the  people,  and  united 
with  them.  The  carriages  and  equipage  only 
of  the  higher  clergy,  not  their  persons,  are 
known  to  the  people,  and  are  in  detestation 
with  them. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  58.  (P.. 
1789.) 

5271. .     Nor   should  we  wonder 

at  *  *  *  [the]  pressure  [for  a  fixed  constitu 
tion  in  1788-9]  when  we  consider  the  mon 
strous  abuses  of  power  under  which  *  *  *  the 


559 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Ministers 
Mint 


[French]  people  were  ground  to  powder;  when 
we  pass  in  review  *  *  *  the  riches,  luxury,  in 
dolence  and  immorality  of  the  clergy. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,  i,  86.  FORD  ED.,  i,  118.  (1821.) 

5272.  MINISTERS  (Religious),  Hostil 
ity  to  Jefferson. — The  delusion  into  which 
the  X.  Y.  Z.  plot  shows  it  possible  to  push  the 
people ;  the  successful  experiment  made  under 
the  prevalence  of  that  delusion  on  the  clause 
of  the  Constitution,  which,  while  it  secured  the 
freedom    of   the   press,    covered    also    the    free 
dom    of    religion,    had    given    to    the    clergy    a 
very   favorite   hope   of   obtaining   an    establish 
ment    of    a    particular     form    of    Christianity 
through  the  United   States;   and  as  every  sect 
believes  its  own  form  the  true  one,  every  one, 
perhaps  hoped  for  his  own,  but  especially  the 
Episcopalians  and  Congregationalists.     The  re 
turning   good   sense    of    our    country   threatens 
abortion  to  their  hopes,  and  they  believe  that 
any  portion  of  power  confided  to  me,  will  be 
exercised  in  opposition  to  their  schemes.    And 
they   believe   rightly ;    for    I    have   sworn    upon 
the  altar  of  God  eternal  hostility  against  every 
form  of  tyranny  over  the  mind  of  man.     But 
this    is    all   they   have   to    fear    from   me ;    and 
enough,  too,  in  their  opinion.     And  this  is  tbe 
cause  of  their  printing  lying  pamphlets  against 
me,  forging  conversations  for  me  with  Mazzei, 
Bishop  Madison,  &c.,  which  are  absolute  false 
hoods  without  a  circumstance  of  truth  to  rest 
on  ;  falsehoods,  too,  of  which  I  acquiet  Mazzei 
and  Bishop  Madison  for  they  are  men  of  truth. 
But  enough  of  this.     It  is  more  than  I  have  be 
fore  committed  to  paper  on  the  subject  of  all 
the   lies  that   have  been   preached   and  printed 
against  me. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,    iv,  336. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  460.  (M.,  Sep.  1800.) 

5273.  MINISTERS  (Religious),  Liberty 
and. — In  every  country  and  in  every  age,  the 
priest  has  been  hostile  to  liberty.     He  is  always 
in  alliance  with  the  despot,  abetting  his  abuses 
in     return     for     protection     to     his     own. — To 
HORATIO  G.  SPAFFORD.    vi,  334.     (M.,  1814.) 

5274.  MINISTERS     (Religious),     New 

England.— The  sway  of  the  clergy  in  New 
England  is  indeed  formidable.  No  mind  beyond 
mediocrity  dares  there  to  develop  itself.  If  it 
does,  they  excite  against  it  the  public  opinion 
which  they  command,  and  by  little,  but  inces 
sant  and  tearing  persecutions,  drive  it  from 
among  them.  Their  present  emigrations  to  the 
Western  country  are  real  flights  from  persecu 
tion,  religious  and  political,  but  the  abandon 
ment  of  the  country  by  those  who  wish  to  enjoy 
freedom  of  opinion  leaves  the  despotism  over 
the  residue  more  intense,  more  oppressive. — 
To  HORATIO  GATES  SPAFFORD.  FORD  EDV  x,  13. 
(M.,  1816.) 

5275. .  The  advocate  of  religious 

freedom  is  to  expect  neither  peace  nor  for 
giveness  from  the  New  England  clergy. — To 
LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  427.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  129. 
(1802.)  See  CHURCH,  CHURCH  AND  STATE, 
CLERGY,  and  RELIGION. 

5276.  MINORITY,    Censorship    by.— A 

respectable  minority  [in  Congress]  is  useful 
as  censors.  The  present  one  is  not  respect 
able,  being  the  bitterest  remains  of  the  cup 
of  federalism,  rendered  desperate  and  furious 
by  despair. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  iv,  437.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  149.  (W.,  May  1802.) 

5277.  MINORITY,    Equal    rights    of.— 
Bear  in  mind  this  sacred  principle  that  *  *  * 
the  minority  possess  their  equal  rights,  which 


equal  laws  must  protect,  and  to  violate  which 
would  be  oppression. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  2.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  2.  (1801.) 

5278.  MINORITY,    Sacrifices    to.— The 

minorities  [against  the  new  Constitution]  in 
most  of  the  accepting  States  have  been  very 
respectable;  so  much  so  as  to  render  it  pru 
dent,  were  it  not  otherwise  reasonable,  to 
make  some  sacrifice  to  them. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD  ED.,  v,  56.  (P., 
1788.) 

5279. .     The  minorities    [against 

the  new  Constitution]  are  too  respectable, 
not  to  be  entitled  to  some  sacrifice  of  opinion ; 
especially  when  a  great  proportion  of  them 
would  be  contented  with  a  bill  of  rights. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  ii,  506.  FORD  EDV  v,  53. 
(P.,  Nov.  1788.) 

5280.  MINT,  Establishment  of.— The 
propositions*  under  consideration  [by  Con 
gress]  suppose  that  the  coinage  is  to  be 
carried  on  in  a  foreign  country,  and  that  the 
implements  are  to  remain  the  property  of  the 
undertaker;  which  conditions,  in  the  opinion 
[of  the  Secretary  of  State]  render  them  in 
admissible,  for  these  reasons :  Coinage  is 
peculiarly  an  attribute  of  sovereignty.  To 
transfer  its  exercise  into  another  country,  is 
to  submit  it  to  another  sovereign.  Its  trans 
portation  across  the  ocean,  besides  the  or 
dinary  dangers  of  the  sea,  would  expose  it  to 
acts  of  piracy,  by  the  crews  to  whom  it  would 
be  confided,  as  well  as  by  others  apprized  of 
its  passage.  In  time  of  war,  it  would  offer 
to  'the  enterprises  of  an  enemy  what  have 
been  emphatically  called  the  sinews  of  war. 
If  the  war  were  with  the  nation  within  whose 
territory  the  coinage  is,  the  first  act  of  war, 
or  reprisal,  might  be  to  arrest  this  operation, 
with  the  implements  and  materials  coined 
and  uncoined,  to  be  used  at  their  discretion. 
The  reputation  and  principles  of  the  present 
undertaker  are  safeguards  against  the  abuses 
of  a  coinage,  carried  on  in  a  foreign  coun 
try,  where  no  checks  could  be  provided  by 
the  proper  sovereign,  no  regulations  estab 
lished,  no  police,  no  guard  exercised ;  in 
short,  none  of  the  numerous  cautions  hitherto 
thought  essential  at  every  mint;  but  in  hands 
less  entitled  to  confidence,  these  will  become 
dangers.  We  may  be  secured,  indeed,  by 
proper  experiments  as  to  the  purity  of  the 
coin  delivered  us  according  to  contract,  but 
we  cannot  be  secured  against  that  which, 
though  less  pure,  shall  be  struck  in  the  general 
die,  and  protected  against  the  vigilance  of 
Government,  till  it  shall  have  entered  into 
circulation.  We  lose  the  opportunity  of  call 
ing  in  and  recoining  the  clipped  money  in 
circulation,  or  we  double  our  risk  by  a  double 
transportation.  We  lose,  in  like  manner,  the 
resource  of  coining  up  our  household  plate 
in  the  instant  of  great  distress.  We  lose  the 
means  of  forming  artists  to  continue  the 
works,  when  the  common  accidents  of  mor 
tality  shall  have  deprived  us  of  those  who 
began  them.  In  fine,  the  carrying  on  a  coin- 

*  The  question  was  referred  to  Jefferson   by  the 
House  of  Representatives.— EDITOR. 


Mirage 
Missionaries 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


560 


age  in  a  foreign  country,  as  far  as  the  Sec 
retary  knows,  is  without  example;  and  gen 
eral  example  is  weighty  authority.  He  is, 
therefore,  of  opinion,  on  the  whole,  that  a 
mint,  whenever  established,  should  be  estab 
lished  at  home. — COINAGE  REPORT,  vii,  463. 
(April  1790.) 

5281.  MIRAGE     AT     MONT1CELLO.— 

The  elevation  and  particular  situation  at  Monti- 
cello  afford  an  opportunity  of  seeing  a  phenom 
enon  which  is  rare  at  land,  though  frequent  at 
sea.  The  seamen  call  it  looming.  Philosophy 
is  as  yet  in  the  rear  of  the  seamen,  for  so  far 
from  having  accounted  for  it,  she  has  not  given 
it  a  name.  Its  principal  effect  is  to  make  dis 
tant  objects  appear  larger,  in  opposition  to  the 
general  law  of  vision,  by  which  they  are  dimin 
ished.  I  know  an  instance,  at  Yorktown,  from 
whence  the  water  prospect  eastwardly  is  with 
out  termination,  wherein  a  canoe  with  three 
men,  at  a  great  distance  was  taken  for  a  ship 
with  its  three  masts.  I  am  little  acquainted 
with  the  phenomenon  as  it  shows  itself  at  sea ; 
but  at  Monticello  it  is  familiar.  There  is  a 
solitary  mountain  about  forty  miles  off  in  the 
South,  whose  natural  shape,  as  presented  to 
view  there,  is  a  regular  cone ;  but  by  the  effect 
of  looming,  it  sometimes  subsides  almost  totally 
in  the  horizon ;  sometimes  it  rises  more  acute 
and  more  elevated ;  sometimes  it  is  hemispher 
ical  ;  and  sometimes  its  sides  are  perpendicular, 
its  top  flat,  and  as  broad  as  its  base.  In  short, 
it  assumes  at  times  the  most  whimsical  shapes, 
and  all  these  perhaps  successively  in  the  same 
morning.  The  Blue  Ridge  of  mountains  comes 
into  view,  in  the  north-east,  at  about  one  hun 
dred  miles  distance,  and  approaching  in  a  direct 
line,  passes  by  within  twenty  miles,  and  goes 
off  to  the  south-west.  This  phenomenon  begins 
to  show  itself  on  these  mountains  at  about 
fifty  miles  distance,  and  continues  beyond  tha't 
as  far  as  they  are  seen.  I  remark  no  particular 
state,  either  in  the  weight,  moisture,  or  heat  of 
the  atmosphere,  necessary  to  produce  this.  The 
only  constant  circumstances  are  its  appearance 
in  the  morning  only,  and  on  objects  at  least 
forty  or  fifty  miles  distant.  In  this  latter  cir 
cumstance,  if  not  in  both,  it  differs  from  the 
looming  on  the  water.  Refraction  will  not 
account  for  the  metamorphosis.  That  only 
changes  the  proportions  of  length  and  breadth, 
base  and  altitude,  preserving  the  general  out 
lines.  Thus  it  may  make  a  circle  appear  ellip 
tical,  raise  or  depress  a  cone,  but  by  none  of 
its  laws,  as  yet  developed,  will  it  make  a  circle 
appear  a  square,  or  a  cone  a  sphere. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  327.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  186.  (1782.) 

5282.  MIRANDA   EXPEDITION",    Jef 
ferson's  knowledge  of.— That  the  expedi 
tion  of  Miranda  was  countenanced  by  me,  is  an 
absolute  falsehood,  let  it  have  gone  from  whom 
it  might ;  and  I  am  satisfied  it  is  equally  so  as 
to   Mr.    Madison.     To   know   as   much   of   it  as 
we  could  was  our  duty,  but  not  to  encourage 
it. — To   WILLIAM    DUANE.    iv,   592.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  433.     (W.,  1806.) 

5283. .  Your  predecessor,  soured 

on  a  question  of  etiquette  against  the  adminis 
tration  of  this  country,  wished  to  impute  wrong 
to  them  in  all  their  actions,  even  where  he  did 
not  believe  it  himself.  In  this  spirit,  he  wished 
it  to  be  believed  that  we  were  in  unjustifiable 
cooperation  in  Miranda's  expedition.  I  sol 
emnly,  and  on  my  personal  truth  and  honor, 
declare  to  you,  that  this  was  entirely  without 
foundation,  and  that  there  was  neither  coooera- 
tion,  nor  connivance  on  our  part.  He  informed 


us  he  was  about  to  attempt  the  liberation  of  his 
native  country  from  bondage,  and  intimated  a 
hope  of  our  aid,  or  connivance  at  least.  He  was 
at  once  informed,  that,  although  we  had  great 
cause  of  complaint  against  Spain,  and  even  of 
war,  yet  whenever  we  should  think  proper  to 
act  as  her  enemy,  it  should  be  openly  and  above 
board,  and  that  our  hostility  should  never  be 
exercised  by  such  petty  means.  We  had  no 
suspicion  that  he  expected  to  engage  men  here, 
but  merely  to  purchase  military  stores.  Against 
this  there  was  no  law,  nor  consequently  any 
authority  for  us  to  interpose  obstacles.  On 
the  other  hand,  we  deemed  it  improper  to  be 
tray  his  voluntary  communication  to  the  agents 
of  Spain.  Although  his  measures  were  many 
days  in  preparation  at  New  York,  we  never  had 
the  least  intimation  or  suspicion  of  his  engaging 
men  in  his  enterprise,  until  he  was  gone ;  and, 
I  presume,  the  secrecy  of  his  proceeding  kept 
them  equally  unknown  to  the  Marquis  Yrujo  at 
Philadelphia,  and  the  Spanish  consul  at  New 
York,  since  neither  of  them  gave  us  any  in 
formation  of  the  enlistment  of  men,  until  it 
was  too  late  for  any  measures  taken  at  Wash 
ington  to  prevent  their  departure.  The  officer 
in  the  customs,  who  participated  in  the  trans 
action  with  Miranda,  we  immediately  removed, 
and  should  have  had  him  and  others  further 
punished,  had  it  not  been  for  the  protection 
given  them  by  private  citizens  at  New  York, 
in  opposition  to  the  government,  who,  by  their 
impudent  falsehoods  and  calumnies,  were  able 
to  overbear  the  minds  of  the  jurors. — To  DON 
VALENTINE  DE  FORONDA.  v,  474.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
259.  (M.,  Oct.  1809.) 

5284.  MIRANDA  EXPEDITION,  Prose 
cutions. — On  the  prosecution  of  Ogden  and 
Smith    for   participation    in    Miranda's    expedi 
tion,    the    defendants    and    their    friends    have 
contrived  to  make  it  a  government  question,  in 
which   they   mean   to   have   the   Administration 
and  the  judge  tried  as  the  culprits  instead  of 
themselves.     Swartwout,  the  marshal  to  whom, 
in   his    duel    with    Clinton,    Smith    was    second, 
and   his   bosom    friend,    summoned    a   panel    of 
jurors,  the  greater  part  of  which  were  of  the 
bitterest   federalists.      His  letter,   too,   covering 
to  a  friend  a  copy  of  Aristides,*  and  affirming 
that  every   fact   in   it  was   true   as   Holy   Writ 
[was  considered  in  Cabinet].   Determined  unan 
imously  that  he  be  removed. — THE  ANAS.    FORD 
ED.,  i,  316.     (May  1806.) 

5285.  MISFORTUNE,    Pleasure    and.— 

Pleasure   is   always   before   us;    but   misfortune 
is  at  our  side ;  while  running  after  that,  this  ar 
rests  us. — To  MRS.   COSWAY.    ii,  37.    FORD  ED 
iv,  317.      (P.,   1786.) 

5286.  MISFORTUNE,  Solaco  in.— I  most 
cordially  sympathize  in  your  losses.     It  is  a  sit 
uation  in  wh;ch  a  man  needs  the  aid  of  all  his 
wisdom  and  philosophy.    But  as  it  is  better  to 
turn  from  the  contemplation  of  our  misfortunes 
to  the  resources  we  possess  of  extricating  our 
selves,   you  will,   of  course,   have   found  solace 
in  your  vigor  of  mind,  health  of  body,  talents, 
habits    of    business,    in    the    consideration    that 
you  have  time  yet  to  retreve  everything,  and  a 
knowledge  that  the  very  activity  necessary  for 
this,   is   a   state  of  greater   happiness   than   the 
unoccupied  one  to  wh'ch  you  had  a  thought  of 
retiring. — To  DR.   CURRIE.    ii,   218.     (P.,   1787.) 

5287.  MISSIONARIES,   Foreign.— I   do 
not  know  that  it  is  a  duty  to  disturb  by  mis 
sionaries    the    religion     and     peace    of    other 

*  W.  P.  Van  Ness,  who  wrote  a  pamphlet  in  favor 
of  Burr.— EDITOR. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Mississippi  Hirer 


countries,  who  may  think  themselves  bound  to 
extinguish  by  fire  and  fagot  the  heresies  to 
which  we  give  the  name  of  conversions,  and 
quote  our  own  example  for  it. — To  MR.  ME- 
GEAR.  vii,  287.  (M.,  1823.) 

5288.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,  Absolute  cession. — The  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  we  must  have.  This  is  all  we 
are  as  yet  ready  to  receive. — To  ARCHIBALD 
STUART,  i,  518.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  189.  (P.,  Jan. 
1786.) 


5289. 


A  cession  of  the  naviga 


tion  of  the  Mississippi,  with  such  privileges  as 
to  make  it  useful,  and  free  from  future  chicane, 
can  be  no  longer  dispensed  with  on  our  part. — 
To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  223.  FORD  ED.,  v,  299. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

5290.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,  Congress  and.— The  affair  of  the 
Mississippi,  by  showing  that  Congress  is  capable 
of  hesitating  on  a  question,  which  proposes  a 
clear  sacrifice  of  the  western  to  the  maritime 
States,  will  with  difficulty  be  obliterated.  The 
proposition  of  my  going  to  Madrid  to  try  to 
recover  there  the  ground  which  has  been  lost 
at  New  York,  by  the  concession  of  the  vote  of 
seven  States,  I  should  think  desperate. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  153.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  392. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5291. .     I  was  pleased  to  see  the 

vote  of  Congress,  of  September  the  i6th,  on  the 
subject  of  the  Mississippi,  as  I  had  before  seen, 
with  great  uneasiness,  the  pursuits  of  other 
principles,  which  I  could  never  reconcile  to 
my  own  ideas  of  probity  or  wisdom,  and  from 
which,  and  my  knowledge  of  the  character  of 
our  western  settlers,  I  saw  that  the  loss  of  that 
country  was  a  necessary  consequence.  I  wish 
this  return  to  true  policy  may  be  in  time  to 
prevent  evil. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  563. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  63.  (P.,  1789.) 

5292.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,  Law  of  nature  and. — But  our  right 
is  built  on  ground  still  broader  and  more  un 
questionable,  to  wit :  On  the  law  of  nature  and 
nations.  If  we  appeal  to  this,  as  we  feel  it 
written  in  the  heart  of  man,  what  sentiment  is 
written  in  deeper  characters  than  that  the  ocean 
is  free  to  all  men,  and  their  rivers  to  all  their 
inhabitants  ?  Is  there  a  man,  savage  or  civil 
ized,  unbiased  by  habit,  who  does  not  feel 
and  attest  this  truth  ?  Accordingly,  in  all  tracts 
of  country  united  under  the  same  political 
society,  we  find  this  natural  right  universally 
acknowledged  and  protected  by  laying  the  navi 
gable  rivers  open  to  all  their  inhabitants.  When 
their  rivers  enter  the  limits  of  another  society, 
if  the  right  of  the  upper  inhabitants  to  descend 
the  stream  is  in  any  case  obstructed,  it  is  an 
act  of  force  by  a  stronger  society  against  a 
weaker,  condemned  by  the  judgment  of  man 
kind.  The  late  case  of  Antwerp  and  the  Scheldt 
was  a  striking  proof  of  a  general  union  of 
sentiment  on  this  point ;  as  it  is  believed  that 
Amsterdam  had  scarcely  an  advocate  out  of 
Holland,  and  even  there  its  pretensions  were 
advocated  on  the  ground  of  treaties,  and  not  of 
natural  right.  *  *  *  The  Commissioners  will 
be  able  perhaps  to  find,  either  in  the  practice 
or  the  pretensions  of  Spa;n  as  to  the  Douro, 
Tagus,  and  Guadiana,  some  acknowledgments 
of  this  principle  on  the  part  of  that  nation. 
This  sentiment  of  right  in  favor  of  the  upper 
inhabitants  must  become  stronger  in  the  pro 
portion  which  their  extent  of  country  bears  to 
the  lower.  The  United  States  hold  600,000 


square  miles  of  habitable  territory  on  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  its  branches,  and  this  river  and  its 
branches  afford  many  thousands  of  miles  of 
navigable  waters  penetrating  this  territory  in 
all  its  parts.  The  inhabitable  grounds  of  Spain 
below  our  boundary,  and  bordering  on  the 
river,  which  alone  can  pretend  any  fear  of  being 
incommoded  by  our  use  of  the  river,  are  not 
the  thousandth  part  of  that  extent.  This  vast 
portion  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
has  no  other  outlet  for  its  productions,  and 
these  productions  are  of  the  bulkiest  kind.  And 
in  truth,  their  passage  down  the  river  may  not 
only  be  innocent  as  to  the  Spanish  subjects  on 
the  river,  but  cannot  fail  to  enrich  them  far 
beyond  their  present  condition.  The  real  in 
terests  then  of  all  the  inhabitants,  upper  and 
lower,  concur  in  fact  with  their  rights.  If  we 
appeal  to  the  law  of  nature  and  nations,  as  ex 
pressed  by  writers  on  the  subject,  it  is  agreed 
by  them,  that,  were  the  river,  where  it  p?sses 
between  Florida  and  Louisiana^  the  exclusive 
right  of  Spain,  still  an  innocent  passage  along 
it  is  a  natural  right  in  those  inhabiting  its  bor 
ders  above.  It  would  indeed  be  what  those 
writers  call  an  imperfect  right,  because  the 
modification  of  its  exercise  depends  in  a  con 
siderable  degree  on  the  conveniency  of  the 
nation  through  which  they  are  to  pass.  But 
it  is  still  a  right  as  real  as  any  other  right, 
however  well-defined  ;  and  were  it  to  be  refused, 
or  to  be  so  shackled  by  regulations,  not  neces 
sary  for  the  peace  or  safety  of  its  inhabitants, 
as  to  render  its  use  impracticable  to  us,  it 
would  then  be  an  injury,  of  which  we  should 
be  entitled  to  demand  redress.  The  right  of  the 
upper  inhabitants  to  use  this  navigation  is  the 
counterpart  to  that  of  those  possessing  the 
shore  below,  and  founded  in  the  same  natural 
relations  with  the  soil  and  water.  And  the  line 
at  which  their  rights  meet  is  to  be  advanced 
or  withdrawn,  so  as  to  equalize  the  inconve 
niences  resulting  to  each  party  from  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  right  by  the  other.  This  estimate 
is  to  be  fairly  made,  with  a  mutual  disposition 
to  make  equal  sacrifices,  and  the  numbers  on 
each  side  are  to  have  their  due  weight  in  the  es 
timate.  Spain  holds  so  very  small  a  tract  of 
habitable  land  on  either  side  below  our  bound 
ary,  that  it  may  in  fact  be  considered  as  a 
strait  of  the  sea ;  for  though  it  is  eighty  leagues 
from  our  boundary  to  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
yet  it  is  only  here  and  there,  in  spots  and  slips, 
that  the  land  rises  above  the  level  of  the  water 
in  times  of  inundation.  There  are,  then,  and 
ever  must  be,  so  few  inhabitants  on  her  part 
of  the  river,  that  the  freest  use  of  its  naviga 
tion  may  be  admitted  to  us  without  their  an 
noyance. — MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS. 
vii,  577.  FORD  ED.,  v,  467.  (1792.) 

5293.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,    Sectional    opposition. — It    is    true, 
there   were   characters    whose   stations    entitled 
them    to    credit,    and    who,    from    geographical 
prejudices,  did  not  themselves  wish  the  naviga 
tion    of   the    Mississippi   to    be   restored    to    us, 
and  who   believe,  perhaps,   as   is  common   with 
mankind,    that    their    opinion    was    the    general 
opinion.     But  the  sentiments  of  the  great  mass 
of  the  Union  were  decidedly  otherwise  then,  and 
the  very  persons  to  whom  M.  Gardoqui  alluded, 
have   now   come   over   to   the   opinion   heartily, 
that  the  navigation   of  the   Mississippi,   in   full 
and     unrestrained     freedom,     is     indispensably 
necessary,  and  must  be  obtained  by  any  means 
it  may  call  for. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  iii, 
246.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

5294.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,    Spain   and.— In    the   course   of    the 


Mississippi  River 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


562 


Revolutionary  War,  in  which  the  thirteen  col 
onies,  Spain  and  France,  were  opposed  to  Great 
Britain,  Spain  took  possession  of  several  posts 
held  by  the  British  in  Florida.  It  is  unneces 
sary  to  inquire  whether  the  possession  of  half  a 
dozen  posts  scattered  through  a  country  of 
seven  or  eight  hundred  miles  extent,  could 
be  considered  as  the  possession  and  con 
quest  of  that  country.  If  it  was,  it  gave  still 
but  an  inchoate  right,  as  was  before  explained, 
which  could  not  be  perfected  but  by  the  re- 
linquishment  of  the  former  possession  at  the 
close  of  the  war;  but  certainly  it  could  not  be 
considered  as  a  conquest  of  the  river,  even 
against  Great  Britain,  since  the  possession  01 
the  shores,  to  wit,  of  the  island  of  New  Orleans 
on  the  one  side,  and  Louisiana  on  the  othert 
having  undergone  no  change,  the  right  in  the 
water  would  remain  the  same,  if  considered  in 
its  relation  to  them ;  and  if  considered  as  a  dis 
tinct  right,  independent  of  the  shores,  then 
no  naval  victories  obtained  by  Spain  over  Great 
Britain,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  gave  her  the 
color  of  conquest  over  any  water  which  the 
British  fleet  could  enter.  Still  less  can  she  be 
considered  as  having  conquered  the  river,  as 
against  the  United  States,  with  whom  she  was 
not  at  war.  We  had  a  common  right  of  navi 
gation  in  the  part  of  the  river  between  Florida, 
the  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  western 
bank,  and  nothing  which  passed  between  Spain 
and  Great  Britain,  either  during  the  war  or  at 
its  conclusion,  could  lessen  that  right.  Accord 
ingly,  at  the  treaty  of  November,  1782,  Great 
Britain  confirmed  the  rights  of  the  United 
States  to  the  navigation  of  the  river,  from  its 
source  to  its  mouth,  and  in  January,  1783,  com 
pleted  the  right  of  Spain  to  the  territory  of 
Florida,  by  an  absolute  relinquishment  of  all 
her  rights  in  it.  This  relinquishment  could  not 
include  the  navigation  held  by  the  United  States 
in  their  own  right,  because  this  right  existed  in 
themselves  only,  and  was  not  in  Great  Britain. 
If  it  added  anything  to  the  rights  of  Spain  re 
specting  the  river  between  the  eastern  and 
western  banks,  it  could  only  be  that  portion  of 
right  which  Great  Britain  had  retained  to  her 
self  in  the  treaty  with  the  United  States,  held 
seven  weeks  before,  to  wit,  a  right  of  using  it  in 
common  with  the  United  States.  So  that  as  by 
the  treaty  of  1763,  the  United  States  had  ob 
tained  a  common  right  of  navigating  the  whole 
river  from  its  source  to  its  mouth,  so  by  the 
treaty  of  1782,  that  common  right  was  con 
firmed  to  them  by  the  only  power  who  could 
pretend  claims  against  them,  founded  on  the 
state  of  war ;  nor  has  that  common  right  been 
transferred  to  Spain  by  either  conquest  or  ces 
sion. — MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS,  vii, 
576.  FORD  ED.,  v,  466.  (1792.) 

5295.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,  Treaty  of  Paris  and.— The  war  of 
1755-1763,  was  carried  on  jointly  by  Great 
Britain  and  the  Thirteen  Colonies,  now  the 
United  States  of  America,  against  France  and 
Spain.  At  the  peace  which  was  negotiated  by 
our  common  magistrate,  a  right  was  secured  to 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  (the  common  des 
ignation  of  all  those  under  his  government)  to 
navigate  the  Mississippi  in  its  whole  breadth 
and  length,  from  its  source  to  the  sea,  and  ex 
pressly  that  part  which  is  between  the  Island 
of  New  Orleans  and  the  right  bank  of  the  river, 
as  well  as  the  passage  both  in  and  out  of  its 
mouth ;  and  that  the  vessels  should  not  be 
stopped,  visited,  or  subjected  to  the  payment  of 
any  duty  whatsoever.  These  are  the  words  of 
the  treaty,  article  VII.  Florida  was  at  the  same 
time  ceded  by  Spain,  and  its  extent  westwardly 


was  fixed  to  the  Lakes  Pontchartrain  and  Mau- 
repas,  and  the  River  Mississippi ;  and  Spain 
received  soon  after  from  France  a  cession  of 
the  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  all  the  country 
she  held  westward  of  the  Mississippi,  subject, 
of  course,  to  our  right  of  navigating  between 
that  country  and  the  island  previously  granted 
to  us  by  France.  This  right  was  not  parcelled 
out  to  us  in  severalty,  that  is  to  say,  to  each  the 
exclusive  navigation  of  so  much  of  the  river 
as  was  adjacent  to  our  several  shores,  in  which 
way  it  would  have  been  useless  to  all ;  but  it 
was  placed  on  that  footing,  on  which  alone  it 
could  be  worth  anything,  to  wit :  as  a  right  to 
all  to  navigate  the  whole  length  of  the  river  in 
common.  The  import  of  the  terms,  and  the 
reason  of  the  thing,  prove  it  was  a  right  of 
common  in  the  whole,  and  not  a  several  right 
to  each  of  a  particular  part.  To  which  may  be 
added  the  evidence  of  the  stipulation  itself,  that 
we  should  navigate  between  New  Orleans  and 
the  western  bank,  which,  being  adjacent  to  none 
of  our  States,  could  be  held  by  us  only  as  a 
right  of  common.  Such  was  the  nature  of  our 
right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi,  as  far  as  es 
tablished  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris. — MISSISSIPPI 
RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS,  vii,  575.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
466.  (1792.) 

5296.  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGA 
TION,  Western  people  and.— The  difficulty 
on  which  the  negotiation  with  Spain  hangs  is  a 
sine  qua  non  with  us.  It  would  be  to  deceive 
them  and  ourselves,  to  suppose  that  an  amity 
can  be  preserved  while  this  right  is  withheld. 
Such  a  supposition  would  argue  not  only  an 
ignorance  of  the  people  to  whom  this  is  most 
interesting,  but  an  ignorance  of  the  nature  of 
man,  or  an  inattention  to  it.  Those  who  see 
but  half  way  into  our  true  interest  will  think 
that  that  concurs  with  the  views  of  the  other 
party.  But  those  who  see  it  in  all  its  extent, 
will  be  sensible  that  our  true  interest  will  be 
best  promoted,  by  making  all  the  just  claims  of 
our  fellow  citizens,  wherever  situated,  our  own, 
by  urging  and  enforcing  them  with  the  weight 
of  our  whole  influence,  and  by  exercising  in 
this,  as  in  every  other  instance,  a  just  govern 
ment  in  their  concerns,  and  making  common 
cause  even  where  our  separate  interest  would 
seem  opposed  to  theirs.  No  other  conduct  can 
attach  us  together ;  and  on  this  attachment  de 
pends  our  happiness. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i, 
605.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  262.  (P.,  1786.) 

5297. .  If  they  declare  themselves 

a  separate  people,  we  are  incapable  of  a  single 
effort  to  retain  them.  Our  citizens  can  never 
be  induced,  either  as  militia  or  as  soldiers,  to 
go  there  to  cut  the  throats  of  their  own  brothers 
and  sons,  or  rather,  to  be  themselves  the  sub 
jects,  instead  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  parri 
cide.  Nor  would  that  country  requite  the  cost 
of  being  retained  against  the  will  of  its  inhabit 
ants,  could  it  be  done.  But  it  cannot  be  done. 
They  are  able  already  to  rescue  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  out  of  the  hands  of  Spain, 
and  to  add  New  Orleans  to  their  own  terri 
tory.  They  will  be  joined  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Louisiana.  This  will  bring  on  a  war  between 
them  and  Spain  ;  and  that  will  produce  the  ques 
tion  with  us,  whether  it  will  not  be  worth  our 
while  to  become  parties  with  them  in  the  war,  in 
order  to  reunite  them  with  us,  and  thus  correct 
our  error?  And  were  I  to  permit  my  fore 
bodings  to  go  one  step  further,  I  should  predict 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  would 
force  their  rulers  to  take  the  affirmative  of  that 
question. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  106.  FORD 
EDV  iv,  363-  (P-,  1787.) 


563 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Mississippi  River 
Missouri  Ouestioii 


5298. .     I  never  had  any  interest 

westward  of  the  Alleghany ;  and  I  never  will 
have  any.  But  I  have  had  great  opportunities 
of  knowing  the  character  of  the  people  who  in 
habit  that  country ;  and  I  will  venture  to  say, 
that  the  act  which  abandons  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  is  an  act  of  separation  between 
the  eastern  and  western  country.  It  is  a  re- 
linquishment  of  five  parts  out  of  eight  of  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  ;  an  abandonment 
of  the  fairest  subject  for  the  payment  of  our 
public  debts,  and  the  chaining  those  debts  on 
our  necks,  in  perpetuum. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
ii,  105.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  363.  (P.,  1787-) 

5299. .     The    navigation    of    the 

Mississippi  was  perhaps  the  strongest  trial  to 
which  the  justice  of  the  Federal  Government 
could  be  put.  If  ever  they  thought  wrong  about 
it,  I  trust  they  have  got  to  rights.  I  should 
think  it  proper  for  the  Western  country  to  defer 
pushing  their  right  to  that  navigation  to  ex 
tremity  as  long  as  they  can  do  without  it  toler 
ably  ;  but  that  the  moment  it  becomes  absolutely 
necessary  for  them,  it  will  become  the  duty  of 
the  maritime  States  to  push  it  to  every  extrem 
ity  to  which  they  would  their  own  right  of 
navigating  the  Chesapeake,  the  Delaware,  the 
Hudson,  or  any  other  water. — To  JOHN  BROWN. 
ii.  395-  FORD  ED.,  v,  17.  (P.,  May  1788.) 

5300.  -        .   It  is  impossible  to  answer 

for    the    forbearance    of    our    western    citizens. 
We  endeavor  to  quiet  them  with  the  expecta 
tion  of  an  attainment  of  their  rights  by  peace 
able  means.     But  should  they,  in  a  moment  of 
impatience,   hazard   others,   there   is   no   saying 
how  far  we  may  be  led ;  for  neither  themselves 
nor  their  rights  will  be  ever  abandoned  by  us. — 
To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.     iii,  173.     FORD  ED., 
v,  217.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

5301. .     The    navigation    of    the 

Mississippi  is  necessary  to  us.     More  than  half 
the   territory   of   the    United    States    is   on   the 
waters   of  that  river.     Two   hundred  thousand 
of  our  citizens  are  settled  on  them,   of  whom 
forty  thousand  bear  arms.     These  have  no  other 
outlet  for  their  tobacco,  rice,  corn,  hemp,  lum 
ber,  house  timber,  ship  timber.     We  have  hith 
erto  respected  the  indecision  of  Spain,  because 
we  wish  peace ; — because  our  western  citizens 
have  had  vent  at  home  for  their  productions. 
A  surplus  of  production  begins  now  to  demand 
foreign    markets.      Whenever    they    shall    say, 
"  We  cannot,  we  will  not,  be  longer  shut  up  ", 
the  United  States  will  be  reduced  to  the  follow 
ing  dilemma:   i.  To  force  them  to  acquiescence. 
2.  To  separate  from  them,  rather  than  take  part 
in  a  war  against  Spain.     3.  Or  to  preserve  them 
in  our  Union,  by  joining  them  in  the  war.     The 
ist    is    neither    in    our    principles,    nor    in    our 
power.      2.     A    multitude     of     reasons     decide 
against   the    second.     It    may    suffice    to    speak 
but  one :  were  we  to  give  up  half  our  territory 
rather  than  engage  in   a  just  war  to  preserve 
it,    we    should    not    keep    the    other    half   long. 
The  third  is  the  alternative  we  must  adopt. — 
INSTRUCTIONS    TO    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.      ix, 
412.     FORD  ED.,  v,  225.     (1790.)     See  LOUISI 
ANA  and  NEW  ORLEANS. 

5302.  MISSISSIPPI  TERRITORY,  Gov 
ernment  of. — As  to  the  people  you  are  to 
govern,  we  are  apprised  that  they  are  divided 
into  two  adverse  parties,  the  one  composed  of 
the  richer  and  better  informed,  attached  to  the 
first  grade  of  government,  the  other  of  the  body 
of  the  people,  not  a  very  homogeneous  mass, 
advocates  for  the  second  grade  which  they  pos 
sess  in  fact.  Our  love  of  freedom,  and  the 


value  we  set  on  self-government  dispose  us 
to  prefer  the  principles  of  the  second  grade, 
and  they  are  strengthened  by  knowing  they 
are  [faded  in  MS.]  by  the  will  of  the  majority. 
While  cooperation  with  that  plan,  therefore,  is 
essentially  to  be  observed,  your  best  endeavors 
should  be  exerted  to  bring  over  those  opposed 
to  it  by  every  means  soothing  and  conciliatory. 
The  happiness  of  society  depends  so  much  on 
preventing  party  spirit  from  infecting  the  com 
mon  intercourse  of  life,  that  nothing  should  be 
spared  to  harmonize  and  amalgamate  the  two 
parties  in  social  circles. — To  WILLIAM  C.  CLAI- 
BORNE.  FORD  EDV  viii,  71.  (W.,  July  1801.) 
See  LOUISIANA. 

5303.  MISSOURI,  Admission  of.— I  re 
joice  that     *     *     *     Missouri  is  at  length  a 
member  of  our  Union.    Whether  the  question 
it  excited  is  dead,  or  only  sleepeth,  I  do  not 
know.     I  see  only  that  it  has  given  resurrec 
tion  to  the  Hartford  Convention  men.    They 
have  had  the  address,  by  playing  on  the  honest 
feelings  of  our  former  friends,  to  seduce  them 
from  their  kindred  spirits,  and  to  borrow  their 
weight  into  the  Federal  scale.     Desperate  of 
regaining  power  under  political  distinctions, 
they  have  adroitly  wriggled  into  its  seat  un 
der  the  auspices  of  morality,  and  are  again 
in  the  ascendency  from  which  their  sins  had 
hurled  them.     *     *     *     I   still  believe  that 
the   Western   extension   of  our   Confederacy 
will  insure  its  duration,  by  overruling  local 
factions,  which  might  shake  a  smaller  associa 
tion. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,    vii,  215.     FORD 
ED.,  x,  191.     (M.,  1821.) 

5304.  MISSOURI    QUESTION,      A 

breaker. — The  banks,  bankrupt  law,  manu 
factures,  Spanish  treaty,  are  nothing.  These 
are  occurrences  which,  like  waves  in  a  storm, 
will  pass  under  the  ship.  But  the  Missouri 
question  is  a  breaker  on  which  we  lose  the 
Missouri  country  by  revolt,  and  what  more, 
God  only  knows.  From  the  battle  of 
Bunker's  Hill  to  the  treaty  of  Paris,  we 
never  had  so  ominous  a  question.  *  *  * 
I  thank  God  that  I  shall  not  live  to  witness 
its  issue.* — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  148.  FORD 
EDV  x,  151.  (M.,  December  1819.) 

5305.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  Federal 
ists   and. — Nothing   has    ever   presented    so 
threatening  an  aspect  as  what  is  called  the 
Missouri    question.      The    federalists,    com 
pletely  put  down  and  despairing  of  ever  rising 
again  under  the  old  divisions  of  Whig  and 
Tory,    devised   a  new   one   of   slave-holding 
and  non-slave-holding  States,  which,  while  it 
had  a  semblance  of  being  moral,  was  at  the 
same    time    geographical,    and    calculated    to 
give  them  ascendency  by  debauching  their  old 
opponents  to  a  coalition  with  them.     Moral 
the  question  certainly  is  not,  because  the  re- 

*  Mr.  Adams  replied  as  follows:  "The  Missouri 
question,  I  hope,  will  follow  the  other  waves  under 
tne  ship,  and  do  no  harm.  I  know  it  is  high  treason 
to  express  a  doubt  of  the  perpetual  duration  of  our 
vast  American  empire,  and  our  free  institution;  and 
I  say  as  devoutly  as  father  Paul,  esto  perpetua,  but 
I  am  sometimes  Cassandra  enough  to  dream,  that 
another  Hamilton,  and  another  Burr,  might  rend 
this  mighty  fabric  in  twain,  or  perhaps  into  a  leash  ; 
and  a  few  more  choice  spirits  of  tne  same  stamp, 
might  produce  as  many  nations  in  North  America  as 
there  are  in  Europe."— EDITOR. 


Missouri  Question 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


564 


moval  of  slaves  from  one  State  to  another, 
no  more  than  their  removal  from  one  coun 
try  to  another,  would  never  make  a  slave  of 
one  human  being  who  would  not  be  so  with 
out  it.  Indeed,  if  there  were  any  morality  in 
the  question  it  is  on  the  other  side;  because 
by  spreading  them  over  a  larger  surface  their 
happiness  would  be  increased,  and  the  burden 
for  their  future  liberation  lightened  by  bring 
ing  a  greater  number  of  shoulders  under  it. 
However,  it  served  to  throw  dust  into  the 
eyes  of  the  people  and  to  fanaticize  them, 
while  to  the  knowing  ones  it  gave  a  geograph 
ical  and  preponderant  line  of  the  Potomac 
and  Ohio,  throwing  fourteen  States  to  the 
North  and  East,  and  ten  to  the  South  and 
West.  With  these,  therefore,  it  is  merely  a 
question  of  power;  but  with  this  geographical 
minority  it  is  a  question  of  existence.  For 
if  Congress  once  goes  out  of  the  Constitu 
tion  to  arrogate  a  right  of  regulating  the  con 
dition  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  States,  its  ma 
jority  may,  and  probably  will,  next  declare 
that  the  condition  of  all  men  within  the 
United  States  shall  be  that  of  freedom;  in 
which  case  all  the  whites  south  of  the  Po 
tomac  and  Ohio  must  evacuate  their  States, 
and  most  fortunate  those  who  can  do  it 
first.  And  so  far  this  crisis  seems  to  be  ad 
vancing.— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
177.  (M.,  Dec.  1820.) 

5306.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  Geo 
graphical  line. — I  am  so  completely  with 
drawn  from  all  attention  to  public  matters, 
that  nothing  less  could  arouse  me  than  the 
definition  of  a  geographical  line,  which  on  an 
abstract  principle  is  to  become  the  line  of 
separation  of  these  States,  and  to  render  des 
perate  the  hope  that  man  ever  enjoys  the  two 
blessings  of  peace  and  self-government.  The 
question  sleeps  for  the  present,  but  is  not 
dead.— To  H.  NELSON,  vii,  151.  FORD  ED., 
x,  156.  (M.,  March  1820.) 

5307. .     I    congratulate    you    on 

the  sleep  of  the  Missouri  question.  I  wish 
I  could  say  in  its  death,  but  of  this  I  de 
spair.  The  idea  of  a  geographical  line  once 
suggested  will  brood  in  the  minds  of  all 
those  who  prefer  the  gratification  of  their 
ungovernable  passions  to  the  peace  and  union 
of  their  country. — To  MARK  LANGDON  HILL. 
vii,  155.  (M.,  April  1820.) 

5308. .  This  momentous  ques 
tion,  like  a  fire  bell  in  the  night,  awakened 
and  filled  me  with  terror.  I  considered  it 
at  once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It  is 
hushed,  indeed,  for  the  moment.  But  this 
is  a  reprieve  only,  not  a  final  sentence.  A 
geographical  line,  coinciding  with  a  marked 
principle,  moral  and  political,  once  conceived 
and  held  up  to  the  angry  passions  of  men, 
will  never  be  obliterated ;  and  every  new  irri 
tation  will  mark  it  deeper  and  deeper.— To 
JOHN  HOLMES,  vii,  159-  FORD  ED.,  x,  15? 
(M.,  April  1820.) 

5309.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  A  Party 
trick.— The  Missouri  question  is  a  mere  party 
trick.  The  leaders  of  federalism,  defeated  in 
their  schemes  of  obtaining  power  by  rallying 


^artisans  to  the  principle  of  monarchism,  a 
Drinciple  of  personal  not  of  local  division, 
lave  changed  their  tack,  and  thrown  out  an 
other  barrel  to  the  whale.  They  are  taking 
advantage  of  the  virtuous  feelings  of  the  peo 
ple  to  effect  a  division  of  parties  by  a  geo 
graphical  line;  they  expect  that  this  will  in 
sure  them,  on  local  principles,  the  majority 
they  could  never  obtain  on  principles  of  fed 
eralism;  but  they  are  still  putting  their 
shoulder  to  the  wrong  wheel ;  they  are  wast 
ing  Jeremiads  on  the  miseries  of  slavery,  as 
f  we  were  advocates  for  it.  Sincerity  in 
their  declamations  should  direct  their  efforts 
to  the  true  point  of  difficulty,  and  unite  their 
counsels  with  ours  in  devising  some  reason 
able  and  practicable  plan  of  getting  rid  of  it. 
Some  of  these  leaders,  if  they  could  attain 
the  power,  their  ambition  would  rather  use 
t  to  keep  the  Union  together,  but  others  have 
ever  had  in  view  its  separation.  If  they  push 
it  to  that,  they  will  find  the  line  of  separation 
very  different  from  their  36°  of  latitude,  and 
as  manufacturing  and  navigating  States,  they 
will  have  quarreled  with  their  bread  and 
butter,  and  I  fear  not  that  after  a  little  trial 
they  will  think  better  of  it  and  return  to  the 
embraces  of  their  natural  and  best  friends. 
But  this  scheme  of  party  I  leave  to  those  who 
are  to  live  under  its  consequences.  We  who 
have  gone  before  have  performed  an  honest 
duty,  by  putting  in  the  power  of  successors  a 
state  of  happiness  which  no  nation  ever  be 
fore  had  within  their  choice.  If  that  choice 
is  to  throw  it  away,  the  dead  will  have 
neither  the  power  nor  the  right  to  control 
them. — To  CHARLES  PINCKNEY.  vii,  180. 
FORD  EDV  x,  162.  (M.,  1820.) 

5310.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  Porten 
tous. — The  Missouri  question  is  the  most 
portentous  one  which  ever  yet  threatened 
our  Union.  In  the  gloomiest  moment  of  the 
Revolutionary  war  I  never  had  any  appre 
hensions  equal  to  what  I  feel  from  this 
source. — To  HUGH  NELSON.  FORD  ED.,  x,  156. 
(M.,  Feb.  1820.) 

5311. .  Last  and  most  porten 
tous  of  all  is  the  Missouri  question.  It  is 
smeared  over  for  the  present ;  but  its  geo 
graphical  demarcation  is  indelible.  What  it 
is  to  become  I  see  not. — To  SPENCER  ROANE. 
vii,  212.  FORD  ED.,  x,  189.  (M.,  1821.) 

5312.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  Presi 
dential  politics.— The  boisterous  sea  of  lib 
erty  is  never  without  a  wave,  and  that  from 
Missouri  is  now  rolling  towards  us,  but  we 
shall  ride  over  it  as  we  have  over  all  others. 
It  is  not  a  moral  question,  but  one  merely  of 
power.  Its  object  is  to  raise  a  geographical 
principle  for  the  choice  of  a  President,  and 
the  noise  will  be  kept  up  till  that  is  effected. 
— To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  194.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  180.  (M.,  1820.) 

5313. .     Nothing  disturbs  us  so 

much  as  the  dissension  lately  produced  by 
what  is  called  the  Missouri  question ;  a  ques 
tion  having  just  enough  of  the  semblance  of 
morality  to  throw  dust  into  the  eyes  of  the 


565 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Missouri  Question 
Mobs 


people  and  to  fanaticize;  while  with  the 
knowing  ones  it  is  simply  a  question  of 
power. — To  D.  B.  WARDEN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  172. 
(M.,  Dec.  1820.) 

5314.  MISSOURI   QUESTION,    Separa 
tion. — The    Missouri    question    aroused    and 
filled    me    with    alarm.      The    old    schism   of 
federal    and    republican    threatened    nothing, 
because  it  existed  in  every  State,  and  united 
them    together    by    the    fraternism    of    party. 
But   the   coincidence   of  a   marked   principle, 
moral  and  political,  with  a  geographical  line, 
once  conceived,   I   feared  would  never  more 
be  obliterated  from  the  mind;  that  it  would 
be  recurring  on  every  occasion  a'nd  renewing 
irritations,  until  it  would  kindle  such  mutual 
and   mortal   hatred,   as  to   render   separation 
preferable   to   eternal    discord.      I   have  been 
among  the   most   sanguine   in  believing  that 
our  Union  would  be  of  long  duration.    I  now 
doubt  it  much,  and  see  the  event  at  no  great 
distance,  and  the  direct  consequence  of  this 
question ;  not  by  the  line  which  has  been  so 
confidently  counted  on ;  the  laws  of  nature 
control  this;  but  by  the  Potomac,  Ohio  and 
Missouri,  or  more  probably,   the  Mississippi 
upwards  to  our  northern  boundary.    My  only 
comfort  and  confidence  is,  that  I   shall  not 
live  to  see  this;  and  I  envy  not  the  present 
generation  the  glory  of  throwing  away  the 
fruits  of  their  fathers'   sacrifices  of  life  and 
fortune,  and  of  rendering  desperate  the  ex 
periment    which    was    to    decide    ultimately 
whether  man  is  capable  of  self-government. 
This  treason  against  human   hope,   will   sig 
nalize  their  epoch   in  future  history,   as  the 
counterpart    of    the    medal    of    their    prede 
cessors. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,    vii,  158.     (M., 
April  1820.) 

5315.  -  — .     Should  the  schism    [on 
the  Missouri  question]  be  pushed  to  separa 
tion  it  will  be  for  a  short  term  only;  two  or 
three  years'  trial  will  bring  them  back,  like 
quarrelling  lovers  to  renewed  embraces,  and 
increased  affections.    The  experiment  of  sep 
aration  would  soon  prove  to  both  that  they 
had    mutually    miscalculated    their    best    in 
terests.      And  even  were  the  parties  in  Con 
gress  to  secede  in  a  passion,  the  soberer  peo 
ple  would  call  a  convention  and  cement  again 
the   severance   attempted   by   the   insanity   of 
their    functionaries.       With     this    consoling 
view,    my   greatest   grief   would   be   for   the 
fatal  effect  of  such  an  event  on  the  hopes  and 
happiness  of  the  world.     We  exist,  and  are 
quoted,  as  standing  proofs  that  a  government, 
so  modelled  as  to  rest  continually  on  the  will 
of  the  whole  society,  is  a  practicable  govern 
ment.     Were  we  to  break  to  pieces,  it  would 
damp  the  hopes  and  the  efforts  of  the  good, 
and  give  triumph  to  those  of  the  bad  through 
the    whole    enslaved    world.      As    members, 
therefore,   of  the   universal    society   of   man 
kind,   and   standing  in  high  and  responsible 
relation  with  them,  it  is  our  sacred  duty  to 
suppress  passion  among  ourselves,  and  not  to 
blast    the    confidence    we    have    inspired    of 
proof  that  a  government  of  reason  is  better 
than  one  of  force. — To  RICHARD  RUSH,     vii, 
182.     (M.,  1820.) 


5316.  MISSOURI  QUESTION,  Slavery 
extension. — All    know    that x  permitting    the 
slaves  of  the  south  to  spread  into  the  west 
will  not  add  one  being  to  that  unfortunate 
condition,  that  it  will  increase  the  happiness 
of  those  existing,  and  by  spreading  them  over 
a  larger  surface,  will  dilute  the  evil  everywhere, 
and    facilitate   the   means   of   getting   finally 
rid  of  it,  an  event  more  anxiously  wished  by 
those  on  whom  it  presses  than  by  the  noisy 
pretenders    to   exclusive    humanity.       In    the 
meantime,  it  is  a  ladder  for  rivals  climbing 
to  power. — To   M.  DE  LAFAYETTE,     vii,   194. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  180.     (M.,  1820.) 

5317. .    A  hideous  evil,  the  mag 
nitude  of  which  is  seen,   and  at  a  distance 
only,  by  the  one  party,  and  more  sorely  felt 
and    sincerely   deplored   by   the    other,    from 
the  difficulty  of  the  cure,  divides  us  at  this 
moment    too   angrily.      The   attempt   by   one 
party  to  prohibit  willing  States  from  sharing 
the  evil,  is  thought  by  the  other  to  render 
desperate,  by  accumulation,   the  hope  of  its 
final  eradication.       If  a  little  time,  however, 
is  given  to  both  parties  to  cool,  and  to  dispel 
their  visionary  fears,  they  will  see  that  con 
curring  in  sentiment  as  to  the  evil,  moral  and 
political,  the  duty  and  interest  of  both  is  to 
concur  also  in  devising  a  practicable  process 
of  cure.     Should  time  not  be  given,  and  the 
schism   be  pushed   to   separation,   it  will   be 
for  a  short  term  only;  two  or  three  years' 
trial   will   bring  them  back,   like  quarrelling 
lovers   to    renewed   embraces,    and   increased 
affections.       The    experiment    of    separation 
would    soon    prove    to    both    that    they    had 
mutually  miscalculated  their  best  interests. — 
To  RICHARD  RUSH,     vii,  182.     (M.,  October 
1820.) 

5318. .     Our    anxieties    in    this 

quarter  [the  South]  are  all  concentrated  in 
the  question,  what  does  the  Holy  Alliance  in 
and  out  of  Congress  mean  to  do  with  us  on 
the  Missouri  question?  And  this,  by-the-bye, 
is  but  the  name  of  the  case,  it  is  only  the 
John  Doe  or  Richard  Roe  of  the  ejectment. 
The  real  question,  as  seen  in  the  States  af 
flicted  with  this  unfortunate  population,  is, 
are  our  slaves  to  be  presented  with  freedom 
and  a  dagger?  For  if  Congress  has  the  power 
to  regulate  the  conditions  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  States,  within  the  States,  it  will  be  but 
another  exercise  of  that  power,  to  declare 
that  all  shall  be  free.  Are  we  then  to 
see  again  Athenian  and  Lacedemonian  con 
federacies?  To  wage  another  Peloponnesian 
war  to  settle  the  ascendency  between  them? 
Or  is  this  the  tocsin  of  merely  a  servile  war? 
That  remains  to  be  seen ;  but  not,  I  hope,  by 
you  or  me. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  200.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  186.  (M.,  January  1821.) 

5319.  MOBS,     Government      and. — The 
mobs  of  great  cities  add  just  so  much  to  the 
support  of  pure  government,  as  sores  do  to  the 
strength   of  the  human  body. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,     viii,   406.     FORD   ED.,   iii,    269.     (1782.) 

5320.  MOBS,    Imaginary.— It    is    in    the 
London  newspapers  only  that  exist  those  mobs 
and     riots,     which     are     fabricated     to     deter 


Mobs 
Monarchy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


566 


strangers  from  going  to  America.  Your  person 
will  be  sacredly  safe  and  free  from  insult. — To 
MRS.  SPROWLE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  66.  (P.,  1785.) 

5321.  MOBS,  Revolutionary. — For  some 
time  mobs  of  ten,  twenty  and  thirty  thousand 
people   collected   daily,    surrounded  the   Parlia 
ment  House   [in  Paris],  huzzaed  the  members, 
even  entered  the  doors  and  examined  into  their 
conduct,  took  the  horses  out  of  the  carriages  of 
those  who  did  well,  and  drew  them  home.     The 
government  thought  it  prudent  to  prevent  these, 
drew    some    regiments    into    the    neighborhood, 
multiplied  the  guards,  had  the  streets  constantly 
patrolled  by  strong  parties,  suspended  privileged 
places,  forbade  all  clubs,  &c.     The  mobs  have 
ceased ;  perhaps  this  may  be  partly  owing  to  the 
absence   of   parliament. — To   JOHN    ADAMS,     ii, 
258.     (P.,  Aug.  1787.)     See  BASTILE. 

5322.  MODERATION,    Political.— A 

moderate  conduct  throughout,  which  may  not 
revolt  our  new  friends  [the  federalists],  and 
which  may  give  them  tenets  with  us,  must  be 
observed. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  iv,  378.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

5323.  MODESTY,  American.— There    is 

modesty  often  which  does  itself  injury.  Our 
countrymen  possess  this.  They  do  not  know 
their  own  superiority. — To  WILLIAM  RUTLEDGE. 
ii,  350.  FORD  ED.,  v,  5.  (P.,  1788.) 

5324.  MONARCHY,    Advocates   for.— I 

know  there  are  some  among  us  who  would  now 
establish  a  monarchy.  But  they  are  inconsider 
able  in  number  and  weight  of  character. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  5.  FORD  ED.,  v,  83.  (Pv 
1789.) 

5325. .     It  cannot  be  denied  that 

we  have  among  us  a  sect  who  believe  that  the 
English  constitution  contains  whatever  is  per 
fect  in  human  institutions ;  that  the  members 
of  this  sect  have,  many  of  them,  names  and 
offices  which  stand  high  in  the  estimation  of  our 
countrymen.  I  still  rely  that  the  great  mass  of 
our  community  is  untainted  with  these  heresies, 
as  its  head.  On  this  I  build  my  hope  that  we 
have  not  labored  in  vain,  and  that  our  experi 
ment  will  still  prove  that  men  can  be  governed 
by  reason. — To  GEORGE  MASON,  iii,  209.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  275.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

5326. .  We  have  some  names  of 

note  here  who  have  apostatized  from  the  true 
faith;  but  they  are  few  indeed,  and  the  body 
of  our  citizens  pure  and  insusceptible  of  taint 
in  their  republicanism.  Mr.  Paine's  answer  to 
Burke  will  be  a  refreshing  shower  to  their 
minds. — To  BENJAMIN  VAUGHAN.  FORD  ED., 
v,  334-  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5327. .  There  are  high  names* 

here  in  favor  of  [monarchy],  but  the  publica 
tions  in  Bache's  paper  have  drawn  forth  pretty 
generally  expressions  of  the  public  sentiment  on 
the  subject,  and  I  thank  God  to  find  they  are, 
to  a  man,  firm  as  a  rock  in  their  republicanism. 
I  much  fear  that  the  honestest  man  of  the  party 
will  fall  a  victim  to  his  imprudence  on  this 
occasion,  while  another  of  them,  from  the  mere 
caution  of  holding  his  tongue,  and  buttoning 

*  At  this  point  a  series  of  cipher  figures  is  written 
on  the  margin,  which,  when  translated,  reads : 
"Adams,  Jay,  Hamilton,  Knox.  Many  of  the  Cincin 
nati.  The  second  says  nothing.  The  third  is  open. 
Both  are  dangerous.  They  pant  after  union  with  Eng 
land  as  the  power  which  is  to  support  their  projects, 
and  are  most  determined  Anti-gallicans.  It  is  prog 
nosticated  that  our  republic  is  to  end  with  the  presi 
dent's  life.  But  I  believe  they  will  find  themselves 
all  head  and  no  body."— NOTE  IN  FORD  EDITION. 


himself  up,  will  gain  what  the  other  loses. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  361.  (Pa., 
1791.) 

5328. .    The  ultimate   object   of 

all  this  increase  of  public  debt,  establishment 
of  a  paper  money  system,  corruption  of  Con 
gress,  etc.,  is,  it  is  charged,  to  prepare  the  way 
for  a  change  from  the  present  republican  form 
of  government  to  that  of  a  monarchy,  of  which 
the  English  constitution  is  to  be  the  model. 
That  this  was  contemplated  in  the  [Federal] 
Convention  is  no  secret,  because  its  partisans 
have  made  none  of  it.  To  effect  it  then  was 
i-npracticable,  but  they  are  still  eager  after 
their  object,  and  are  predisposing  everything 
for  its  ultimate  attainment.  So  many  of  them 
have  got  into  the  Legislature,  that,  aided  by  the 
corrupt  squadron  of  paper  dealers,  who  are  at 
their  devotion,  they  make  a  majority  in  both 
houses.  The  republican  party,  who  wish  to  pre 
serve  the  government  in  its  present  form,  are 
fewer  in  number.  They  are  fewer  even  when 
joined  by  the  two,  three,  or  half  dozen  anti- 
federalists,  who,  though  they  dare  not  avow  it, 
are  still  opposed  to  any  General  Government; 
but,  being  less  so  to  a  republican  than  a 
monarchical  one,  they  naturally  join  those 
whom  they  think  pursuing  the  lesser  evil. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  361.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  3.  (Pa.,  May  1792.) 

5329.  — —  .     While  you   [in  France] 

are  exterminating  the  monster  aristocracy,  and 
pulling  out  the  teeth  and  fangs  of  its  associ 
ate,  monarchy,  a  contrary  tendency  is  discov 
ered  in  some  here.  A  sect  has  shown  itself 
among  us,  who  declare  they  espoused  our  new 
Constitution  not  as  a  good  and  sufficient  thing 
in  itself,  but  only  as  a  step  to  an  English  con 
stitution,  the  only  thing  good  and  sufficient  in 
itself,  in  their  eyes.  It  is  happy  for  us  that 
these  are  preachers  without  followers,  and 
that  our  people  are  firm  and  constant  in  their 
republican  purity.  You  will  wonder  to  be  told 
that  it  is  from  the  Eastward  chiefly  that  these 
champions  for  a  King,  lords  and  commons, 
come.  They  get  some  important  associates 
from  New  York,  and  are  puffed  up  by  a  tribe 
of  Agioteurs  which  have  been  hatched  in  a  bed 
of  corruption  made  up  after  the  model  of 
their  beloved  England.  Too  many  of  these 
stock-jobbers  and  king- jobbers  have  come  into 
our  Legislature,  or  rather  too  many  of  our 
Legislature  have  become  stock-jobbers  and 
king-jobbers.  However,  the  voice  of  the  people 
is  beginning  to  make  itself  heard,  and  will  prob 
ably  cleanse  their  seats  at  the  ensuing  election. 
— To  GENERAL  LAFAYETTE,  iii,  450.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  78.  (Pa.,  1792.) 

5330. .  He  [President  Washing 
ton]  said  that  as  to  the  idea  of  transforming 
this  government  into  a  monarchy,  he  did  not 
believe  there  were  ten  men  in  the  United  States 
whose  opinions  were  worth  attention,  who  en 
tertained  such  a  thought.  I  told  him  there 
were  many  more  than  he  imagined.  I  recalled 
to  his  memory  a  dispute  at  his  own  table 
*  *  *  between  General  Schuyler,  on  one 
side,  and  Pinckney  and  myself  on  the  other, 
wherein  the  former  maintained  the  position, 
that  hereditary  descent  was  as  likely  to  produce 
good  magistrates  as  election.  I  told  him,  that 
though  the  people  were  sound,  there  was  a 
numerous  sect  who  had  monarchy  in  contempla 
tion  ;  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
one  of  these ;  that  I  had  heard  him  say  that  this 
Constitution  was  a  shilly-shally  thing,  of  mere 
milk  and  water,  which  could  not  last,  and  was 
only  good  as  a  step  to  something  better.  That 


567 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monarchy 


when  we  reflected,  that  he  had  endeavored  in 
the  convention,  to  make  an  English  constitution 
out  of  it,  and  when  failing  in  that,  we  saw  all 
his  measures  tending  to  bring  it  to  the  same 
thing,  it  was  natural  for  us  to  be  jealous ;  and 
particularly,  when  we  saw  that  these  measures 
had  established  corruption  in  the  Legislature, 
where  there  was  a  squadron  devoted  to  the 
nod  of  the  Treasury,  doing  whatever  he  had  di 
rected,  and  ready  to  do  what  he  should  direct. 
That  if  the  equilibrium  of  the  three  great  bodies, 
Legislative,  Executive,  and  Judiciary,  could  be 
preserved,  if  the  Legislature  could  be  kept  inde 
pendent,  I  should  never  fear  the  result  of  such 
a  government ;  but  that  I  could  not  but  be  un 
easy  when  I  saw  that  the  Executive  had  swal 
lowed  up  the  Legislative  branch.  He  said,  that 
as  to  that  interested  spirit  in  the  Legislature, 
it  was  what  could  not  be  avoided  in  any  gov 
ernment,  unless  we  were  to  exclude  particular 
descriptions  of  men,  such  as  the  holders  of  the 
funds  from  all  office.  I  told  him,  there  was 
great  difference  between  the  little  accidental 
schemes  of  self-interest,  which  would  take  place 
in  every  body  of  men,  and  influence  their  votes, 
and  a  regular  system  for  forming  a  corps  of 
interested  persons  who  should  be  steadily  at  the 
orders  of  the  Treasury. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  121. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  204.  (Oct.  1792.) 

5331. .  In  the  course  of  our 

[members  of  the  Cabinet]  conversation  Knox, 
stickling  for  parade,  got  into  great  warmth  and 
swore  that  our  government  must  either  be  en 
tirely  new  modeled  or  it  would  be  knocked  to 
pieces  in  less  than  ten  years,  and  that,  as  it  is 
at  present,  he  would  not  give  a  copper  for  it ; 
that  it  is  the  President's  character,  and  not  the 
written  Constitution,  which  keeps  it  together. — 
THE  ANAS,  ix,  139.  FORD  ED.,  i,  222.  (Feb. 
I/93-) 

5332. .  The  aspect  of  our  poli 
tics  has  wonderfully  changed  since  you  left  us. 
In  place  of  that  noble  love  of  liberty,  and  repub 
lican  government  which  carried  us  triumph 
antly  through  the  war,  an  Anglican,  monarchic 
al,  aristocratical  party  has  sprung  up,  whose 
avowed  object  is  to  draw  over  us  the  substance, 
as  they  have  already  done  the  forms  of  the 
British  government.  The  mass  of  our  citizens, 
however,  remain  true  to  their  republican  princi 
ples  ;  the  whole  landed  interest  is  republican, 
and  so  is  a  great  mass  of  talents.  Against  us 
are  the  Executive,  the  Judiciary,  two  out  of 
three  branches  of  the  Legislature,  all  the  officers 
of  the  Government,  all  who  want  to  be  officers, 
all  timid  men  who  prefer  the  calm  of  despotism 
to  the  boisterous  sea  of  liberty.  British  mer 
chants  and  Americans  trading  on  British  capi 
tals,  speculators  and  holders  in  the  banks  and 
public  funds,  a  contrivance  invented  for  the  pur 
poses  of  corruption,  and  for  assimilatng  us  in 
all  things  to  the  rotten  as  well  as  the  sound 
parts  of  the  British  model.  It  would  give  you 
a  fever  were  I  to  name  to  you  the  apostates 
who  have  gone  over  to  these  heresies,  men  who 
were  Samsons  in  the  field  and  Solomons  in  the 
council,  but  who  have  had  their  heads  shorn  by 
*  *  *  England.  In  short,  we  are  likely  to 
preserve  the  liberty  we  have  obtained  only  by 
unremitting  labors  and  perils.  But  we  shall 
preserve  it ;  and  our  mass  of  weight  and  wealth 
on  the  good  side  is  so  great,  as  to  leave  no 
danger  that  force  will  ever  be  attempted  against 
us.  We  have  only  to  awake  and  snap  the 
Lilliputian  cords  with  which  they  have  been  en 
tangling  us  during  the  first  sleep  which  suc 
ceeded  our  labors. — To  PHILIP  MAZZEI.  iv, 
i3Q.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  75.  (M.,  April  1796.)  See 
MAZZEI. 


5333. 


It     would     seem     that 


changes  in  the  principles  of  our  government 
are  to  be  pushed  till  they  accomplish  a  mon 
archy  peaceably,  or  force  a  resistance  which, 
with  the  aid  of  an  army,  may  end  in  mon 
archy.  Still,  I  hope  that  this  will  be  peaceably 
prevented  by  the  eyes  of  the  people  being 
opened,  and  the  consequent  effect  of  the  elective 
principle. — To  CHARLES  PINCKNEY.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  398.  (M.,  Oct.  I799-) 

5334. .  I  know,  indeed,  that  there 

are  monarchists  among  us.  One  character  of 
these  is  in  theory  only,  and  perfectly  acquiescent 
in  our  form  of  government  as  it  is,  and  not  en 
tertaining  a  thought  of  destroying  it  merely  on 
their  theoretic  opinions.  A  second  class,  at  the 
head  of  which  is  our  quondam  colleague  [in  the 
cabinet,  Hamilton],  are  ardent  for  introduction 
of  monarchy,  eager  for  armies,  making  more 
noise  for  a  great  naval  establishment  than  bet 
ter  patriots,  who  wish  it  on  a  rational  scale 
only,  commensurate  to  our  wants  and  our 
means.  This  last  class  ought  to  be  tolerated 
but  not  trusted. — To  GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX. 
iv,  386.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  36.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

5335.  MONARCHY,    Colonists    and.— I 
believe   you   may   be   assured,   that   an   idea   or 
desire  of  returning  to  anything  like  their   [the 
Colonists']    ancient  government,   never  entered 
into  their  heads.* — To  DAVID  HARTLEY,     ii,  165. 
(P.,   1787.) 

5336.  -  — .     I  am   satisfied  that  the 
King  of  England  believes  the  mass  of  our  people 
to  be  tired  of  their  independence,  and  desirous 
of   returning   under   his   government,    and  that 
the  same  opinion  prevails  in  the  ministry  and 
nation.     They  have  hired  their  newswriters  to 
repeat  this  lie  in  their  gazettes  so  long,  that  they 
have  become  the  dupes   of  it  themselves. — To 
JOHN  JAY.     ii,  305.     (P.,  1787.) 

5337.  MONARCHY,   Evils  of.— If  any 
body   thinks   that   kings,   nobles   or   priests   are 
good  conservators  of  the  public  happiness,  send 
him   here    [France].      It   is   the   best   school   in 
the  universe  to  cure  him  of  that  folly.     He  will 
see  here,  with  his  own  eyes,  that  these  descrip 
tions    of    men    are    an    abandoned    confederacy 
against  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  people. 
The  omnipotence  of  their  effect  cannot  be  better 
proved  than  in  this  country  particularly,  where, 
notwithstading  the  finest  soil   upon   earth,   the 
finest  climate  under  heaven,  and  a  people  of  the 
most  benevolent,  the  most  gay  and  amiable  char 
acter  of  which  the  human  form  is  susceptible  ; 
where  such  a  people,   I   say,  surrounded  by  so 
many   blessings   from   nature,    are   loaded   with 
misery,    by    kings,    nobles   and   priests,    and   by 
them  alone. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE.     ii,  7.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  268.     (P.,  1786.) 

5338. .     I  am  astonished  at  some 

people's  considering  a  kingly  government  as  a 
refuge  [from  the  evils  of  the  Confederation]. 
Advise  such  to  read  the  fable  of  the  frogs  who 
solicited  Jupiter  for  a  king.  If  that  does  not 
put  them  to  rights  send  them  to  Europe  to 
see  something  of  the  trappings  of  monarchy, 
and  I  will  undertake  that  every  man  shall  go 
back  thoroughly  cured.  If  all  the  evils  which 
can  arise  among  us  from  the  republican  form  of 
government  from  this  day  to  the  day  of  judg 
ment  could  be  put  into  a  scale  against  what 
this  country  [France]  suffers  from  its  mon 
archical  form  in  a  week,  or  England  in  a  month, 
the  latter  would  predominate.  Consider  the 

*  David  Hartley  was  the  British  agent  in  Paris.— 
EDITOR. 


Monarchy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


568 


contents  of  the  Red  Book  in  England,  or  the 
Almanac  Royale  of  France,  and  say  what  a 
people  gain  by  monarchy.  No  race  of  kings  has 
ever  presented  above  one  man  of  common  sense 
in  twenty  generations.  The  best  they  can  do 
is  to  leave  things  to  their  ministers,  and  what 
are  their  ministers  but  a  committee,  badly 
chosen?  If  the  king  ever  meddles  it  is  to  do 
harm. — To  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS,  ii,  220. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  426.  (P.,  Aug.  1787.) 

5339. .     I  hear  there  are  people 

among  you  who  think  the  experience  of  our 
governments  has  already  proved  that  repub 
lican  government  will  not  answer.  Send  those 
gentry  here  to  count  the  blessings  of  monarchy. 
A  king's  sister,  for  -'nstance,  stopped  on  the 
road,  and  on  a  hostile  journey,  is  sufficient 
cause  for  him  to  march  immediately  twenty 
thousand  men  to  revenge  this  insult. — To 
JOSEPH  JONES,  ii,  249.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  438.  (P., 
1787.) 

5340. .     There  is  scarcely  an  evil 

known  in  the  European  countries  which  may 
not  be  traced  to  their  king,  as  its  source,  nor 
a  good  which  is  not  derived  from  the  small 
fibres  of  republicanism  existing  among  them. — 
To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  375.  FORD  ED., 
v,  8.  (P.,  1788.) 

5341.  MONARCHY,  The  Federal  Con 
vention  and. — The  want  of  some  authority 
which  should  procure  justice  to  the  public  cred 
itors,  and  an  observance  of  treaties  with  foreign 
nations,  produced  *  <*  *  the  call  of  a  con 
vention  of  the  States  >at  Annapolis.  Although, 
at  this  meeting,  a  difference  of  opinion  was 
evident  on  the  question  of  a  republican  or  kingly 
government,  yet,  so  generally  through  the  States 
was  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  former,  that 
the  friends  of  the  latter  confined  themselves  to 
a  course  of  obstruction  only,  and  delay,  to 
everything  proposed.  They  hoped,  that  nothing 
being  done,  and  all  things  going  from  bad  to 
worse,  a  kingly  government  might  be  usurped, 
and  submitted  to  by  the  people,  as  better  than 
anarchy  and  wars,  internal  and  external,  the 
certain  consequences  of  the  present  want  of  a 
general  government.  The  effect  of  their  ma 
noeuvres,  with  the  defective  attendance  of  depu 
ties  from  the  States,  resulted  in  the  measure  of 
calling  a  more  general  convention,  to  be  held 
at  Philadelphia.  At  this,  the  same  party  ex 
hibited  the  same  practices,  and  with  the  same 
views  of  preventing  a  government  of  concord, 
which  they  foresaw  would  be  republican,  and 
of  forcing  through  anarchy  their  way  to  mon 
archy.  But  the  mass  of  that  convention  was  too 
honest,  too  wise,  and  too  steady,  to  be  baffled 
or  misled  by  their  manoeuvres.  One  of  these 
was  a  form  of  government  proposed  by  Colonel 
Hamilton,  which  would  have  been  in  fact  a 
compromise  between  the  two  parties  of  roy- 
alism  and  republicanism.  According  to  thiSj 
the  Executive  and  one  branch  of  the  Legisla 
ture  were  to  be  during  good  behavior,  i.  e.  for 
life,  and  the  governors  of  the  States  were  to 
be  named  by  these  two  prominent  organs.  This, 
however,  was  rej acted ;  on  which  Hamilton  left 
the  Convention,  as  desperate,  and  never  re 
turned  again,  until  near  its  conclusion.  These 
opinions  and  efforts,  secret  or  avowed,  of  the 
advocates  for  monarchy,  had  begotten  great  jeal 
ousy  through  the  States  generally ;  and  this  jeal 
ousy  it  was  which  excited  the  strong  opposition 
to  the  conventional  Constitution ;  a  jealousy 
which  yielded  at  last  only  to  a  general  determi 
nation  to  establish  certain  amendments  as  bar 
riers  against  a  government  either  monarchical 


or  consolidated.* — THE  ANAS,  ix,  89.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  158.  (1818.) 

5342.  MONARCHY,  French  Revolution 
and. — The  failure  of  the  French  Revolution 
would  have  been  a  powerful  argument  with 
those  who  wish  to  introduce  a  king,  lords,  and 
commons  here,  a  sect  which  is  all  head  and  no 
body. — To  EDMUND  PENDLETON.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
358.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5343. .      President     Washington 

added  that  he  considered  France  as  the  sheet 
anchor  of  this  country  and  its  friendship  as  a 
first  object.  There  are  in  the  United  States 
some  characters  of  opposite  principles ;  some 
of  them  are  high  in  office,  others  possessing 
great  wealth,  and  all  of  them  hostile  to  France, 
and  fondly  looking  to  England  as  the  staff  of 
their  hope.  *  *  *  They  *  *  *  have  es 
poused  [the  Constitution]  only  as  a  stepping- 
stone  to  monarchy,  and  have  endeavored  to 
approximate  it  to  that  in  its  administration  in 
order  to  render  its  final  transition  more  easy. 
The  successes  of  republicanism  in  France  have 

fiven  the  coup  de  grace  to  their  prospects,  and 
hope  to  their  projects. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
iii,  503.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  155.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

5344.  MONARCHY,    Hamilton    and.— 

[Alexander]  Hamilton's  financial  system  had 
then  [1790]  passed.  It  had  two  objects.  First, 
as  a  puzzle,  to  exclude  popular  understanding 
and  inquiry.  Secondly,  as  a  machine  for  the 
corruption  of  the  Legislature ;  for  he  avowed 
the  opinion,  that  man  could  be  governed  by  one 
of  two  motives  only,  force  or  interest.t  Force, 
he  observed,  in  this  country  was  out  of  the 
question ;  and  the  interests,  therefore,  of  the 
members  must  be  laid  hold  of,  to  keep  the 
Legislature  in  unison  with  the  Executive.  And 
with  grief  and  shame  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  his  machine  was  not  without  effect ;  that 
even  in  this,  the  birth  of  our  government,  some 
members  were  found  sordid  enough  to  bend 
their  duty  to  their  interests,  and  to  look  after 

Fersonal,   .rather    than    public    good.     *     •*     * 
The  measures  of  Hamilton's  financial  system, 
— the   Funding  and  United   States   Bank  Acts, 

*  Jeffersjn  added  :  "  In  what  passed  through  the 
whole  period  of  these  conventions,  I  have  gone  on  the 
information  of  those  who  were  members  of  them,  be 
ing  myself  absent  on  my  mission  to  France."  A  note 
in  the  FORD  EDITION  reads :  u  No  evidence  whatever 
has  been  found  to  confirm  Jefferson's  account  of  this 
Convention  *  **.  "—EDITOR. 

+  The  subjoined  extracts  from  Hamilton's  Works 
set  forth  his  principles  of  government  in  this  respect : 

"A  vast  majority  of  mankind  is  naturally  biased 
by  the  motives  of  self-interest."— Hamilton's  Works, 
ii,  10. 

"  The  safest  reliance  of  every  government  is  on 
men's  interests.  This  is  a  principle  of  human  nature 
on  which  all  political  speculation,  to  be  just,  must 
be  founded." — Hamilton's  Works,  ii.  298. 

"  We  may  preach  until  we  are  tired  of  the  theme 
the  necessity  of  disinterestedness  in  republics,  with 
out  making  a  single  proselyte."— Hamilton's  Works. 
ii,  197. 

"A  small  knowledge  of  human  nature  will  con 
vince  us  that  with  far  the  greatest  part  of  mankind 
interest  is  the  governing  principle,  and  that  almost 
every  man  is  more  or  less  under  its  influence.  Mo 
tives  of  public  virtue  may  for  a  time,  or  in  particular 
instances,  actuate  men  to  the  observance  of  a  con 
duct  purely  disinterested,  but  they  are  not  sufficient 
of  themselves  to  produce  a  conformity  to  the  refined 
dictates  of  social  duty.  Few  men  are  capable  of 
making  a  continual  sacrifice  of  all  views  of  profit, 
interest,  or  advantage,  to  the  common  good.  It  is 
in  vain  to  exclaim  against  the  depravity  of  human 
nature  on  this  account;  the  fact  is  so,  and  we  must  in 
a  great  measure  change  the  constitution  of  man 
before  we  can  make  it  otherwise.  No  institution 
not  built  on  the  presumptive  truth  of  these  maxims 
can  succeed."— Hamilton's  Works,  ii,  140.— EDITOR. 


569 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monarchy 


&c.,]  added  to  the  number  of  votaries  to  the 
Treasury,  and  made  its  Chief  the  master  of 
every  vote  in  the  Legislature,  which  might 
give  to  the  government  the  direction  suited  to 
his  political  views.  I  know  well,  and  so  must 
be  understood,  that  nothing  like  a  majority  in 
Congress  had  yielded  to  this  corruption.  Far 
from  it.  But  a  division,  not  very  unequal,  had 
already  taken  place  in  the  honest  part  of  that 
body,  between  the  parties  styled  republican 
and  federal.  The  latter  being  monarchists  in 
principle,  adhered  to  Hamilton  of  course,  as 
their  leader  in  that  principle,  and  this  merce 
nary  phalanx  added  to  them,  ensured  him  al 
ways  a  majority  in  both  Houses;  so  that  the 
whole  action  of  the  Legislature  was  now  under 
the  direction  of  the  Treasury.  *  *  *  By 
this  combination,  legislative  expositions  were 
given  to  the  Constitution,  and  all  the  adminis 
trative  laws  were  shaped  on  the  model  of  Eng 
land,  and  so  passed.  *  *  *  Here  then  was 
the  real  ground  of  the  opposition  which  was 
made  to  the  course  of  administration.  Its 
object  was  to  preserve  the  Legislature  pure 
and  independent  of  the  Executive,  to  restrain 
the  administration  to  republican  forms  and 
principles,  and  not  permit  the  Constitution  to 
be  construed  into  a  monarchy,  and  to  be  warped 
in  practice  into  all  the  principles  and  pollu 
tions  of  their  favorite  English  model.  Nor 
was  this  an  opposition  to  General  Washington. 
He  was  true  to  the  republican  charge  confided 
to  him  ;  and  has  solemnly  and  repeatedly  pro 
tested  to  me,  in  our  conversations  that  he  would 
lose  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  in  support  of  it ; 
and  he  did  this  the  oftener,  and  with  the  more 
earnestness,  because  he  knew  my  suspicions 
of  Hamilton's  designs  against  it,  and  wished 
to  quiet  them.  For  he  was  not  aware  of  the 
drift,  or  of  the  effect  of  Hamilton's  schemes. 
Unversed  in  financial  projects,  and  calculations 
and  budgets,  his  approbation  of  them  was  bot 
tomed  on  his  confidence  in  the  man. — THE 
ANAS,  ix,  91.  FORD  ED.,  i,  160,  164,  165. 
(1818.) 

5345. .     Hamilton  was  not  only 

a  monarchist,  but  for  a  monarchy  bottomed  on 
corruption.  In  proof  of  this,  I  will  relate  an 
anecdote,  for  the  truth  of  which  I  attest  the 
God  who  made  me.  Before  the  President 
[Washington]  set  out  on  his  southern  tour  in 
April,  1791,  he  addressed  a  letter  of  the  fourth 
of  that  month,  from  Mount  Vernon,  to  the  Sec 
retaries  of  State,  Treasury,  and  War,  desiring 
that  if  any  serious  and  important  cases  should 
arise  during  his  absence,  they  would  consult  and 
act  on  them.  And  he  requested  that  the  Vice- 
President  should  also  be  consulted.  This  was 
the  only  occasion  on  which  that  officer  was 
ever  requested  to  take  part  in  a  cabinet  ques 
tion.  Some  occasion  for  consultation  arising, 
I  invited  those  gentlemen  (and  the  Attorney 
General  as  well  as  I  remember),  to  dine  with 
me,  in  order  to  confer  on  the  subject.  After 
the  cloth  was  removed,  and  our  question  agreed 
and  dismissed,  conversation  began  on  other 
matters,  and.  by  some  circumstance,  was 
led  to  the  British  Constitution,  on  which  Mr. 
Adams  observed,  "  Purge  that  constitution  of 
its  corruption,  and  give  to  its  popular  branch 
equality  of  representation,  and  it  would  be  the 
most  perfect  constitution  ever  devised  by  the 
wit  of  man ".  Hamilton  paused  and  said, 
"  purge  it  of  its  corruption,  and  give  to  its 
popular  branch  equality  of  representation,  and 
it  would  become  an  impracticable  government : 
as  it  stands  at  present,  with  all  its  supposed 
defects,  it  is  the  most  perfect  government 
which  ever  existed  ".  And  this  was  assuredly 
the  exact  line  which  separated  the  political 


creeds  of  these  two  gentlemen.  The  one  was 
for  two  hereditary  branches  and  an  honest 
elective  one ;  the  other  for  an  hereditary  King, 
with  a  House  of  Lords  and  Commons  corrupted 
to  his  will,  and  standing  between  him  and 
the  people.  THE  ANAS,  ix,  96.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
165.  (1818.) 

5346. .  Hamilton  frankly  avowed 

that  he  considered  the  British  constitution, 
with  all  the  corruptions  of  its  administration, 
as  the  most  perfect  model  of  government  which 
had  ever  been  devised  by  the  wit  of  man ;  pro 
fessing  however,  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
spirit  of  this  country  was  so  fundamentally  re 
publican  that  it  would  be  visionary  to  think 
of  introducing  monarchy  here,  and  that,  there 
fore,  it  was  the  duty  of  its  administrators  to 
conduct  it  on  the  principles  their  constituents 
had  elected. — To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  vii, 
371.  FORD  ED.,  x,  314.  (M.,  1824.) 

5347. .  Harper  takes  great  pains 

to  prove  that  Hamilton  was  no  monarchist,  by 
exaggerating  his  own  intimacy  with  him,  and 
the  impossibility,  if  he  was  so,  that  he  should 
not  at  some  time  have  betrayed  it  to  him.  This 
may  pass  with  uninformed  readers,  but  not 
with  those  who  have  had  it  from  Hamilton's 
own  mouth.  I  am  one  of  those,  and  but  one  of 
many.  At  my  own  table,  in  presence  of  Mr. 
Adams,  Knox,  Randolph  and  myself,  in  a  dis 
pute  between  Mr.  Adams  and  himself,  he 
avowed  his  preference  of  monarchy  over  every 
other  government,  and  his  opinion  that  the 
English  was  the  most  perfect  model  of  govern 
ment  ever  devised  by  the  wit  of  man,  Mr. 
Adams  agreeing,  "  if  its  corruptions  were  done 
away";  while  Hamilton  insisted  that  "with 
these  corruptions  it  was  perfect,  and  without 
them  it  would  be  an  impracticable  government  ". 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  389.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
330.  (M.,  1825.) 

5348.  MONARCHY,      Imitation      of.— 

When  on  my  return  from  Europe,  I  joined 
the  government  in  March,  1790,  at  New  York, 
I  was  much  astonished,  indeed,  at  the  mimicry 
I  found  established  of  royal  forms  and  cere 
monies,  and  more  alarmed  at  the  unexpected 
phenomenon,  by  the  monarchical  sentiments 
I  heard  expressed  and  openly  maintained  in 
every  company,  executive  and  judiciary  (Gen 
eral  Washington  alone  excepted),  and  by  a 
great  part  of  the  Legislature,  save  only  some 
members  who  had  been  of  the  old  Congress, 
and  a  very  few  of  recent  introduction.  I  took 
occasion,  at  various  times,  of  expressing  to 
General  Washington  my  disappointment  at 
these  symptoms  of  a  change  of  principle,  and 
that  I  thought  them  encouraged  by  the  forms 
and  ceremonies;  which  I  found  prevailing,  not 
at  all  in  character  with  the  simplicity  of  repub 
lican  government,  and  looking  as  if  wishfully 
to  those  of  European  courts.  His  general  ex 
planations  to  me  were,  that  when  he  arrived  at 
New  York  to  enter  on  the  executive  adminis 
tration  of  the  new  government,  he  observed  to 
those  who  were  to  assist  him,  that  placed  as 
he  was  in  an  office  entirely  new  to  him,  un 
acquainted  with  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of 
other  governments,  still  less  apprised  of  those 
which  might  be  properly  established  here,  and 
himself  perfectly  indifferent  to  all  forms,  he 
wished  them  to  consider  and  prescribe  what 
they  should  be  ;  and  the  task  was  assigned  par 
ticularly  to  General  Knox,  a  man  of  parade, 
and  to  Colonel  Humphreys,  who  had  resided 
sometime  at  a  foreign  court.  They,  he  said, 
were  the  authors  of  the  present  regulations, 
and  that  others  were  proposed  so  highly 


Monarchy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


570 


strained  that  he  absolutely  rejected  them.  At 
tentive  to  the  difference  of  opinion  prevailing 
on  this  subject,  when  the  term  of  his  second 
election  arrived,  he  called  the  heads  of  Depart 
ments  together,  observed  to  them  the  situation 
in  which  he  had  been  at  the  commencement  of 
the  government,  the  advice  he  had  taken  and 
the  course  he  had  observed  in  compliance  with 
it ;  that  a  proper  occasion  had  now  arrived  of 
revising  that  course,  of  correcting  it  in  any  par 
ticulars  not  approved  in  experience ;  and  he 
desired  us  to  consult  together,  agree  on  any 
changes  we  should  think  for  the  better,  and 
that  he  should  willingly  conform  to  what  we 
should  advise.  We  met  at  my  office.  Ham 
ilton  and  myself  agreed  at  once  that  there  was 
too  much  ceremony  for  the  character  of  our 
government,  and  particularly  that  the  parade 
of  the  installation  at  New  York  ought  not  to 
be  copied  on  the  present  occasion,  that  the 
President  should  desire  the  Chief  Justice  to 
attend  him  at  his  chambers,  that  he  should  ad 
minister  the  oath  of  office  to  him  in  the  presence 
of  the  higher  officers  of  the  government,  and 
that  the  certificate  of  the  fact  should  be  deliv 
ered  to  the  Secretary  of  State  to  be  recorded. 
Randolph  and  Knox  differed  from  us,  the  latter 
vehemently ;  they  thought  it  not  advisable  to 
change  any  of  the  established  forms,  and  we 
authorized  Randolph  to  report  our  opinions  to 
the  President.  As  these  opinions  were  di 
vided,  and  no  positive  advice  given  as  to  any 
change,  no  change  was  made. — To  MARTIN  VAN 
BUREN.  vii,  367.  FORD  ED.,  x,  310.  (M., 
1824.) 

5349. .  ,  The  forms  which  I  had 

censured  in  my  letter  to  Mazzei  were  perfectly 
understood  by  General  Washington,  and  were 
those  which  he  himself  but  barely  tolerated. 
He  had  furnished  me  a  proper  occasion  for 
proposing  their  reformation,  and  my  opinion 
not  prevailing,  he  knew  I  could  not  have  meant 
any  part  of  the  censure  for  him. — To  MARTIN 
VAN  BUREN.  vii,  368.  FORD  ED.,  x,  311.  (M., 
1824.) 

5350.  MONARCHY,  Inimical  to.— I  was 

much  an  enemy  to  monarchies  before  I  came 
to  Europe.  I  am  ten  thousand  times  more  so, 
since  I  have  seen  what  they  are. — To  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON,  ii,  375.  FORD  ED.,  v.  8.  (P., 
1788.) 

5351.  MONARCHY,   Preference  for.— I 

returned  from  the  mission  [to  France]  in  the 
first  year  of  the  new  government  *  *  *  and 
proceeded  to  New  York  to  enter  on  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  State.  Here,  certainly,  I  found 
a  state  of  things  which,  of  all  I  had  ever  con 
templated,  I  the  least  expected.  I  had  left 
France  in  the  first  year  of  her  Revolution,  in 
the  fervor  of  natural  rights,  and  zeal  for  ref 
ormation.  My  conscientious  devotion  to  these 
rights  could  not  be  heightened,  but  it  had  been 
aroused  and  excited  by  daily  exercise.  The 
President  received  me  cordially,  and  my  col 
leagues  and  the  circle  of  principal  citizens, 
apparently,  with  welcome.  The  courtesies  of 
dinner  parties  given  me,  as  a  stranger  newly 
arrived  among  them,  placed  me  at  once  in 
their  familiar  society.  But  I  cannot  describe 
the  wonder  and  mortification  with  which  the 
table  conversations  filled  me.  Politics  was  the 
chief  topic,  and  a  preference  of  kingly,  over 
republican,  government  was  evidently  the  favor 
ite  sentiment.  An  apostate  I  could  not  be,  nor 
yet  a  hypocrite;  and  I  found  myself,  for  the 
most  part,  the  only  advocate  on  the  republican 
side  of  the  question,  unless  among  the  guests 
there  chanced  to  be  some  member  of  that  party 


from  the  Legislative  Houses. — THE  ANAS,  ix, 
91.  FORD  ED.,  i,  159.  (1818.) 

5352. .     When  I  arrived  at  New 

York  in  1790,  to  take  a  part  in  the  administra 
tion,  being  fresh  from  the  French  Revolution, 
while  in  its  first  and  pure  stage,  and  conse 
quently  somewhat  whetted  up  in  my  own  re 
publican  principles,  I  found  a  state  of  things, 
in  the  general  society  of  the  place,  which  I 
could  not  have  supposed  possible.  Being  a 
stranger  there,  I  was  feasted  from  table  to 
table,  at  large  set  dinners,  the  parties  gener 
ally  from  twenty  to  thirty.  The  revolution  I 
had  left,  and  that  we  had  just  gone  through  in 
the  recent  change  of  our  own  government,  be 
ing  the  common  topics  of  conversation,  I  was 
astonished  to  find  the  general  prevalence  of 
monarchical  sentiments,  insomuch  that  in 
maintaining  those  of  republicanism,  I  had  al 
ways  the  whole  company  on  my  hands,  never 
scarcely  finding  among  them  a  single  coadvo- 
cate  in  that  argument,  unless  some  old  member 
of  Congress  happened  to  be  present.  The 
furthest  that  any  one  would  go,  in  support  of 
the  republican  features  of  our  new  government, 
would  be  to  say,  "  the  present  Constitution  is 
well  as  a  beginning  and  may  be  allowed  a  fair 
trial ;  but  it  is,  in  fact,  only  a  stepping  stone 
to  something  better ".  Among  their  writers, 
[Joseph]  Dennie,  the  editor  of  the  "  Port 
folio  ",  who  was  a  kind  of  oracle  with  them, 
and  styled  "  the  Addison  of  America  ",  openly 
avowed  his  preference  of  monarchy  over  all 
other  forms  of  government,  prided  himself  on 
the  avowal,  and  maintained  it  by  argument 
freely  and  without  reserve  in  his  publications. 
I  do  not  myself  know  that  the  Essex  Junta,  of 
Boston,  were  monarchists,  but  I  have  always 
heard  it  so  said,  and  never  doubted.  These 
are  but  detached  items  from  a  great  mass  of 
proofs  then  fully  before  the  public.  *  *  * 
They  are  now  disavowed  by  the  party.  But, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  firm  and  determined 
stand  then  made  by  a  counter  party,  no  man 
can  say  what  our  government  would  have  been 
at  this  day.  Monarchy,  to  be  sure,  is;  now  de 
feated,  and  they  wish  it  should  be  forgotten 
that  it  was  ever  advocated.  They  see  that  it 
is  desperate,  and  treat  its  imputation  to  them 
as  a  calumny ;  and  I  verily  believe  that  none  of 
them  have  it  now  in  direct  aim.  Yet  the  spirit 
is  not  done  away.  The  same  party  takes  now 
what  they  deem  the  next  best  ground,  the  con 
solidation  of  the  government ;  the  giving  to 
the  Federal  member  of  the  Government,  by 
unlimited  constructions  of  the  Constitution,  a 
control  over  all  the  functions  of  the  States, 
and  the  concentration  of  all  power  ultimately 
at  Washington. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  390. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  332.  (M.,  1825.) 

5353.  MONARCHY,     Throwing     off.— 

With  respect  to  the  State  of  Virginia  in  par 
ticular,  the  people  seem  to  have  laid  aside  the 
monarchical,  and  taken  up  the  republican  form 
of  government  with  as  much  ease  as  would 
have  attended  their  throwing  off  an  old  and 
putting  on  a  new  suit  of  clothes.  Not  a  single 
throe  has  attended  this  important  transforma 
tion.  A  half-dozen  aristocratical  gentlemen, 
agonizing  under  the  loss  of  preeminence, 
have  sometimes  ventured  their  sarcasms  on  our 
political  metamorphosis.  They  have  been 
thought  fitter  objects  of  pity  than  of  punish 
ment. — To  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  i,  204.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  131.  (August  I777-) 

5354.  MONARCHY,  Washington  and.— 

I  am  satisfied  that  General  Washington  had 
not  a  wish  to  perpetuate  his  authority;  but  he 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monarchy 
Money 


who  supposes  it  was  practicable,  had  he  wished 
it,  knows  nothing  of  the  spirit  of  America, 
either  of  the  people  or  of  those  who  possessed 
their  confidence.  There  was,  indeed,  a  cabal 
of  the  officers  of  the  army  who  proposed  to 
establish  a  monarchy  and  to  propose  it  to  Gen 
eral  Washington.  He  frowned  indignantly  at 
the  proposition  (according  to  the  information 
which  got  abroad),  and  Rufus  King  and  some 
few  civil  characters,  chiefly  (indeed,  I  believe, 
to  a  man)  north  of  Maryland,  who  joined  in 
this  intrigue.  But  they  never  dared  openly 
to  avow  it,  knowing  that  the  spirit  which  had 
produced  a  change  in  the  form  of  government 
was  alive  to  the  preservation  of  it. — NOTES  ON 
MARSHALL'S  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON,  ix,  478. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  262. 

5355. .    The  next  effort  was  (on 

suggestion  of  the  same  individuals,  in  the 
moment  of  their  separation),  the  establishment 
of  an  hereditary  order,  under  the  name  of  the 
Cincinnati,  ready  prepared,  by  that  distinction, 
to  be  engrafted  into  the  future  form  of  gov 
ernment,  and  placing  General  Washington  still 
at  their  head.  The  General  wrote  to  me  on 
this  subject,  while  I  was  in  Congress  at  An 
napolis.  *  *  i*  He  afterwards  called  on 
me  at  that  place,  on  his  way  to  a  meeting  of 
the  society,  and  after  a  whole  evening  of  con 
sultation,  he  left  that  place  fully  determined 
to  use  all  his  endeavors  for  its  total  suppres 
sion.  But  he  found  it  so  firmly  riveted  in  the 
affections  of  the  members  that,  strengthened 
as  they  happened  to  be  by  an  adventitious  oc 
currence  of  the  moment  [the  arrival  of  the 
badges  of  the  Order  from  France],  he  could 
effect  no  more  than  the  abolition  of  its  heredi 
tary  principle.*  He  called  again  on  his  re 
turn,  i  and  explained  to  me  fully  the  opposition 
which  had  been  made,  the  effect  of  the  oc 
currence  from  France,  and  the  difficulty  with 
which  its  duration  had  been  limited  to  the  lives 
of  the  present  members. — THE  ANAS,  ix,  89. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  157.  (1818.)  See  CINCINNATI 
SOCIETY. 

5356.  MONARCHY     vs.      REPUBLIC, 

— With  all  the  defects  of  our  Constitution, 
whether  general  or  particular,  the  comparison 
of  our  governments  with  those  of  Europe,  is 
like  a  comparison  of  heaven  and  hell.  Eng 
land,  like  the  earth,  may  be  allowed  to  take 
the  intermediate  station. — To  J.  JONES,  ii,  249. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5357. .    We    were    educated    in 

royalism  ;  no  wonder  if  some  of  us  retain  that 
idolatry  still.  Our  young  people  are  educated 
in  republican:sm ;  an  apostasy  from  that  to 
royalism,  is  unprecedented  and  impossible. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  5.  FORD  ED.,  v,  83. 
(P.,  1789.) 

5358.  MONEY,   Circulating  Medium.— 

The  increase  of  circulating  medium  *  *  * 
according  to  my  ideas  of  paper  money,  is 
clearly  a  demerit  [in  the  bill  providing  for  the 
establishment  of  a  national  bank.] — NA 
TIONAL  BANK  OPINION,  vii,  558.  FORD  ED., 
v,  287.  (i79i.) 

5359. .     The  adequate  price  of  a 

thing  depends  on  the  capital  and  labor  nec- 

*  This  is  an  error.  The  abolition  of  the  hereditary 
principle  was  proposed,  but  never  adopted. — NOTE 
IN  FORD  EDITION. 

t  This  cannot  be  so,  as  Washington  did  not  leave 
Philadelphia  till  after  May  i6th,  and  Jefferson  left 
Annapolis  for  France  on  May  nth.— NOTE  IN  FORD 

EDITION. 


essary  to  produce  it.  In  the  term  capital, 
I  mean  to  include  science,  because  capital  as 
well  as  labor  has  been  employed  to  acquire  it. 
Two  things  requiring  the  same  capital  and 
labor,  should  be  of  the  same  price.  If  a 
gallon  of  wine  requires  for  its  production  the 
same  capital  and  labor  with  a  bushel  of 
wheat,  they  should  be  expressed  by  the  same 
price,  derived  from  the  application  of  a  com 
mon  measure  to  them.  The  comparative 
prices  of  things  being  thus  to  be  estimated 
and  expressed  by  a  common  measure,  we  may 
proceed  to  observe  that  were  a  country  so 
insulated  as  to  have  no  commercial  inter 
course  with  any  other,  to  confine  the  inter 
change  of  all  its  wants  and  supplies  within 
itself,  the  amount  of  circulating  medium,  as 
a  common  measure  for  adjusting  these  ex 
changes,  would  be  quite  immaterial.  If  their 
circulation,  for  instance,  were  a  million  of 
dollars,  and  the  annual  produce  of  their  in 
dustry  equivalent  to  ten  millions  of  bushels 
of  wheat,  the  price  of  a  bushel  of  wheat  might 
be  one  dollar.  If,  then,  by  a  progressive 
coinage,  their  medium  should  be  doubled,  the 
price  of  a  bushel  of  wheat  might  become 
progressively  two  dollars,  and  without  incon 
venience.  Whatever  be  the  proportion  of  the 
circulating  medium  to  the  value  of  the  annual 
produce  of  industry,  it  may  be  considered  as 
the  representative  of  that  industry.  In  the 
first  case,  a  bushel  of  wheat  will  be  repre 
sented  by  one  dollar;  in  the  second,  by  two 
dollars.  This  is  well  explained  by  Hume, 
and  seems  to  be  admitted  by  Adam  Smith. 
But  where  a  nation  is  in  a  full  course  of 
interchange  of  wants  and  supplies  with  all 
others,  the  proportion  of  its  medium  to  its 
produce  is  no  longer  indifferent. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  233.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  406.  (M., 
1813-) 

5360. .  One  of  the  great  advan 
tages  of  specie  as  a  medium  is,  that  being  of 
universal  value,  it  will  keep  itself  at  a  gen 
eral  level,  flowing  out  from  where  it  is  too 
high  into  parts  where  it  is  lower.  Whereas, 
if  the  medium  be  of  local  value  only,  as  paper 
money,  if  too  little,  indeed,  gold  and  silver 
will  flow  in  to  supply  the  deficiency;  but  if 
too  much,  it  accumulates,  banishes  the  gold 
and  silver  not  locked  up  in  vaults  and 
hoards,  and  depreciates  itself;  that  is  to  say, 
its  proportion  to  the  annual  produce  of  in 
dustry  being  raised,  more  of  it  is  required  to 
represent  any  particular  article  of  produce 
than  in  the  other  countries.  This  is  agreed 
to  by  [Adam]  Smith,  the  principal  advocate 
for  a  paper  circulation  ;  but  advocating  it  on 
the  sole  condition  that  it  be  strictly  regulated. 
He  admits,  nevertheless,  that  "  the  com 
merce  and  industry  of  a  country  cannot  be 
so  secure  when  suspended  on  the  Daedalian 
wings  of  paper  money,  as  on  the  solid  ground 
of  gold  and  silver;  and  that  in  time  of  war, 
the  insecurity  is  greatly  increased,  and  great 
confusion  possible  where  the  circulation  is  for 
the  greater  part  in  paper  ".  But  in  a  coun 
try  where  loans  are  uncertain,  and  a  specie 
circulation  the  only  sure  resource  for  them, 
the  preference  of  that  circulation  assumes  a 


Money 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


572 


far  different  degree  of  importance. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  233.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  407.  (M.,  Nov. 
1813.) 

5361.  .      The     only     advantage 

which    [Adam]    Smith  proposes  by  substitu 
ting  paper  in  the   room  of  gold  and  silver 
money,  B.  2.  c.  2.  434,  is  "  to  replace  an  ex 
pensive  instrument  with  one  much  less  costly, 
and  sometimes  equally  convenient "  ;  that  is 
to  say,  page  437,  "  to  allow  the  gold  and  sil 
ver    to   be    sent   abroad    and    converted    into 
foreign  goods ",   and  to  substitute  paper  as 
being  a  cheaper  measure.    But  this  makes  no 
addition  to  the  stock  or  capital  of  the  nation. 
The   coin    sent   was   worth   as   much,   while 
in   the  country,   as   the  goods   imported   and 
taking  its  place.    It  is  only,  then,  a  change  of 
form  in  a  part  of  the  national  capital,  from 
that  of  gold  and  silver  to  other  goods.     He 
admits,  too,  that  while  a  part  of  the  goods 
received  in  exchange  for  the  coin  exported 
may  be  materials,  tools  and  provisions  for  the 
employment  of  an  additional  industry,  a  part, 
also,    may   be   taken   back   in   foreign   wines, 
silks,  &c.,  to  be  consumed  by  idle  people  who 
produce  nothing ;  and  so  far  the  substitution 
promotes  prodigality,   increases   expense  and 
corruption,     without    increasing    production. 
So  far  also,  then,  it  lessens  the  capital  of  the 
nation.     What  may  be  the  amount  which  the 
conversion   of   the   part   exchanged   for  pro 
ductive  goods  may  add  to  the  former  produc 
tive  mass,  it  is  not  easy  to  ascertain,  because, 
as  he  says,  oage  441,  "  it  is  impossible  to  de 
termine  what  is  the  proportion  which  the  cir 
culating  money  of  any  country  bears  to  the 
whole  value  of  the  annual  produce.     It  has 
been  computed  by  different  authors,  from  a 
fifth  to  a  thirtieth  of  that  value".       In  the 
United   States  it  must  be  less  than  in  any 
other  part  of  the  commercial  world;  because 
the  great  mass  of  their  inhabitants  being  in 
responsible  circumstances,  the  great  mass  of 
their  exchanges  in  the  country  is  effected  on 
credit,  in  their  merchants'   ledger,  who  sup 
plies  all  their  wants  through  the  year,  and  at 
the  end  of  it  receives  the  produce  of  their 
farms,  or  other  articles  of  their  industry.    It 
is  a  fact  that  a  farmer  with  a  revenue  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  a  year,  may  obtain  all  his 
supplies    from    his    merchant,    and    liquidate 
them    at  the  end  of  the  year  by  the  sale  of  his 
produce  to  him,  without  the  intervention  of 
a  single  dollar  of  cash.    This,  then,  is  merely 
barter,    and   in   this   way   of   barter   a   great 
portion  of  the  annual  produce  of  the  United 
States  is  exchanged  without  the  intermedia 
tion  of  cash.     We  might  safely,  then,  state 
our  medium  at  the  minimum  of  one-thirtieth. 
— To  J.   W.   EPPES.     vi,  234.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
407.     (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

5362.  -  — .  But  what  is  one-thirtieth 
of  the  value  of  the  annual  produce  of  the  in 
dustry  of  the   United    States?     Or   what   is 
the  whole  value  of  the  annual  produce  of  the 
United    States?     An    able    writer   and   com 
petent  judge  of  the  subject,   in   1799,   on  as 
good  grounds  as  probably  could  be  taken,  es 
timated  it,  on  the  then  population  of  four  and 
a  half  millions  of  inhabitants,   to  be  thirty- 


seven  and  a  half  millions  sterling,  or  one 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  and  three-fourths 
millions  of  dollars.  According  to  the  same 
estimate  for  our  present  population,  it  will 
be  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  one- 
thirtieth  of  which,  Smith's  minimum,  would 
be  ten  millions,  and  one-fifth,  his  maximum, 
would  be  sixty  millions  for  the  quantum  of 
circulation.  But  suppose  that  instead  of  our 
needing  the  least  circulating  medium  of  any 
nation,  from  the  circumstance  before  men 
tioned,  we  should  place  ourselves  in  the 
middle  term  of  the  calculation,  to  wit:  at 
thirty-five  millions.  One-fifth  of  this,  at  the 
least,  Smith  thinks,  should  be  retained  in 
specie,  which  would  leave  twenty-eight  mil 
lions  of  specie  to  be  exported  in  exchange  for 
other  commodities;  and  if  fifteen  millions  of 
that  should  be  returned  in  productive  goods, 
and  not  in  articles  of  prodigality,  that  would 
be  the  amount  of  capital  which  this  operation 
would  add  to  the  existing  mass.  But  to  what 
mass?  Not  that  of  the  three  hundred  mil 
lions,  which  is  only  its  gross  annual  produce, 
but  to  that  capital  of  which  the  three  hundred 
millions  are  but  the  annual  produce.  But 
this  being  gross,  we  may  infer  from  it  the 
value  of  the  capital  by  considering  that  the 
rent  of  lands  is  generally  fixed  at  one-third 
of  the  gross  produce,  and  is  deemed  its  net 
profit,  and  twenty  times  that  its  fee  simple 
value.  The  profits  on  landed  capital  may, 
with  accuracy  enough  for  our  purpose,  be 
supposed  to  be  on  a  par  with  those  of  other 
capital.  This  would  give  us,  then,  for  the 
United  States,  a  capital  of  two  thousand  mil 
lions,  all  in  active  employment,  and  exclusive 
of  unimproved  lands  lying  in  a  great  degree 
dormant.  Of  this,  fifteen  millions  would  be 
the  hundred  and  thirty-third  part.  And  it  is 
for  this  petty  addition  to  the  capital  of  the 
nation,  this  minimum  of  one  dollar,  added  to 
one  hundred  and  thirty-three  and  a  third  or 
three-fourths  per  cent.,  that  we  are  to  give  up 
our  gold  and  silver  medium,  its  intrinsic 
solidity,  its  universal  value,  and  its  saving 
powers  in  time  of  war,  and  to  substitute  for 
it  paper,  with  all  its  train  of  evils,  moral, 
political,  and  physical,  which  I  will  not  pre 
tend  to  enumerate.  There  is  another  author 
ity  to  which  we  may  appeal  for  the  proper 
quantity  of  circulating  medium  for  the  United 
States.  The  old  Congress,  when  we  were  es 
timated  at  about  two  millions  of  people,  on 
a  long  and  able  discussion,  June  22,  1775, 
decided  the  sufficient  quantity  to  be  two  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  which  sum  they  then  emitted,* 
According  to  this,  it  should  be  eight  millions, 
now  that  we  are  eight  millions  of  people. 
This  differs  little  from  Smith's  minimum  of 
ten  millions,  and  strengthens  our  respect  for 
that  estimate. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  234. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  408.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.)  See 
BANKS  and  DEBT. 

5363. .  Specie  is  the  most  perfect 

medium  because  it  will  preserve  its  own  level ; 

*  Within  five  months  after  this,  they  were  com 
pelled  by  the  necessities  of  the  war,  to  abandon  the 
idea  of  emitting  only  an  adequate  circulation,  and  to 
make  their  necessities  the  sole  measure  of  their 
emissions.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


573 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Money 


because,  having  intrinsic  and  universal  value, 
it  can  never  die  in  our  hands,  and  it  is  the 
surest  resource  of  reliance  in  time  of  war. — 
To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  246.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  416. 
(M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

5364.  -  — .  It  would  be  best  that 

our  medium  should  be  so  proportioned  to  our 
produce,  as  to  be  on  a  par  with  that  of  the 
countries  with  which  we  trade,  and  whose 
medium  is  in  a  sound  state. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  246.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  416.  (M., 
Nov.  1813.) 

5365. .  Instead  of  yielding  to 

the  cries  of  scarcity  of  medium  set  up  by 
speculators,  projectors  and  commercial 
gamblers,  no  endeavors  should  be  spared  to 
begin  the  work  of  reducing  it  by  such  gradual 
means  as  may  give  time  to  private  fortunes 
to  preserve  their  poise,  and  settle  down  with 
the  subsiding  medium. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi, 
246.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  417.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

5366.  -  — .We  are  already  at  ten  or 

twenty  times  the  due  quantity  of  medium ; 
insomuch,  that  no  man  knows  what  his  prop 
erty  is  now  worth,  because  it  is  bloating 
while  he  is  calculating;  and  still  less  what  it 
will  be  worth  when  the  medium  shall  be  re 
lieved  from  its  present  dropsical  state. — To 
J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  246.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  417.  (M., 
Nov.  1813.) 

5367. .  This  State  [Virginia]  is 

in  a  condition  of  unparalleled  distress.  The 
sudden  reduction  of  the  circulating  medium 
from  a  plethory  to  all  but  annihilation  is 
producing  an  entire  revolution  of  fortune. 
In  other  places  I  have  known  lands  sold  by 
the  sheriff  for  one  year's  rent ;  beyond  the 
mountains  we  hear  of  good  slaves  selling  for 
one  hundred  dollars,  good  horses  for  five 
dollars,  and  the  sheriffs  generally  the  pur 
chasers.  Our  produce  is  now  selling  at 
market  for  one-third  of  its  price  before  this 
commercial  catastrophe,  say  flour  at  three  and 
a  quarter  and  three  and  a  half  dollars  the 
barrel.  We  should  have  less  right  to  ex 
pect  relief  from  our  legislators  if  they  had 
been  the  establishers  of  the  unwise  system  of 
banks.  A  remedy  to  a  certain  degree  was 
practicable,  that  of  reducing  the  quantum  of 
circulation  gradually  to  a  level  with  that  of 
the  countries  with  which  we  have  commerce, 
and  an  eternal  abjuration  of  paper.  *  *  *  I 
fear  local  insurrections  against  these  horrible 
sacrifices  of  property. — To  H.  NELSON,  vii, 
151.  FORD  ED.,  x,  156.  (M.,  1820.)  See 
NATIONAL  CURRENCY  and  PAPER  MONEY. 

5368.  MONEY,    Clipped.— The    Legisla 
tures  should  cooperate  with  Congress  in  pro 
viding  that  no  money  be  received  or  paid  at 
their  treasuries,   or  by  any  of  their  officers, 
or  any  bank,  but  on  actual  weight ;  in  making 
it  criminal,  in  a  high  degree,  to  diminish  their 
own  coins  and,   in   some  smaller  degree,   to 
offer   them   in   payment   when   diminished. — 
NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,    i,  169.    FORD  ED., 
iii,  453-     (1784.) 

5369.  MONEY,  Coinage.— The  Adminis 
trator  [Governor]  shall  not  possess  the  pre 


rogative  *  *  *  of  coining  moneys,  or  regu 
lating  their  values. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  19.  (June  1776.) 

5370.  -  — .     For  rendering  the  half 

penny  pieces  of  copper  coin  of  this  Common 
wealth  of  more  convenient  value,  and  by  that 
means  introducing  them  into  more  general 
circulation ;  Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  As 
sembly  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  that 
*  the  said  pieces  of  copper  coin  shall  pass 
in  all  payments  for  one  penny  each  of  current 
money  of  Virginia.  Provided  *  *  * 
that  no  person  shall  be  obliged  to  take  above 


one  shilling  of 


*     *     * 


copper  com  in  any 


one  payment  of  twenty  shillings,  or  under, 
nor  more  than  two  shillings  and  six  pence 
*  *  in  any  one  payment  of  a  greater  sum 
than  twenty  shillings. — COPPER  COINAGE  BILL. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  118.  (1776.) 

5371.  -  _.     It  is  difficult  to  familiar 

ize  a  new  coin  to  the  people;  it  is  more  dif 
ficult  to  familiarize  them  to  a  new  coin  with 
an  old  name. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i, 
165.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  449.  (1784.)  See  DOLLAR, 

5372. .  A  great  deal  of  small 

change  is  useful  in  a  State,  and  tends  to  re 
duce  the  price  of  small  articles. — NOTES  ON  A 
MONEY  UNIT,  i,  166.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  450. 
(1784-) 

5373. .  I  think  it  my  duty  to  in 
form  Congress  that  a  Swiss,  of  the  name  of 
Drost,  established  in  Paris,  has  invented  a 
method  of  striking  the  two  faces  and  the 
edge  of  a  coin,  at  one  stroke.  By  this,  and 
other  simplifications  of  the  process  of  coin 
age,  he  is  enabled  to  coin  from  twenty-five  to 
thirty  thousand  pieces  a  day,  with  the  as 
sistance  of  only  two  persons,  the  pieces  of 
metal  being  first  prepared.  I  send  you  by 
Colonel  Franks  three  coins  of  gold,  silver  and 
copper,  which  you  will  perceive  to  be  perfect 
medals ;  and  I  can  assure  you,  from  having 
seen  him  coin  many,  that  every  piece  is  as 
perfect  as  these.  There  has  certainly  never 
yet  been  seen  any  coin,  in  any  country,  com 
parable  to  this.  The  best  workmen  in  this 
way,  acknowledge  that  his  is  like  a  new  art. 
Coin  should  always  be  made  in  the  highest 
perfection  possible,  because  it  is  a  great  guard 
against  the  danger  of  false  coinage.  This 
man  would  be  willing  to  furnish  his  imple 
ments  to  Congress,  and  if  they  please,  he 
will  go  over  and  instruct  a  person  to  carry  on 
the  work ;  nor  do  I  believe  he  would  ask 
anything  unreasonable.  It  would  be  very  de 
sirable,  that  in  the  institution  of  a  new  coin 
age,  we  could  set  out  on  so  perfect  a  plan  as 
this,  and  the  more  so  as  while  the  work  is 
so  exquisitely  done,  it  is  done  cheaper. — To 
JOHN  JAY.  ii,  89.  (P.,  Jan.  1787.) 

5374.  -  — .     Coinage  is  peculiarly  an 

attribute  of  sovereignty.  To  transfer  its  ex 
ercise  into  another  country,  is  to  submit  it  to 
another  sovereign. — COINAGE  ,  REPORT.  vii, 
463.  (April  1790.) 

5375. .  The  carrying  on  a  coin 
age  in  a  foreign  country,  as  far  as  the  Secre- 


Money 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


574 


tary  [of  State]  knows,  is  without  example ; 
and  general  experience  is  weighty  authority. 
— COINAGE  REPORT,  vii,  464.  (April  1790.) 

5376. .  Perfection  in  the  en 
graving  is  among  the  greatest  safeguards 
against  counterfeits,  because  engravers  of  the 
first  class  are  few,  and  elevated  by  their  rank 
in  their  art,  and  far  above  the  base  and 
dangerous  business  of  counterfeiting. — COIN 
AGE  REPORT,  vii,  463.  (April  1790.) 

5377. m    AS  to  the  question    on 

whom  the  expense  of  coinage  is  to  fall,  I 
have  been  so  little  able  to  make  up  an  opin 
ion  satisfactory  to  myself,  as  to  be  ready 
to  concur  in  either  decision. — To  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON,  iii,  330.  (1792.) 

5378.  MONEY,  Foreign.— The  quantity 
of  fine  silver  which  shall  constitute  the  Unit 
being  settled,  and  the  proportion  of  the  value 
of  gold  to  that  of  silver;  a  table  should  be 
formed  *  :  *  classing  the  several  foreign 
coins  according  to  their  fineness,  declaring 
the  worth  of  a  pennyweight  or  grain  in  each 
class,  and  that  they  shall  be  lawful  tenders  at 
those  rates,  if  not  clipped  or  otherwise 
diminished;  and,  where  diminished,  offer 
ing  their  value  for  them  at  the  mint,  deduct 
ing  the  expense  of  recoinage. — NOTES  ON  A 
MONEY  UNIT.  i,  169.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  453. 
(1784.)  See  GOLD  and  SILVER. 

5379. .     Most   of   the   gold   and 

silver  coins  of  Europe  pass  in  the  several 
States  of  America  according  to  the  quantity 
of  pure  metal  they  contain. — M.  DU  RIVAL. 
ii,  52.  (P.,  1786.) 

5380.  -  —.A  bill  has  passed  the 

Representatives  giving  three  years  longer  cur 
rency  to  foreign  coins.  *  *  *  The  effect 
of  stopping  the  currency  of  gold  and  silver 
is  to  force  bank  paper  through  all  the  States. 
However,  I  presume  the  State  Legislatures 
will  exercise  their  acknowledged  right  of  reg 
ulating  the  value  of  foreign  coins,  when  not 
regulated  by  Congress,  and  their  exclusive 
right  of  declaring  them  a  tender. — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  183.  (Pa.,  Dec. 
17970 

5381. .  By  the  Constitution  Con 
gress  may  regulate  the  value  of  foreign  coin ; 
but  if  they  do  not  do  it,  the  old  power  re 
vives  to  the  State,  the  Constitution  only  for 
bidding  them  to  make  anything  but  .gold  and 
silver  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts. — To  JOHN 
TAYLOR.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  182.  (Pa.,  1797.) 

5382.  -  _.  A  bill  has  passed  the  Rep 

resentatives  to  suspend  for  three  years  the  law 
arresting  the  currency  of  foreign  coins.  The 
Senateproposed  an  amendment,  continuing  the 
currency  of  the  foreign  gold  only.  *  *  *  The 
object  of  opposing  the  bill  is  to  make  the 
French  crowns  a  subject  of  speculation  (for 
it  seems  they  fell  on  the  President's  procla 
mation  to  a  dollar  in  most  of  the  States),  and 
to  force  bank  paper  (for  want  of  other  me 
dium)  through  all  the  States  generally.— To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  205.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  189. 
(Pa.,  1798.) 


5383.  MONEY,    Legal    tender.— I    deny 
the    power    of    the    General    Government    of 
making  paper  money,  or  anything  else,  a  legal 
tender.— To  JOHN  TAYLOR,      iv,  260.      FORD 
ED.,  vii,  310.     (M.,  1798.) 

—  MONEY,  Loaning.— See  TRADE. 

5384.  MONEY,    Morality   and.— Money, 

and  not  morality,  is  the  principle  of  commer 
cial  nations. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v,  513. 
(1810.) 

5385.  MONEY,  National  rights  and.— 

Money  is  the  agent  by  which  modern  na 
tions  will  recover  their  rights.— To  COMTE  DE 
MOUSTIER.  ii,  389.  FORD  ED.,  v,  12.  (P. 


—  MONEY,     Prices     and.— See     PAPER 
MONEY. 

5386.  MONEY,  Scarcity  of.— An  unpar 
alleled  want  of  money  here,  and  stoppage  of 
discount  at  all  the  banks,  oblige  the  merchants 
to    slacken    the    price    of    wheat   and    flour; 
but  it  is  only  temporary. — To  GEORGE  GILMER. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  202.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

5387.  MONEY,  Standard.— I  believe  all 
the  countries  in  Europe  determine  their  stand 
ard    of    money    in    gold    as    well    as    silver. 
Thus,    the    laws    of    England    direct    that    a 
pound   Troy   of   gold,    of   twenty-two   carats 
fine,   shall  be  cut  into  forty-four  and  a  half 
guineas,  each  of  which  shall  be  worth  twenty- 
one  and  a  half  shillings,  that  is,  into  956  3-4 
shillings.        This   establishes    the    shilling   at 
5.518  grains  of  pure  gold.     They  direct  that 
a  pound  of  silver,  consisting  of  n  i-io  ounces 
of  pure   silver  and  9-10  of  an  ounce  alloy, 
shall   be   cut   into   sixty-two   shillings.     This 
establishes    the    shilling    at    85.93    grains    of 
pure  silver,  and,  consequently,  the  proportion 
of  gold   to   silver  as  85.93   to   5.518,   or   as 
I5-57  to   i.       If  this  be  the  true  proportion 
between    the    value    of    gold    and    silver   at 
the  general  market  of  Europe,  then  the  value 
of  the  shilling,  depending  on  two  standards, 
is    the    same,    whether   a    payment    be    made 
in  gold  or  in  silver.       But  if  the  proportion 
of  the  general  market  at  Europe  be  as  fif 
teen    to    one,     then    the    Englishman    who 
owes    a    pound    weight    of    gold    at    Am 
sterdam,    if    he    sends    the    pound    of    gold 
to  pay  it,  sends  1043.72  shillings ;  if  he  sends 
fifteen  pounds  of  silver,  he  sends  only  1030.5 
shillings;  if  he  pays  half  in  gold  and  half  in 
silver,   he  pays  only   1037.11   shillings.     And 
this   medium  between  the  two  standards  of 
gold  and  silver,  we  must  consider  as  furnish 
ing  the  true  medium  value  of  the  shilling.    If 
the  parliament  should  now  order  the  pound 
of  gold    (of  one-twelfth  alloy  as  before)   to 
be  put  into  a  thousand   shillings  instead  of 
nine  hundred  and  fifty-six  and  three-fourths, 
leaving  the  silver  as  it  is,  the  medium  or  true 
value  of  the  shilling  would  suffer  a  change 
of  half  the  difference ;  and  in  the  case  before 
stated,  to  pay  a  debt  of  a  pound  weight  of 
gold,    at   Amsterdam,   if  he   sent   the   pound 
weight   of  gold,   he  would   send   1090.9  shil 
lings;  if  he  sent  fifteen  pounds  of  silver,  he 


575 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Money 


would  send  1030.5  shillings;  if  half  in  gold 
and  half  in  silver,  he  would  send  1060.7 
shillings; which  shows  that  this  parliamentary 
operation  would  reduce  the  value  of  the 
shilling  in  the  proportion  of  1060.7  to  1037.11. 
— To  J.  SARSFIELD.  iii,  18.  (P.,  April  1789.) 

5388. .     Now  this  is  exactly  the 

effect  of  the  late  change  in  the  quantity  of 
gold  contained  in  your  louis.  Your  marc 
d'argent  fin  is  cut  into  53.45  livres  (fifty- 
three  livres  and  nine  sous),  the  marc  de  I' or 
fin  was  cut,  heretofore,  by  law,  into  784.6 
livres  (seven  hundred  and  eighty-four  livres 
and  twelve  sous)  ;  gold  was  to  silver  then  as 
14.63  to  i.  And  if  this  was  different  from 
the  proportion  at  the  markets  of  Europe,  the 
true  value  of  your  livre  stood  half  way  be 
tween  the  two  standards.  By  the  ordinance 
of  October  the  3Oth,  1785,  the  marc  of  pure 
gold  has  been  cut  into  828.6  livres.  If  your 
standard  had  been  in  gold  alone,  this  would 
have  reduced  the  value  of  your  livre  in  the 
proportion  of  828.6  to  784.6.  But  as  you 
had  a  standard  of  silver  as  well  as  gold,  the 
true  standard  is  the  medium  between  the 
two ;  consequently  the  value  of  the  livre  is 
reduced  only  one-half  the  difference,  that  is 
as  806.6  to  784.6,  which  is  very  nearly  three 
per  cent.  Commerce,  however,  has  made  a 
difference  of  four  per  cent.,  the  average  value 
of  the  pound  sterling,  formerly  twenty-four 
livres,  being  now  twenty-five  livres.  Perhaps 
some  other  circumstance  has  occasioned  an 
addition  of  one  per  cent,  to  the  change  of 
your  standard. — To  J.  SARSFIELD.  iii,  19. 
(P.,  April  1789.) 

5389. .    To  trade  on  equal  terms, 

the  common  measure  of  values  should  be  as 
nearly  as  possible  on  a  par  with  that  of  its 
corresponding  nations,  whose  medium  is  in  a 
sound  state;  that  is  to  say,  not  in  an  acciden 
tal  state  of  excess  or  deficiency.  Now,  one 
of  the  great  advantages  of  specie  as  a  medium 
is,  that  being  of  universal  value,  it  will  keep 
itself  at  a  general  level,  flowing  out  from 
where  it  is  too  high  into  parts  where  it  is 
lower.  Whereas,  if  the  medium  be  of  local 
value  only,  as  paper  money,  if  too  little,  in 
deed,  gold  and  silver  will  flow  in  to  supply 
the  deficiency ;  but  if  too  much,  it  accumu 
lates,  banishes  the  gold  and  silver  not  locked 
up  in  vaults  and  hoards,  and  depreciates 
itself;  that  is  to  say,  its  proportion  to  the 
annual  produce  of  industry  being  raised, 
more  of  it  is  required  to  represent  any  par 
ticular  article  of  produce  than  in  the  other 
countries.  This  is  agreed  by  [Adam]  Smith, 
(B.  2.  c.  2.  437,)  the  principal  advocate  for  a 
paper  circulation ;  but  advocating  it  on  the 
sole  condition  that  it  be  strictly  regulated. 
He  admits,  nevertheless,  that  "  the  commerce 
and  industry  of  a  country  cannot  be  so  secure 
when  suspended  on  the  Daedalian  wings  of 
paper  money,  as  on  the  solid  ground  of  gold 
and  silver;  and  that  in  time  of  war,  the  in 
security  is  greatly  increased,  and  great  con 
fusion  possible  where  the  circulation  is  for 
the  greater  part  in  paper  ".  (B.  2.  c.  2.  484.) 
But  in  a  country  where  loans  are  uncertain, 
and  a  specie  circulation  the  only  sure  re 


source  for  them,  the  preference  of  that  cir 
culation  assumes  a  far  different  degree  of 
importance.— To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  233.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  407.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

5390.  — .     Our    dropsical    medium 

is  long  since  divested  of  the  quality  of  a 
medium  of  value;  nor  can  I  find  any  other. 
In  most  countries  a  fixed  quantity  of  wheat 
is  perhaps  the  best  permanent  standard.  But 
here  the  blockade  of  our  whole  coast,  pre 
venting  all  access  to  a  market,  has  depressed 
the  price  of  that,  and  exalted  that  of  other 
things,  in  opposite  directions,  and,  combined 
with  the  effects  of  the  paper  deluge,  leaves 
really  no  common  measure  of  values  to  be 
resorted  to.— To  M.  CORREA.  vi,  406.  ( M  , 
1814.) 

5391. .     We    have    no    metallic 

measure  of  values  at  present,  while  we  are 
overwhelmed  with  bank  paper.  The  depre 
ciation  of  this  swells  nominal  prices,  without 
furnishing  any  stable  index  of  real  value. — 
To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  SAY.  vi,  434.  (M., 
March  1815.) 

5392. .    We  are  now  without  any 

common  measure  of  the  value  of  property, 
and  private  fortunes  are  up  or  down  at  the 
will  of  the  worst  of  our  citizens.  Yet  there 
is  no  hope  of  relief  from  the  Legislatures 
who  have  immediate  control  over  this  sub 
ject.  As  little  seems  to  be  known  of  the 
principles  of  political  economy  as  if  nothing 
had  ever  been  written  or  practiced  on  the 
subject,  or  as  was  known  in  old  times,  when 
the  Jews  had  their  rulers  under  the  hammer. 
It  is  an  evil,  therefore,  which  we  must  make 
up  our  minds  to  meet  and  to  endure  as 
those  of  hurricanes,  earthquakes  and  other 
casualties. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  499. 
(M.,  Oct.  1815.) 

5393.  -  — .     The    flood    with    which 

the  banks  are  deluging  us  of  nominal  money 
has  placed  us  completely  without  any  certain 
measure  of  value,  and,  by  interpolating  a  false 
measure,  is  deceiving  and  ruining  multitudes 
of  our  citizens. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  116.  (M.,  1818.) 

5394. -.     There  is  one  evil  which 

awakens  me  at  times,  because  it  jostles  me 
at  every  turn.  It  is  that  we  have  now  no 
measure  of  value.  I  am  asked  eighteen  dol 
lars  for  a  yard  of  broadcloth,  which,  when  we 
had  dollars,  I  used  to  get  for  eighteen  shil 
lings  ;  from  this  I  can  only  understand  that 
a  dollar  is  now  worth  but  two  inches  of 
broadcloth,  but  broadcloth  is  no  standard  of 
measure  or  value.  I  do  not  know,  therefore, 
whereabouts  I  stand  in  the  scale  of  property, 
nor  what  to  ask,  or  what  to  give  for  it.  I 
saw,  indeed,  the  like  machinery  in  action  in 
the  years  '80  and  '81,  and  without  dissatis 
faction  ;  because  in  wearing  out,  it  was  work 
ing  out  our  salvation.  But  I  see  nothing  in 
this  renewal  of  the  game  of  "Robin's  Alive" 
but  a  general  demoralization  of  the  nation, 
a  filching  from  industry  its  honest  earnings, 
wherewith  to  build  up  palaces,  and  raise 
gambling  stock  for  swindlers  and  shavers, 


Money 
Money  Bills 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


576 


who  are  to  close,  too,  their  career  of  piracies 
by  fraudulent  bankruptcies. — To  NATHANIEL 
MACON.  vii,  in.  FORD  ED.,  x,  121.  (M., 
1819.) 

5395. .     The  evils  of  this  deluge 

of  paper  money  are  not  to  be  removed,  until 
our  citizens  are  generally  and  radically  in 
structed  in  their  cause  and  consequences,  and 
silence  by  their  authority  the  interested 
clamors  and  sophistry  of  speculating,  sha 
ving,  and  banking  institutions.  Till  then  we 
must  be  content  to  return,  quoad  hoc,  to  the 
savage  state,  to  recur  to  barter  in  the  ex 
change  of  our  property,  for  want  of  a  stable, 
common  measure  of  value,  that  now  in  use 
being  less  fixed  than  the  beads  and  wampum 
of  the  Indian,  and  to  deliver  up  our  citizens, 
their  property  and  their  labor,  passive  victims 
to  the  swindling  tricks  of  bankers  and 
mountebankers. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  115. 
(M.,  1819.)  See  BANKS,  DOLLAR,  NATIONAL 
CURRENCY,  and  PAPER  MONEY. 

5396.  MONEY,  Unit  of.— The  plan  re 
ported  by  the  Financier  [Robert  Morris]  is 
worthy  of  his  sound  judgment.  It  admits, 
however,  of  objection  in  the  size  of  the 
Unit.  He  proposes  that  this  shall  be  the 
1440th  part  of  a  dollar;  so  that  it  will  re 
quire  1440  of  his  units  to  make  the  one  before 
proposed.  He  was  led  to  adopt  this  by  a 
mathematical  attention  to  our  old  currencies, 
all  of  which  this  Unit  will  measure  without 
leaving  a  fraction.  But  as  our  object  is  to 
get  rid  of  those  currencies,  the  advantage 
derived  from  this  coincidence  will  soon  be 
past,  whereas  the  inconveniences  of  this 
Unit  will  forever  remain,  if  they  do  not  al 
together  prevent  its  introduction.  It  is  de 
fective  in  two  of  the  three  requisites  of  a 
Money  Unit.  i.  It  is  inconvenient  in  its  ap 
plication  to  the  ordinary  money  transactions. 
Ten  thousand  dollars  will  require  eight  fig 
ures  to  express  them,  to  wit,  14,400,000  units. 
A  horse  or  bullock  of  eighty  dollars'  value, 
will  require  a  notation  of  six  figures,  to  wit, 
115,200  units.  As  a  money  of  account,  this 
will  be  laborious,  even  when  facilitated  by  the 
aid  of  decimal  arithmetic:  as  a  common 
measure  of  the  value  of  property,  it  will  be 
too  minute  to  be  comprehended  by  the  peo 
ple.  The  French  are  subjected  to  very  la 
borious  calculations,  the  livre  being  their  or 
dinary  money  of  account,  and  this  but  be 
tween  i-5th  and  i-6th  of  a  dollar;  but  what 
will  be  our  labors,  should  our  money  of  ac 
count  be  i-i440th  of  a  dollar?  2.  It  is  neither 
equal,  nor  near  to  any  of  the  known  coins  in 
value. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT,  i,  166. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  450.  (1784.)  See  DOLLAR. 

5397. .       I  concur  with  you  in 

thinking  that  the  Unit  must  stand  on  both 
metals.— To  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON,  iii,  330. 
(Feb.  1792.) 

5398.  MONEY,  War  and.— Money  is  the 
nerve    of    war. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.    vi, 
498.     (M.,  1815.) 

5399.  MONEY    BILLS,    Origination.— 
Bills  for  levying  money  shall  be  originated 


and  amended  by  the  Representatives  only. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  17. 
(June  1776.) 

5400. .      The    Senate    and    the 

House  of  Representatives  [of  Virginia]  shall 
each  have  power  to  originate  and 

amend  bills ;  save  only  that  bills  for  'levying 
money  shall  be  originated  and  amended  by 
the  representatives  only:  the  assent  of  both 
houses  shall  be  requisite  to  pass  a  law. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  17. 
(June  1776.) 

5401.  MONEY  BILLS,  Parliament  and. 
— By  the  law  and  usage  of  the  British  parlia 
ment,  all  those  are  understood  to  be  money 
bills  which  raise  money  in  any  way,  or  which 
dispose  of  it,  and  which  regulate  those  cir 
cumstances  of  matter,  method  and  time, 
which  attend  as  of  consequence  on  the  right 
of  giving  and  disposing.  Again,  the  law  and 
customs  of  their  Parliament,  which  include  the 
usage  as  to  "  money  bills  ",  are  a  part  of  the 
law  of  their  land ;  our  ancestors  adopted  their 
system  of  law  in  the  general,  making  from 
time  to  time  such  alterations  as  local  diver 
sities  required;  but  that  part  of  their  law, 
which  relates  to  the  matter  now  in  question, 
was  never  altered  by  our  Legislature,  in  any 
period  of  its  history ;  but  on  the  contrary,  the 
two  Houses  of  Assembly,  both  under  our  re 
gal  and  republican  governments,  have  ever 
done  business  on  the  constant  admission  that 
the  law  of  Parliament  was  their  law. — 
CONGRESS  REPORT.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  136.  (1777.) 

5402. .        The   right  of  levying 

money,  in  whatever  way,  being  *  *  * 
exercised  by  the  Commons,  as  their  exclusive 
office,  it  follows,  as  a  necessary  consequence, 
that  they  may  also  exclusively  direct  its  ap 
plication.  "  Cujus  est  dare,  ejus  est  dis- 
ponere",  is  an  elementary  principle  both  of 
law  and  of  reason.  That  he  who  gives,  may 
direct  the  application  of  the  gift :  or,  in  other 
words,  may  dispose  of  it ;  that  if  he  may  give 
absolutely,  he  may  also  carve  out  the  con 
ditions,  limitations,  purposes,  and  measure  of 
the  gift,  seems  as  evidently  true  as  that  the 
greater  power  contains  the  lesser. — CONGRESS 
REPORT.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  139.  (1778.) 


5403. 


In  1701,  the  Lords  hav 


ing  amended  a  bill,  "  for  stating  and  ex 
amining  the  public  accounts ",  by  inserting 
a  clause  for  allowing  a  particular  debt,  the 
Commons  disagreed  to  the  amendment;  and 
declared  for  a  reason,  "  that  the  disposition, 
as  well  as  granting  of  money  by  act  of  Par 
liament,  hath  ever  been  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons  ;  and,  that  the  amendment  relating  to 
the  disposal  of  money  does  entrench  upon 
that  right  ".  And,  to  a  bill  of  the  same  nature 
the  year  following,  the  Lords  having  pro 
posed  an  amendment,  and  declared,  "  that 
their  right  in  gaming,  limiting,  and  dispo 
sing  of  public  aids,  being  the  main  hinge  of  the 
controversy,  they  thought  it  of  the  highest 
concern  that  it  should  be  cleared  and  settled". 
They  then  go  on  to  prove  the  usage  by  prec 
edents,  and  declarations,  and  from  these 


577 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Money  Bills 
Money  (Continental) 


conclude, "  that  the  limitation,  disposition,  and 
manner  of  account  belong  only  to  them ". 
— CONGRESS  REPORT.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  140. 
(1778.) 

5404.  MONEY    BILLS,    Virginia  Con 
stitution  and.—Had  those  who  framed  the 
[Virginia]  Constitution,  as  soon  as  they  had 
completed    that    work,    been    asked,    man    by 
man,  what  a  money  bill  was,  it  is  supposed 
that,  man  by  man,  they  would  have  referred 
for  answer  to  the  well  known  laws  and  usages 
of  Parliament,   or  would  have   formed  their 
answer   on   the    Parliamentary   idea   of   that 
term.     Its  import,  at  this  day,  must  be  the 
same  as  it  was  then.     And  it  would  be  as 
unreasonable,    now,    to    send   us   to    seek   its 
definition   in    the    subsequent   proceedings   of 
that  body,  as  it  would  have  been  for  them, 
at  that  day,  to  have  referred  us  to  such  pro 
ceedings  before  they  had  come  into  existence. 
The  meaning  of  the  term  must  be  supposed 
complete  at  the  time  they  use  it;  and  to  be 
sought  for  in  those  resources  only  which  ex 
isted  at  the  time.     Constructions,   which  do 
not  result  from  the  words  of  the  legislator, 
but  lie  hidden  in  his  breast,  till  called  forth, 
ex  post  facto,  by  subsequent  occasions,  are 
dangerous,  and  not  to  be  justified  by  ordi 
nary  emergencies. — CONGRESS  REPORT.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  138.     (1778.) 

5405.  MONEY      (Continental),     Depre 
ciation  of. — Previous  to  the  Revolution,  most 
of   the    States   were   in   the   habit,    whenever 
they  had  occasion  for  more  money  than  could 
be  raised  immediately  by  taxes,  to  issue  paper 
notes    or   bills,    in    the   name    of   the    State, 
wherein  they  promised  to  pay  to  the  bearer 
the  sum  named  in  the  note  or  bill.     In  some 
of  the  States  no  time  of  payment  was  fixed, 
nor  tax  laid  to  enable  payment.     In  these, 
the    bills    depreciated.      But    others    of    the 
States   named   in   the   bill   the   day   when   it 
should  be  paid,  laid  taxes  to  bring  in  money 
for  that  purpose,  and  paid  the  bills  punctually, 
on  or  before  the  day  named.    In  these  States, 
paper  money  was   in  as  high  estimation  as 
gold  and  silver.     On  the  commencement  of 
the  late  Revolution,  Congress  had  no  money. 
The  external  commerce  of  the  States  being 
suppressed,  the  farmer  could  not  sell  his  prod 
uce,    and,   of   course,   could   not   pay   a   tax. 
Congress  had  no  resource  then  but  in  paper 
money.     Not  being  able  to  lay  a  tax  for  its 
redemption,    they    could    only    promise    that 
taxes    should   be   laid    for   that   purpose,    so 
as  to  redeem  the  bills  by  a  certain  day.    They 
did  not  foresee  the  long  continuance  of  the 
war,    the   almost   total    suppression   of   their 
exports,  and  other  events,  which  rendered  the 
performance  of  their  engagement  impossible. 
The   paper   money   continued    for   a   twelve 
month    equal    to   gold    and    silver.      But   the 
quantities  which  they  were  obliged  to  emit 
for  the  purpose  of  the  war,   exceeded   what 
had  been  the  usual  quantity  of  the  circulating 
medium.      It    began,    therefore,    to    become 
cheaper,  or,  as  we  expressed  it,  it  depreciated, 
as  gold  and  silver  would  have  done,  had  they 
been  thrown  into  circulation  in  equal  quan 
tities.    But  not  having,  like  them,  an  intrinsic 


value,  its  depreciation  was  more  rapid  and 
greater  than  could  ever  have  happened  with 
them.  In  two  years,  it  had  fallen  to  two 
dollars  of  paper  money  for  one  of  silver;  in 
three  years,  to  four  for  one;  in  nine  months 
more,  it  fell  to  ten  for  one;  and  in  the  six 
months  following,  that  is  to  say,  by  Septem 
ber,  1779,  it  had  fallen  to  twenty  for  one. 
Congress,  alarmed  at  the  consequences  which 
were  to  be  apprehended  should  they  lose  this 
resource  altogether,  thought  it  necessary  to 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  stop  its  further 
depreciation.  They,  therefore,  determined,  in 
the  first  place,  that  their  emissions  should 
not  exceed  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars, 
to  which  term  they  were  then  nearly  arrived ; 
and  though  they  knew  that  twenty  dollars  of 
what  they  were  then  issuing  would  buy  no 
more  for  their  army  than  one  silver  dollar 
would  buy,  yet  they  thought  it  would  be 
worth  while  to  submit  to  the  sacrifice  of 
nineteen  out  of  twenty  dollars,  if  they  could 
thereby  stop  further  depreciation.  They, 
therefore  published  an  address  to  their  con 
stituents,  in  which  they  renewed  their  origi 
nal  declarations,  that  this  paper  money  should 
be  redeemed  at  dollar  for  dollar.  They 
proved  the  ability  of  the  States  to  do  this, 
and  that  their  liberty  would  be  cheaply  bought 
at  that  price.  The  declaration  was  ineffec 
tual.  No  man  received  the  money  at  a 
better  rate;  on  the  contrary,  in  six  months 
more,  that  is,  by  March,  1780,  it  had  fallen 
to  forty  for  one.  Congress  then  tried  an 
experiment  of  a  different  kind.  Considering 
their  former  offers  to  redeem  this  money  at 
par,  as  relinquished  by  the  general  refusal  to 
take  it  but  in  progressive  depreciation,  they 
required  the  whole  to  be  brought  in,  declared 
it  should  be  redeemed  at  its  present  value, 
of  forty  for  one,  and  that  they  would  give 
to  the  holders  new  bills,  reduced  in  their 
denomination  to  the  sum  of  gold  or  silver, 
which  was  actually  to  be  paid  for  them.  This 
would  reduce  the  nominal  sum  of  the  mass 
in  circulation  to  the  present  worth  of  that 
mass,  which  was  five  millions;  a  sum  not 
too  great  for  the  circulation  of  the  States,  and 
which,  they  therefore  hoped,  would  not  de 
preciate  further,  as  they  continued  firm  in 
their  purpose  of  emitting  no  more.  This  effort 
was  as  unavailing  as  the  former.  Very  little 
of  the  money  was  brought  in.  It  continued 
to  circulate  and  to  depreciate  till  the  end  of 
1780,  when  it  had  fallen  to  seventy-five  for 
one,  and  the  money  circulated  from  the 
French  army,  being,  by  that  time,  sensible  in 
all  the  States  north  of  the  Potomac,  the  paper 
ceased  its  circulation  altogether  in  those 
States.  In  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  it 
continued  a  year  longer,  within  which  time 
it  fell  to  one  thousand  for  one,  and  then 
expired,  as  it  had  done  in  the  other  States, 
without  a  single  groan.  Not  a  murmur  was 
heard  on  this  occasion  among  the  people.  On 
the  contrary,  universal  congratulations  took 
place  on  their  seeing  this  gigantic  mass,  whose 
dissolution  had  threatened  convulsions  which 
should  shake  their  infant  confederacy  to  its 
centre,  quietly  interred  in  its  grave.  For- 


Money  (Continental) 
Money  (Metallic) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


578 


eigners,  indeed,  who  do  not,  like  the  natives, 
feel  indulgence  for  its  memory,  as  of  a  being 
which  vindicated  their  liberties,  and  fallen  in 
the  moment  of  victory,  have  been  loud,  and 
still  are  loud  in  their  complaints.  A  few  of 
them  have  reason;  but  the  most  noisy  are 
not  the  best  of  them.  They  are  persons  who 
have  become  bankrupt  by  unskilful  attempts 
at  commerce  with  America.  That  they  may 
have  some  pretext  to  offer  to  their  creditors, 
they  have  bought  up  great  masses  of  this 
dead  money  in  America,  where  it  is  to  be  had 
at  five  thousand  for  one,  and  they  show  the 
certificates  of  their  paper  possessions,  as  if 
they  had  all  died  in  their  hands,  and  had  been 
the  cause  of  their  bankruptcy.  Justice  will 
be  done  to  all,  by  paying  to  all  persons  what 
this  money  actually  cost  them,  with  an  in 
terest  of  six  per  cent,  from  the  time  they  re 
ceived  it.  If  difficulties  present  themselves  in 
the  ascertaining  the  epoch  of  the  receipt,  it 
has  been  thought  better  that  the  State  should 
lose,  by  admitting  easy  proofs,  than  that  in 
dividuals,  and  especially  foreigners,  should, 
by  being  held  to  such  as  would  be  difficult, 
perhaps  impossible. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix, 
248.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  153.  (P.,  1786.) 

5406.  MONEY  (Continental),  Redemp 
tion  of. — It  will  be  asked,  how  will  the  two 
masses  of  Continental  and  State  money  have 
cost  the  people  of  the  United  States  seventy- 
two  millions  of  d6llars,  when  they  are  to  be 
redeemed,  now,  with  about  six  millions?  I 
answer,  that  the  difference,  being  sixty-six 
millions,  has  been  lost  on  the  paper  bills, 
separately,  by  the  successive  holders  of  them. 
Every  one,  through  whose  hands  a  bill  passed, 
lost  on  that  bill  what  it  lost  in  value,  during 
the  time  it  was  in  his  hands.  This  was  a 
real  tax  on  him ;  and,  in  this  way,  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  actually  contributed 
those  sixty-six  millions  of  dollars,  during  the 
war,  and  by  a  mode  of  taxation  the  most  op 
pressive  of  all,  because  the  most  unequal  of 
all. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  260.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  165.  (P.,  1786.) 

5407. .  The  soldier,  victualer, 

or  other  person  who  received  forty  dollars 
for  a  service,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1779, 
received  in  fact,  no  more  than  he  who  re 
ceived  one  dollar  for  the  same  service,  in  the 
year  1775,  or  1776;  because,  in  those  years, 
the  paper  money  was  at  par  with  silver ; 
whereas,  by  the  close  of  1799,  forty  paper 
dollars  were  worth  but  one  of  silver,  and 
would  buy  no  more  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
— To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  259.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
163.  (P.,  1786.) 

5408. .  As  to  the  paper  money 

in  your  hands,  the  States  have  not  yet  been 
able  to  take  final  arrangements  for  its  re 
demption.  But.  as  soon  as  they  get  their 
finances  into  some  order,  they  will  assuredly 
pay  for  what  it  was  worth  in  silver  at  the  time 
you  received  it,  with  interest. — To  M.  DULER. 
ii,  64.  (P.,  1786.)  See  ASSUMPTION  OF  STATE 
DEBTS. 

—  MONEY  (Metallic)  Alloy  in.— See 
DOLLAR. 


5409.  MONEY  (Metallic)  Gold  and  sil 
ver  ratio. — The  proportion  between  the 
values  of  gold  and  silver  is  a  mercantile  prob 
lem  altogether.  It  would  be  inaccurate  to  fix 
it  by  the  popular  exchanges  of  a  half  Joe  for 
eight  dollars,  a  Louis  for  four  French  crowns, 
or  five  Louis  for  twenty-three  dollars.  The 
first  of  these,  would  be  to  adopt*  the  Spanish 
proportion  between  gold  and  silver;  the  sec 
ond,  the  French;  the  third,  a  mere  popular 
barter,  wherein  convenience  is  consulted 
more  than  accuracy.  The  legal  proportion  in 
Spain  is  16  for  i ;  in  England  15  1-2  for  i ; 
in  France,  15  for  i.  *  *  *  Just  principles 
will  lead  us  to  disregard  legal  proportions  al 
together;  to  enquire  into  the  market  price  of 
gold,  in  the  several  countries  with  which  we 
shall  principally  be  connected  in  commerce, 
and  to  take  an  average  from  them.  Perhaps 
we  might,  with  safety,  lean  "to  a  proportion 
somewhat  above  par  for  gold,  considering  our 
neighborhood,  and  commerce  with  the  sources 
of  the  coins,  and  the  tendency  which  the  high 
price  of  gold  in  Spain  has,  to  draw  thither 
all  that  of  their  mines,  leaving  silver  prin 
cipally  for  our  and  other  markets.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  15  for  i,  may  be  found  an 
eligible  proportion.  I  state  it,  however,  as 
a  conjecture  only. — NOTES  ON  A  MONEY  UNIT. 
i,  168.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  452.  (1784.) 

5410. .      I    observed      *      *      * 

that  the  true  proportion  or  value  between  gold 
and  silver  was  a  mercantile  problem  alto 
gether  and  that,  perhaps,  fifteen  for  one 
might  be  found  an  eligible  proportion.  The 
Financier  [Robert  Morris]  is  so  good  as  to 
inform  me  that  this  would  be  higher  than  the 
market  would  justify.  Confident  of  his  better 
information  on  this  subject,  I  recede  from 
that  idea.f — SUPPLEMENTARY  EXPLANATIONS. 
i,  171.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  454.  (1784.) 

5411. .       There    are    particular 

public  papers  here  [Paris]  which  collect  and 
publish  with  a  good  deal  of  accuracy  the 
facts  connected  with  political  arithmetic.  In 
one  of  these  I  have  just  read  the  following 
table  of  the  proportion  between  the  value  of 
gold  and  silver  in  several  countries :  Germany 
i.  to  14  11-71.  Spain  i.  to  14  3-10.  Holland 
i.  to  14  3-4.  England  i.  to  15  1-2.  France 
i.  to  14  42-100.  Savoy  i.  to  14  3-5-  Russia 
i.  to  15.  The  average  is  i.  to  14  5-8. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  45.  (P., 
1/85.) 

5412. .    I  concur  with  you  *  *  * 

in  the  proportion  you  establish  between  the 
value  of  the  two  metals. — To  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON.  iii,  330.  (Feb.  1792.)  See 
DOLLAR. 

*  In  the  FORD  EDITION  the  text  reads,  "  would  be 
about  the  Spanish  proportion  ".—EDITOR. 

t  Jefferson  appends  this  note  :  "  In  a  newspaper, 
which  frequently  gives  good  details  in  political 
economy,  I  find  under  the  Hamburg  head,  that  the 
present  "market  price  of  gold  and  silver  is,  in  Eng 
land,  15.5  for  i ;  in  Russia,  15  ;  in  Holland,  14.75  \  *n 
Savoy,  14.6;  in  France,  14.42;  in  Spain,  14.3  ;  in  Ger 
many,  14.155  ;  the  average  of  which  is  14.675  or  14  5-8. 
I  would  still  incline  to  give  a  little  more  than  the 
market  price  for  gold,  because  of  its  superior  con 
venience  in  transportation." — EDITOR. 


579 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Money  (Metallic) 
Monopoly 


5413.  MONEY  (Metallic), Payments  in. 
— As   the   laws   authorize   the  payment   of  a 
given  number  of  dollars  to  you,  and  as  your 
duties  place  you  in  London,  I  suppose  we  are 
to  pay  you  the  dollars  there,  or  other  money 
of  equal  value,  estimated  by  the  par  of  the 
metals.  Such  has,  accordingly,  been  the  prac 
tice   ever    since    the   close   of    the    war. — To 
THOMAS  PINCKNEY.   iii,  526.  (Pa.,  1793.)    See 
BANKS,    DOLLAR,  •  MONEY,    NATIONAL    CUR 
RENCY,  and  PAPER  MONEY. 

5414.  MONEY    (Metallic)    vs.    PAPER 
MONEY. — Sober  thinkers  cannot  prefer  a  pa 
per  medium  at  13  per  cent,  interest  to  gold 
and  silver  for  nothing. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  350.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

5415.  —        — .     Experience    has    proved 
to  us  that  a  dollar  of  silver  disappears  for 
every    dollar    of    paper   emitted. — To   JAMES 
MONROE,     iii,  268.     FORD  ED.,  v,  353.     (Pa., 
July,  1791-) 

5416.  -  — .  Admit  none  but  a  metallic 
circulation  that  will  take  its  proper  level  with 
the   like   circulation    in   other   countries. — To 
CHARLES  PINCKNEY.     vii,   180.     FORD  ED.,  x, 
162.     (M.,  1820.)     See  MONEY. 

5417.  MONOPOLY,  Abolish.— It  is  bet 
ter  to  abolish  monopolies  in  all  cases,  than 
not  to  do  it  in  any. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    ii, 
446.    FORD  ED.,  v,  46.     (P.,  1788.) 

5418.  MONOPOLY,   Banking.— The  bill 
for  establishing  a  National  Bank  undertakes 
*    *    *    ,  to  form  the  subscribers  into  a  cor 
poration  [and]    *    *    *    to  give  them  the  sole 
and    exclusive    right    of    banking    under    the 
national  authority;  and  so  far  is  against  the 
laws  of  Monopoly. — NATIONAL  BANK  OPIN 
ION,    vii,  555.    FORD  ED.,  v,  285.     (1791.)     See 
BANKS,     NATIONAL     CURRENCY    and    PAPER 
MONEY. 

5419. .     These  foreign  and  false 

citizens  *  *  *  are  advancing  fast  to  a 
monopoly  of  our  banks  and  public  funds, 
thereby  placing  our  finances  under  their  con 
trol. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  172.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  121.  (Pa.,  1797- ) 

5420.  MONOPOLY,  Colonies  and.— The 
monopoly  of  our  [the  Colonies]  trade    *    *    * 
brings  greater  loss  to  us  and  benefit  to  them 
than  the  amount  of  our  proportional  contri 
butions  to  the  common  defence  [of  the  em 
pire]. — ADDRESS     TO     GOVERNOR     DUNMORE. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  457.     (I775-) 

5421.  -  — .     The  Congress  stated  the 
lowest  terms  they  thought  possible  to  be  ac 
cepted,  in  order  to  convince  the  world  they 
were  not  unreasonable.     They  gave  up  the 
monopoly  and   regulation   of   trade,   and   all 
acts  of  Parliament  prior  to  1764,  leaving  to 
British   generosity   to   render   these,   at   some 
future  time,  as  easy  to  America  as  the  in 
terest    of    Britain    would    admit. — To    JOHN 
RANDOLPH,     i,  201.     FORD  ED.,  i,  483.     (M., 
I775-) 

5422.  -  — .     It  is  not  just  that  the 
Colonies  should  be  required  to  oblige  them 


selves  to  other  contributions  while  Great 
Britain  possesses  a  monopoly  of  their  trade. 
This  does  of  itself  lay  them  under  heavy 
contribution.  To  demand,  therefore,  an  ad 
ditional  contribution  in  the  form  of  a  tax, 
is  to  demand  the  double  of  their  equal  pro 
portion.  If  we  are  to  contribute  equally  with 
the  other  parts  of  the  empire,  let  us  equally 
with  them  enjoy  free  commerce  with  the 
whole  world.  But  while  the  restrictions  on 
pur  trade  shut  to  us  the  resources  of  wealth, 
is  it  just  we  should  bear  all  other  burthens 
equally  with  those  to  whom  every  resource 
is  open? — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S  PROPO 
SITION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  479.  (July  1775.)  See 
COLONIES. 

5423.  MONOPOLY,  Commerce  and.— By 
a  declaration  of  rights,  I  mean  one  which 
shall  stipulate  *  *  *  freedom  of  commerce 
against  monopolies. — To  A.  DONALD,  ii,  355. 
(P.,  1788.) 

5424 — .  The  British  have  wished 

a  monopoly  of  commerce  *  *  *  with  us, 
and  they  have  in  fact  obtained  it. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  172.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  121. 
(Pa.,  1797.)  See  COMMERCE  and  FREE  TRADE. 

5425. .     Nor  should  we  wonder 

at  *  *  *  [the]  pressure  [for  a  fixed  con 
stitution  in  1788-9]  when  we  consider  the 
monstrous  abuses  of  power  under  which 

*  *     *     [the  French]   people  were  ground 
to    powder;    when    we    pass    in    review    the 

*  *     *     shackles  on  commerce  by  monopo 
lies. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  86.    FORD  ED.,  i,  118. 
(1821.) 

5426.  MONOPOLY,    Corporations.— Nor 
should  we  wonder  at  the  pressure  [for  a  fixed 
constitution  in  France  in   1788-9],  when  we 
consider  the  monstrous  abuses  of  power  un 
der  which  this  people  were  ground  to  powder, 

*  *    *    the  shackles    *    *    *     ;  on  industry 
by  guilds  and  corporations    *     *    *     . — AU 
TOBIOGRAPHY,    i,  86.    FORD  ED.,  i,  1 18.    (1821.) 
See  INCORPORATION. 

5427.  MONOPOLY,  Farmers  General.— 
The  true  obstacle  to  this  proposition  has  pen 
etrated,    in    various    ways,    through   the    veil 
which     covers     it.       The     influence     of     the 
Farmers  General  has  been  heretofore  found 
sufficient   to   shake   a   minister   in   his   office. 
Monsieur   de   Calonne's   continuance   or   dis 
mission  has  been  thought,  for  some  time,  to 
be  on  a  poise.     Were  he  to  shift  this  great 
weight,  therefore,  out  of  his  own  scale  into 
that  of  his  adversaries,  it  would  decide  their 
preponderance.    The  joint  interests  of  France 
and   America   would   be   insufficient  counter 
poise  in  his  favor. — REPORT  TO  CONGRESS,    ix, 
242.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  129.     (P.,  1785.) 

5428. .     As    to    the    article    of 

tobacco,  which  had  become  an  important 
branch  of  remittance  to  almost  all  the  States, 
I  had  the  honor  of  communicating  to  you  my 
proposition  to  the  Court  to  abolish  the  monop 
oly  of  it  in  their  farm;  that  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  was,  I  thought,  thoroughly  sen 
sible  of  the  expediency  of  this  proposition, 
and  disposed  to  befriend  it;  that  the  renewal 


Monopoly 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


580 


of  the  lease  of  the  farms  had  been  conse 
quently  suspended  six  months  and  was  still 
in  suspense,  but  that  so  powerful  were  the 
Farmers  General  and  so  tottering  the  tenure 
of  the  Minister  of  Finance  in  his  office,  that 
I  despaired  of  preventing  the  renewal  of  the 
farm  at  that  time.  Things  were  in  this  state 
when  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  *  *  * 
proposed  to  me  a  conference  with  some  per 
sons  well  acquainted  with  the  commercial 
system  of  this  country.  We  met.  They 
proposed  the  endeavoring  to  have  a  committee 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  subject.  The 
proposition  was  made  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  who  befriended  it,  and  had  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette  named  a  member  of  the 
committee.  He  became,  of  course,  the  ac 
tive  and  truly  zealous  member  for  the  liberty 
of  commerce;  others,  though  well-disposed, 
not  choosing  to  oppose  the  farm  openly. 
*  *  *  The  committee  showed  an  early  and 
decisive  conviction  that  the  measure  taken 
by  the  farm  to  put  the  purchase  of  their  to 
baccos  into  monopoly  on  that  side  of  the 
water,  as  the  sale  of  them  was  on  this, 
tended  to  the  annihilation  of  commerce  be 
tween  the  two  countries.  Various  palliatives 
were  proposed  from  time  to  time.  I  confess 
that  I  met  them  all  with  indifference;  my 
object  being  a  radical  cure  of  the  evils  by 
discontinuing  the  farm,  and  not  a  mere  as 
suagement  of  it  for  the  present  moment, 
which,  rendering  it  more  bearable,  might  les 
sen  the  necessity  of  removing  it  totally,  and 
perhaps  prevent  that  removal. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  232.  (P.,  1786.) 

5429. .    The  Count  de  Vergennes 

said  that  the  difficulty  of  changing  so  ancient 
an  institution  [Farmers  General]  was  im 
mense;  that  the  King  draws  from  it  a  rev 
enue  of  29  millions  of  livres;  that  an  inter- 
ruption  of  this  revenue  at  least,  if  not  a 
diminution,  would  attend  a  change;  that 
their  finances  were  not  in  a  condition  to  bear 
even  an  interruption,  and  in  short  that  no 
minister  could  venture  to  take  upon  himself 
so  hazardous  an  operation.  This  was  only 
saying  explicitly  what  I  had  long  been  sen 
sible  of,  that  the  Comptroller  General's  con 
tinuance  in  office  was  too  much  on  a  poise  to 
permit  him  to  shift  this  weight  out  of  his 
own  scale  into  that  of  his  adversaries;  and 
that  we  must  be  contented  to  await  the  com 
pletion  of  the  public  expectation  that  there 
will  be  a  change  in  this  office,  which  change 
may  give  us  another  chance  for  effecting  this 
desirable  reformation. — To  JOHN  JAY.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  234.  (P.,  1786.) 

5430. .  The  only  question  agi 
tated  [at  the  next  meeting  of  the  committee] 
was  how  best  to  relieve  the  trade  under  its 
double  monopoly.  The  committee  found 
themselves  supported  by  the  presence  and 
sentiments  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  They, 
therefore,  resolved  that  the  contract  with  Mr. 
Morris,  if  executed  on  his  part,  ought  not  to 
be  annulled  here,  but  that  no  similar  one 
should  ever  be  made  hereafter ;  that,  so  long 
as  it  continued,  the  Farmers  should  be 
obliged  to  purchase  from  twelve  to  fifteen 


thousand  hhds.  of  tobacco  a  year,  over  and 
above  what  they  should  receive  from  Mr. 
Morris,  from  such  merchants  as  should  bring 
it  in  French  or  American  vessels,  on  the  same 
conditions  contracted  with  Mr.  Morris ;  pro 
viding,  however,  that  where  the  cargo  shall 
not  be  assorted,  the  prices  shall  be  $38,  $36 
and  $34  for  the  ist,  2d  and  3d  qualities  of 
whichsoever  the  cargo  may  consist.  In  case  of 
dispute  about  the  quality,  specimens  are  to  be 
sent  to  the  council,  who  will  appoint  persons 
to  examine  and  decide  on  it.  This  is  indeed 
the  least  bad  of  all  the  palliatives  which  have 
been  proposed;  but  it  contains  the  seeds  of 
perpetual  trouble.  It  is  easy  to  foresee  that 
the  Farmers  will  multiply  the  difficulties  and 
vexations  on  those  who  shall  propose  to  sell 
to  them  by  force,  and  that  these  will  be 
making  perpetual  complaints,  so  that  both 
parties  will  be  kept  on  the  fret.  If,  without 
fatiguing  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the 
ministry,  this  should  give  them  just  so  much 
trouble  as  may  induce  them  to  look  to  the 
demolition  of  the  monopoly  as  a  desirable 
point  of  rest,  it  may  produce  permanent  as 
well  as  temporary  good. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  235.  (P.,  1786.) 

5431.  -  — .  The  body  [Farmers  Gen 
eral]  to  which  this  monopoly  [tobacco]  was 
given,  was  not  mercantile.  Their  object  is 
to  simplify  as  much  as  possible  the  adminis 
tration  of  their  affairs.  They  sell  for  cash; 
they  purchase,  therefore,  with  cash.  Their 
interest,  their  principles  and  their  practice, 
seem  opposed  to  the  general  interest  of  the 
kingdom,  which  would  require  that  this  cap 
ital  article  should  be  laid  open  to  a  free  ex 
change  for  the  productions  of  this  country. 
So  far  does  the  spirit  of  simplifying  their 
operations  govern  this  body,  that  relinquish 
ing  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  com 
petition  of  sellers,  they  contracted  some  time 
ago  with  a  single  person  (Mr.  Morris),  for 
three  years'  supplies  of  American  tobacco,  to 
be  paid  for  in  cash.  They  obliged  themselves 
too,  expressly,  to  employ  no  other  person  to 
purchase  in  America,  during  that  term.  In 
consequence  of  this,  the  mercantile  houses  of 
France,  concerned  in  sending  her  productions 
to  be  exchanged  for  tobacco,  cut  off,  for  three 
years,  from  the  hope  of  selling  these  tobaccos 
in  France,  were  of  necessity  to  abandon  that 
commerce.  In  consequence  of  this,  too,  a 
single  individual,  constituted  sole  purchaser 
of  so  great  a  proportion  of  the  tobaccos  made, 
had  the  price  in  his  own  power.  A  great  re 
duction  in  it  took  place,  and  that,  not  only 
on  the  quantity  he  bought,  but  on  the  whole 
quantity  made.  The  loss  to  the  States  pro 
ducing  the  article  did  not  go  to  cheapening 
it  for  their  friends  here.  Their  price  was 
fixed.  What  was  gained  on  their  consump 
tion  was  to  enrich  the  person  purchasing  it; 
the  rest,  the  monopolists  and  merchants  of 
other  countries. — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN. 
ii,  186.  (P.,  1787.) 

5432.  MONOPOLY,    Indian    trade.— 

Colonel     McGillivray,    with    a    company    ot 
British  merchants,  having  hitherto  enjoyed  a 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monopoly 


monopoly  of  the  commerce  of  the  Creek  na 
tion,  with  a  right  of  importing  their  goods 
duty  free,  and  considering  these  privileges  as 
the  principal  sources  of  his  power  over  that 
nation,  is  unwilling  to  enter  into  treaty  with 
us,  unless  they  can  be  continued  to  him. 
And  the  question  is  how  this  may  be  done 
consistently  with  our  laws,  and  so  as  to  avoid 
just  complaints  from  those  of  our  citizens  who 
would  wish  to  participate  of  the  trade?  Our 
citizens,  at  this  time,  are  not  permitted  to 
trade  in  that  nation.  The  nation  has  a  right 
to  give  us  their  peace,  and  to  withhold  their 
commerce,  to  place  it  under  whatever  monop 
olies  or  regulations  they  please.  If  they  in 
sist  that  only  Colonel  McGillivray  and  his 
company  shall  be  permitted  to  trade  among 
them,  we  have  no  right  to  say  the  contrary. 
We  shall  even  gain  some  advantage  in  substi 
tuting  citizens  of  the  United  States  instead 
of  British  subjects,  as  associates  of  Colonel 
McGillivray,  and  excluding  both  British  sub 
jects  and  Spaniards  from  the  country.  Sup 
pose,  then,  it  be  expressly  stipulated  by  treaty, 
that  no  person  be  permitted  to  trade  in  the 
Creek  country,  without  a  license  from  the 
President,  but  that  a  fixed  number  shall  be 
permitted  to  trade  there  at  all,  and  that  the 
goods  imported  for  and  sent  to  the  Creek  na 
tion,  shall  be  duty  free.  It  may  further  be 
either  expressed  that  the  person  licensed  shall 
be  approved  by  the  leader  or  leaders  of  the 
nation,  or  without  this,  it  may  be  understood 
between  the  President  and  McGillivray  that 
the  stipulated  number  of  licenses  shall  be 
sent  to  him  blank,  to  fill  up. — OPINION  ON 
INDIAN  TRADE,  vii,  504.  FORD  ED.,  v,  215. 
(1790.) 

5433 .  The  enclosed  reclamations 

of  Girod  and  Choate  against  the  claims  of 
Bapstropp  to  a  monopoly  of  the  Indian  com 
merce,  supposed  to  be  under  the  protection  of 
the  3rd  article  of  the  Louisiana  Convention, 
as  well  as  some  other  claims  to  abusive 
grants,  will  probably  force  us  to  meet  that 
question.  *  *  *  Congress  has  [extended] 
about  twenty  particular  laws  *  *  to 

Louisiana.  Among  these  is  the  act  concerning 
intercourse  with  the  Indians,  which  estab 
lishes  a  system  of  intercourse  with  them  ad 
mitting  no  monopoly.  That  class  of  rights, 
therefore,  is  now  taken  from  under  the  treaty, 
and  placed  under  the  principles  of  our  laws. 
— To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  313. 
(July  1804.) 

5434.  MONOPOLY,    Of   influence.— The 
British    have    wished    a    monopoly    of    influ 
ence   with    us,    and    they    have,    in    fact,    ob 
tained  it. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,    iv,  172.    FORD 
ED.,  vii,  121.     (Pa.,  1797.) 

5435.  MONOPOLY,  Inventions  and.— I 
like  the  declaration  of  rights  as  far  as  it  goes, 
but  I  should  have  been  for  going  further.   For 
instance,  the  following  alterations  and  addi 
tions   would   have   pleased    me.      *     *     *     . 
Article.  9.  Monopolies  may  be  allowed  to  per 
sons  for  their  own  productions  in  literature, 
and  their  own   inventions  in  the  arts,   for  a 
term    not    exceeding   —    years,    but    for    no 


longer  term,  and  for  no  other  purpose. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  101.  FORD  ED.,  v,  113. 
(P.,  Aug.  1789.) 

5436.  .      To     embarrass     society 

with   monopolies   for  every  utensil   existing, 
and  in  all  the  details  of  life,  would  be  more 
injurious  to  them  than  had  the  supposed  in 
ventors   never   existed;    because   the   natural 
understanding   of   its    members    would    have 
suggested  the  same  things  or  others  as  good. 

—To  OLIVER  EVANS,  v,  75.  (M.,  1807.) 
See  INVENTIONS  and  PATENTS. 

5437.  MONOPOLY,  Of  the  judiciary.— 

It  is  the  self-appointment  [of  the  county 
courts]  I  wish  to  correct;  to  find  some 
means  of  breaking  up  a  cabal,  when  such  a 
one  gets  possession  of  the  bench.  When  this 
takes  place,  it  becomes  the  most  afflicting  of 
tyrannies,  because  its  powers  are  so  various, 
and  exercised  on  everything  most  immediately 
around  us.  And  how  many  instances  have 
you  and  I  known  of  these  monopolies  of  county 
administration?  I  know  a  county  in  which  a 
particular  family  (a  numerous  one)  got  pos 
session  of  the  bench,  and  for  a  whole  genera 
tion  never  admitted  a  man  on  it  who  was  not 
of  its  clan  or  connection.  I  know  a  county 
now  of  one  thousand  and  five  hundred  militia, 
of  which  sixty  are  federalists.  Its  court  is  of 
thirty  members,  of  whom  twenty  are  feder 
alists  (every  third  man  of  the  sect).  There 
are  large  and  populous  districts  in  it  without 
a  justice,  because  without  a  federalist  for 
appointment;  the  militia  are  as  dispropor 
tionately  under  federal  officers.  *  *  *  The 
remaining  one  thousand  four  hundred  and 
forty,  free,  fighting  and  paying  citizens,  are 
governed  by  men  neither  of  their  choice  or 
confidence,  and  without  a  hope  of  relief. 
They  are  certainly  excluded  from  the  bless 
ings  of  a  free  government  for  life,  and  in 
definitely,  for  aught  the  Constitution  has  pro 
vided.  This  solecism  may  be  called  anything 
but  republican. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR,  vii,  18. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  52.  (M.,  1816.) 

5438.  MONOPOLY,  Land.— The  property 
of    France    is    absolutely    concentrated    in    a 
very  few  hands,  having  revenues  of  from  half 
a    million    of    guineas    a    year    downwards. 
These  employ  the  flower  of  the  country  as 
servants,   some  of  them  having  as  many  as 
two  hundred  domestics,  not  laboring.     They 
employ    also    a    great    number    of    manufac 
turers,  and  tradesmen,  and  lastly  the  class  of 
laboring    husbandmen.      But   after   all,    there 
comes  the  most  numerous  of  all  the  classes, 
that  is,  the  poor  who  cannot  find  work.     I 
asked  myself  what  could  be  the  reason  that  so 
many   should   be   permitted   to   beg   who   are 
willing  to  work,  in  a  country  where  there  is 
a  very  considerable  proportion  of  uncultivated 
lands?    Those  lands  are  undisturbed  only  for 
the  sake  of  game.     It  should  seem  then  that 
it  must  be  because  of  the  enormous  wealth  of 
the  proprietors  which  places  them  above  at 
tention  to  the  increase  of  their  revenues  by 
permitting  these  lands  to  be  labored. — To  REV. 
JAMES   MADISON.      FORD  ED.,  vii,   35.      (P., 
1785.) 


Monopoly 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


582 


5439.  MONOPOLY,  Limited.— I  sincerely 
rejoice  at  the  acceptance  of  the  new  Constitu 
tion   by  nine   States.     It   is   a   good  canvas, 
on  which  some  strokes  only  want  retouching. 
What  these  are,  I  think  are  sufficiently  mani 
fested   by   the   general   voice    from   north   to 
south,   which  calls   for  a  bill   of   rights.     It 
seems  pretty  generally  understood   that  this 
should  go  to     *     *     *     monopolies.     * 

The  saying  there  shall  be  no  monopolies, 
lessens  the  incitements  to  ingenuity,  which  is 
spurred  on  by  the  hope  of  a  monopoly  for 
a  limited  time,  as  of  fourteen  years;  but  the 
benefit  of  even  limited  monopolies  is  too 
doubtful  to  be  opposed  to  that  of  their  gen 
eral  suppression. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  ii, 
445.  FORD  ED.,  v,  45.  (P.,  July  1788.) 

5440.  MONOPOLY,       Military.— Nor 
should  we  wonder  at  the  pressure  [for  a  fixed 
constitution  in  1788-9],  when  we  consider  the 
monstrous    abuses    of    power    under    which 

*  *     *     the    [French]    people  were  ground 
to    powder,    when    we    pass    in    review    the 

*  *    *     monopoly  of  military  honors  by  the 
noblesse    *    *    *    . — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,     i,  86. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  118.     (1821.) 

5441.  MONOPOLY,  Of  office.— When  it 
is   considered  that   during  the   late  adminis 
tration,  those  who  were  not  of  a  particular 
sect  of  politics  were, excluded  from  all  office; 
when,   by  a  steady  pursuit  of  this  measure, 
nearly  the  whole  offices  of  the  United  States 
were    monopolized   by    that    sect ;    when    the 
public  sentiment  at  length  declared  itself,  and 
burst  open  the  doors  of  honor  and  confidence 
to    those    whose    opinions    they    more    ap 
proved,    was    it    to    be    imagined    that    this 
monopoly    of    office    was    still    to    be    con 
tinued  in  the  hands  of  the  minority?     Does 
it  violate  their  equal  rights  to  assert  some 
rights    in    the    majority    also?     Is    it    polit 
ical    intolerance    to    claim    a    proportionate 
share  in  the  direction  of  the  public  affairs? 
Can    they    not    harmonise    in    society    unless 
they   have   everything   in    their   own   hands? 
—To  THE  NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,    iv,  404. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  69.     (W.,  July  1801.) 

5442.  MONOPOLY,  Restrict.— [  do  not 
like    [in  the  new   Federal   Constitution]    the 
omission  of  a  bill  of  rights,  providing  clearly 
and  without  the  aid  of  sophisms  for    : 
restriction  of  monopolies. — To  JAMES   MAD 
ISON,    ii,  329.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  476.     (P.,  Decem 
ber  1787.) 

5443.  MONOPOLY,    Special   privileges. 
— Monopolizing    compensations     are     among 
the  most   fatal   abuses   which   some  govern 
ments  practice  from  false  economy. — OPINION 
ON  STEVENS  CASE,    ix,  474.     (1804.) 

5444.  MONOPOLY,    Suppress.— A    com 
pany  had  silently  and  by  unfair  means  ob 
tained  a  monopoly  for  the  making  and  sell 
ing  spermaceti  candles  [in  France].    As  soon 
as  we*   discovered   it,   we   solicited  its  sup 
pression  which  is  effected  by  a  clause  in  the 
Arret.— To  JOHN  JAY.    ii,  342.     (P.,  1787.) 

*  An  acknowledgment  of  Lafayette's  assistance. — 
EDITOR. 


5445.  MONOPOLY,  Tobacco.— The  aboli 
tion  of  the  monopoly  of  our  tobacco  in  the 
hands  of  the  Farmers  General  will  be  pushed 
by  us  with  all  our  force.  But  it  is  so  inter 
woven  with  the  very  foundations  of  their  sys 
tem  of  finance  that  it  is  of  doubtful  event. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  20.  (P., 
Dec.  1784.) 

5446. .    The    monopoly    of    the 

purchase  of  tobacco  in  France  discourages 
both  the  French  and  American  merchant 
from  bringing  it  here,  and  from  taking  in  ex 
change  the  manufactures  and  productions  of 
France.  It  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  trade, 
and  to  the  dispositions  of  merchants,  to  carry 
a  commodity  to  any  market  where  but  one 
person  is  allowed  to  buy  it,  and  where,  of 
course,  that  person  fixes  its  price  which  the 
seller  must  receive,  or  reexport  his  com 
modity,  at  the  loss  of  his  voyage  thither. 
Experience  accordingly  shows  that  they  carry 
it  to  other  markets,  and  that  they  take  in 
exchange  the  merchandise  of  the  place  where 
they  deliver  it.  I  am  misinformed,  if  France 
has  not  been  furnished  from  a  neighboring 
nation  with  considerable  quantities  of  to 
bacco  since  the  peace,  and  been  obliged  to 
pay  there  in  coin,  what  might  have  been  paid 
here  (France)  in  manufactures,  had  the 
French  and  American  merchants  brought  the 
tobacco  originally  here.  I  suppose,  too,  that 
the  purchases  made  by  the  Farmers  General 
in  America  are  paid  for  chiefly  in  coin,  which 
coin  is  also  remitted  directly  hence  to  Eng 
land,  and  makes  an  important  part  of  the 
balance  supposed  to  be  in  favor  of  that  na 
tion  against  this.  Should  the  Farmers  Gen 
eral,  by  themselves,  or  by  the  company  to 
whom  they  may  commit  the  procuring  these 
tobaccos  from  America,  require,  for  the  sat 
isfaction  of  government  on  this  head,  the  ex 
portation  of  a  proportion  of  merchandise  in 
exchange  for  them,  it  would  be  an  unprom 
ising  expedient.  It  would  only  commit  the 
exports,  as  well  as  imports,  between  France 
and  America,  to  a  monopoly  which,  being 
secure  against  rivals  in  the  sale  of  the 
merchandise  of  France,  would  not  be  likely 
to  sell  at  such  moderate  prices  as  might  en 
courage  its  consumption  there,  and  enable  it 
to  bear  a  competition  with  similar  articles 
from  other  countries.  I  am  persuaded  this 
exportation  of  coin  may  be  prevented,  and 
that  of  commodities  effected,  by  leaving  both 
operations  to  the  French  and  American 
merchants,  instead  of  the  Farmers  General. 
They  will  import  a  sufficient  quantity  of  to 
bacco,  if  they  are  allowed  a  perfect  freedom 
in  the  sale;  and  they  will  receive  in  pay 
ment,  wines,  oils,  brandies,  and  manufac 
tures,  instead  of  coin ;  forcing  each  other,  by 
their  competition,  to  bring  tobaccos  of  the 
best  quality ;  to  give  to  the  French  manufac 
turer  the  full  worth  of  his  merchandise,  and 
to  sell  to  the  American  consumer  at  the 
lowest  price  they  can  afford ;  thus  encoura 
ging  him  to  use,  in  preference,  the  merchan 
dise  of  this  country. — To  COUNT  DE  VER- 
GENNES.  i.  386.  (P.,  1785.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monopoly 


5447. .     if,  by  a  simplification  of 

the  collection  of  the  King's  duty  on  tobacco, 
the  cost  of  that  collection  can  be  reduced  even 
to  five  per  cent.,  or  a  million  and  a  half,  in 
stead  of  twenty-five  millions  ;  the  price  to  the 
consumer  will  be  reduced  from  three  to  two 
livres  the  pound.  *  *  *  The  price,  being 
thus  reduced  one-third,  would  be  brought 
within  the  reach  of  a  new  and  numerous  circle 
of  the  people,  who  cannot,  at  present,  afford 
themselves  this  luxury.  The  consumption, 
then,  would  probably  increase,  and  perhaps,  in 
the  same  if  not  a  greater  proportion  with  the 
reduction  of  the  price ;  that  is  to  say,  from 
twenty-four  to  thirty-six  millions  of  pounds ; 
and  the  King,  continuing  to  receive  twenty- 
five  sous  on  the  pound,  as  at  present,  would  re 
ceive  forty-five  instead  of  thirty  millions  of 
livres,  while  his  subjects  would  pay  but  two 
livres  for  an  object  which  has  heretofore  cost 
them  three.  Or  if,  in  event,  the  consumption 
were  not  to  be  increased,  he  would  levy  only 
forty-eight  millions  on  his  people,  where  sev 
enty-two  millions  are  now  levied,  and  would 
leave  twenty-four  millions  in  their  pockets, 
either  to  remain  there,  or  to  be  levied  in 
some  other  form,  should  the  state  of  revenue 
require  it.  It  will  enable  his  subjects,  also, 
to  dispose  of  between  nine  and  ten  millions 
worth  of  their  produce  and  manufactures, 
instead  of  sending  nearly  that  sum  annually, 
in  coin,  to  enrich  a  neighboring  nation. — To 
COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  i,  388.  (P.,  1785.) 

5448.  — .     I  have  heard  two  objec 
tions  made  to  the  suppression  of  this  monopoly. 
i.    That   it   might   increase   the   importation   of 
tobacco  in  contraband.     2.  That  it  would  lessen 
the  abilities  of  the   Farmers   General   to   make 
occasional  loans  of  money  to  the  public  treas- 
ury      *     *     *     \vith      respect      to      the      first 
*     *     *     I   may  observe  that  contraband  does 
not  increase  on  lessening  the  temptations  to  it. 
It  is  now  encouraged  by  those  who  engage  in 
it  being  able  to  sell  for  sixty   sous  what  cost 
but  fourteen,  leaving  a  gain  of  forty-six  sous. 
When    the   price    shall   be   reduced    from   sixty 
to  forty  sous,  the  gain  will  be  but  twenty-six, 
that    is    to    say,    a    little    more    than    one-half 
of  what  it  is  at  present.     It  does  not  seem  a 
natural     consequence     then,     that     contraband 
should  be  increased  by  reducing  its  gain  nearly 
one-half.     As    to    the    second    objection,    if   we 
suppose    (for    elucidation    and    without    presu 
ming  to  fix)  the  proportion  of  the  farm  on  to 
bacco,  at  one-eighth  of  the  whole  mass  farmed, 
the   abilities   of   the    Farmers    General   to    lend 
will    be   reduced    one-eighth,    that   is,    they    can 
hereafter  lend  only  seven  millions,  where  here 
tofore  they   have   lent  eight.     It   is   to   be   con 
sidered,    then,    whether    this    eighth    (or    other 
proportion,    whatever   it   be)    is   worth   the   an 
nual   sacrifice   of  twenty-four  millions,   or  if  a 
much  smaller  sacrifice  to  other  moneyed  men, 
v/ill  not  produce  the  same  loans  of  money   in 
the  ordinary   way. — To   COUNT  DE   VERGENNES. 
i,  389.     (P-,  1785.) 

5449. .    While  the  advantages  of 

an  increase  of  revenue  to  the  crown,  a  dimi 
nution  of  impost  on  the  people,  and  a  payment 
in    merchandise,    instead    of    money,    are    con 
jectured   as  likely  to   result  to   France   from   a 
suppression    of    the    monopoly    on    tobacco,    we 
have  also  reason  to  hope  some  advantages  on 
our    part     *  *     .     I    do    not    expect    this 

advantage    will    be    by    any    augmentation    of 
price.     The  other  markets  of  Europe  have  too 
much    influence    on    this    article    to    admit    any 
sensible   augmentation    of   price   to    take   place. 
But   the   advantage   I   principally   expect   is   an 


increase  of  consumption.  This  will  give  us 
a  vent  for  so  much  more,  and,  of  consequence, 
find  employment  for  so  many  more  cultivators 
of  the  earth  ;  and,  in  whatever  proportion  it  in 
creases  this  production  for  us,  in  the  same 
proportion  will  it  procure  additional  vent  for 
the  merchandise  of  France,  and  employment 
for  the  hands  that  produce  it.  I  expect,  too, 
that  by  bringing  our  merchants  here,  they 
would  procure  a  number  of  commodities  in 
exchange,  better  in  kind  and  cheaper  in  price. 
— To  THE  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  i,  390.  (P., 
1785.) 

5450. .    I  observed  [to  the  Count 

de  Vergennes]  that  France  paid  us  two  millions 
of  livres  for  tobacco  ;  that  for  such  portions  of 
it  as  were  bought  in  London,  they  sent  the 
money  directly  there,  and  for  what  they  bought 
in  the  United  States,  the  money  was  still  re 
mitted  to  London  by  bills  of  exchange ;  whereas, 
if  they  would  permit  our  merchants  to  sell  this 
article  freely,  they  would  bring  it  here,  and 
take  the  returns  on  the  spot  in  merchandise,  not 
money.  The  Count  observed  that  my  proposi 
tion  contained  what  was  doubtless  useful,  but 
that  the  king  received  on  this  article,  at  pres 
ent,  a  revenue  of  twenty-eight  millions,  which 
was  so  considerable  as  to  render  them  fearful 
of  tampering  with  it ;  that  the  collection  of 
this  revenue  by  way  of  Farm  was  of  very 
ancient  date,  and  that  it  was  always  hazardous 
to  alter  arrangements  of  long  standing,  and  of 
such  infinite  combinations  with  the  fiscal  sys 
tem.  I  answered,  that  the  simplicity  of  the 
mode  of  collection  proposed  for  this  article, 
withdrew  it  from  all  fear  of  deranging  other 
parts  of  their  system ;  that  I  supposed  they 
would  confine  the  importation  to  some  of 
their  principal  ports,  probably  not  more  than 
five  or  six ;  that  a  single  collector  in  each  of 
these  was  the  only  new  officer  requisite ;  that 
he  could  get  rich  himself  on  six  livres  a  hogs 
head,  and  would  receive  the  whole  revenue, 
and  pay  it  into  the  treasury,  at  short  hand. — 
CONFERENCE  WITH  COUNT  DE  VERGENNES.  ix, 
232.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  119.  (1785.) 

5451. .     I     have     received     the 

propositions  of  Messrs.  Ross,  Pleasants,  &c.,  for 
furnishing  tobacco  to  the  Farmers  General ;  but 
Mr.  Morris  had,  in  the  meantime,  obtained  the 
contract.  I  have  been  fully  sensible  of  the  bane 
ful  influence  on  the  commerce  of  France  and 
America,  which  this  double  monopoly  will  have. 
I  have  struck  at  its  root  here,  and  spared  no 
pains  to  have  the  farm  itself  demolished,  but  it 
has  been  in  vain.  The  persons  interested  in  it 
are  too  powerful  to  be  opposed,  even  by  the 
interest  of  the  whole  country. — To  GOVERNOR 
PATRICK  HENRY,  i,  515.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  137. 
(P.,  1786.) 

5452. . — .    Till  I  see  all  hope  of  re- 

moving  the  evil  [the  tobacco  monopoly  in 
France]  by  the  roots  desperate,  I  cannot  pro 
pose  to  prune  its  branches. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i, 
549.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  213.  (P.,  1786.) 

5453. .      Morris's     contract     for 

sixty  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  has  been 
concluded  with  the  Farmers  General.  I  have 
been  for  some  time  occupied  in  endeavoring  to 
destroy  the  root  of  the  evils  which  the  tobacco 
trade  encounters  in  this  country,  by  making 
the  ministers  sensible  that  merchants  will  not 
bring  a  commodity  to  a  market,  where  but  one 
person  is  allowed  to  buy  it ;  and  that  so  long 
as  that  single  purchaser  is  obliged  to  go  to  for 
eign  markets  for  it,  he  must  pay  for  it  in  coin, 
and  not  in  commodities.  These  truths  have 
made  their  way  to  the  minds  of  the  ministry, 


Monopoly 
Monroe  Dootrh 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


584 


insomuch  as  to  have  delayed  the  execution  of 
the  new  lease  of  the  Farms  six  months.  It  is 
renewed,  however,  for  three  years,  but  so  as 
not  to  render  impossible  a  reformation  of  this 
great  evil.  They  are  sensible  of  the  evil,  but  it 
is  so  interwoven  with  their  fiscal  system,  that 
they  find  it  hazardous  to  disentangle.  The 
temporary  distress,  too,  of  the  revenue,  they 
are  not  prepared  to  meet.  My  hopes,  there 
fore,  are  weak,  though  not  quite  desperate. 
When  they  become  so,  it  will  remain  to  look 
about  for  the  best  palliative  this  monopoly  can 
bear.  My  present  idea  is  that  it  will  be  found 
in  a  prohibition  to  the  Farmers  General  to  pur 
chase  tobacco  anywhere  but  in  France. — To 
JAMES  Ross,  i,  560.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  216.  (P., 
1786.) 

5454. .  I  consider  [the  suppres 
sion  of  the  tobacco  monopoly  in  France]  as 
the  most  effectual  means  of  procuring  the  full 
value  of  our  produce,  of  diverting  our  demands 
for  manufactures  from  Great  Britain  to  this 
country  to  a  certain  amount,  and  of  thus  pro 
ducing  some  equilibrium  in  our  commerce 
which,  at  present,  lies  all  in  the  British  scale. 
It  would  cement  an  union  with  our  friends, 
and  lessen  the  torrent  of_wealth  we  are  pouring 
into  the  laps  of  our  enemies. — To  T.  PLEASANTS. 
i,  563-  (P-,  1786.) 

5455. .  I  think  that  so  long  as 

the  monopoly  in  the  sale  [of  tobacco]  is  kept 
up,  it  is  of  no  consequence  to  us  how  they  mod 
ify  the  pill  for  their  own  internal  relief ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  the  worse  it  remains,  the  more 
necessary  it  will  render  a  reformation.  Any 
palliative  would  take  from  us  all  those  argu 
ments  and  friends  that  would  be  satisfied  with 
accommodation.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
though  differing  from  me  in  opinion  on  this 
point,  has,  however,  adhered  to  my  principle  of 
absolute  liberty  or  nothing. — To  COL.  MONROE. 
i,  568.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  225.  (P.,  1786.) 

5456. .     Some    symptoms    make 

me  suspect  that  my  proceedings  to  reduce  the 
abusive  administration  of  tobacco  by  the  Farm 
ers  General  have  indisposed  towards  me  a 
powerful  person  in  Philadelphia,  who  was 
profiting  from  that  abuse.  An  expression  in  the 
enclosed  letter  of  M.  de  Calonnes  would  seem 
to  imply  that  I  had  asked  the  abolition  of  Mr. 
Morris's  contract.  I  never  did.  On  the  con 
trary,  I  always  observed  to  them  that  it  would 
be  unjust  to  annul  that  contract.  I  was  led  to 
this  by  principles  both  of  justice  and  interest. 
Of  interest,  because  that  contract  would  keep 
up  the  price  of  tobacco  here  to  thirty-four, 
thirty-six  and  thirty-eight  livres,  from  which  it 
will  fall  when  it  shall  no  longer  have  that  sup 
port.  However,  I  have  done  what  was  ri*rht, 
and  I  will  not  so  far  wound  my  privilege  _of 
doing  that,  without  regard  to  any  man's  in 
terest,  as  to  enter  into  any  explanation  of  this 
paragraph  with  him.  Yet  I  esteem  him  highly, 
and  suppose  that  hitherto  he  had  esteemed  me. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  ii,  70.  (P.,  1786.) 

5457. .  I  shall  certainly  press 

for  something  to  be  done  by  way  of  antidote 
to  the  monopoly  under  which  tobacco  is  placed 
in  France. — To  JOSEPH  FEN  WICK,  ii,  182. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5458. .  Of  these  eighty  millions 

[of  American  exports  to  Europe],  thirty  are 
constituted  by  the  single  article  of  tobacco. 
Could  the  whole  of  this  be  brought  into  the 
ports  of  France,  to  satisfy  its  own  demands, 
and  the  residue  to  be  revended  to  other  na 
tions,  it  would  be  a  powerful  link  of  commer 
cial  connection.  But  we  are  far  from  this. 


Even  her  own  consumption,  supposed  to  be 
nine  millions,  under  the  administration  of  the 
monopoly  to  which  it  is  farmed,  enters  little, 
as  an  article  of  exchange,  into  the  commerce 
of  the  two  nations.  When  this  article  was  first 
put  into  Farm,  perhaps  it  did  not  injure  the 
commercial  interests  of  the  kingdom  ;  because 
nothing  but  British  manufactures  were  then  al 
lowed  to  be  given  in  return  for  American  to 
baccos.  The  laying  the  trade  open,  then,  to 
all  the  subjects  of  France,  would  not  have 
relieved  her  from  a  payment  in  money.  Cir 
cumstances  are  changed;  yet  the  old  institu 
tion  remains. — To  COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii, 
186.  (P.,  1787.) 

5459. .  The  effect  of  this  opera 
tion  was  vitally  felt  by  every  farmer  in  Amer 
ica,  concerned  in  the  culture  of  this  plant.  At 
the  end  of  the  year,  he  found  he  had  lost  a 
fourth  or  a  third  of  his  revenue ;  the  State,  the 
same  proportion  of  its  subjects  of  exchange 
with  other  nations.  The  manufacturers  of  this 
country  [France],  too,  were  either  not  to  go 
there  at  all,  or  go  through  the  channel  of  a 
new  monopoly,  which,  freed  from  the  control 
of  competition  in  prices  and  qualities,  was  not 
likely  to  extend  their  consumption.  It  became 
necessary  to  relieve  the  two  countries  from  the 
fatal  effects  of  this  double  monopoly. — To 
COUNT  DE  MONTMORIN.  ii,  187.  (P.,  1787.) 

5460. .     The   governments   have 

nothing  to  do,  but  not  to  hinder  their  mer 
chants  from  making  the  exchange. — To  COUNT 
DE  MONTMORIN.  ii,  189.  (P.,  1787.) 

5461.  MONOPOLY,     Western     trade.— 

The  Ohio  and  its  branches,  which  head  up 
against  the  Potomac,  afford  the  shortest  water 
communication  by  five  hundred  miles  of  any 
which  can  ever  be  got  between  the  western 
waters  and  Atlantic ;  and,  of  course,  promise 
us  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  Western  and 
Indian  trade. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  402.  (A.,  Feb.  1784.) 

5462.  MONOPOLY,  Whale  oil.— My  en 
deavors   for  emancipating  the  tobacco   trade 
have   been    less   successful    [than   have   been 
those  with  respect  to  whale  oil].     I  still  con 
tinue    to    stir,    however,    this    and    all    other 
articles.— To  MR.  OTTO,    i,  559.     (P.,  1786.) 

5463. .     On   the    subject   of  the 

whale  fishery,  I  enclose  you  some  observa 
tions  I  drew  up  for  the  ministry  here,  in 
order  to  obtain  a  correction  of  their  Arret  of 
September  last,  whereby  they  had  involved 
our  oils  with  the  English,  in  a  general  ex 
clusion  from  their  ports.  They  will  accord 
ingly  correct  this,  so  that  our  oils  will  par 
ticipate  with  theirs,  in  the  monopoly  of  their 
markets. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON.  ii, 
538.  FORD  ED.,  v,  60.  (P.,  1788.) 

5464. .  I  have  obtained  the  prom 
ise  of  an  explanatory  Arret  to  declare  that  that 
of  September  28  [1788],  was  not  meant  to  ex 
tend  to  us.  Orders  are  accordingly  given  in 
the  ports  to  receive  our  [oils].  This  places 
us  on  a  better  footing  than  ever,  as  it  gives  us 
a  monopoly  of  this  market  in  conjunction  with 
the  French  fishermen. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  ii 
549.  (P.,  1788.) 

5465.  MONROE  DOCTRINE,  Jefferson 
and. — The  question  presented  by  the  letters* 

*  The  letters  were  those  of  Mr.  Rush,  our  minister 
at  the  Court  of  St.  James's,  in  which  he  communi- 


585 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monroe  Doctrine 


you  have  sent  me,  is  the  most  momentous 
which  has  been  offered  to  my  contemplation 
since  that  of  Independence.  That  made  us  a 
nation,  this  sets  our  compass  and  points  the 
course  which  we  are  to  steer  through  the 
ocean  of  time  opening  on  us.  And  never 
could  we  embark  on  it  under  circumstances 
more  auspicious.  Our  first  and  fundamental 
maxim  should  be,  never  to  entangle  our 
selves  in  the  broils  of  Europe.  Our  second, 
never  to  suffer  Europe  to  intermeddle  with 
cis-Atlantic  affairs.  America,  North  and 
South,  has  a  set  of  interests  distinct  from 
those  of  Europe,  and  peculiarly  her  own. 
She  should  therefore  have  a  system  of  her 
own,  separate  and  apart  from  that  of  Europe. 
While  the  last  is  laboring  to  become  the 
domicile  of  despotism,  our  endeavor  should 
surely  be,  to  make  our  hemisphere  that  of 
freedom.  One  nation,  most  of  all,  could  dis 
turb  us  in  this  pursuit :  she  now  offers  to  lead, 
aid,  and  accompany  us  in  it.  By  acceding 
to  her  proposition,  we  detach  her  from  the 
bands,  bring  her  mighty  weight  into  the  scale 
of  free  government,  and  emancipate  a  con 
tinent  at  one  stroke,  which  might  otherwise 
linger  long  in  doubt  and  difficulty.  Great 
Britain  is  the  nation  which  can  do  us  the 
most  harm  of  any  one,  or  all  on  earth ;  and 
with  her  on  our  side  we  need  not  fear  the 
whole  world.  With  her,  then,  we  should 
most  sedulously  cherish  a  cordial  friendship; 
and  nothing  would  tend  more  to  knit  our  af 
fections  than  to  be  fighting  once  more,  side 
by  side  in  the  same  cause.  Not  that  I  would 
purchase  even  her  amity  at  the  price  of  taking 
part  in  her  wars.  But  the  war  in  which  the 
present  proposition  might  engage  us,  should 
that  be  its  consequence,  is  not  her  war,  but 
ours.  Its  object  is  to  introduce  and  establish 
the  American  system,  of  keeping  out  of  our 
land  all  foreign  powers,  of  never  permitting 
those  of  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  the  af 
fairs  of  our  nations.  It  is  to  maintain  our 
own  principle,  not  to  depart  from  it.  And 
if,  to  facilitate  this,  we  can  effect  a  division 
in  the  body  of  the  European  powers,  and 
draw  over  to  our  side  its  most  powerful  mem 
ber,  surely  we  should  do  it.  But  I  am  clearly 
of  Mr.  Canning's  opinion,  that,  it  will  prevent 
instead  of  provoke  war.  With  Great  Brit 
ain  withdrawn  from  their  scale  and  shifted 
into  that  of  our  two  continents,  all  Europe 
combined  would  not  undertake  such  a  war. 
For  how  would  they  propose  to  get  at  either 
enemy  without  superior  fleets?  Nor  is  the 
occasion  to  be  slighted  which  this  proposition 
offers,  of  declaring  our  protest  against  the 
atrocious  violations  of  the  rights  of  nations, 
by  the  interference  of  any  one  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  another,  so  flagitiously  begun  by 
Bonaparte,  and  now  continued  by  the  equally 

cated  to  President  Monroe  the  proposition  of  Mr. 
Canning  that  the  United  States  and  England  should 
issue  a  joint  declaration  announcing  that,  while  the 
two  governments  desired  for  themselves  no  portion 
of  the  Spanish-American  colonies,  then  in  revolt 
against  Spain,  they  would  not  view  with  indifference 
any  foreign  intervention  in  their  affairs,  or  their  ac 
quisition  by  a  third  power.  The  declaration  was 
intended  to  be  a  warning  to  the  allied  powers,  Rus 
sia,  Prussia  and  Austria,  the  members  of  the  Holy 
Alliance.— EDITOR. 


lawless  Alliance,  calling  itself  Holy.  But 
we  have  first  to  ask  ourselves  a  question. 
Do  we  wish  to  acquire  to  our  own  confed 
eracy  any  one  or  more  of  the  Spanish  prov 
inces?  I  candidly  confess,  that  I  have  ever 
looked  on  Cuba  as  the  most  interesting  ad 
dition  which  could  ever  be  made  to  our  sys 
tem  of  States.  The  control  which,  with 
Florida  Point,  this  island  would  give  us  over 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the  countries  and 
isthmus  bordering  on  it,  as  well  as  all  those 
whose  waters  flow  into  it,  would  fill  up  the 
measure  of  our  political  well-being.  Yet,  as 
I  am  sensible  that  this  can  never  be  obtained, 
even  with  her  own  consent,  but  by  war;  and 
its  independence,  which  is  our  second  inter 
est  (and  especially  its  independence  of  Eng 
land),  can  be  secured  without  it.  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  abandoning  my  first  wish  to 
future  chances,  and  accepting  its  independ 
ence,  with  peace  and  the  friendship  of  Eng 
land,  rather  than  its  association,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  war  and  her  enmity.  I  could 
honestly,  therefore,  join  in  the  declaration 
proposed,  that  we  aim  not  at  the  acquisition 
of  any  of  those  possessions,  that  we  will  not 
stand  in  the  way  of  any  amicable  arrange 
ment  between  them  and  the  mother  country ; 
but  that  we  will  oppose,  with  all  our  means, 
the  forcible  interposition  of  any  other  power, 
as  auxiliary,  stipendiary,  or  under  any  other 
form  or  pretext,  and  most  especially,  their 
transfer  to  any  power  by  conquest,  cession, 
or  acquisition  in  any  other  way.*  I  should 

*  The  subjoined  extract  from  President  Monroe's 
Message  to  Congress  on  Dec.  2d,  1823,  embodies  the 
Monroe  Doctrine: 

u  In  the  wars  of  European  powers,  in  matters  rela 
ting  to  themselves,  we  nave  never  taken  any  part, 
nor  does  it  comport  with  our  policy  so  to  do.  It  is 
only  when  our  rights  are  invaded  or  seriously  men 
aced  that  we  resent  injuries  or  make  preparations 
for  our  defence.  With  the  movements  on  this  hemi 
sphere  we  are,  of  necessity,  more  immediately  con 
nected,  and  by  causes  which  must  be  obvious  to  all 
enlightened  and  impartial  observers.  The  political 
system  of  the  allied  powers  [the  Holy  Alliance]  is 
essentially  different  in  this  respect  from  that  of 
America.  This  difference  proceeds  from  that  which 
exists  in  their  respectiye  governments.  And  to  the 
defence  of  our  own,  which  has  been  achieved  by  the 
loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by 
the  wisdom  of  their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and 
under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity, 
this  whole  Nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore, 
to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  those  powers  to  de 
clare  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this 
hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety. 
With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any 
European  power  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall 
not  interfere.  But  with  the  Governments  who  have 
declared  their  independence  and  maintained  it  we 
have,  on  great  consideration  and  on  just  principles, 
acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition 
for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling 
in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European 
power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation 
of  an  unfriendly  disposition  towards  the  United 
States.  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was 
adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars  which  have  so 
long  agitated  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  nevertheless 
remains  the  same,  which  is  not  to  interfere  in  the 
internal  concerns  of  any  of  its  powers  ;  to  consider 
the  Government  de  facto  as  the  legitimate  Govern 
ment  for  us  ;  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  it, 
and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  firm,  and 
manly  policy  ;  meeting  in  all  instances  the  just 
claims  of  every  power,  submitting  to  injuries  from 
none.  But  in  regard  to  these  continents,  circum 
stances  are  eminently  and  conspicuously  different. 
It  is  impossible  that  the  allied  powers  should  extend 


Monroe  (James) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


586 


think  it,  therefore,  advisable,  that  the  Execu 
tive  should  encourage  the  British  govern 
ment  to  a  continuance  in  the  dispositions 
expressed  in  these  letters,  by  an  assurance 
of  his  concurrence  with  them  as  far  as  his 
authority  goes;  and  that  as  it  may  lead  to 
war,  the  declaration  of  which  requires  an 
act  of  Congress,  the  case  shall  be  laid  before 
them  for  consideration  at  their  first  meet 
ing,  and  under  the  reasonable  aspect  in  which 
it  is  seen  by  himself.  I  have  been  so  long 
weaned  from  political  subjects,  and  have  so 
long  ceased  to  take  any  interest  in  them, 
that  I  am  sensible  I  am  not  qualified  to  offer 
opinions  on  them  worthy  of  any  attention. 
But  the  question  now  proposed  involves  con 
sequences  so  lasting,  and  effects  so  decisive 
of  our  future  destinies,  as  to  rekindle  all 
the  interest  I  have  heretofore  felt  on  such 
occasions,  and  to  induce  me  to  the  hazard  of 
opinions,  which  will  prove  only  my  wish  to 
contribute  still  my  mite  towards  anything 
which  may  be  useful  to  our  country.* — To 
PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  315.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
277.  (M.,  October  1823.)  See  POLICY. 

5466.  MONROE    (James),    Ability.— 

Many  points  in  Monroe's  character  would  ren 
der  him  the  most  valuable  acquisition  the  re 
publican  interest  in  this  Legislature  [Congress] 
could  make. — To  JOHN  TAYLOR.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
322.  (Pa.,  Jan.  1799.) 

5467. .  I  clearly  think  with  you 

on  the  competence  of  Monroe  to  embrace  great 
views  of  action.  The  decision  of  his  char 
acter,  his  enterprise,  firmness,  industry,  and 
unceasing  vigilance,  would,  I  believe,  secure,  as 
I  am  sure  they  would  merit,  the  public  confi 
dence,  and  give  us  all  the  success  which  our 
means  can  accomplish. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
vi,  81.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  368.  (M.,  Oct.  1812.) 

5468.  MONROE    (James),    Book    by.— 

Your  book  *  *  *  works  irresistibly.  It 
would  be  very  gratifying  to  you  to  hear  the 
unqualified  eulogies  both  on  the  matter  and 
manner  by  all  who  are  not  hostile  to  it  from 
principle. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
183.  (Pa.,  Dec.  1797-) 

5469. .  Monroe's  book  is  con 
sidered  as  masterly  by  all  those  who  are  not 
opposed  in  principle,  and  it  is  deemed  unanswer 
able.  An  answer,  however,  is  commenced  in 
Fenno's  paper,  under  the  signature  of  "  Scipio  " 
[Uriah  Tracy].  The  real  author  is  not  yet 

their  political  system  to  any  portion  of  either  con 
tinent  without  endangering  our  peace  and  happiness; 
nor  can  any  one  believe  that  our  Southern  brethren, 
if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their  own 
accord.  It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we 
should  behold  such  interposition,  in  any  form,  with 
indifference."— EDITOR. 

*  Morse,  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson  (p.  235),  says  :  "  It 
is  curious  to  note  that  in  the  course  of  this  business 
(navigation  of  Mississippi),  there  was  already  a 
faint  foreshadowing  of  that  principle,  which  many 
years  afterwards  was  christened  with  the  name  of 
Monroe.  For  a  brief  time  it  was  thought,  not  with 
out  reason,  that  so  soon  as  hostilities  should  break 
out  between  England  and  Spain,  the  former  power 
would  seize  upon  the  North  American  possessions  of 
the  latter.  Jefferson  wrote  to  Gouverneur  Morris  : 
4  We  wish  you,  therefore,  to  intimate  to  them  (the 
British  ministry)  that  we  cannot  be  indifferent  to 
enterprises  of  this  kind.  That  we  should  contem 
plate  a  change  of  neighbors  with  extreme  uneasiness. 
That  a  due  balance  on  our  borders  is  not  less  de 
sirable  to  us  than  a  balance  of  power  in  Europe  has 
always  appeared  to  them'." — EDITOR. 


conjectured. — To    JAMES     MADISON,      iv,     206. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  190.     (Pa.,  Jan.  1798.) 

5470.  MONROE  (James),  British  treaty 
and. — You  complain  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  [British]  treaty  was  received.  But  what 
was  that  manner?  I  cannot  suppose  you  to 
have  given  a  moment's  credit  to  the  stuff  which 
was  crowded  in  all  sorts  of  forms  into  the  pub 
lic  papers,  or  to  the  thousand  speeches  they  put 
into  my  mouth,  not  a  word  of  which  I  had 
ever  uttered.  I  was  not  insensible  at  the  time 
of  the  views  to  mischief,  with  which  these  lies 
were  fabricated.  But  my  confidence  was  firm, 
that  neither  yourself  nor  the  British  govern 
ment,  equally  outraged  by  them,  would  believe 
me  capable  of  making  the  editors  of  newspapers 
the  confidants  of  my  speeches  or  opinions.  The 
fact  was  this.  The  treaty  was  communicated 
to  us  by  Mr.  Erskine  on  the  day  Congress  was 
to  rise.  Two  of  the  senators  enquired  of  me 
in  the  evening,  whether  it  was  my  purpose  to 
detain  them  on  account  of  the  treaty.  My 
answer  was,  "  that  it  was  not ;  that  the  treaty 
containing  no  provision  against  the  impress 
ment  of  our  seamen,  and  being  accompanied 
by  a  kind  of  protestation  of  the  British  minis 
ters,  which  would  leave  that  government  free 
to  consider  it  as  a  treaty  or  no  treaty,  according 
to  their  own  convenience.,  I  should  not  give 
them  the  trouble  of  deliberating  on  it  ".  This 
was  substantially,  and  almost  verbally,  what  I 
said  whenever  spoken  to  about  it,  and  I  never 
failed  when  the  occasion  would  admit  of  it,  to 
justify  yourself  and  Mr.  Pinckney,  by  express 
ing  my  conviction,  that  it  was  all  that  could  be 
obtained  from  the  British  government ;  that 
you  had  told  their  commissioners  that  your 
government  could  not  be  pledged  to  ratify,  be 
cause  it  was  contrary  to  their  instructions ;  of 
course,  that  it  should  be  considered  but  as  a 
pro  jet ;  and  in  this  light  I  stated  it  publicly 
in  my  message  to  Congress  on  the  opening  of 
the  session.  Not  a  single  article  of  the  treaty 
was  ever  made  known  beyond  the  members  of 
the  administration,  nor  would  an  article  of  it  be 
known  at  this  day,  but  for  its  publication  in 
the  newspapers,  as  communicated  by  somebody 
from  beyond  the  water,  as  we  have  always  un 
derstood.  But  as  to  myself,  I  can  solemnly  pro 
test,  as  the  most  sacred  of  truths,  that  I 
never,  one  instant,  lost  sight  of  your  reputation 
and  favorable  standing  with  your  country,  aiid 
never  omitted  to  justify  your  failure  to  attain 
our  wish,  as  one  which  was  probably  unattain 
able.  Reviewing,  therefore,  this  whole  sub 
ject,  I  cannot  doubt  you  will  become  sensible, 
that  your  impressions  have  been  without  just 
ground. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  254.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  179.  (W.,  March  1808.)  See  IMPRESS 
MENT. 

5471.  MONROE     (James),     Confidence 

in. — I  have  had,  and  still  have,  such  entire 
confidence  in  the  late  and  present  Presidents, 
that  I  willingly  put  both  soul  and  body  into 
their  pockets. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON.  vii, 
in.  FORD  EDV  x,  120.  (M.,  1819.) 

5472.  MONROE  (James),  Defence  of.— 

I  should  be  glad  to  see  the  defence  of  Monroe's 
conduct  which  you  possess,  though  no  paper  of 
that  title  is  necessary  to  me.  He  was  appointed 
to  an  office  during  pleasure  merely  to  get  him 
out  of  the  Senate,  and  with  an  intention  to  seize 
the  first  pretext  for  exercising  the  pleasure  of 
recalling  him.  *  *  *  I  think  with  you  it 
will  be  best  to  publish  nothing  concerning  Col 
onel  Monroe  till  his  return,  that  he  may  accom 
modate  the  complexion  of  his  publication  to 
times  and  circumstances. — To,  JOHN  EDWARDS. 
iv,  164.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  112.  (M.,  Jan.  1797-) 


587 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monroe  (James) 


5473. .     I    understand    that    the 

opposite  party  admit  that  there  is  nothing  in 
your  conduct  which  can  be  blamed,  except  the 
divulging  secrets ;  and  this,  I  think,  might  be 
answered  by  a  few  sentences,  discussing  the 
question  whether  an  ambassador  is  the  repre 
sentative  of  his  country  or  of  the  President. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  197.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1798.) 

5474.  MONROE     (James),     Diplomatic 

expenses. — Although  it  is  not  pleasant  to  fall 
short  in  returning  civilities,  yet  necessity  has 
rendered  this  so  familiar  in  Europe  as  not  to 
lessen  respect  for  the  person  whose  circum 
stances  do  not  permit  a  return  of  hospitalities. 
I  see  by  your  letters  the  pain  which  this  situa 
tion  gives  you,  and  I  can  estimate  its  acute- 
ness  from  the  generosity  of.  your  nature.  But, 
my  dear  friend,  calculate  with  mathematical 
rigor  the  pain  annexed  to  each  branch  of  the 
dilemma,  and  pursue  that  which  brings  the 
least.  To  give  up  entertainment,  and  to  live 
with  the  most  rigorous  economy  till  you  have 
cleared  yourself  of  every  demand  is  a  pain  for 
a  definite  time  only ;  but  to  return  here  with 
accumulated  encumbrances  on  you,  will  fill  your 
life  with  torture.  We  wish  to  do  everything 
for  you  which  law  and  rule  will  permit.  But 
more  than  this  would  injure  you  as  much  as 
us.  Believing  that  the  mission  to  Spain  will 
enable  you  to  suspend  expense  greatly  in  Lon 
don,  and  to  apply  your  salary  during  your  ab 
sence  to  the  clearing  off  your  debt,  you  will 
be  instructed  to  proceed  there  as  soon  as  you 
shall  have  regulated  certain  points  of  neutral 
right  for  us  with  England,  or  as  soon  as  you 
find  nothing  in  that  way  can  be  done. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  288.  (W.,  Jan. 
1804.) 

5475.  MONROE    (James),    Distaste   for 
law. — You  wish  not  to  engage  in  the  drudg 
ery  of  the  bar.     You   have  two   asylums   from 
that.     Either  to   accept  a  seat  in  the   Council, 
or    in    the    Judiciary    department.     The    latter, 
however,  would  require  a  little  previous  drudg 
ery  at  the  bar  to  qualify  you  to  discharge  your 
duty  with  satisfaction  to  yourself.     Neither  of 
these   would   be   inconsistent   with   a   continued 
residence     at     Albemarle.      It     is     but     twelve 
hours'  drive  in  a  sulky  from  Charlottesville  to 
Richmond,    keeping    a    fresh    horse    always    at 
the   half-way,  which   would  be  a  small   annual 
expense. — To    JAMES     MONROE,      ii,     71.      (P., 
1786.) 

5476.  MONROE  (James),  English  mis 
sion. — I    perceive    that    painful    impressions 
have  been  made  on  your  mind  during  your  late 
mission,   of   which    I   had   never   entertained   a 
suspicion.      I     must,     therefore,     examine     the 
grounds,  because  explanations  between  reason 
able  men  can  never  but  do  good.     i.  You  con 
sider  the  mission  of  Mr.   Pinkney  as  an  asso 
ciate,  to   have  been   in  some  way  injurious  to 
you.     Were  I  to  take  that  measure  on  myself, 
I  might  say  in  its  justification,  that  it  has  been 
the  regular  and  habitual  practice  of  the  United 
States  to  do  this,  under  every  form  in  which 
their  government  has  existed.     I   need  not  re 
capitulate  the  multiplied  instances,  because  you 
will  readily  recollect  them.     I   went  as  an  ad 
junct  to   Dr.   Franklin,   and   Mr.  Adams,  your 
self  as  an  adjunct  first  to  Mr.  Livingston,  and 
then  to  Mr.  Pinkney,  and  I  really  believe  there 
has   scarcely  been   a  great   occasion   which   has 
not  produced   an   extraordinary   mission.     Still, 
however,  it  is  well  known  that  I  was  strongly 
opposed  to  it  in  the  case  of  which  you   com 
plain.     A   committee   of   the   Senate  called   on 


me  with  two  resolutions  of  that  body,  on  the 
subject  of  impressment  and  spoliations  by 
Great  Britain,  and  requesting  that  I  would  de 
mand  satisfaction.  After  delivering  the  reso 
lutions,  the  committee  entered  into  free  con 
versation,  and  observed  that  although  the  Sen 
ate  could  not,  in  form,  recommend  any  extraor 
dinary  mission,  yet  that  as  individuals,  there 
was  but  one  sentiment  among  them  on  the 
measure,  and  they  pressed  it.  I  was  so  much 
averse  to  it,  and  gave  them  so  hard  an  answer, 
that  they  felt  it,  and  spoke  of  it.  But  it  did  not 
end  here.  The  members  of  the  other  House 
took  up  the  subject,  and  set  upon  me  individ 
ually,  and  these  the  best  friends  to  you  as 
well  as  myself,  and  represented  the  responsi 
bility  which  a  failure  to  obtain  redress  would 
throw  on  us  both,  pursuing  a  conduct  in  oppo 
sition  to  the  opinion  of  nearly  every  member 
of  the  Legislature.  I  found  it  necessary,  at 
length,  to  yield  my  own  opinion  to  the  general 
sense  of  the  national  council,  and  it  really 
seemed  to  produce  a  jubilee  among  them  ;  not 
from  any  want  of  confidence  in  you,  but  from 
a  belief  in  the  effect  which  an  extraordinary 
mission  would  have  on  the  British  mind,  by 
demonstrating  the  degree  of  importance  which 
this  country  attached  to  the  rights  which  we 
considered  as  infracted. — To  JAMES  MONROE 
v,  253.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  178.  (W.,  March  1808.) 

5477.  MONROE     (James),     Friendship 
for. — I  have  ever  viewed  Mr.  Madison  and 
yourself  as  two  principal  pillars   of  my  happi 
ness.     Were  either  to  be  withdrawn,   I   should 
consider    it    as    among    the   greatest    calamities 
which  could  assail  my  future  peace  of  mind.     I 
have  great  confidence  that  the  candor  and  high 
understanding   of   both    will   guard    me   against 
this   misfortune,   the   bare  possibility   of  which 
has  so  far  weighed  on  my  mind,  that  I  could 
not    be    easy    without    unburthening    it.* — To 
JAMES    MONROE,     v,    248.     FORD    ED.,    ix,    178. 
(W.,  Feb.  1808.) 

5478.  MONROE   (James),   Leaves  Con 
gress. — I  look  forward  with  anxiety  to  the 
approaching   moment    of   your    departure    from 
Congress.     Besides    the    interest    of    the    Con 
federacy  and  of  the   State,   I   have  a  personal 
interest  in  it.     I  know  not  to  whom  I  may  ven 
ture  confidential  communications  after  you  are 
gone. — To   JAMES    MONROE,     i,   607.     FORD   ED 
iv,  265.     (P.,  1786.) 

5479. .     I  regret  your  departure 

[from  Congress].  I  feel,  too,  the  want  of  a 
person  there  to  whose  discretion  I  can  trust 
confidential  communications,  and  on  whose 
friendship  I  can  rely  against  the  designs  of 
malevolence. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  ii  70  CP 
1786.) 

5480.  MONROE     (James),     Louisiana 
purchase. — I    find    our    opposition    is    very 
willing  to  pluck  feathers  from  Monroe  [on  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana],  although  not  fond  of 
sticking     them     into     Livingston's     coat.      The 
truth  is,  both  have  a  just  portion  of  merit ;  and 
were  it  necessary  or  proper,  it  could  be  shown 
that   each   has   rendered   peculiar  services,   and 
of     important     value. — To     GENERAL     HORATIO 
GATES.      iv,    495.      FORD    ED.,   viii,    249.      (W., 
July  1803.)      See  LOUISIANA. 

5481.  MONROE  (James),  Madison  and. 
— I  had          *    *     a  frank  conversation  with 
Colonel     Monroe.     *     *     *     I     reminded     him 
that  in  the  letter  I  wrote  to  him  while  in  Eu- 

*  From  a  letter  concerning  the  Presidential  contest 
and  his  neutrality  in  the  struggle  for  the  nomination. 
—EDITOR. 


Monroe  (James) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


588 


rope,  proposing  the  government  of  Orleans,  I 
also  suggested  that  of  Louisiana,  if  fears  for 
health  should  be  opposed  to  the  other.  I  said 
something  on  the  importance  of  the  post,  its 
advantages,  &c. — expressed  my  regret  at  the 
curtain  which  seemed  to  be  drawn  between  him 
and  his  best  friends,  and  my  wish  to  see  his 
talents  and  integrity  engaged  in  the  service 
of  his  country  again,  and  that  his  going  into 
any  post  would  be  a  signal  of  reconciliation, 
on  which  the  body  of  republicans,  who  la 
mented  his  absence  from  the  public  service, 
would  again  rally  to  him.  *  *  *  The  sum 
of  his  answers  was,  that  to  accept  of  that  office 
was  incompatible  with  the  respect  he  owed 
himself ;  that  he  never  would  act  in  any  office 
where  he  should  be  subordinate  to  anybody  but 
the  President  himself,  or  which  did  not  place 
his  responsibility  substantially  with  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  nation  ;  that  at  your  accession  to 
the  chair,  he  would  have  accepted  a  place  in  the 
cabinet,  and  would  have  exerted  his  endeavors 
most  faithfully  in  support  of  your  fame  and 
measures :  that  he  is  not  unready  to  serve  the 
public,  and  especially  in  the  case  of  any  diffi 
cult  crisis  in  our  affairs ;  that  he  is  satisfied 
that  such  is  the  deadly  hatred  of  both  France 
and  England,  and  such  their  self-reproach  and 
dread  at  the  spectacle  of  such  a  government  as 
ours,  that  they  will  spare  nothing  to  destroy  it ; 
that  nothing  but  a  firm  union  among  the  whole 
body  of  republicans  can  save  it,  and,  therefore, 
that  no  schism  should  be  indulged  on  any 
ground ;  that  in  his  present  situation,  he  is 
sincere  in  his  anxieties  for  the  success  of  the 
Administration,  and  in  his  support  of  it  as  far 
as  the  limited  sphere  of  his  action  or  influence 
extends  ;  that  his  influence  to  this  end  had  been 
used  with  those  with  whom  the  world  had  as 
cribed  to  him  an  interest  he  did  not  possess,  un 
til,  whatever  it  was,  it  was  lost  (he  particularly 
named  J.  Randolph,  who,  he  said,  had  plans  of 
his  own,  on  which  he  took  no  advice)  ;  and  that 
he  was  now  pursuing  what  he  believed  his 
properest  occupation,  devoting  his  whole  time 
and  faculties  to  the  liberation  of  his  pecuniary 
embarrassments,  which,  three  years  of  close 
attention,  he  hoped,  would  effect.  In  order  to 
know  more  exactly  what  were  the  kinds  of 
employ  he  would  accept,  I  adverted  to  the  in 
formation  of  the  papers,  *  *  *  that  Gen 
eral  Hampton  was  dead,  but  observed  that  the 
military  life  in  our  present  state,  offered  noth 
ing  which  could  operate  on  the  principle  of 
patriotism ;  he  said  he  would  sooner  be  shot 
than  take  a  command  under  Wilkinson. 
*  *  *  On  the  whole,  I  conclude  he  would 
accept  a  place  in  the  cabinet,  or  a  military 
command  dependent  on  the  Executive  alone, 
and  I  rather  suppose  a  diplomatic  mission,  be 
cause  it  would  fall  within  the  scope  of  his  views, 
and  not  because  he  said  so,  for  no  allusion  was 
made  to  anything  of  that  kind  in  our  conversa 
tion.  Everything  from  him  breathed  the  purest 
patriotism,  involving,  however,  a  close  attention 
to  his  own  honor  and  grade.  He  expressed 
himself  with  the  utmost  devotion  to  the  in 
terests  of  our  own  country,  and  I  am  satisfied 
he  will  pursue  them  with  honor  and  zeal  in  any 
character  in  which  he  shall  be  willing  to  act. — 
To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  481.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  265.  (M.,  Nov.  1809.) 

5482.  MONROE  (James),  Mission  to 
Trance.— The  fever  into  which  the  western 
mind  is  thrown  by  the  affair  at  New  Orleans 
[suspension  of  right  of  deposit],  stimulated  by 
the  mercantile  and  generally  the  federal  inter 
ests,  threatens  to  overbear  our  peace.  In  this 
situation  we  are  obliged  to  call  on  you  for  a 
temporary  sacrifice  of  yourself,  to  prevent  this 


greatest  of  evils  in  the  present  prosperous  tide 
of  our  affairs.  I  shall  to-morrow  nominate  you 
to  the  Senate  for  an  extraordinary  mission  to 
France,  and  the  circumstances  are  such  as  to 
render  it  impossible  to  decline ;  because  the 
whole  public  hope  will  be  vested  on  you. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  188.  (W.,  Jan. 
10,  1803.) 

5483. .  You  possess  the  un 
limited  confidence  of  the  Administration,  and 
of  the  western  people ;  and  generally  of  the  re 
publicans  everywhere ;  and  were  you  to  refuse 
to  go,  no  other  man  can  be  found  who  does  this. 
*  *  *  All  eyes,  all  hopes,  are  now  fixed  on 
you ;  and  were  you  to  decline,  the  chagrin  would 
be  universal,  and  would  shake  under  your  feet 
the  high  ground  on  which  you  stand  with  the 
public.  Indeed,  I  know  nothing  which  would 
produce  such  a  shock,  for  on  the  event  of  this 
mission  depend  the  future  destinies  of  this  re 
public.  If  we  cannot,  by  a  purchase  of  the 
country,  ensure  to  ourselves  a  course  of  per 
petual  peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations, 
then,  as  war  cannot  be  distant,  it  behooves  us 
immediately  to  be  preparing  for  that  course, 
without,  however,  hastening  it ;  and  it  may  be 
necessary  (on  your  failure  on  the  continent) 
to  cross  the  channel.  We  shall  get  entangled 
in  European  politics,  and  figuring  more,  be 
much  less  happy  and  prosperous.  This  can 
only  be  prevented  by  a  successful  issue  to 
your  present  mission.  I  am  sensible  after  the 
measures  you  have  taken  for  getting  into  a 
different  line  of  business,  that  it  will  be  a  great 
sacrifice  on  your  part,  and  presents  from  the 
season  and  other  circumstances  serious  diffi 
culties.  But  some  men  are  born  for  the  pub 
lic.  Nature  by  fitting  them  for  the  service  of 
the  human  race  on  a  broad  scale,  has  stamped 
them  with  the  evidences  of  her  destination  and 
their  duty. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  454.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  190.  (W.,  Jan.  1803.)  See  LOUIS 
IANA. 

5484.  MONROE  (James),  Orleans  gov 
ernorship. — When  mentioning  your  going  to 
New  Orleans  [as  Governor],  and  that  the  salary 
there  would  not  increase  the  ease  of  your  situ 
ation,  I  meant  to  have  added  that  the  only  con 
siderations  which  might  make  it  eligible  to  you 
were  the  facility  of  getting  there  the  richest 
land  in  the  world,  the  extraordinary  profitable 
ness  of  its  culture,  and  that  the  removal  of 
your  slaves  there  might  immediately  put  you 
under  way. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  290.  (W.,  Jan.  1804.) 

5485. .     I  wish  you  were  here  at 

present,  to  take  your  choice  of  the  two  govern 
ments  of  Orleans  and  Louisiana,  in  either  of 
which  I  could  now  place  you;  and  I  verily  be 
lieve  it  would  be  to  your  advantage  to  be  just 
that  much  withdrawn  from  the  focus  of  the 
ensuing  contest,  until  its  event  should  be  known. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  n.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
448.  (W.,  May  1806.) 

5486. .    The  government  of  New 

Orleans  is  still  without  such  a  head  as  I  wish. 
The  salary  of  five  thousand  dollars  is  too  small ; 
but  I  am  assured  the  Orleans  Legislature  would 
make  it  adequate,  would  you  accept  it.  It  is  the 
second  office  in  the  United  States  in  import 
ance,  and  I  am  still  in  hopes  you  will  accept  it. 
It  is  impossible  to  let  you  stay  at  home  while 
the  public  has  so  much  need  of  talents. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  v,  54.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  37.  (W., 
March  1807.) 

5487.  MONROE    (James),    President.— 

Nor   is   the   election   of   Monroe   an   inefficient 


589 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monroe  (James) 


circumstance  in  our  felicities.  Four  and 
twenty  years,  which  he  will  accomplish,  of  ad 
ministration  in  republican  forms  and  princi 
ples,  will  so  consecrate  them  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people  as  to  secure  them  against  the  danger  of 
change. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE,  vii,  67. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  84.  (M.,  1817.) 

5488. .  I  had  had  great  hopes 

that  while  in  your  present  office  you  would  break 
up  the  degrading  practice  of  considering  the 
President's  house  as  a  general  tavern,  and 
economize  sufficiently  to  come  out  of  it  clear  of 
difficulties.  I  learn  the  contrary  with  great  re 
gret. — To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  x,  246. 
(M.,  1823.) 

5489.  MONROE  (James),  Presidential 
contest. — I  had  intended  to  have  written  you 
to  counteract  the  wicked  efforts  which  the 
federal  papers  are  making  to  sow  tares  between 
you  and  me,  as  if  I  were  lending  a  hand  to 
measures  unfriendly  to  any  views  which  our 
country  might  entertain  respecting  you.  But  I 
have  not  done  it,  because  I  have  before  assured 
you  that  a  sense  of  duty,  as  well  as  of  delicacy, 
would  prevent  me  from  ever  expressing  a 
sentiment  on  the  subject,  and  that  I  think  you 
know  me  well  enough  to  be  assured  I  shall  con 
scientiously  observe  the  line  of  conduct  I 
profess. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  82.  (W., 
May  1807.) 

5490. .     I  cannot,  indeed,  judge 

what  falsehoods  may  have  been  written  or 
told  you ;  and  that,  under  such  forms  as  to  com 
mand  belief.  But  you  will  soon  find  that  so 
inveterate  is  the  rancor  of  party  spirit  among 
us,  that  nothing  ought  to  be  credited  but  what 
we  hear  with  our  own  ears.  If  you  are  less 
on  your  guard  than  we  are  here,  at  this  moment, 
the  designs  of  the  mischief-makers  will  not  fail 
to  be  accomplished,  and  brethren  and  friends 
will  be  made  strangers  and  enemies  to  each 
other,  without  ever  having  said  or  thought  a 
thing  amiss  of  each  other.  I  presume  that  the 
most  insidious  falsehoods  are  daily  carried  to 
you,  as  they  are  brought  to  me,  to  engage  us 
in  the  passions  of  our  informers,  and  stated  so 
positively  and  plausibly  as  to  make  even  doubt 
a  rudeness  to  the  narrator ;  who,  imposed  on 
himself,  has  no  other  than  the  friendly  view  of 
putting  us  on  our  guard.  My  answer  is,  in 
variably,  that  my  knowledge  of  your  character 
is  better  testimony  to  me  of  a  negative,  than 
an  affirmative  which  my  informant  did  not 
hear  from  yourself,  with  his  own  ears.  In  fact, 
when  you  shall  have  been  a  little  longer  among 
us,*  you  will  find  that  little  is  to  be  believed 
which  interests  the  prevailing  passions,  and  hap 
pens  beyond  the  limits  of  our  own  senses.  Let 
us  not,  then,  my  dear  friend,  embark  our  happi 
ness  and  our  affections  on  the  ocean  of  slander, 
of  falsehood  and  of  malice,  on  which  our  credu 
lous  friends  are  floating.  If  you  have  been 
made  to  believe  that  I  ever  did,  said,  or  thought 
a  thing  unfriendly  to  your  fame  and  feelings, 
you  do  me  injury  as  causeless  as,  it  is  afflicting 
to  me. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  255.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  180.  (W.,  March  1808.) 

5491. .     In  the  present  contest  in 

which  you  are  concerned,  I  feel  no  passion,  I 
take  no  part,  I  express  no  sentiment.  Which 
ever  of  my  friends  is  called  to  the  supreme 
cares  of  the  nation,  I  know  that  they  will  be 
wisely  and  faithfully  administered,  and  as  far 
as  my  individual  conduct  can  influence,  they 
shall  be  cordially  supported.  For  myself  I 
have  nothing  further  to  ask  of  the  world,  than 

*  Monroe  had  just  returned  from  Europe.— EDITOR. 


to  preserve  in  retirement  so  much  of  their  es 
teem  as  I  may  have  fairly  earned,  and  to  be 
permitted  to  pass  in  tranquillity,  in  the  bosom 
of  my  family  and  friends,  the  days  which  yet 
remain  for  me.  Having  reached  the  harbor  my 
self,  I  shall  view  with  anxiety  (but  certainly 
not  with  a  wish  to  be  in  their  place)  those  who 
are  still  buffeting  the  storm,  uncertain  of  their 
fate. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  255.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  181.  (W.,  March  1808.)  See  MADISON. 

5492.  MONROE    (James),   Purity   of.— 

He  is  a  man  whose  soul  might  be  turned  wrong 
side  outwards,  without  discovering  a  blemish 
to  the  world. — To  W.  T.  FRANKLIN,  i,  555. 
(P.,  1786.) 

5493.  MONROE    (James),    Randolph 

and. — One  popular  paper  is  endeavoring  to 
maintain  equivocal  ground ;  approving  the  ad 
ministration  in  all  its  proceedings,  and  Mr. 
[John]  Randolph  in  all  those  which  have  here 
tofore  merited  approbation,  carefully  avoiding 
to  mention  his  late  aberration.  The  ultimate 
view  of  this  paper  is  friendly  to  you ;  and  the 
editor,  with  more  judgment  than  him  who  as 
sumes  to  be  at  the  head  of  your  friends,  sees 
that  the  ground  of  opposition  to  the  administra 
tion  is  not  that  on  which  it  would  be  advan 
tageous  to  you  to  be  planted.  The  great  body 
of  your  friends  are  among  the  firmest  adherents 
to  the  administration  ;  and  in  their  support  of 
you,  will  suffer  Mr.  Randolph  to  have  no  com 
munications  with  them.  *  *  *  But  it  is 
unfortunate  for  you  to  be  embarrassed  with  such 
a  soi-disant  friend.  You  must  not  commit  your 
self  to  him. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  v,  10.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  448.  (W.,  May  1806.) 

5494.  MONROE   (James),   Recall  from 
Trance. — I    should    not    wonder    if    Monroe 
were     •*     *     *     recalled   [from  France],  under 
the    idea    of    his    being    of    the    partisans    of 
France,  whom  the  President  [Washington]  con 
siders  as  the  partisans  of  war  and  confusion, 
*     *     *     and    as    disposed    to    excite    them    to 
hostile  measures,  or  at  least  to  unfriendly  sen 
timents  ;  a  most  infatuated  blindness  to  the  true 
character    of    the    sentiments     entertained    in 
favor   of   France. — To    W.    B.    GILES,     iv,    127. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  44.     (M.,  Dec.  1795.) 

5495.  MONROE    (James),    Republican 
ism  of. — I  know  them  both    [Mr.   Madison 
and  Mr.   Monroe]   to  be  of  principles  as  truly 
republican    as    any    men    living. — To    THOMAS 
RITCHIE,      vii,    191.      FORD   ED.,   x,    170.      (M., 
1820.) 

5496.  MONROE   (James),   Secretary  of 
State. — Although  I  may  not  have  been  among 
the  first,  I  am  certainly  with  the  sincerest,  who 
congratulate    you    on    your    entrance    into    the 
national  councils.     Your  value  there  has  never 
been  unduly  estimated  by  those  whom  personal 
feelings  did  not  misguide. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
v,   597.     FORD   ED.,   ix,   323.     (M.,   May    1811.) 

5497.  MONROE  (James),  Selection  of  a 
home. — On   my   return    from   the    South   of 
France,   I   shall  send  you     *     *     *     a  plan  of 
your   house.     I   wish   to   heaven   you   may   con 
tinue  in  the  disposition  to  fix  it  in  Albemarle. 
Short  will  establish  himself  there,  and  perhaps 
Madison  may  be  tempted  to  do  so.     This  will  be 
society  enough,  and  it  will  be  the  great  sweet 
ener  of  our  lives.     Without  society,  and  a  so 
ciety   to    our   taste,    men   are   never   contented. 
The  one  here  supposed,  we  can  regulate  to  our 
minds,   and  we  may   extend  our  regulations  to 
the  sumptuary  department  so  as  to  set  a  good 


Monroe  (James) 
Monticello 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


590 


example  to  a  country  which  needs  it,  and  to 
preserve  our  own  happiness  clear  of  embarrass 
ment.  *  *  *  I  am  in  hopes  that  Mrs.  Mon 
roe  will  have,  in  her  domestic  cares,  occupation 
and  pleasure  sufficient  to  fill  her  time  and  in 
sure  her  against  the  tedium  vita;  that  she 
will  find  that  the  distractions  of  a  town  and  the 
waste  of  life  under  these  can  bear  no  compari 
son  with  the  tranquil  happiness  of  domestic 
life.  If  her  own  experience  has  not  yet  taught 
her  this  truth,  she  has  in  its  favor  the  testi 
mony  of  one  who  has  gone  through  the  various 
scenes  of  business,  of  bustle,  of  office,  of  ram 
bling  and  of  quiet  retirement  and  who  can  as 
sure  her  that  the  latter  is  the  one  point  upon 
which  the  mind  can  settle  at  rest.  Though 
not  clear  of  inquietudes,  because  no  earthly 
situation  is  so,  they  are  fewer  in  number  and 
mixed  with  more  objects  of  contentment  than 
in  any  other  mode  of  life. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
ii,  71.  (P.,  1786.) 

5498. .     I  had  entertained  hopes 

of  your  settling  in  my  neighborhood ;  but  these 
were  determined  by  your  desiring  a  plan  of  a 
house  for  Richmond.  However  reluctantly  I 
relinquish  this  prospect,  I  shall  not  the  less 
readily  obey  your  commands  by  sending  you  a 
plan. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  564.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  220.  (P.,  1786.) 

5499.  MONROE  (James),  Slanderous 
attack  on. — I  have  reason  to  believe  they  are 
preparing  a  batch  of  small  stuff,  such  as  re 
fusing  to  drink  General  Washington's  health, 
speaking  ill  of  him,  and  the  government,  with 
drawing  civilities  from  those  attached  to  him, 
countenancing  Paine,  to  which  they  add  con 
nivance  at  the  equipment  of  privateers  by 
Americans.  *  *  *  We  are  of  opinion  here 
that  Dr.  Edward's  certificate  *  *  ;  should 
be  reserved  to  repel  these  slanders — To  JAMES 
MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  232.  (Pa.,  April  1798.) 

5500. .  I  have  had  a  consulta 
tion  with  Mr.  Dawson  on  the  matter  respect 
ing  Skipwith.  We  have  neither  of  us  the  least 
hesitation,  on  a  view  of  the  ground,  to  pro 
nounce  against  your  coming  forward  in  it  at 
all.  Your  name  would  be  the  watchword  of 
party  at  this  moment,  and  the  question  would 
give  opportunities  of  slander,  personal  hatred, 
and  injustice,  the  effect  of  which  on  the  justice 
of  the  case  cannot  be  calculated.  Let  it,  there 
fore,  come  forward  in  Skipwith's  name,  with 
out  your  appearing  even  to  know  of  it.  *  *  * 
I  do  not  think  "Scipio "  worth  your  notice. 
*  *  *  Your  narrative  and  letters,  wherever 
they  are  read,  produce  irresistible  conviction, 
and  cannot  be  attacked  but  by  a  contradiction 
of  facts,  on  which  they  do  not  venture. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  232.  (Pa., 
April  1798.) 

5501. .     You    will    have    seen, 

among  numerous  addresses  £to  the  President] 
and  answers,  one  from  Lancaster  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  its  answer ;  the  latter  travelling  out 
of  the  topics  of  the  address  altogether  to 
mention  you  in  a  most  injurious  manner.  Your 
feelings  have  no  doubt  been  much  irritated  by 
it,  as  in  truth  it  had  all  the  characters  necessary 
to  produce  irritation.  What  notice  you  should 
take  of  it,  is  difficult  to  say.  But  there  is  one 
step  in  which  two  or  three  with  whom  I  have 
spoken  concur  with  me,  that  feeble  as  the  hand 
is  from  which  this  shaft  is  thrown,  yet  with  a 
great  mass  of  our  citizens,  strangers  to  the  lead 
ing  traits  of  the  character  from  which  it  came, 
it  will  have  considerable  effect ;  and  that  in 
order  to  replace  yourself  on  the  high  ground 
you  are  entitled  to,  it  is  absolutely  necessary 


that  you  should  reappear  on  the  public  theatre, 
and  take  an  independent  stand,  from  which  you 
can  be  seen  and  known  to  your  fellow  citizens. 
The  House  of  Representatives  appears  the  only 
place  which  can  answer  this  end,  as  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  other  House  are  too  obscure. 
Cabell  has  said  he  would  give  way  to  you, 
should  you  choose  to  come  in,  and  I  really 
think  it  would  be  expedient  for  yourself  as  well 
as  the  public,  that  you  should  not  wait  until 
another  election,  but  come  to  the  next  session. 
No  interval  should  be  admitted  between  this  last 
attack  of  enmity  and  your  reappearance  with 
the  approving  voice  of  your  constituents,  and 
your  taking  a  commanding  attitude.  *  *  * 
If  this  be  done,  I  should  think  it  best  that  you 
take  no  notice  at  all  of  the  answer. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  242.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  257.  (Pa., 
May  1798.) 

5502.  MONTESQUIEU  (Baron),  Au 
thor. — The  history  of  Montesquieu's  "  Spirit 
of  Laws  "  is  well  known.  He  had  been  a  great 
reader,  and  had  commonplaced  everything  he 
read.  At  length  he  wished  to  undertake  some 
work  into  which  he  could  bring  his  whole  com 
monplace  book  in  a  digested  form.  He  fixed 
on  the  subject  of  his  "Spirit  of  Laws",  and 
wrote  the  book.  He  consulted  his  friend 
Helvetius  about  publishing  it,  who  strongly  dis 
suaded  it.  He  published  it,  however,  and  the 
world  did  not  confirm  Helvetius's  opinion. — 
To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  535.  (M.,  1810.) 

5503. .     Every  man  who  reflects 

as  he  reads,  has  considered  it  as  a  book  of 
paradoxes ;  having,  indeed,  much  of  truth  and 
sound  principle,  but  abounding  also  with  incon 
sistencies,  apocryphal  facts  and  false  infer 
ences. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  535.  (M., 
1810.) 

5504. .     I  had,  with  the  world, 

deemed  Montesquieu's  work  of  much  merit ; 
but  saw  in  it,  with  every  thinking  man,  so  much 
of  paradox,  of  false  principle  and  misapplied 
fact,  as  to  render  its  value  equivocal  on  the 
whole.  Williams  and  others  had  nibbled  only 
at  its  errors.  A  radical  correction  of  them, 
therefore,  was  a  great  desideratum.  This  want 
is  now  supplied,  and  with  a  depth  of  thought, 
precision  of  idea,  of  language  and  of  logic, 
which  will  force  conviction  into  every  mind. 
I  declare  to  you,  in  the  spirit  of  truth  and  sin 
cerity,  that  I  consider  it  the  most  precious  gilt 
the  present  age  has  received.  But  what  would 
it  have  been,  had  the  author,  or  would  the  au 
thor,  take  up  the  whole  scheme  of  Montesquieu's 
work,  and  following  the  correct  analysis  he  has 
here  developed,  fill  up  all  its  parts  according 
to  his  sound  views  of  them.  Montesquieu's 
celebrity  would  be  but  a  small  portion  of  that 
which  would  immortalize  the  author. — To 
M.  DESTUTT  TRACY,  v,  566.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  305. 
(M.,  1811.) 

5505.  MONTESQUIEU    (Baron),    Mon 
archist. — I   am   glad   to   hear  of  everything 
which   reduces    Montesquieu   to   his   just   level, 
as    his    predilection    for    monarchy,     and    the 
English  monarchy  in  particular,  has  done  mis 
chief    everywhere. — To    WILLIAM     DUANE.     v, 
539.     (M.,  1810.) 

5506.  MONTICELLO,  Beauties  of  .—And 

our  own  dear  Monticello :  where  has  nature 
spread  so  rich  a  mantle  under  the  eye? 
Mountains,  forests,  rocks,  rivers !  With  what 
majesty  do  we  there  ride  above  the  storms ! 
How  sublime  to  look  down  into  the  workhouse 
of  nature,  to  see  her  clouds,  hail,  snow,  rain, 
thunder,  all  fabricated  at  our  feet !  And  the 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Monticello 
Mural  Sense 


glorious  sun  when  rising,  as  if  out  of  a  dis 
tant  water,  just  gilding  the  tops  of  the  moun 
tains,  and  giving  life  to  all  nature!* — To  MRS. 
COSWAY.  ii,  35-  FORD  ED.,  iv,  315.  (P.,  1786.) 
See  MIRAGE. 

5507.  MONTICELLO,  Guests  at.— You 
know  our  practice  of  placing  our  guests  at 
their  ease,  by  showing  them  we  are  so  ourselves 
and  that  we  follow  our  necessary  vocations,  in 
stead  of  fatiguing  them  by  hanging  unremit 
tingly  on  their  shoulders. — To  FRANCIS  W. 
GILMER.  vii,  5.  (1816.) 

6508.   MONTICELLO,  Becollections  of. 

—All  my  wishes  end,  where  I  hope  my  days 
will  end,  at  Monticello.  Too  many  scenes  of 
happiness  mingle  themselves  with  all  the  recol 
lections  of  my  native  woods  and  fields,  to  suffer 
them  to  be  supplanted  in  my  affection  by  any 
other. — To  DR.  GEORGE  GILMER.  ii,  243. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  436.  (P.,  1787.) 

5509.  MONTMOBIN    (Count),    Honest. 
— I  am  pleased  with  Montmorin.  His  honesty 
proceeds   from  the  heart  as  well  as   the   head, 
and   therefore    may   be   more   securely   counted 
on. — To  JAMES  MADISON,    ii,  153.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
393.     (P.,  1787.) 

50 1O.  MONTMOBIN  (Count),  Modest.— 
I  am  extremely  pleased  with  his  modesty,  the 
simplicity  of  his  manners,  and  his  dispositions 
towards  us.     I  promise  myself  a  great  deal  of 
satisfaction    in    doing    business    with    him. — To 
MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,    ii,  131.     (P.,  1787.) 

5511.  MONTMOBIN     (Count),     Weak 
but  worthy. — Montmorin  is  weak,  though  a 
most    worthy    character.      He    is    indolent    and 
inattentive,    too,    in    the    extreme. — To    JAMES 
MADISON,    ii,  444.     FORD  ED.,  v,  43.     (P.,  1788.) 

—  MOON. — See  LATITUDE  AND  LONGITUDE. 

5512.  MOBAL    LAW,    Evidence    of.— 
Man  has  been  subjected  by  his  Creator  to  the 
moral  law,  of  which  his  feelings,  or  conscience 
as  it  is  sometimes  called,  are  the  evidence  with 
which  his  Creator  has  furnished  him. — OPINION 
ON  FRENCH  TREATIES,     vii,  613.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
220.     (1793-) 

5513.  MOBAL    LAW,    Nations    and.— 
The  moral  duties  which  exist  between  individ 
ual  and  individual  in  a  state  of  nature,  accom 
pany  them  into  a  state  of  society,  and  the  ag 
gregate    of    the    duties    of    all    the    individuals 
composing  the  society  constitutes  the  duties  of 
that  society  towards  any  other ;  so  that  between 
society  and  society  the  same  moral  duties  exist 
as  did  between  the  individuals  composing  them 
while  in  an  unassociated  state,  their  Maker  not 
having    released    them    from    those    duties    on 

•  With  the  cares  and  delights  of  his  family,  his 
books  and  his  farm,  he  mingled  the  gratification  of 
his  devotion  to  the  Fine  Arts,  particularly  architec 
ture.  He  superintended  [in  1781-2!  the  construction 
of  his  elegant  mansion,  which  had  been  commenced 
some  years  before,  and  was  already  in  a  habitable 
condition.  The  plan  of  the  building  was  entirely 
original  in  this  country.  He  had  drawn  it  himself 
from  books,  with  a  view  to  improve  the  architecture 
of  his  countrymen,  by  introducing  an  example  of 
the  tastes  and  arts  of  Europe.  The  original  design 
of  the  structure,  which  was  executed  before  his 
travels  in  Europe  had  supplied  him  with  any  models, 
is  allowed  by  European  travelers  to  have  been  in 
finitely  superior,  in  taste  and  convenience,  to  that 
of  any  other  h9use  in  America.  The  fame  of  the 
Monticellean  philosopher  having  already  spread  over 
Europe,  his  hospitable  seat  was  made  the  resort  of 
scientific  adventurers,  and  of  dignified  travelers 
from  many  parts  of  that  continent.  —  RAYNER  s  Life 
of  Jefferson )  p.  221. 


their  forming  themselves  into  a  nation. — OPIN 
ION  ON  FRENCH  TREATIES,  vii,  613.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  220.  (1793-) 

5514.  MOBAL  SENSE,  Innate.— I  think 
it  is  lost  time  to  attend  lectures  on  moral 
philosophy.  He  who  made  us  would  have  been 
a  pitiful  bungler,  if  He  had  made  the  rules  of 
our  moral  conduct  a  matter  of  science.  For 
r.ie  man  of  science,  there  are  thousands  who 
are  not.  What  would  have  become  of  them  ? 
Man  was  destined  for  society.  His  morality, 
therefore,  was  to  be  formed  to  this  object.  He 
was  endowed  with  a  sense  of  right  and  wrong, 
merely  relative  to  this.  This  sense  is  as  much 
a  part  of  his  nature,  as  the  sense  of  hearing, 
seeing,  feeling ;  it  is  the  true  foundation  of 
morality,  and  not  the  TO  Kakov ,  truth,  &c.,  as 
fanciful  writers  have  imagined.  The  moral 
sense,  or  conscience,  is  as  much  a  part  of  man 
as  his  leg  or  arm.  It  is  given  to  all  human 
beings  in  a  stronger  or  weaker  degree,  as  force 
of  members  is  given  them  in  a  greater  or  less 
degree.  It  may  be  strengthened  by  exercise, 
as  may  any  particular  limb  of  the  body.  This 
sense  is  submitted,  indeed,  in  some  degree,  to 
the  guidance  of  reason ;  but  it  is  a  small  stock 
which  is  required  for  this ;  even  a  less  one  than 
what  we  call  common  sense.  State  a  moral 
case  to  a  plowman  and  a  professor.  The  former 
will  decide  it  as  well  and  often  better  than  the 
latter,  because  he  has  not  been  led  astray  by 
artificial  rules.  In  this  branch,  therefore,  read 
good  books,  because  they  will  encourage  as  well 
as  direct  your  feelings.  The  writings  of  Sterne, 
particularly,  form  the  best  course  of  morality 
that  ever  was  written.  Lose  no  occasion  of 
exercising  your  dispositions  ,to  be  grateful,  to 
be  generous,  to  be  charitable,  to  be  humane, 
to  be  true,  just,  firm,  orderly,  courageous,  &c. 
Consider  every  act  of  this  kind  as  an  exercise 
which  will  strengthen  your  moral  faculties,  and 
increase  your  worth. — To  PETER  CARR.  ii,  238. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  428.  (P.,  1787.) 

5515. .  I  sincerely  believe  in  the 

general  existence  of  a  moral  instinct.  I  think 
it  the  brighest  gem  with  which  the  human  char 
acter  is  studded,  and  the  want  of  it  as  more 
degrading  than  the  most  hideous  of  the  bodily 
deformities. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  vi,  351.  (M., 
1814.) 

5516. .    I  believe    *    *    *    that 

the  moral  sense  is  as  much  a  part  of  our  con 
stitution  as  that  of  feeling,  seeing,  or  hearing ; 
as  a  wise  Creator  must  have  seen  to  be  neces 
sary  in  an  animal  destined  to  live  in  society. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 

5517. .    The  moral  sense  [is]  the 

first  excellence  of  well-organized  man. — To 
JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  275.  (M.,  1823.) 

5518.  MOBAL   SENSE,    Utility   and.— 

Some  have  argued  against  the  existence  of  a 
moral  sense,  by  saying  that  if  nature  had  given 
us  such  a  sense,  impelling  us  to  virtuous  actions, 
and  warning  us  against  those  which  are  vicious, 
then  nature  would  also  have  designated,  by 
some  particular  earmarks,  the  two  sets  of  ac 
tions  which  are,  in  themselves,  the  one  virtuous 
and  the  other  vicious.  Whereas,  we  find,  in 
fact,  that  the  same  actions  are  deemed  virtuous 
in  one  country  and  vicious  in  another.  The 
answer  is  that  nature  has  constituted  utility  to 
man  the  standard  and  test  of  virtue.  Men  liv 
ing  in  different  countries,  under  different  cir 
cumstances,  different  habits  and  regimens,  may 
have  different  utilities ;  the  same  act,  therefore, 
may  be  useful,  and  consequently  virtuous  in  one 
country  which  is  injurious  and  vicious  in  an- 


Moral  Sense 
Morality 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


592 


other  differently  circumstanced. — To  THOMAS 
LAW.  vi,  351.  (M.,  1814.) 

5519.  MORAL  SENSE,   Want  of.— The 

Creator  would,  indeed,  have  been  a  bungling 
artist,  had  He  intended  man  for  a  social  ani 
mal,  without  planting  in  him  social  disposi 
tions.  It  is  true  that  they  are  not  planted  in 
every  man,  because  there  is  no  rule  without 
exceptions ;  but  it  is  false  reasoning  which  con 
verts  exceptions  into  the  general  rule.  Some 
men  are  born  without  the  organs  of  sight,  or  of 
hearing,  or  without  hands.  Yet  it  would  be 
wrong  to  say  that  man  is  born  without  these 
faculties,  and  sight,  hearing,  and  hands  may 
with  truth  enter  into  the  general  definition  of 
man.  The  want  or  imperfection  of  the  moral 
sense  in  some  men,  like  the  want  or  imperfec 
tion  of  the  senses  of  sight  and  hearing  in 
others,  is  no  proof  that  it  is  a  general  char 
acteristic  of  the  species. — To  THOMAS  LAW. 
vi,  350.  (M.,  1814.) 

5520. .     When   the   moral   sense 

is  wanting,  we  endeavor  to  supply  the  defect 
by  education,  by  appeals  to  reason  and  calcula 
tion,  by  presenting  to  the  being  so  unhappily 
conformed,  other  motives  to  do  good  and  to  es 
chew  evil,  such  as  the  love,  or  the  hatred,  or 
the  rejection  of  those  among  whom  he  lives,  and 
whose  society  is  necessary  to  his  happiness  and 
even  existence ;  demonstrations  by  sound  cal 
culation  that  honesty  promotes  interest  in  the 
long  run ;  the  rewards  and  penalties  established 
by  the  laws ;  and  ultimately  the  prospects  of  a 
future  state  of  retribution  for  the  evil  as  well  as 
the  good  done  while  here.  These  are  the 
correctives  which  are  'supplied  by  education,  and 
which  exercise  the  functions  of  the  moralist,  the 
preacher,  and  legislator;  and  they  lead  into  a 
course  of  correct  action  all  those  whose  de 
pravity  is  not  too  profound  to  be  eradicated. — 
To  THOMAS  LAW.  vi,  350.  (M.,  1814.) 

5521.  MORALITY,  Code  of.— I  know 
but  one  code  of  morality  for  men,  whether  act 
ing  singly  or  collectively.  He  who  says  I  will 
be  a  rogue  when  I  act  in  company  with  a  hun 
dred  others,  but  an  honest  man  when  I  act 
alone,  will  be  believed  in  the  former  assertion, 
but  not  in  the  latter.  I  would  say  with  the 
poet,  "  hie  niger  est,  hunc  tu  Romane  cavato  ". 
If  the  morality  of  one  man  produces  a  just  line 
of  conduct  in  him,  acting  individually,  why 
should  not  the  morality  of  one  hundred  men 
produce  a  just  line  of  conduct  in  them,  acting 
together? — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  99.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  in.  (P.,  1789.) 

5522. .  I  never  did,  or  counte 
nanced,  in  public  life,  a  single  act  inconsistent 
with  the  strictest  good  faith ;  having  never  be 
lieved  there  was  one  code  of  morality  for  a 
public,  and  another  for  a  private  man. — To 
DON  VALENTINE  DE  FERONDA.  v,  475.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  260.  (M.,  1809.) 

5523.  MORALITY,  Foundations  of.— It 
is  really  curious  that  on  a  question  so  funda 
mental,  such  a  variety  of  opinions  should  have 
prevailed  among  men,  and  those,  too,  of  the 
most  exemplary  virtue  and  first  order  of  under 
standing.  It  shows  how  necessary  was  the 
care  of  the  Creator  in  making  the  moral  prin 
ciple  so  much  a  part  of  our  constitution  as  that 
no  errors  of  reasoning  or  of  speculation  might 
lead  us  astray  from  its  observance  in  practice. 
Of  all  the  theories  on  this  question,  the  most 
whimsical  seems  to  have  been  that  of  Wollas- 
ton,  who  considers  truth  as  the  foundation  of 
morality.  The  thief  who  steals  your  guinea 
does  wrong  only  inasmuch  as  he  acts  a  lie  in 


using  your  guinea  as  if  it  were  his  own.  Truth 
is  certainly  a  branch  of  morality,  and  a  very 
important  one  to  society.  But  presented  as  its 
foundation,  it  is  as  if  a  tree  taken  up  by  the 
roots,  had  its  stem  reversed  in  the  air,  and  one 
of  its  branches  planted  in  the  ground. — To 
THOMAS  LAW.  vi,  348.  (M.,  1814.) 

5524. .     Some    have    made    the 

love  of  God  the  foundation  of  morality.  This, 
too,  is  but  a  branch  of  our  moral  duties,  which 
are  generally  divided  into  duties  to  God  and 
duties  to  man.  If  we  did  a  good  act  merely 
from  the  love  of  God  and  a  belief  that  it  is 
pleasing  to  Him,  whence  arises  the  morality  of 
the  atheist?  It  is  idle  to  say,  as  some  do,  that 
no  such  Being  exists.  We  have  the  same  evi 
dence  of  the  fact  as  of  most  of  those  we  act  on, 
to  wit  their  own  affirmations,  and  their  rea 
sonings  in  support  of  them.  I  have  observed, 
indeed,  generally  that  while  in  Protestant  coun 
tries  the  defections  from  the  Platonic  Chris 
tianity  of  the  priests  is  to  Deism,  in  Catholic 
countries  they  are  to  Atheism.  Diderot, 
D'Alembert,  D'Holbach,  Condorcet,  are  known 
to  have  been  among  the  most  virtuous  of  men. 
Their  virtue,  then,  must  have  had  some  other 
foundation  than  the  love  of  God. — To  THOMAS 
LAW.  vi,  348.  (M.,  1814.) 

5525. .    The  To  Kahov  of  others 

is  founded  in  a  different  faculty,  that  of  taste, 
which  is  not  even  a  branch  of  morality.  We 
have,  indeed,  an  innate  sense  of  what  we  call 
the  beautiful,  but  that  is  exercised  chiefly  on 
subjects  addressed  to  the  fancy,  whether 
through  the  eye  in  visible  forms,  as  landscape, 
animal  figure,  dress,  drapery,  architecture,  the 
composition  of  colors,  &c.,  or  to  the  imagina 
tion  directly,  as  imagery,  style,  or  measure  in 
prose  or  poetry,  or  whatever  constitutes  the 
domain  of  criticism  or  taste,  a  faculty  entirely 
distinct  from  the  moral  one. — To  THOMAS  LAW. 
vi,  349.  (M.,  1814.) 

5526. .      Self-interest,  or  rather 

self-love,  or  egoism,  has  been  more  plausibly  sub 
stituted  as  the  basis  of  morality.  But  I  consider 
our  relations  with  others  as  constituting  the 
boundaries  of  morality.  With  ourselves  we  stand 
on  the  ground  of  identity,  not  of  relation,  which 
last,  requiring  two  subjects,  excludes  self-love 
confined  to  a  single  one.  To  ourselves,  in 
strict  language,  we  can  owe  no  duties,  obliga 
tion  requiring  also  two  parties.  Self-love, 
therefore,  is  no  part  of  morality.  Indeed  it 
is  exactly  its  counterpart.  It  is  the  sole  an 
tagonist  of  virtue,  leading  us  constantly  by 
our  propensities  to  self-gratification  in  violation 
of  our  moral  duties  to  others.  Accordingly,  it 
is  against  this  enemy  that  are  erected  the  bat 
teries  of  moralists  and  religionists,  as  the  only 
obstacle  to  the  practice  of  morality.  Take  from 
man  his  selfish  propensities,  and  he  can  have 
nothing  to  seduce  him  from  the  practice  of 
virtue.  Or  subdue  those  propensities  by  edu 
cation,  instruction,  or  restraint,  and  virtue  re 
mains  without  a  competitor. — To  THOMAS  LAW. 
vi,  349.  (M.,  1814.) 

5527.  .     Egoism    in    a    broader 

sense,  has  been  thus  presented  as  the  source 
of  moral  action.  It  has  been  said  that  we  feed 
the  hungry,  clothe  the  naked,  bind  up  the 
wounds  of  the  man  beaten  by  thieves,  pour  oil 
and  wine  into  them,  set  him  on  our  own  beast 
and  bring  him  to  the  inn,  because  we  receive 
ourselves  pleasure  from  these  acts.  So  Helve- 
tius,  one  of  the  best  men  on  earth,  and  the  most 
ingenious  advocate  of  this  principle,  after  de 
fining  "  interest  "  to  mean  not  merely  that  which 
is  pecuniary,  but  whatever  may  procure  us 


593 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Morality 


pleasure,  or  withdraw  us  from  pain  (De  I'Es- 
prit  2,  i),  says  (ib.  2,  2),  "  the  humane  man 
is  he  to  whom  the  sight  of  misfortune  is  in 
supportable,  and  who  to  rescue  himself  from 
this  spectacle,  is  forced  to  succor  the  unfortu 
nate  object".  This,  indeed,  is  true.  But  it 
is  one  step  short  of  the  ultimate  question. 
These  good  acts  give  us  pleasure,  but  how  hap 
pens  it  that  they  give  us  pleasure?  Because 
nature  hath  implanted  in  our  breasts  a  love  of 
others,  a  sense  of  duty  to  them,  a  moral  in 
stinct,  in  short,  which  prompts  us  irresistibly  to 
feel  and  to  succor  their  distresses,  and  pro 
tests  against  the  language  of  Helvetius  (ib.  2, 
5),  "what  other  motive  than  self-interest  could 
determine  a  man  to  generous  actions?  It  is  as 
impossible  for  him  to  love  what  is  good  for  the 
sake  of  good,  as  to  love  evil  for  the  sake  of 
evil". — To  THOMAS  LAW.  vi,  349.  (M.,  1814.) 

5528.  .     God    has     formed    us 

moral   agents.     Not  that,   in   the  perfection   of 
His    state,    He    can    feel    pain    or    pleasure    in 
anything    we    may    do ;    He    is    far    above    our 
power ;  but  that  we  may  promote  the  happiness 
of  those  with  whom  He  has  placed  us  in  soci 
ety,  by  acting  honestly  towards  all,  benevolently 
to   those   who    fall   within   our  way,   respecting 
sacredly   their   rights,    bodily   and   mental,    and 
cherishing    especially    their    freedom    of    con 
science,  as  we  value  our  own. — To  MILES  KING. 
vi,  388.     (M.,   1814.) 

5529.  MORALITY,    Religion    and.— 

Reading,  reflection  and  time  have  convinced  me 
that  the  interests  of  society  require  the  obser 
vation  of  those  moral  precepts  only  in  which 
all  religions  agree  (for  all  forbid  us  to  steal, 
murder,  plunder,  or  bear  false  witness),  and 
that  we  should  not  intermeddle  with  the  par 
ticular  dogmas  in  which  all  religions  differ,  and 
which  are  totally  unconnected  with  morality. 
In  all  of  them  we  see  good  men,  and  as  many 
in  one  as  another.  The  varieties  in  the  struc 
ture  and  action  of  the  human  mind  as  in  those 
of  the  body,  are  the  work  of  our  Creator, 
against  which  it  cannot  be  a  religious  duty  to 
erect  the  standard  of  uniformity.  The  prac 
tice  of  morality  being  necessary  for  the  well- 
being  of  society,  he  has  taken  care  to  impress 
its  precepts  so  indelibly  on  our  hearts  that 
they  shall  not  be  effaced  by  the  subtleties  of 
our  brain.  We  all  agree  in  the  obligation  of  the 
moral  precepts  of  Jesus,  and  nowhere  will  they 
be  found  delivered  in  greater  purity  than  in  His 
discourses.  It  is,  then,  a  matter  of  principle 
with  me  to  avoid  disturbing  the  tranquillity  of 
others  by  the  expression  of  any  opinion  on  the 
innocent  questions  on  which  we  schismatize. — 
To  JAMES  FISHBACK.  v,  471.  (M.,  1809.) 

5530. .  In  that  branch  of  re 
ligion  which  regards  the  moralities  of  life,  and 
the  duties  of  a  social  being,  which  teaches  us  to 
love  our  neighbors  as  ourselves,  and  to  do  good 
to  all  men,  I  am  sure  that  you  and  I  do  not 
differ. — To  EZRA  STILES,  vii,  127.  (M.,  1819.) 

5531.  MORALITY,  Sublimest  system 
°*- — There  never  was  a  more  pure  and  sub 
lime  system  of  morality  delivered  to  man  than 
is  to  be  found  in  the  four  Evangelists. — To  SAM 
UEL  GREENHOW.  vi,  309.  (M.,  1814.) 

5532. .     i    know    nothing    more 

moral,  more  sublime,  more  worthy  of  your 
preservation  than  David's  description  of  the 
good  man,  in  isth  Psalm.— To  ISAAC  ENGLE- 
BRECHT.  vii,  337.  (M.,  1824.) 

5533.  MORALITY  (National),  Aban 
donment  of.— It  was  not  expected  in  this 


age,  that  nations  so  honorably  distinguished  by 
their  advances  in  science  and  civilization,  would 
suddenly  cast  away  the  esteem  they  had  merited 
from  the  world,  and,  revolting  from  the  empire 
of  morality,  assume  a  character  in  history, 
which  all  the  tears  of  their  posterity  will  never 
wash  from  its  pages. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  viii, 
128.  (1808.) 

5534. .     It    has    been    peculiarly 

unfortunate  for  us,  personally,  that  the  portion 
in  the  history  of  mankind,  at  which  we  were 
called  to  take  a  share  in  the  direction  of  their 
affairs,  was  such  an  one  as  history  has  never 
before  presented.  At  any  other  period,  the 
even-handed  justice  we  have  observed  towards 
all  nations,  the  efforts  we  have  made  to  merit 
their  esteem  by  every  act  which  candor  or 
liberality  could  exercise,  would  have  preserved 
our  peace,  and  secured  the  unqualified  confi 
dence  of  all  other  nations  in  our  faith  and 
probity.  But  the  hurricane  which  is  now  blast 
ing  the  world,  physical  and  moral,  has  pros 
trated  all  the  mounds  of  reason  as  well  as  right. 
All  those  calculations  which,  at  any  other 
period,  would  have  been  deemed  honorable,  of 
the  existence  of  a  moral  sense  in  man,  individ 
ually  or  associated,  of  the  connection  which  the 
laws  of  nature  have  established  between  his 
duties  and  his  interests,  of  a  regard  for  honest 
fame  and  the  esteem  of  our  fellow  men,  have 
been  a  matter  of  reproach  on  us,  as  evidences 
of  imbecility.  As  if  it  could  be  a  folly  for  an 
honest  man  to  suppose  that  another  could  be 
honest  also,  when  it  is  their  interest  to  be  so. 
And  when  is  this  state  of  things  to  end?  The 
death  of  Bonaparte  would,  to  be  sure,  re 
move  the  first  and  chiefest  apostle  of  the  deso 
lation  of  men  and  morals,  and  might  withdraw 
the  scourge  of  the  land.  But  what  is  to  restore 
order  and  safety  on  the  ocean?  The  death  of 
George  III.  ?  Not  at  all.  He  is  only  stupid ; 
and  his  ministers,  however  weak  and  profligate 
in  morals,  are  ephemeral.  But  his  nation  is 
permanent,  and  it  is  that  which  is  the  tyrant 
of  the  ocean.  The  principle  that  force  is  right, 
is  become  the  principle  of  the  nation  itself. 
They  would  not  permit  an  honest  minister,  were 
accident  to  bring  such  an  one  into  power,  to 
relax  their  system  of  lawless  piracy.  These 
were  the  difficulties  when  I  was  with  you.  I 
know  they  are  not  lessened,  and  I  pity  you. — 
To  CAESAR  A.  RODNEY,  v,  500.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
271.  (M.,  Feb.  1810.) 

5535.  MORALITY  (National),  Extinc 
tion  of. — There  are  three  epochs  in  history, 
signalized   by   the   total    extinction    of   national 
morality.     The   first   was   of  the   successors   of 
Alexander,    not    omitting    himself.     The    next, 
the  successors   of  the  first  Caesar.     The  third, 
our  own  age.     This  was  begun  by  the  partition 
of   Poland,    followed   by   that   of   the   treaty   of 
Pilnitz  ;  next  the  conflagration  of  Copenhagen  ; 
then  the  enormities  of  Bonaparte,  partitioning 
the  earth   at  his  will,   and  devastating  it  with 
fire  and  sword ;   now  the  conspiracy  of  Kings, 
the  successors  of  Bonaparte,  blasphemously  call 
ing  themselves  the  Holy  Alliance,  and  treading 
in  the  footsteps  of  their  incarcerated  leader ;  not 
yet   indeed   usurping   the   government   of   other 
nations,  avowedly  and  in  detail,  but  controlling 
by  their  armies  the   forms   in   which   they   will 
permit  them  to  be  governed ;  and  reserving,  in 
petto,  the  order  and  extent  of  the  usurpations 
further     meditated. — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,      i,     102. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  141.     (1821.) 

5536.  MORALITY  (National),  Govern 
ments  and. — Your  ideas  of  the  moral  obliga 
tions    of    governments    are    perfectly    correct. 
The  man  who  is  dishonest  as  a  statesman  would 


Morality 

Moreau  (Gen.  J.  Victor) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


594 


be  a  dishonest  man  in  any  station.  It  is 
strangely  absurd  to  suppose  that  a  million  of 
human  beings,  collected  together,  are  not  under 
the  same  moral  laws  which  bind  each  of  them 
separately. — To  GEORGE  LOGAN.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
68.  (P.F.,  Nov.  1816.) 

5537. .  Moral  duties  are  as  ob 
ligatory  on  nations  as  on  individuals.* — THE 
ANAS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  332.  (1808.) 

5538.  MORALITY  (National),  Progress 

in.— The  eighteenth  century  certainly  wit 
nessed  the  sciences  and  arts,  manners  and 
morals,  advanced  to  a  higher  degree  than  the 
world  had  ever  before  seen.  And  might  we 
not  go  back  to  the  era  of  the  Borgias,  by  which 
time  the  barbarous  ages  had  reduced  national 
morality  to  its  lowest  point  of  depravity,  and 
observe  that  the  arts  and  sciences,  rising  from 
that  point,  advanced  gradually  through  all  the 
sixteenth,  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries, 
softening  and  correcting  the  manners  and 
morals  of  man? — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  523. 
(M.,  1816.) 

5539. .    With    some    exceptions 

only,  through  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  morality  occupied  an  honorable 
chapter  in  the  political  code  of  nations.  You 
must  have  observed  while  in  Europe,  as  I 
thought  I  did,  that  those  who  administered  the 
governments  of  the  greater  powers  at  least,  had 
a  respect  to  faith,  and  considered  the  dignity 
of  their  government  as  involved  in  its  integrity. 
A  wound  indeed  was  inflicted  on  this  character 
of  honor  in  the  eighteenth  century  by  the  parti 
tion  of  Poland.  But  this  was  the  atrocity  of  a 
barbarous  government  chiefly,  in  conjunction 
with  a  smaller  one  still  scrambling  to  become 
great,  while  one  only  of  those  already  great, 
and  having  character  to  lose,  descended  to 
the  baseness  of  an  accomplice  in  the  crime. 
France,  England,  Spain,  shared  in  it  only  inas 
much  as  they  stood  aloof  and  permitted  its 
perpetration.  How,  then,  has  it  happened  that 
these  nations,  France  especially,  and  England, 
so  great,  so  dignified,  so  distinguished  by 
science  and  the  arts,  plunged  all  at  once  into 
all  the  depths  of  human  enormity,  threw  off 
suddenly  and  openly  all  the  restraints  of  moral 
ity,  all  sensation  to  character,  and  unblushingly 
avowed  and  acted  on  the  principle  that  power 
was  right?  Can  this  sudden  apostasy  from  na 
tional  rectitude  be  accounted  for?  The  treaty 
of  Pilnitz  seems  to  have  begun  it,  suggested 
perhaps  by  the  baneful  precedent  of  Poland. 
Was  it  from  the  terror  of  monarchs,  alarmed 
at  the  light  returning  on  them  from  the  west, 
and  kindling  a  volcano  under  their  thrones  ? 
Was  it  a  combination  to  extinguish  that  light, 
and  to  bring  back,  as  their  best  auxiliaries, 
those  enumerated  by  you,  the  Sorbonne,  the 
Inquisition,  the  Index  Expnrgatoriiis,  and  the 
knights  of  Loyola?  Whatever  it  was,  the  close 
of  the  new  century  saw  the  moral  world 
thrown  back  again  to  the  age  of  the  Borgias,  to 
the  point  from  which  it  had  departed  three  hun 
dred  years  before.  France,  after  crushing  and 
punishing  the  conspiracy  of  Pilnitz,  went  deeper 
herself  and  deeper  into  the  crimes  she  had 
been  chastising.  I  say  France  and  not  Bona 
parte  ;  for,  although  he  was  the  head  and  mouth, 
the  nation  furnished  the  hands  which  executed 
his  enormities.  England,  although  in  opposi 
tion,  kept  full  pace  with  France,  not  indeed  by 
the  manly  force  of  her  own  arms,  but  by  op 
pressing  the  weak  and  bribing  the  strong.  At 

*  Reply,  rejecting  the  proposal  of  a  person  en 
trusted  with  the  British  minister's  dispatches,  to  turn 
them  over  to  the  United  States  government  for  a 
reward.— EDITOR. 


length  the  whole  choir  joined  and  divided  the 
weaker  nations  among  them. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  524.  (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

5540.  MORALITY  (National),  United 
States  and. — Let  us  hope  that  our  new  [Fed 
eral]  government  will  *  *  *  show  that  they 
mean  to  proscribe  no  virtue  from  the  canons 
of  their  conduct  with  other  nations. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  v,  112.  (P., 
1789.) 

5541. .  We  are  firmly  convinced, 

and  we  act  on  that  conviction,  that  with  na 
tions,  as  with  individuals,  our  interests  soundly 
calculated,  will  ever  be  found  inseparable  from 
our  moral  duties ;  and  history  bears  witness  to 
the  fact,  that  a  just  nation  is  taken  on  its  word, 
when  recourse  is  had  to  armaments  and  wars 
to  bridle  others. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
viii,  40.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  343.  (1805.) 

5542. .     It  is  a  great  consolation 

to  me  that  our  government,  as  it  cherishes 
most  its  duties  to  its  own  citizens,  so  is  it  the 
most  exact  in  its  moral  conduct  towards  other 
nations.  I  do  not  believe  that  in  the  four 
Administrations  which  have  taken  place,  there 
has  been  a  single  instance  of  departure  from 
good  faith  towards  other  nations.  We  may 
sometimes  have  mistaken  our  rights,  or  made 
an  erroneous  estimate  of  the  actions  of  others., 
but  no  voluntary  wrong  can  be  imputed  to  us. — 
To  GEORGE  LOGAN.  FORD  EDV  x,  68.  (P.F., 
Nov.  1816.) 

5543. .  It  is  of  great  conse 
quence  to  us,  and  merits  every  possible  en 
deavor,  to  maintain  in  Europe  a  correct  opinion 
of  our  political  morality. — To  PRESIDENT  MON 
ROE.  FORD  ED.,  x,  123.  (M.,  1819.) 

5544.  MORALS,   Preservation  of.— The 

pursuits  of  agriculture  are  *  *  *  the  best 
preservative  of  morals. — To  J.  BLAIR,  ii,  248. 
(P.,  1787.) 

5545. We  wish  to  preserve  the 

morals  of  our  citizens  from  being  vitiated  by 
courses  of  lawless  plunder  and  murder. — To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  559.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  253. 
(Pa.,  1793.) 

5546.  MORALS,    Science    and.— I    fear, 

from  the  experience  of  the  last  twenty-five 
years,  that  morals  do  not  of  necessity  advance 
hand  in  hand  with  the  sciences. — To  M.  COR- 
REA.  vi,  480.  (M.,  1815.) 

5547.  MOREAU    (General    J.    Victor), 
Esteem,  for. — No  one  entertains  a  more  cor 
dial  esteem  for  General  Moreau's  character  than 
I   do,   and  although   our  relations  with   France 
have  rendered  it  a  duty  in  me  not  to  seek  any 
public  manifestation  of  it,  yet  were  accident  to 
bring  us  together,  I  could  not  be  so  much  want 
ing  to  my  sentiments  and  those  of  my  constitu 
ents    individually,    as   to   omit   a   cordial   mani 
festation  of  it. — To  WILLIAM   SHORT,     v,  212. 
(W.,  Nov.  1807.) 

5548.  MOREAU    (General    J.    Victor), 
Reception  of.— I  confess  that  the  enclosed 
letter  from  General  Turreau  excites  in  me  both 
jealousy  and  offence  in  undertaking,  and  with 
out  apology,  to  say  in  what  manner  to  receive 
and    treat    Moreau    within    our    own    country. 
Had  Turreau  been  here  longer  he  would  have 
known  that  the  national  authority  pays  honors 
to   no    foreigners.     That  the    State   authorities, 
municipalities  and  individuals,  are  free  to  ren 
der  whatever  they  please,  voluntarily,  and  free 
from  restraint  by   us ;   and  he  ought  to  know 


595 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Morgan  (George) 
Morris  (Gouverneur) 


that  no  part  of  the  criminal  sentence  of  another 
country  can  have  any  effect  here.  The  style 
of  that  government  in  the  Spanish  business, 
was  calculated  to  excite  indignation  ;  but  it  was 
a  case  in  which  that  might  have  done  injury. 
But  the  present  is  a  case  which  would  justify 
some  notice  in  order  to  let  them  understand 
we  are  not  of  those  powers  who  will  receive 
and  execute  mandates.  I  think  the  answer 
should  show  independence  as  well  as  friendship. 
—  To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  584.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
376.  (M.,  Aug.  1805.) 

5549.  MORGAN  (George),  Exposure  of 
Burr.  —  Your    situation    and    the    knowledge 
you   already  possess   would   probably   put  it  in 
your  power  to  trace  the  footsteps  of  this  enter 
prise    [Burr's   conspiracy]    on  the  public  peace 
with  more  effect  than  any  other  with  whom  I 
could  communicate.     Whatever  zeal  you  might 
think  proper  to  use  in  this  pursuit,  would  be 
used  in  fulfilment  of  the  duties  of  a  good  citi 
zen,   and   any   communications   you  may  be   so 
good  as  to  make  to  me  on  the  subject  shall  be 
thankfully  received,  and  so  made  use  of  as  not 
to  commit  you  any  further  than  yourself  may 
think  proper  to  express.     A  knowledge  of  the 
persons  who  may  reject,  as  well  as  of  those  who 
may   accept   parricide   propositions   will   be   pe 
culiarly    useful.  —  To     GEORGE    MORGAN.      FORD 
ED.,  viii,  473.     (MM  Sep.  1806.) 

5550.  --  .     Yours  was  the  very  first 
intimation  I  had  of  Burr's  plot,  for  which  it  is 
but  justice  to   say  you  have   deserved  well  of 
your    country.  —  To    COLONEL    GEORGE    MORGAN. 
v,  57-     (W.,  1807.) 

5551.  --  .      Colonel     Morgan     first 
gave  us  notice  of  the  mad  project  of  that  day, 
which     if     suffered    to     proceed,     might    have 
brought     afflicting     consequences     on     persons 
whose   subsequent  lives   have  proved  their   in 
tegrity  and  loyalty  to  their  country.  —  To  MRS. 
K.    D.    MORGAN.      FORD    ED.,    viii,    473.      (M., 
1822.) 

5552.  MORGAN  (George),  Land  grant. 

—  Spain  has  granted  to  Colonel  Morgan,  of 
New  Jersey,  a  vast  tract  of  land  on  the  western 
side  of  the  Mississippi  with  the  monopoly  of  the 
navigation   of   that   river.     He   is   inviting   set 
tlers  and  they  swarm  to  him.     Even  the  settle 
ment  of  Kentucky  is  likely  to  be  much  weak 
ened    by    emigrations    to    Morgan's    grant.  —  To 
WILLIAM    SHORT,      ii,    574.      FORD   ED.,   v,    71. 
(P.,  1789.) 

6553.  MOROCCO,  Brig  Betsey.—  The 
Court  of  Madrid  has  obtained  the  delivery  of 
the  crew  of  the  brig  Betsey,  taken  by  the  Em 
peror  of  Morocco.  The  Emperor  had  treated 
them  kindly,  new  clothed  them,  and  delivered 
them  to  the  Spanish  minister,  who  sent  them 
to  Cadiz.  This  is  the  only  American  vessel 
ever  taken  by  the  Barbary  States.  —  To  JAMES 
MADISON,  i,  413.  (P.,  1785.) 

5554.  MOROCCO,  Proofs  of  friendship. 

—  The  Emperor    [of  Morocco]    continues  to 
give  proofs   of  his   desire   to   be   in   friendship 
with  us,  or,  in  other  words,  of  receiving  us  into 
the  number  of  his  tributaries.     Nothing  further 
need  be  feared  from  him.  —  To  JAMES  MADISON 
i,  413-     (P.,   1785-) 

5555.  MOROCCO,     Treaty.—  The     treaty 
with   Morocco     *     *     *     is   signed  before  this 
time:    for    which    we    are    much    indebted    to 
Spain.  —  To    DAVID    HUMPHREYS,     ii,    10.     (P. 
1786.) 

5556.  MOROCCO,  Tribute  or  war.—  The 


Empetor    of    Morocco     *     '* 


is    ready    to 


receive  us  into  the  number  of  his  tributaries. 
What  will  be  the  amount  of  tribute  remains  yet 
to  be  known,  *  *  *  but  it  will  surely  be 
more  than  a  free  people  ought  to  pay  to  a 
sower  owning  only  four  or  five  frigates,  under 
twenty-two  guns.  He  has  not  a  port  into  which 
a  larger  vessel  can  enter.  The  Algerines  pos 
sess  fifteen  or  twenty  frigates,  from  that  size 
up  to  fifty  guns.  Disinclination  on  their  part 
lias  lately  broken  off  a  treaty  between  Spain 
and  them,  whereon  they  were  to  have  received 
a  million  of  dollars,  besides  great  presents  in 
naval  stores.  What  sum  they  intend  we  shall 
)ay,  I  cannot  say.  Then  follow  Tunis  and 
Tripoli.  You  will  probably  find  the  tribute  to 
all  these  powers  make  such  a  proportion  of  the 
Federal  taxes,  as  that  every  man  will  feel  them 
sensibly  when  he  pays  those  taxes.  The  ques 
tion  is  whether  their  peace  or  war  will  be 
cheaper?  But  it  is  a  question  which  should 
be  addressed  to  our  honor,  as  well  as  our  ava 
rice.  Nor  does  it  respect  us  as  to  these  pirates 
only,  but  as  to  the  nations  of  Europe.  If  we 
wish  our  commerce  to  be  free  and  uninsulted, 
we  must  let  these  nations  see  that  we  have  an 
energy  which  at  present  they  disbelieve.  The 
low  opinion  they  entertain  of  our  powers  cannot 
fail  to  involve  us  soon  in  a  naval  war. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,  i,  401.  (P.,  1785.) 

5557.  MORRIS      (Gouverneur),      Mon 
archist. — Gouverneur   Morris,   a  high  flying 
monarchy  man,  shutting  his  eyes  and  his  faith 
to  every  fact  against  his  wishes,  and  believing 
everything  he  desires  to  be  true,  has  kept  the 
President's     [Washington's]     mind     constantly 
poisoned  with   his   forebodings    [respecting  the 
French     Revolution]. — THE     ANAS,      ix,      in. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  188.     (1792.) 

5558.  MORRIS    (Gouverneur),    Opposi 
tion  to. — The  opposition  to  Gouverneur  Mor 
ris  was  upon  the  following  principles:      i.  His 
general    character,    being    such    that   we   would 
not  confide  in  it.     2.  His  known  attachment  to 
monarchy,  and  contempt  of  republican  govern 
ment  ;    and   3,   his   present  employment   abroad 
being  a  news  vender  of  back-lands  and  certifi 
cates.     We  took  the  yeas  and  nays  on  his  ap 
pointment    and    eleven    voted    against    it. — To 
ARCHIBALD    STUART.     FORD   ED.,    v,    454.     (Pa., 
1792.) 

5559. .     The  nomination  of  Mr. 

Morris  was  so  extremely  unpopular,  and  so  little 
relished  by  several  of  the  Senate,  that  every 
effort  was  used  to  negative  it.  Those  whose 
personal  objections  to  Mr.  Morris  overruled 
their  deference  to  the  President,  finding  them 
selves  in  a  minority,  joined  with  another  small 
party  who  were  against  all  foreign  appoint 
ments,  and  endeavored  with  them  to  put  down 
the  whole  system  rather  than  let  this  article 
pass.  This  plan  was  defeated,  and  Mr.  Morris 
passed  by  a  vote  of  16  against  n. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  iii,  329.  FORD  ED.,  v,  434.  (Pa., 
1792.) 

5560.  MORRIS  (Gouverneur),  Services 
in  England. — President  Washington's  letter 
of  January  22d  [1790],  authorized  Mr.  Morris 
to  enter  into  conference  with  the  British  min 
isters  in  order  to  discover  their  sentiments  on 
[certain]  subjects.  *  *  *  The  Secretary  of 
State  is  of  opinion  that  Mr.  Morris's  letters  [to 
the  President]  remove  any  doubts  which  might 
have  been  entertained  as  to  the  intentions  and 
dispositions  of  the  British  cabinet:  *  *  * 
that  Mr.  Morris  should  be  informed  that  he  has 
fulfilled  the  object  of  his  agency  to  the  satisfac 
tion  of  the  President. — OFFICIAL  REPORT,  vii, 
517.  FORD  ED.,  v,  261.  (December  1790.) 


Mortmain 
Mountains 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


596 


5561.  MORTMAIN",  Laws  of. —The  bill 

for  establishing  a  National  Bank  undertakes 
*  *  *  to  form  the  subscribers  into  a  cor 
poration  and  enables  them  in  their  corporate 
capacities  to  receive  grants  of  land,  and,  so  far, 
is  against  the  laws  of  Mortmain.  Though  the 
Constitution  controls  the  laws  of  Mortmain  so 
far  as  to  permit  Congress  itself  to  hold  land 
for  certain  purposes,  yet  not  so  far  as  to  permit 
them  to  communicate  a  similar  right  to  other 
corporate  bodies.— NATIONAL  BANK  OPINION. 
vii,  555-  FORD  ED.,  v,  284.  (1791-) 

5562.  MOTTOES,    Beauty    of.— I     shall 
omit  the  word  agisos,  according  to  the  license 
you  allow  me,  because  I  think  the  beauty  of  a 
motto   is  to   condense  much   matter  in   as   few 
words    as   possible.*— To    GEORGE    WYTHE.     u, 
6.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  267.     (P.,  1786.) 

5563.  MOUNTAINS,  Altitude  of.— I  ex 
amined,  with  great  satisfaction,  your  barometric 
al   estimate  of  the  heights   of   our   mountains; 
and  with  the  more,   as  they  corroborated  con 
jectures  on  this  subject  which  I  had  made  be 
fore.     My    estimates    had    made    them    a    little 
higher  than  yours  (I  speak  of  the  Blue  Ridge). 
Measuring    with    a    very    nice    instrument    the 
angle  subtended  vertically  by  the  highest  moun 
tain    of   the    Blue    Ridge    opposite   to    my    own 
house,  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  miles  south- 
westward,  I  made  the  highest  about  two  thousand 
feet,    as   well    as    I    remember.  I    do 
not  remember  from  what  principles  I  estimated 
the  Peaks  of  Otter  at  four  thousand  feet;  but 
some  late  observations  of  Judge  Tucker's  coin 
cided    very    nearly    with    my    estimate.     Your 
measures  confirm  another  opinion  of  mine,  that 
the  Blue  Ridge,  on  its  south  side,  is  the  highest 
ridge  in  our  country  compared  with  its  base. — 
To  JONATHAN   WILLIAMS,     iv,    146.     FORD  ED.. 
vii,  85.     (M.,  1796.) 

5564.  MOUNTAINS,       Barometrical 
measurement. — The    method    of    estimating 
heights    [of    mountains]    by    the   barometer,    is 
convenient  and  useful,  as  being  ready,  and  fur 
nishing   an   approximation   to   truth.     Of   what 
degree   of   accuracy  it  is   susceptible  we  know 
not  as  yet ;  no  certain  theory  being  established 
for  ascertaining  the  density  and  weight  of  that 
portion  of  the  column  of  atmosphere  contiguous 
to   the   mountain;    from   the   weight   of   which, 
nevertheless,  we  are  to  infer  the  height  of  the 
mountain.     The  most  plausible  seems  to  be  that 
which   supposes   the  mercury   of  barometer  di 
vided  into  horizontal  lamina  of  equal  thickness ; 
and   a  similar   column   of  the   atmosphere   into 
lamina  of  equal  weights.    The  former  divisions 
give  a  set  of  arithmetical,  the  latter  of  geomet 
rical  progressionals,  which  being  the  character 
of  logarithms  and  their  numbers,  the  tables  of 
these  furnish  ready  computations,  needing,  how 
ever,    the    corrections    which    the    state    of   the 
thermometer  calls   for.     It  is  probable  that  in 
taking  heights  in  the  vicinity  of  each  other  in 
this  way,  there  may  be  no  considerable  error, 
because  the  passage  between  them  may  be  quick 
and  repeated.     The  height  of  a  mountain  from 
its  base,  thus  taken,   merits,  therefore,   a  very 
different  degree  of  credit  from  that  of  its  height 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  where  that  is  distant. 
According,    for    example,    to   the   theory   above 
mentioned,   the   height   of   Monticello   from   its 
base  is  580  feet,  and  its  base  610  feet  8  inches, 
above  the  level  of  the  ocean ;  the  former,  from 

*  Jefferson  proposed  this  motto  for  the  Coat  of 
Arms  of  Virginia:  "  Rex  est  qui  regern  non  habet.  " 
The  mottoes  on  his  own  seals  were:  "Ab  eo  libertas, 
a  quo  spiritus",  and  u  Rebellion  to  tyrants  is  obedi 
ence  to  God".— EDITOR. 


other  facts,  I  believe  to  be  near  the  truth  ;  but  a 
knowledge  of  the  different  falls  of  water  from 
hence  to  the  tide-water  at  Richmond,  a  distance 
of  seventy-five  miles,  enables  us  to  say  that  the 
whole  descent  to  that  place  is  but  170  or  180 
feet.  From  thence  to  the  ocean  may  be  a  dis 
tance  of  one  hundred  miles ;  it  is  all  tide-water, 
and  through  a  level  country.  I  know  not  what 
to  conjecture  as  the  amount  of  descent,  but  cer 
tainly  not  435  feet,  as  that  theory  would  sup 
pose,  nor  the  quarter  part  of  it.  I  do  not  know 
by  what  rule  General  Williams  made  his  com 
putations.  He  reckons  the  foot  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  twenty  miles  from  here,  but  100  feet 
above  the  tide-water  at  Richmond.  We  know 
the  descent,  as  before  observed,  to  be  at  least 
170  feet  from  hence,  to  which  is  to  be  added 
that  from  the  Blue  Ridge  to  this  place,  a  very 
hilly  country,  with  constant  and  great  water 
falls.  His  estimate,  therefore,  must  be  much 
below  truth.  Results  so  different  prove  that  for 
distant  comparisons  of  height,  the  barometer 
is  not  to  be  relied  on  according  to  any  theory 
yet  known.  While,  therefore,  we  give  a  good 
degree  of  credit  to  the  results  of  operations  be 
tween  the  summit  of  a  mountain  and  its  base, 
we  must  give  less  to  those  between  its  summit 
and  the  level  of  the  ocean. — To  CAPT.  A.  PART 
RIDGE,  vi,  495.  (M.,  1815.) 

5565.  MOUNTAINS,      Trigonometrical 

measurement.— I  thank  you  for  *  *  * 
the  corrections  of  Colonel  Williams's  altitudes 
of  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  *  *  *  and 
especially  for  the  very  able  extract  on  baromet 
rical  measures.  The  precision  of  the  calcu 
lations,  and  soundness  of  the  principles  on 
which  they  are  founded,  furnish,  I  am  satisfied, 
a  great  approximation  towards  truth,  and  raise 
that  method  of  estimating  heights  to  a  consid 
erable  degree  of  rivalship  with  the  trigonomet 
rical.  The  last  is  not  without  some  sources  of 
inaccuracy.  The  admeasurement  of  the  base 
is  liable  to  errors  which  can  be  rendered  in 
sensible  only  by  such  degrees  of  care  as  have 
been  exhibited  by  the  mathematicians  who  have 
been  employed  in  measuring  degrees  on  the 
surface  of  the  earth.  *  i*  *  NO  two  men 
can  differ  on  a  principle  of  trigonometry.  Not 
so  on  the  theories  of  barometrical  mensura 
tion.  On  these  have  been  great  differences  of 
opinion,  and  among  characters  of  just  celebrity. 
*  *  *  In  1776,  I  observed  the  height  of  the 
mercury  at  the  base  and  summit  of  the  moun 
tain  I  live  on,  and  by  Nettleton's  tables,  esti 
mated  the  height  at  512.17  feet,  and  called  it 
about  5 po  feet  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia.  But 
calculating  it  since  on  the  same  observations, 
according  to  Bongour's  method  with  De  Luc's 
improvements,  the  result  was  579.5  feet;  and 
lately  I  measured  the  same  height  trigonomet- 
rically,  with  the  aid  of  a  base  line  of  1,175  f£et 
in  a  vertical  plane  with  the  summit,  and  at  the 
distance  of  about  1500  yards  from  the  axis  of 
the  mountain,  and  made  it  599.35  feet.  I  con 
sider  this  as  testing  the  advance  of  the  baromet 
rical  process  towards  truth  by  the  adoption  of 
the  logarithmic  ratio  of  heights  and  densities  ; 
and  continued  observations  and  experiments 
will  continue  to  advance  it  still  more.  But  the 
first  character  of  a  common  measure  of  things 
being  that  of  invariability,  I  can  never  suppose 
that  a  substance  so  heterogeneous  and  variable 
as  the  atmospheric  fluid,  changing  daily  and 
hourly  its  weight  and  dimensions  to  the  amount, 
sometimes,  of  one-tenth  of  the  whole,  can  be 
applied  as  a  standard  of  measure  to  anything, 
with  as  much  mathematical  exactness,  as  a  trig 
onometrical  process.  It  is  still,  however,  a 
resource  of  great  value  for  these  purposes,  be 
cause  its  use  is  so  easy,  in  comparison  with  the 


597 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Mourning 
Moustier  (Count) 


other,  and  especially  where  the  grounds  are 
unfavorable  for  a  base ;  and  its  results  are  so 
near  the  truth  as  to  answer  all  the  common 
purposes  of  information.  Indeed,  I  should  in 
all  cases,  prefer  the  use  of  both,  to  warn  us 
against  gross  error,  and  to  put  us,  when  that 
is  suspected  on  a  repetition  of  our  process.* — 
To  CAPT.  A.  PARTRIDGE,  vi,  510.  (M.,  1816.) 

5566.  MOURNING,     Official.— No     one 

would  more  willingly  than  myself  pay  the  just 
tribute  due  to  the  services  of  Captain  [John] 
Barry,  by  writing  a  letter  of  condolence  to  his 
widow,  as  you  suggest.  But  when  one  under 
takes  to  administer  justice,  it  must  be  with  an 
even  hand,  and  by  rule ;  what  is  done  for  one, 
must  be  done  for  every  one  in  equal  degree. 
To  what  a  train  of  attentions  would  this  draw  a 
President.  How  difficult  it  would  be  to  draw 
the  line  between  that  degree  of  merit  entitled 
to  such  a  testimonial  of  it,  and  that  not  so 
entitled?  If  drawn  in  a  particular  case  differ 
ently  from  what  the  friends  of  the  deceased 
would  judge  right,  what  offence  would  it  give, 
and  of  the  most  tender  kind?  How  much  of 
fence  would  be  given  by  accidental  inattentions, 
or  want  of  information  ?  The  first  step  into 
such  an  undertaking  ought  to  be  well  weighed. 
On  the  death  of  Dr.  Franklin,  the  King  and 
Convention  of  France  went  into  mourning. 
So  did  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States.  The  Senate  refused.  I  pro 
posed  to  General  Washington  that  the  Execu 
tive  department  should  wear  mourning.  He 
declined  it,  because  he  said  he  should  not  know 
where  to  draw  the  line,  if  he  once  began  that 
ceremony.  Mr.  Adams  was  then  Vice-Presi 
dent,  and  I  thought  General  Washington  had 
his  eye  on  him,  whom  he  certainly  did  not  love. 
I  told  him  the  world  had  drawn  so  broad  a 
line  between  himself  and  Dr.  Franklin,  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  residue  of  mankind,  on  the 
other,  that  we  might  wear  mourning  for  them, 
and  the  question  still  remain  new  and  unde 
cided  as  to  all  others.  He  thought  it  best,  how 
ever,  to  avoid  it.  On  these  considerations 
alone,  however  well  affected  to  the  merit  of 
Commodore  Barry,  I  think  it  prudent  not  to 
engage  myself  in  a  practice  which  may  become 
embarrassing. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  iv, 
507.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  264.  (W.,  1803.) 

5567.  MOUSTIEB    (Count),    Attach 
ment  for. — Fortune  seems  to  have  arranged 
among  her  destinies  that   I   should  never  con 
tinue  for  any  time  with  a  person  whose  man 
ners  and  principles   had   excited   my  warm  at 
tachment.     While    I    resided    in    France,    you 
resided    in    America.     While    I    was    crossing 
over   to    America,    you   were    crossing   back   to 
France ;   when    I    am   come  to   reside  with   our 
government,    your   residence    is    transferred   to 
Berlin.     Of   all   this,    Fortune   is   the   mistress, 
but    she    cannot    change    my    affections,     nor 
lessen  the  regrets  I  feel  at  their  perpetual  dis 
appointment. — To   COUNT    MOUSTIER.     iii,    199. 
(Pa.,  1790.) 

5568.  MOUSTIEB    (Count),    Character 
°f- — You  will  find  him  open,  communicative, 
candid,  simple  in  his  manners,  and  a  declared 
enemy    to    ostentation    and    luxury.     He    goes 
with   a  resolution   to   add   no   aliment  to   it  by 
his   example,   unless  he  finds  that  the  disposi 
tions  of  our  countrymen  require  it  indispensa 
bly. — To  JOHN  JAY.     ii,  293.      (P.,  1787.) 

5569. .     De  Moustier  is  remark 
ably  communicative.     With   adroitness  he  may 

*  Captain    Partridge    was    an  Engineer  officer  at 
West  Point.— EDITOR. 


be  pumped  of  anything.  His  openness  is  from 
character,  not  from  affectation.  An  intimacy 
with  him  may,  on  this  account,  be  politically 
valuable. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv. 
461.  (P.,  1787.) 

5570.  MOUSTIEB  (Count),  Medal  for. 
— The  President,  in  a  letter  to  the  King,  has 
expressed    his    sense    of    your    merit,    and    his 
entire  approbation  of  your  conduct  while  here, 
and  has  charged  me  to  convey  to  yourself  the 
same    sentiments    on    his    part.     Had    you    re 
turned  to  your  station  with  us,  you  would  have 
received  new  and  continued  marks   of  the   es 
teem    inspired    by    the   general    worth    of   your 
character,  as  well  as  by  the  particular  disposi 
tions    you    manifested    towards    this    country. 

*  As  a  testimony  of  these  sentiments, 
we  ask  your  acceptance  of  a  medal  and  chain 
of  gold.* — To  COUNT  MOUSTIER.  iii,  216. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

5571.  MOUSTIEB     (Count),     Minister 
to  America. — The  count  Moustier  is  nomi 
nated  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  America,  and 
a  frigate  is  ordered  to  Cherbourg  to  carry  him 
over. — To     JOHN     JAY.      ii,     274.      (P.,     Sept. 
1787.) 

5572.  MOUSTIEB     (Count),     Becall.— 

We  had  before  understood  *  *  *  that  the 
conduct  of  the  Count  Moustier  was  politically 
and  morally  offensive.  It  was  delicate  for  me 
to  speak  on  the  subject  to  the  Count  de  Mont- 
morin.  The  invaluable  mediation  of  *  *  * 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was,  therefore,  re 
sorted  to,  and  the  subject  explained,  though 
not  pressed.  Later  intelligence  showing  the 
necessity  of  pressing  it,  it  has  been  represented 
through  the  same  medium  to  the  Count  de 
Montmorin,  that  recent  information  proved  to 
us,  that  his1  minister's  conduct  had  rendered 
him  personally  odious  in  America,  and  might 
even  influence  the  dispositions  of  the  two 
nations ;  that  his  recall  was  become  a  matter 
of  mutual  concern ;  that  we  had  understood 
he  was  instructed  to  remind  the  new  govern 
ment  of  their  debt  to  this  country,  and  that 
he  was  in  the  purpose  of  doing  it  in  very  harsh 
terms ;  that  this  could  not  increase  their  desire 
of  hastening  payment,  and  might  wound  their 
affections ;  that,  therefore,  it  wast  much  to 
be  desired  that  his  discretion  should  not  be 
trusted  to,  as  to  the  form  in  which  the  demand 
should  be  made,  but  that  the  letter  should  be 
written  here,  and  he  instructed  to  add  nothing 
but  his  signature ;  nor  was  his  private  conduct 
omitted.  The  Count  de  Montmorin  was  sen 
sibly  impressed.  *  *  *  It  had  been  decided, 
on  the  request  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Luzerne, 
that  Otto  should  go  to  London ;  that  they  would 
send  a  person  [Colonel  Ternant]  to  America 
as  Charge  des  Affaires  in  place  of  Otto,  and 
that  if  the  President  (General  Washington) 
approved  of  him,  he  should  be  afterwards  made 
minister.  *  Ternant  will  see  that  his 

predecessor  is  recalled  for  unconciliatory  de 
portment,  and  that  he  will  owe  his  own  pro 
motion  to  the  approbation  of  the  President. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.  ii,  571.  (P.,  1789.) 

5573.  MOUSTIEB     (Count),     Unosten 
tatious. — He  is  a  great  enemy  to  formality, 
etiquette,     ostentation     and     luxury.     He    goes 
with  the  best  dispositions  to  cultivate  society, 
without    poisoning    it    by    ill    example.     He    is 
sensible,    disposed    to    view    things    favorably, 
and  being  well  acquainted  with  the  constitution 
of  England,  her  manners  and  language,  is  the 

*  De  Moustier  was  appointed  minister  to  Berlin. 
—EDITOR. 


Murder 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


598 


better  prepared  for  his  station  with  us. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  ii,  292.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  460. 
(P.,  1787.)  See  ETIQUETTE. 

5574.  MURDER,  Child.— By  the  stat.  21. 
Jac.  i.  c.  27.  and  Act.  Ass.  1170.  c.  12.  conceal 
ment  by  the  mother  of  the  death  of  a  bastard 
child  is  made  murder.  In  justification  of  this, 
it  is  said,  that  shame  is  a  feeling  which  operates 
so  strongly  on  the  mind,  as  frequently  to  induce 
the  mother  of  such  a  child  to  murder  it,  in  order 
to  conceal  her  disgrace.  The  act  of  conceal 
ment,  therefore,  proves  she  was  influenced  by 
shame,  and  that  influence  produces  a  presump 
tion  that  she  murdered  the  child.  The  effect 
of  this  law,  then  is,  to  make  what,  in  its  nature, 
is  only  presumptive  evidence  of  a  murder  con 
clusive  of  that  fact.  To  this  I  answer,  i. 
So  many  children  die  before  or  soon  after  birth, 
that  to  presume  all  those  murdered  who  are 
found  dead,  is  a  presumption  which  will  lead  us 
oftener  wrong  than  right,  and  consequently 
would  shed  more  blood  than  it  would  save.  2. 
If  the  child  were  born  dead,  the  mother  would 
naturally  choose  rather  to  conceal  it,  in  hopes 
of  still  keeping  a  good  character  in  the  neigh 
borhood.  So  that  the  act  of  concealment  is 
far  from  proving  the  guilt  of  murder  on  the 
mother.  3.  If  shame  be  a  powerful  affection  of 
the  mind,  is  not  parental  love  also?  Is  it  not 
the  strongest  affection  known  ?  Is  it  not  greater 
even  than  that  of  self-preservation  ?  While  we 
draw  presumptions  from  shame,  one  affection 
of  the  mind,  against  the  life  of  the  prisoner, 
should  we  not  give  some  weight  to  presump 
tions  from  parental  love,  an  affection  at  least 
as  strong,  in  favor  of  life?  If  concealment  of 
the  fact  is  a  presumptive  evidence  of  murder, 
so  strong  as  to  overbalance  all  other  evidence 
that  may  possibly  be  produced  to  take  away  the 
presumption,  why  not  trust  the  force  of  this 
incontestable  presumption  to  the  jury,  who  are. 
in  a  regular  course,  to  hear  presumptive,  as  well 
as  positive  testimony?  If  the  presumption 
arising  from  the  act  of  concealment,  may  be 
destroyed  by  proof,  positive  or  circumstantial, 
to  the  contrary,  why  should  the  legislature 
preclude  that  contrary  proof  ?  Objection.  The 
crime  is  difficult  to  prove,  being  usually  com 
mitted  in  secret.  Answer.  But  circumstan 
tial  proof  will  do;  for  example,  marks  of  vio 
lence,  the  behavior,  countenance,  &c.,  of  the 
prisoner,  &c.  And  if  conclusive  proof  be  diffi 
cult  to  be  obtained,  shall  we,  therefore,  fasten 
irremovably  upon  equivocal  proof?  Can  we 
change  the  nature  of  what  is  contestable,  and 
make  it  incontestable  ?  Can  we  make  that  con 
clusive  which  God  and  nature  have  made  in 
conclusive?  Solon  made  no  law  against  parri 
cide,  supposing  it  impossible  that  any  one  could 
be  guilty  of  it ;  and  the  Persians  from  the  same 
opinion,  adjudged  all  who  killed  their  reputed 
parents  to  be  bastards ;  and  although  parental 
be  yet  stronger  than  filial  affection,  we  admit 
saticide  proved  on  the  most  equivocal  testimony, 
whilst  they  rejected  all  proof  of  an  act  certainly 
not  more  repugnant  to  nature,  as  of  a  thing  im 
possible,  unprovable. — NOTE  TO  CRIMES  BILL. 
i,  149.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  206.  (1778.) 

5575.  MURDER,     Of     colonists.— The 

proposition  [of  Lord  North]  is  altogether  un 
satisfactory  *  *  *  because  it  does  not  pro 
pose  to  repeal  the  several  acts  of  Parliament 
*  *  *  exempting,  by  mock  trial,  the  murderers 
of  colonists  from  punishment. — REPLY  TO  LORD 
NORTH'S  PROPOSITION.  FORD  ED.,  i,  480.  (July 
I775-) 

5576. .    He  has  combined  with 

others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 


to  our  constitutions  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws,  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of 
pretended  legislation,  for  quartering  large 
bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us ;  for  protect 
ing  them  by  a  mock  trial  from  punishment 
for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on 
the  inhabitants  of  these  States. — DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

5577.  MURDER,  Degrees  of.— Man 
slaughter  is  the  killing  a  man  with  design, 
but  in  a  sudden  gust  of  passion,  and  where  the 
killer  has  not  had  time  to  cool.  The  first 
offence  is  not  punished  capitally,  but  the  sec 
ond  is.  This  is  the  law  of  England  and  of  all 
the  American  States ;  and  is  not  now  a  new 
proposition.  Those  laws  have  supposed  that  a 
man,  whose  passions  have  so  much  dominion 
over  him,  as  to  lead  him  to  repeated  acts  of 
murder,  is  unsafe  to  society ;  that  it  is  better 
he  should  be  put  to  death  by  the  law,  than 
others  more  innocent  than  himself,  on  the 
movements  of  his  impetuous  passions. — To  M. 
DE  MEUNIER.  ix,  263.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  169.  (P., 
1786.) 

5578. .     In  1796,  our  Legislature 

passed  the  law  for  amending  the  penal  laws 
of  the  Commonwealth.  [Virginia.]  *  *  *  In 
stead  of  the  settled  distinctions  of  murder  and 
manslaughter,  preserved  in  my  bill,  they  intro 
duced  the  new  terms  of  murder  in  the  first  and 
second  degrees.  * — AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  47.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  65.  (1821.) 

5579.  MURDER,  Excusable.— Excusable 

homicides  are  in  some  cases  not  quite  unblama 
ble.  These  should  subject  the  party  to  marks 
of  contrition ;  viz.,  the  killing  of  a  man  in  de 
fence  of  property ;  so  also  in  defence  of  one's 
person,  which  is  a  species  of  excusable  homi 
cide  ;  because,  although  cases  may  happen 
where  these  are  also  commendable,  yet  most 
frequently  they  are  done  on  too  slight  appear 
ance  of  danger ;  as  in  return  for  a  blow,  kick, 
fillip,  &c.,  or  on  a  person's  getting  into  a  house, 
not  animo  furandi,  but  perhaps  veneris  causa, 
&c.  Excusable  homicides  are  by  misad 
venture,  or  in  self-defence. — NOTE  TO  CRIMES 
BILL,  i,  152.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  209.  (1779.) 

5580.  MURDER,   Indian.— I   wish  Gov 
ernor  Harrison  may  be  able  to  have  the  murder 
of  the  Kaskaskian  by  the  Kickapoo  settled  in 
the    Indian   way.  '•*  *  *   Both    the    Indians    and 
our  own  people  need  some  example  of  punish 
ment  for  the  murder  of  an  Indian. — To  HENRY 
DEARBORN,    v,  162.     (M.,  1807.) 

5581. .   When  a  murder  has  been 

committed  on  one  of  our  stragglers,  the  mur 
derer  should  be  demanded.  If  not  delivered, 
give  time,  and  still  press  the  demand.  We 
find  it  difficult,  with  our  regular  government, 
to  take  and  punish  a  murderer  of  an  Indian. 
Indeed,  I  believe  we  have  never  been  able  to  do 
it  in  a  single  instance.  They  have  their  diffi 
culties  also,  and  require  time.  In  fact,  it  is 
a  case  where  indulgence  on  both  sides  is  just 
and  necessary,  to  prevent  the  two  nations  from 
being  perpetually  committed  in  war,  by  the 
acts  of  the  most  vagabond  and  ungovernable  o'f 
their  members.  When  the  refusal  to  deliver 

*  The  clause  of  Jefferson's  bill  read  as  follows : 
"And  where  persons,  meaning  to  commit  a  trespass 
only,  or  larceny,  or  other  unlawful  deed,  and  doing 
an  act  from  which  involuntary  homicide  hath  ensued, 
have  heretofore  been  adjudged  guilty  of  manslaugh 
ter,  or  of  murder,  by  transferring  such  their  unlawful 
intention  to  an  act,  much  more  penal  than  they 
could  have  in  probable  contemplation ;  no  such 
case  shall  hereafter  be  deemed  manslaughter,  unless 
manslaughter  was  intended,  nor  murder,  unless 
murder  was  intended."— EDITOR. 


599 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Murder 
Music 


the  murderer  is  permanent,  and  proceeds  from 
the  want  of  will,  and  not  of  ability  we  should 
then  interdict  all  trade  and  intercourse  with 
them  till  they  give  us  complete  satisfaction. — 
To  MERIWETHER  LEWIS,  v,  350.  (M.,  1808.) 

5582. .     If  we  had  to  go  to  war 

[with  the  Indians]  for  every  hunter  or  trader 
killed,  and  murderer  refused,  we  should  have 
had  general  and  constant  war.  The  process 
to  be  followed,  in  my  opinion,  when  a  murder 
has  been  committed,  is  first  to  demand  the  mur 
derer,  and  not  regarding  a  first  refusal  to  de 
liver,  give  time  and  press  it.  If  perseveringly 
refused,  recall  all  traders,  and  interdict  com 
merce  with  them,  until  he  be  delivered. — To 
HENRY  DEARBORN,  v,  348.  (M.,  Aug.  1808.) 

5583.  MURDER,   Punishment  for.— As 

there  was  but  one  white  man  murdered  by  the 
Indians,  I  should  be  averse  to  the  execution  of 
more  than  one  of  them,  selecting  the  most 
guilty  and  worst  character.  Nothing  but  ex 
treme  criminality  should  induce  the  execution 
of  a  second,  and  nothing  beyond  that.  Their 
idea  is  that  justice  allows  only  man  for  man, 
that  all  beyond  that  is  new  aggression,  which 
must  be  expiated  by  a  new  sacrifice  of  an 
equivalent  number  of  our  people. — To  MERI 
WETHER  LEWIS,  v,  354.  (M.,  1808.) 

5584. .    There  is  the  more  reason 

for  moderation,  as  we  know  we  cannot  punish 
any  murder  which  shall  be  committed  by  us  on 
them.  Even  if  the  murderer  can  be  taken,  our 
juries  have  never  yet  convicted  the  murderer 
of  an  Indian. — To  MERIWETHER  LEWIS.  v, 
354.  (M.,  1808.) 

5585.  MURDER,  Self  .—Suicide  is  by  law 
punishable  by  forfeiture  of  chattels.     This  bill 
(revising  the  Virginia  Code)    exempts  it  from 
forfeiture.     The  suicide  injures  the   State  less 
than    he    who    leaves    it    with    his    effects.      If 
the    latter    then    be    not   punished,    the    former 
should  not.     As  to  the  example,  we  need  not 
fear  its  influence.     Men  are  too  much  attached 
to  life,  to  exhibit  frequent  instances  of  depri 
ving  themselves  of  it.     At  any  rate,  the  quasi- 
punishment  of  confiscation  will  not  prevent  it. 
For  if  one  be  found  who  can  calmly  determine 
to   renounce  life,   who   is   so  weary   of  his  ex 
istence  here,  as  rather  to  make  experiment  of 
what  is  beyond  the  grave,  can  we  suppose  him, 
in   such   a  state  of  mind,   susceptible   of  influ 
ence  from  the  losses  to   his   family  from  con 
fiscation?    That  men  in  general,  too,  disapprove 
of  this  severity,  is  apparent  from  the  constant 
practice  of  juries  finding  the  suicide  in  a  state 
of   insanity ;    because  they   have   no   other  way 
of  saving  the  forfeiture.     Let  it  then  be  done 
away. — NOTE  TO   CRIMES   BILL,    i,    152.     FORD 
ED.,  ii,  210.     (1779.) 

5586.  MUSEUMS,     Maintenance     of.— 

Nobody  can  desire  more  ardently  than  myself, 
to  concur  in  whatever  may  promote  useful  sci 
ence,  and  I  view  no  science  with  more  par 
tiality  than  Natural  History.  But  I  have  ever 
believed  that  in  this,  as  in  most  other  cases, 
abortive  attempts  retard  rather  than  promote 
this  object.  To  be  really  useful  we  must 
keep  pace  with  the  state  of  society,  and  not  dis 
hearten  it  by  attempts  at  what  its  population, 
means,  or  occupations  will  fail  in  attempting. 
In  the  particular  enterprises  for  museums,  we 
have  seen  the  populous  and  wealthy  cities  of 
Boston  and  New  York  unable  to  found  or 
maintain  such  an  institution.  The  feeble  con 
dition  of  that  in  each  of  these  places  sufficiently 
proves  this.  In  Philadelphia  alone,  has  this 
attempt  succeeded  to  a  good  degree.  It  has 


been  owing  there  to  a  measure  of  zeal  and  per 
severance  in  an  individual  rarely  equalled ;  to 
a  population,  crowded,  wealthy,  and  more  than 
usually  addicted  to  the  pursuit  of  knowledge. 
And,  with  all  this,  the  institution  does  not 
maintain  itself. — To  MR.  DE  LA  COSTE.  v,  79. 
(W.,  1807.) 

5587.  MUSIC,     Domestic     bands.— The 

bounds  of  an  American  fortune  will  not  admit 
the  indulgence  of  a  domestic  band  of  musicians, 
yet  I  have  thought  that  a  passion  for  music 
might  be  reconciled  with  that  economy  which 
we  are  obliged  to  observe.  I  retain,  for  in 
stance,  among  my  domestic  servants  a  gardener, 
a  weaver,  a  cabinet-maker,  and  a  stone-cutter, 
to  which  I  would  add  a  vigneron.  In  a  country 
where,  like  yours  [France],  music  is  cultivated 
and  practiced  by  every  class  of  men,  I  suppose 
there  might  be  found  persons  of  these  trades 
who  could  perform  on  the  French  horn,  clario 
net,  or  hautboy,  and  bassoon,  so  that  one  might 
have  a  band  of  two  French  horns,  two  clario 
nets,  two  hautboys,  and  a  bassoon,  without 
enlarging  his  domestic  expenses.  A  certainty 
of  employment  for  a  half  dozen  years,  and  at 
the  end  of  that  time,  to  find  them,  if  they  chose, 
a  conveyance  to  their  own  country,  might  in 
duce  them  to  come  here  on  reasonable  wages. 
Without  meaning  to  give  you  trouble,  perhaps 
it  might  be  practicable  for  you  *  *  *  to 
find  out  such  men  disposed  to  come  to  Amer 
ica.  Sobriety  and  good  nature  would  be  de 
sirable  parts  of  their  characters.  If  you  think 
such  a  plan  practicable,  and  will  be  so  kind  as 
to  inform  me  what  will  be  necessary  to  be 
done  on  my  part,  I  will  take  care  that  it  shall 

be    done.     To    .     i,    209.     FORD    ED., 

ii,    159.     (Wg.,    1778.) 

5588.  MUSIC,  Ear  for.— Music  is  invalu 
able  where  a  person  has  an  ear.     Where  they 
have  not,   it  should  not  be  attempted. — To   N. 
BURWELL.     vii,.    103.     FORD    ED.,   x,    105.     (M., 
1818.) 

5589.  MUSIC,  Enjoyment  of.— Music  is 
an   enjoyment    [in    France]    the   deprivation   of 
v/hich  with  us,  cannot  be  calculated.     I  am  al 
most  ready  to  say,   it  is  the  only  thing  which 
from    my    heart    I    envy    them,    and    which,    in 
spite  of  all  the  authority  of  the   Decalogue,   I 
do    covet. — To     MR.     BELLINI,      i,    445.      (P., 
1785-) 

5590.  MUSIC,  Foot-bass.— I  have  lately 
examined   a    foot-bass,    newly    invented   by   the 
celebrated  Krumfoltz.     It  is  precisely  a  piano 
forte,    about    ten    feet    long,    eighteen    inches 
broad,    and    nine    inches    deep.     It    is    of    one 
octave  only,  from  fa  to  fa.     The  part  where  the 
keys    are    projects    at    the    side    in    order    to 
lengthen  the  levers   of  the  keys.     It  is   placed 
on  the  floor,  on  the  harpsichord  or  other  piano 
forte,  is  set  over  it,  the  foot  acting  in  concert 
on  that,  while  the  fingers  play  on  this.     There 
are    three    unison    chords    to    every    note,    of 
strong   brass    wire,    and   the   lowest   have   wire 
wrapped  on  them   as  the  lowest  in  the  piano 
forte.     The  chords  give  a  fine,  clear,  deep  tone 
almost  like  the  pipe  of  an  organ. — To  FRANCIS 
HOPKINSON.     ii,     75.     (P.,     1786.) 

5591.  MUSIC,    Harmonica. — I   am   very 

much  pleased  with  your  project  on  the  har 
monica,  and  the  prospect  of  your  succeeding 
in  the  application  of  keys  to  it.  It  will  be  the 
greatest  present  which  has  been  made  to  the 
musical  world  this  century,  not  excepting  the 
piano-forte.  If  its  tone  approaches  that  given 
by  the  finger  as  nearly  only  as  the  harpsichord 
does  that  of  the  harp,  it  will  be  very  valuable. 
—To  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  ii,  75.  (P.,  1786.) 


Music 
Names 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


600 


5592.  MUSIC,   Harpsichord.— I   applaud 
much  your  perseverance  in  improving  this  in 
strument    [harpsichord],    and    benefiting    man 
kind  almost  in  spite  of  their  teeth. — To  FRAN 
CIS  HOPKINSON.     i,  440.     (P.,  1785.) 

5593.  MUSIC,  Keeping  time.— Monsieur 
Renaudin's  invention  for  determining  the  true 
time  of  the  musical  movements,  Largo,  Adagio, 
&c.      *      *      *      has     been    examined    by    the 
[Paris]    Academy   of   Music,   who   are   so   well 
satisfied  of  its  utility,  that  they  have  ordered 
all  music  which   shall   be  printed  here,   in   fu 
ture,    to    have    the    movements    numbered    in 
correspondence     with     this     plexi-chronometer. 
*     *     *     The  instrument  is  useful,  but  still  it 
may  be  greatly  simplified.     I  got  him  to  make 
me   one,   and   having  fixed   a   pendulum   vibra 
ting  seconds,  I  tried  by  that  the  vibrations  of 
his   pendulum,   according  to  the  several  move 
ments.     I  find  the  pendulum  regulated  to 


Largo 

Adagio 

Andante 

Allegro 

Presto 


vibrates 


5* 

60 
70 
95 
135 


times 

in  a 

minute 


Every  one,  therefore,  may  make  a  chronom 
eter  adapted  to  his  instrument.  For  a  harpsi 
chord,  the  following  occurs  to  me :  In  the 
wall  of  your  chamber,  over  the  instrument, 
drive  five  little  brads,  as  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  in  the 
following  manner.  Take  a  string  with  a  bob 
to  it,  of  such  length \  as  that  hung  on  No.  i, 
it  shall  vibrate  fifty-two  times  in  a  minute. 
Then  proceed  by  trial  to  drive  number  No.  2, 
at  such  a  distance,  that  drawing  the  loop  of 
the  string  to  that,  the  part  remaining  between 
i  and  the  bob,  shall  vibrate  sixty  times  in  a 
minute.  Fix  the  third  for  seventy  vibrations, 
&c. ;  the  chord  always  hanging  over  No.  i, 
as  the  centre  of  vibration.  A  person,  playing 
on  the  violin,  may  fix  this  on  his  music  stand. 
A  pendulum,  thrown  into  vibration,  will  con 
tinue  in  motion  long  enough  to  give  you  the 
time  of  your  piece. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON. 
i,  504-  (P-,  1786.) 

5594.  MUSIC,   Negroes   and.— In   music 
the  blacks   are  more  generally  gifted  than  the 
whites,   with  accurate  ears  for  tune  and  time, 
and  they  have  been   found  capable  of  imagin 
ing    a    small    catch.*     Whether    they    will    be 
equal  to  the  composition  of  a  more  extensive 
run  of  melody,  or  of  complicated  harmony,  is 
yet  to   be  proved. — NOTES   ON    VIRGINIA,     viii, 
383.     FORD  ED.,  iii,   246.     (1782.) 

5595.  MUSIC,  Passion  for.— If  there  is  a 
gratification   which   I   envy   any  people  in  this 
world,  it  is  to  your  country  [France]  its  music. 
This   is   the   favorite   passion   of  my   soul,   and 
fortune    has   cast   my   lot   in    a   country   where 
it  is   in   a   state   of   deplorable   barbarism. — To 
.    i,  209.     FORD  ED.,  ii,  158.  (Wg.,  1778.) 

5596.  MUSIC,  Piano. — I  wrote  [you]  for 
a  Clavichord.     I  have  since  seen  a  Forte-piano 
and  am  charmed  with  it.     Send  me  this  instru 
ment  then   instead   of  the   Clavichord :    let  the 
case  be  of  fine  mahogany,  solid,  not  veneered, 
the   compass   from    Double   G.   to    F.   in   alt,  .a 
plenty  of  spare  strings ;   and  the  workmanship 

*  The  instrument  proper  to  them  is  the  banjer 
(corrupted  by  the  negroes  into  "  banjo  ")  which  they 
brought  hither  from  Africa,  which  is  the  original  of 
the  guitar,  its  chords  being  precisely  the  four  lower 
chords  of  the  guitar.— NOTE  BY  JEFFERSON. 


of  the  whole  very  handsome  and  worthy  the 
acceptance  of  a  lady  for  whom  I  intend  it. — To 
THOMAS  ADAMS.  FORD  ED.,  i,  395.  (M.,  1771.) 

5597. .     I    had    almost    decided, 

on  Piccini's  advice,  to  get  a  piano-forte  for 
my  daughter ;  but  your  last  letter  may  pause 
me,  till  I  see  its  effect. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKIN 
SON.  i,  440.  (P.,  1785.) 

5598.  MUSIC,  Quilling.— I  do  not  al 
together  despair  of  making  something  of  your 
method  of  quilling,  though,  as  yet,  the  pros 
pect  is  not  favorable. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKIN 
SON.  i,  440.  (P.,  1785.) 

5599. .     I   mentioned  to   Piccini 

the  improvement  [quilling]  with  which  I  am 
entrusted.  He  plays  on  the  piano-forte,  and 
therefore  did  not  feel  himself  personally  inter 
ested. — To  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  i,  440.  (P., 
1785.) 

5600.  MUSKETS,     Improved.— An     im 
provement  is  made  here   [France]   in  the  con 
struction    of    muskets,    which    it    may    be    in 
teresting    to    Congress    to    know,    should    they 
at  any  time  propose  to  procure  any.     It  con 
sists  in  the  making  every  part  of  them  so  ex 
actly  alike,  that  what  belongs  to  any  one,  may 
be  used  for  every  other  musket  in  the  maga 
zine.     *     *     *     As  yet,  the  inventor  has  only 
completed  the  lock  of  the  musket,  on  this  plan. 
*     *     *     He  presented   me   the   parts    of   fifty 
locks   taken   to   pieces,    and    arranged   in    com 
partments.     I   put   several   together   myself,  ta 
king  pieces   at   hazard   as   they   came  to   hand, 
and  they  fitted  in  the  most  perfect  manner. — 
To  JOHN  JAY.     i,   411.     (P.,    1785.) 

—  NAIL-MAKING.— See     JEFFERSON 
(THOMAS.) 

5601.  NAMES,  Authority  of  great.— It 

is  surely  time  for  men  to  think  for  themselves, 
and  to  throw  off  the  authority  of  names  so 
artificially  magnified. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
vii,  165.  (M.,  1820.) 

5602.  NAMES,    Bestowal    of.— I    agree 
with  you  entirely  in  condemning  the  mania  of 
giving  names  to  objects  of  any  kind  after  per 
sons    still    living.     Death    alone    can    seal    the 
title   of   any   man  to   this   honor,   by   putting   it 
out  of  his  power  to  forfeit  it. — To  DR.  BENJA 
MIN  RUSH,     iv,  335.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  459.     (M., 
1800.) 

5603. .    There  is  one     *     *     * 

mode  of  recording  merit,  which  I  have  often 
thought  might  be  introduced,  so  as  to  gratify 
the  living  by  praising  the  dead.  In  giving,  for 
instance,  a  commission  of  Chief  Justice  to 
Bushrod  Washington,  it  should  be  in  consid 
eration  of  his  integrity,  and  science  in  the  laws, 
and  of  the  services  rendered  to  our  country 
by  his  illustrious  relation,  &c.  A  commission 
to  a  descendant  of  Dr.  Franklin,  besides  being 
in  consideration  of  the  proper  qualifications 
of  the  person,  should  add  that  of  the  great  serv 
ices  rendered  by  his  illustrious  ancestor,  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  by  the  advancement  of  science, 
by  inventions  useful  to  man,  &c. — To  DR.  BEN 
JAMIN  RUSH,  iv,  335.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  459. 
(M.,  1800.) 


5604. 


I    am    sensible    of    the 


mark  of  esteem  manifested  by  the  name  you 
have  given  to  your  son.  Tell  him  from  me, 
that  he  must  consider  as  essentially  belonging 
to  it,  to  love  his  friends  and  wish  no  ill  to  his 
enemies. — To  DAVID  CAMPBELL,  v,  499.  (M., 
1810.) 


6oi 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Names 

National  Currency 


5605.  NAMES,  Opinions  and.— If  *  *  * 
opinions    are    sound     *     *     *     they    will    pre 
vail   by   their   own   weight   without   the   aid   of 
names. — To      SAMUEL      KERCHIVAL.      vii,      35. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  45.     (M.,  1816.) 

5606.  NAMES,     Political     party.— The 

appellation  of  aristocrats  and  democrats  is 
the  true  one  expressing  the  essence  of  all 
[parties]. — To  H.  LEE.  vii,  376.  FORD  ED., 
x,  318.  (M.,  1824.) 

5607.  NAMES,  Property  in.— I  am  not 
sure   that  we   ought  to   change   all   our   names. 
During    the    regal    government,    sometimes,    in 
deed,   they  were  given  through   adulation ;   but 
often   also   as  the   reward  of  the  merit  of  the 
times,  sometimes  for  services  rendered  the  col 
ony.     Perhaps,  too,  a  name  when  given,  should 
be  deemed  a  sacred  property. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,      iv,    335.      FORD    ED.,    vii,    459.      (M., 
1800.) 

5608.  NASSAU,  Fame  of.— Nassau  is  a 
village    the    whole    rents    of    which    would    not 
amount  to  more  than  a  hundred  or  two  guin 
eas.     Yet    it   gives   the   title   of    Prince   to    the 
house  of  Orange  to  which  it  belongs. — TRAVELS 
IN   HOLLAND,     ix,   383.     (1787.) 

5609.  NATION  (United  States),  Build 
ing  the. — The  interests  of  the  States  ought 
to  be  made  joint  in  every  possible  instance, 
in  order  to  cultivate  the  idea  of  our  being 
one  nation,  and  to  multiply  the  instances  in 
which  the  people  shall  look  up  to  Congress 
as  their  head. — To  JAMES   MONROE,     i,  347. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  52.     (P.,  1785.) 

5610. .  It  is,  indeed,  an  ani 
mating  thought  that,  while  we  are  securing 
the  rights  of  ourselves  and  posterity,  we  are 
pointing  out  the  way  to  struggling  nations 
who  wish,  like  us,  to  emerge  from  their 
tyrannies  also. — REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  iii,  128. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  147.  (1790.) 

5611.  NATION    (United    States),    Con 
science  of. — It  is  true  that  nations  are  to  be 
judges   for  themselves   since  no   one   nation 
has  a  right  to  sit  in  judgment  over  another. 
But  the  tribunal  of  our  consciences  remains, 
and  that  also  of  the  opinion  of  the  world. 
These   will   revise  the   sentence   we  pass   in 
our  own  case,  and  as  we  respect  these,  we 
must  see  that  in  judging  ourselves  we  have 
honestly  done  the  part  of  impartial  and  rig 
orous   judges. — OPINION   ON    FRENCH   TREA 
TIES,    vii,  614.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  221.     (1793.) 

5612.  NATION    (United    States),    For 
eign  policy.— Unmeddling  with  the  affairs 
of  other  nations,  we  presume  not  to  prescribe 
or    censure    their    course. — To    MADAME    DE 
STAEL.    v,  133.     (W.,  1807.) 

5613. .     We  wish  the  happiness 

and  prosperity  of  every  nation. — To  MADAME 
DE  STAEL.  vi,  482.  (M.,  1815.) 

5614.  NATION  (United  States),  Lib 
erality.— -I  am  in  all  cases  for  a  liberal  con 
duct  towards  other  nations,  believing  that  the 
practice  of  the  same  friendly  feelings  and 
generous  dispositions,  which  attach  individ 
uals  in  private  life,  will  attach  societies  on 
the  larger  scale,  which  are  composed  of  in 


dividuals. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  EDV 
viii,  222.  (M.,  1803.) 

5615.  NATION  (United  States),  Ob 
jects  of.— Peace  with  all  nations,  and  the 
right  which  that  gives  us  with  respect  to  all 
nations,  are  our  object— To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS. 
iii,  535-  (Pa.,  I793-) 

5616. .    I  hope  the  United  States 

will  ever  place  themselves  among  [the  num 
ber  of]  peaceable  nations. — To  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON,  iv,  411.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  91.  (M., 
Sep.  1801.) 

5617.  NATION     (United     States),    Su 
premacy. — Not  in  our  day,  but  at  no  distant 
one,  we  may  shake  a  rod  over  the  heads  of 
all,   which   may   make  the   stoutest  of  them 
tremble.     But  I  hope  our  wisdom  will  grow 
with  our  power,  and  teach  us,  that  the  less 
we  use  our  power  the  greater  it  will  be. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.    vi,  465.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  "520. 
(M.,  1815.)     See  POLICY. 

5618.  .     The  day  is  not  distant, 

when  we  may  formally  require  a  meridian  of 
partition  through  the  ocean  which  separates 
the  two  hemispheres,   on  the  hither  side  of 
which  no  European  gun  shall  ever  be  heard, 
nor  an  American  on  the  other ;   and  when, 
during  the  rage  of  the  eternal  wars  of  Eu 
rope,  the  lion  and  the  lamb,  within  our  re 
gions,  shall  lie  down  together  in  peace. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,    vii,  168.     (M.,  1820.) 

—  NATIONAL  CAPITAL.— See  WASH 
INGTON  CITY. 

5619.  NATIONAL    CURRENCY,    Bank 
paper    and. — The    question    will    be    asked 
and  ought  to  be  looked  at,  what  is  to  be  the 
resource  if  loans  cannot  be  obtained?    There 
is  but  one,  "  Carthago  delenda  est ".     Bank 
paper  must  be  suppressed,  and  the  circulating 
medium   must  be  restored  to  the  nation   to 
whom    it   belongs.     It   is   the  only   fund   on 
which  they  can  rely  for  loans;  it  is  the  only 
resource  which  can  never  fail  them  and  it  is 
an  abundant  one  for  every  necessary  purpose. 
Treasury   bills,    bottomed   on   taxes,   bearing 
or   not   bearing   interest,    as   may   be    found 
necessary,  thrown  into  circulation  will  take 
the  place  of  so  much  gold  and  silver,  which 
last,  when  crowded,  will  find  an  efflux  into 
other  countries,  and  thus  keep  the  quantum 
of  medium  at  its  salutary  level.     Let  banks 
continue  if  they  please,  but  let  them  discount 
for  cash  alone  or  for  treasury  notes.     They 
discount  for  cash  alone  in  every  other  coun 
try  on  earth  except  Great  Britain,  and  her 
too    often    unfortunate    copyist,    the    United 
States.     If  taken  in  time,  they  may  be  rec 
tified  by  degrees,  and  without  injustice,  but  if 
let  alone  till  the  alternative  forces  itself  on 
us,  of  submitting  to  the  enemy  for  want  of 
funds,    or    the    suppression    of    bank    paper, 
either  by   law   or  by   convulsion,   we   cannot 
foresee  how  it  will  end. — To  J.   W.   EPPES. 
vi,  199.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  399.    (P.F.,  Sep.  1813.) 

5620. .  Put  down  the  banks,  and 

if  this  country  could  not  be  carried  through 
the  longest  war  against  her  most  powerful 


National  Currency 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


6O2 


enemy,  without  ever  knowing  the  want  of  a 
dollar,  without  dependence  on  the  traitorous 
classes  of  her  citizens,  without  bearing  hard 
on  the  resources  of  the  people,  or  loading 
the  public  with  an  indefinite  burthen  of  debt, 
I  know  nothing  of  my  countrymen.  Not  by 
any  novel  project,  not  by  any  charlatanerie, 
but  by  ordinary  and  well-experienced  means; 
by  the  total  prohibition  of  all  private  paper 
at  all  times,  by  reasonable  taxes  in  war  aided 
by  the  necessary  emissions  of  public  paper  of 
circulating,  size,  this  bottomed  on  special 
taxes,  redeemable  annually  as  this  special  tax 
comes  in,  and  finally  within  a  moderate  pe 
riod. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  498.  (M., 
Oct.  1815.) 

5621.  NATIONAL   CURRENCY,   Bank 
suspensions  and.— The  failure  of  our  banks 
*     *     *     restores  to  us  a  fund  which  ought 
never  to  have  been  surrendered  by  the  nation, 
and   which  now,   prudently  used,   will   carry 
us   through  all   the  fiscal   difficulties  of  the 
war. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,    vi,  386.     (M., 
Sep.  1814.) 

5622.  NATIONAL    CURRENCY,    Bor 
rowing  fund. — I  am  sorry  to  see  our  loans 
begin  at  so  exorbitant  an  interest.    And  yet, 
even  at  that  you  will  soon  be  at  the  bottom 
of  the  loan-bag.     We  are  an  agricultural  na 
tion.     Such  an  one-  employs  its  sparings  in 
the    purchase    or    improvement    of    land    or 
stocks.     The  lendable  money  among  them  is 
chiefly    that    of   orphans    and    wards    in    the 
hands  of  executors  and  guardians,  and  that 
which  the  former  lays  by  till  he  has  enough 
for  the  purchase  in  view.     In  such  a  nation 
there  is  one,  and  only  one,  resource  for  loans, 
sufficient  to  carry  them  through  the  expense 
of  a  war ;  and  that  will  always  be  sufficient, 
and  in  the  power  of  an  honest  government, 
punctual    in    the    preservation    of    its    faith. 
The  fund  I  mean,  is  the  mass  of  circulating 
coin.     Every  one  knows,  that  although  not 
literally,  it  is  nearly  true,  that  every  paper 
dollar   emitted   banishes    a    silver   one    from 
the  circulation.     A  nation,  therefore,  making 
its  purchases  and  payments  with  bills  fitted 
for  circulation,  thrusts  an  equal  sum  of  coin 
out   of   circulation.      This    is    equivalent    to 
borrowing  that  sum,  and  yet  the  vendor,  re 
ceiving   in  payment   a   medium   as   effectual 
as  coin  for  his  purchases  or  payments,  has 
no  claim  to  interest.    And  so  the  nation  may 
continue  to  issue  its  bills  as  far  as  its  wants 
require,  and  the  limits  of  the  circulation  will 
admit.     Those  limits  are  understood  to  ex 
tend  with  us  at  present,  to  two  hundred  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  a  greater  sum  than  would  be 
necessary  for  any  war.    But  this,  the  only  re 
source  which  the  government  could  command 
with  certainty,  the  States  have  unfortunately 
fooled     away,     nay     corruptly     alienated    to 
swindlers    and    shavers,    under   the   cover   of 
private   banks.      Say,    too,    as   an    additional 
evil,   that  the  disposal   funds  of  individuals, 
to  this  great  amount,  have  thus  been  with 
drawn    from    improvement    and    useful    en 
terprise,   and  employed  in  the  useless,   usu 


rious  and  demoralizing  practices  of  bank 
directors  and  their  accomplices.  In  the  year 
1775,  our  State  [Virginia]  availed  itself  of 
this  fund  by  issuing  a  paper  money,  bottomed 
on  a  specific  tax  for  its  redemption,  and,  to 
insure  its  credit,  bearing  an  interest  of  five 
per  cent.  Within  a  very  short  time,  not  a  bill 
of  this  emission  was  to  be  found  in  circula 
tion.  It  was  locked  up  in  the  chests  of  ex 
ecutors,  guardians,  widows,  farmers,  &c.  We 
then  issued  bills  bottomed  on  a  redeeming  tax, 
but  bearing  no  interest.  These  were  readily 
received,  and  never  depreciated  a  single 
farthing.  In  the  Revolutionary  war,  the  old 
Congress  and  the  States  issued  bills  without 
interest,  and  without  a  tax.  They  occupied 
the  channels  of  circulation  very  freely,  till 
those  channels  were  overflowed  by  an  excess 
beyond  all  the  calls  of  circulation.  But,  al 
though  we  have  so  improvidently  suffered  the 
field  of  circulating  medium  to  be  filched  from 
us  by  private  individuals,  yet  I  think  we  may 
recover  it  in  part,  and  even  in  the  whole, 
if  the  States  will  cooperate  with  us.  If 
Treasury  bills  are  emitted  on  a  tax  appropri 
ated  for  their  redemption  in  fifteen  years,  and 
(to  ensure  preference  in  the  first  moments  of 
competition)  bearing  an  interest  of  six  per 
cent,  there  is  no  one  who  would  not  take 
them  in  preference  to  the  bank  paper  now 
afloat,  on  a  principle  of  patriotism  as  well 
as  interest ;  and  they  would  be  withdrawn 
from  circulation  into  private  hoards  to  a 
considerable  amount.  Their  credit  once  es 
tablished,  others  might  be  emitted,  bottomed 
also  on  a  tax,  but  not  bearing  interest,  and  if 
even  their  credit  faltered,  open  public  loans, 
on  which  these  bills  alone  should  be  received 
as  specie.  These,  operating  as  a  sinking 
fund,  would  reduce  the  quantity  in  circula 
tion,  so  as  to  maintain  that  in  an  equilibrium 
with  specie.  It  is  not  easy  to  estimate  the 
obstacles  which,  in  the  beginning,  we  should 
encounter  in  ousting  the  banks  from  their 
possession  of  the  circulation ;  but  a  steady 
and  judicious  alternation  of  emissions  and 
loans,  would  reduce  them  in  time.  But  while 
this  is  going  on,  another  measure  should  be 
pressed,  to  recover  ultimately  our  right  to  the 
circulation.  The  States  should  be  applied  to, 
to  transfer  the  right  of  issuing  circulating 
paper  to  Congress  exclusively,  in  perpetuum, 
if  possible,  but  during  the  war  at  least,  with 
a  saving  of  charter  rights.  I  believe  that 
every  State  west  and  south  of  the  Connecti 
cut  River,  except  Delaware,  would  imme 
diately  do  it;  and  the  others  would  follow  in 
time.  Congress  would,  of  course,  begin  by 
obliging  unchartered  banks  to  wind  up  their 
affairs  within  a  short  time,  and  the  others  as 
their  charters  expired,  forbidding  the  subse 
quent  circulation  of  their  paper.  This,  they 
would  supply  with  their  own,  bottomed, 
every  emission,  on  an  adequate  tax,  and  bear 
ing  or  not  bearing  interest,  as  the  state  of  the 
public  pulse  should  indicate.  Even  in  the 
non-complying  States,  these  bills  would  make 
their  way,  and  supplant  the  unfunded  paper 
of  their  banks,  by  their  solidity,  by  the  uni 
versality  of  their  currency,  and  by  their  re- 


I 


603 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


National  Currency 


ceivability  for  customs  and  taxes.  It  would 
be  in  their  power,  too,  to  curtail  those 
banks  to  the  amount  of  their  actual  specie, 
by  gathering  up  their  paper,  and  running  it 
constantly  on  them.  The  national  paper 
might  thus  take  place  even  in  the  non-com 
plying  States.  In  this  way,  I  am  not  with 
out  a  hope,  that  this  great,  this  sole  resource 
for  loans  in  an  agricultural  country,  might 
yet  be  recovered  for  the  use  of  the  nation 
during  war;  and,  if  obtained  in  perpetuum, 
it  would  always  be  sufficient  to  carry  us 
through  any  war;  provided,  that  in  the  in 
terval  between  war  and  war,  all  the  outstand 
ing  paper  should  be  called  in,  coin  be  per 
mitted  to  flow  in  again,  and  to  hold  the  field 
of  circulation  until  another  war  should  re 
quire  its  yielding  place  again  to  the  national 
medium. — To  JOHN  WAYLES  EPPES.  vi,  139. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  391.  (M.,  June  1813.) 

5623. .     I  like  well  your  idea  of 

issuing  treasury  notes  bearing  interest,  be 
cause  I  am  persuaded  they  would  soon  be 
withdrawn  from  circulation  and  locked  up 
in  vaults  in  private  hoards.  It  would  put  it 
in  the  power  of  every  man  to  lend  his  $100 
or  $1000,  though  not  able  to  go  forward  on 
the  great  scale,  and  be  the  most  advantageous 
way  of  obtaining  a  loan. — To  THOMAS  LAW. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  433.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

5624. .     The  circulating  fund  is 

the  only  one  we  can  ever  command  with 
certainty.  It  is  sufficient  for  all  our  wants ; 
and  the  impossibility  of  even  defending  the 
country  without  its  aid  as  a  borrowing  fund, 
renders  it  indispensable  that  the  nation  should 
take  and  keep  it  in  their  own  hands,  as  their 
exclusive  resource. —  To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
vi,  393-  FORD  ED.,  ix,  491.  (M.,  Oct.  1814.) 

5625. .     Although   a   century   of 

British  experience  has  proved  to  what  a 
wonderful  extent  the  funding  on  specific  re 
deeming  taxes  enables  a  nation  to  anticipate 
in  war  the  resources  of  peace,  and  although 
the  other  nations  of  Europe  have  tried  and 
trodden  every  path  of  force  or  folly  in  fruit 
less  quest  of  the  same  object,  yet  we  still 
expect  to  find  in  juggling  tricks  and  banking 
dreams,  that  money  can  be  made  out  of  noth 
ing,  and  in  sufficient  quantities  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  a  heavy  war  by  sea  and  land.  It 
is  said,  indeed,  that  money  cannot  be  bor 
rowed  from  our  merchants  as  from  those  of 
England.  But  it  can  be  borrowed  from  our 
people.  They  will  give  you  all  the  necessa 
ries  of  war  they  produce,  if,  instead  of  the 
bankrupt  trash  they  are  now  obliged  to  re 
ceive  for  want  of  any  other,  you  will  give 
them  a  paper  promise  funded  on  a  specific 
pledge,  and  of  a  size  for  common  circula 
tion.  But  you  say  the  merchants  will  not 
take  this  paper.  What  the  people  take  the 
merchants  must  take,  or  sell  nothing.  All 
these  doubts  and  fears  prove  only  the  ex 
tent  of  the  dominion  which  the  banking  in 
stitutions  have  obtained  over  the  minds  of 
our  citizens,  and  especially  of  those  inhabit 
ing  cities  or  other  banking  places;  and  this 


dominion  must  be  broken,  or  it  will  break  us. 
3ut  *  *  *  we  must  make  up  our  minds  to 
suffer  yet  longer  before  we  can  get  right. 
The  misfortune  is,  that  in  the  meantime,  we 
shall  plunge  ourselves  in  unextinguishable 
debt,  and  entail  on  our  posterity  an  inherit 
ance  of  eternal  taxes,  which  will  bring  our 
government  and  people  into  the  condition  of 
those  of  England,  a  nation  of  pikes  and 
gudgeons,  the  latter  bred  merely  as  food  for  the 
former. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  409.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  497.  (M.,  Jan.  1815.) 

5626.  NATIONAL  CURRENCY,  Circu 
lating  medium. — If  I  have  used  any  expres 
sion  restraining  the  emissions  of  treasury 
notes  to  a  sufficient  medium,  *  *  *  I 
have  done  it  inadvertently,  and  under  the 
impression  then  possessing  me,  that  the  war 
would  be  very  short.  A  sufficient  medium 
would  not,  on  the  principles  of  any  writer, 
exceed  thirty  millions  of  dollars,  and  of  those 
of  some  not  ten  millions.  Our  experience  has 
proved  it  may  be  run  up  to  two  or  three 
hundred  millions,  without  more  than  doub 
ling  what  would  be  the  prices  of  things  under 
a  sufficient  medium,  or  say  a  metallic  one, 
which  would  always  keep  itself  at  the  suf 
ficient  point ;  and,  if  they  rise  to  this  term, 
and  the  descent  from  it  be  gradual,  it  would 
not  produce  sensible  revolutions  in  private 
fortunes.  I  shall  be  able  to  explain  my  views 
more  definitely  by  the  use  of  numbers.  Sup 
pose  we  require,  to  carry  on  the  war,  an  an 
nual  loan  of  twenty  millions,  then  I  pro 
pose  that,  in  the  first  year,  you  shall  lay  a 
tax  of  two  millions,  and  emit  twenty  millions 
of  treasury  notes,  of  a  size  proper  for  cir 
culation,  and  bearing  no  interest,  to  the  re 
demption  of  which  the  proceeds  of  that  tax 
shall  be  inviolably  pledged  and  applied,  by  re 
calling  annually  their  amount  of  the  identical 
bills  funded  on  them.  The  second  year,  lay 
another  tax  of  two  millions,  and  emit  twenty 
millions  more.  The  third  year  the  same,  and 
so  on,  until  you  have  reached  the  maximum 
of  taxes  which  ought  to  be  imposed.  Let  me 
suppose  this  maximum  to  be  one  dollar  a 
head,  or  ten  millions  of  dollars,  merely  as  an 
exemplification  more  familiar  than  would  be 
the  algebraical  symbols  x  or  y.  You  would 
reach  this  in  five  years.  The  sixth  year,  then, 
still  emit  twenty  millions  of  treasury  notes, 
and  continue  all  the  taxes  two  years  longer. 
The  seventh  year,  twenty  millions  more,  and 
continue  the  whole  taxes  another  two  years ; 
and  so  on.  Observe,  that  although  you  emit 
twenty  millions  of  dollars  a  year,  you  call  in 
ten  millions,  and,  consequently,  add  but  ten 
millions  annually  to  the  circulation.  It  would 
be  in  thirty  years,  then,  prima  facie,  that 
you  would  reach  the  present  circulation  of 
three  hundred  millions,  or  the  ultimate  term 
to  which  we  might  venture.  But  observe, 
also,  that  in  that  time  we  shall  have  become 
thirty  millions  of  people,  to  whom  three 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  would  be  no  more 
than  one  hundred  millions  to  us  now;  which 
sum  would  probably  not  have  raised  prices 
more  than  fifty  per  cent,  on  what  may  be 
deemed  the  standard,  or  metallic  prices.  This 


National  Currency 
Nations 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


604 


increased  population  and  consumption,  while 
it  would  be  increasing  the  proceeds  of  the 
redemption  tax,  and  lessening  the  balance  an 
nually  thrown  into  circulation,  would  also 
absorb,  without  saturation,  more  of  the  sur 
plus  medium,  and  enable  us  to  push  the  same 
process  to  a  much  higher  term,  to  one  which 
we  might  safely  call  indefinite,  because  ex 
tending  so  far  beyond  the  limits,  either  in 
time  or  expense,  of  any  supposable  war.  All 
we  should  have  to  do  would  be,  when  the  war 
should  be  ended,  to  leave  the  gradual  ex 
tinction  of  these  notes  to  the  operation  of  the 
taxes  pledged  for  their  redemption;  not  to 
suffer  a  dollar  of  paper  to  be  emitted  either 
by  public  or  private  authority,  but  let  the 
metallic  medium  flow  back  into  the  channels 
of  circulation,  and  occupy  them  until  another 
war  should  oblige  us  to  recur,  for  its  support, 
to  the  same  resource,  and  the  same  process, 
on  the  circulating  medium. — To  PRESIDENT 
MADISON,  vi,  392.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  489.  (M., 
Oct.  1814.) 

5627. .  The  government  is  now 

issuing  Treasury  notes  for  circulation,  bot 
tomed  on  solid  funds  and  bearing  interest. 
The  banking  confederacy  (and  the  merchants 
bound  to  them  by  their  debts)  will  endeavor 
to  crush  the  credit  of  these  notes;  but  the 
country  is  eager  for  them,  as  something  they 
can  trust  to,  and  as  soon  as  a  convenient 
quantity  of  them  can  get  into  circulation  the 
bank  notes  die. — To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  SAY.  vi, 
434.  (M.,  1815.) 

5628. .  The  war,  had  it  pro 
ceeded,  would  have  upset  our  government ; 
and  a  new  one,  whenever  tried,  will  do  it. 
And  so  it  must  be  while  our  money,  the  nerve 
of  war,  is  much  or  little,  real  or  imaginary, 
as  our  bitterest  enemies  choose  to  make  it. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vi,  498.  (M.,  Oct. 
1815.) 

5629.  NATIONAL  CURRENCY,  Con 
gressional  control.— From  the  establishment 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  to  this  day,  I  have 
preached  against  this  system,  and  have  been 
sensible  no  cure  could  be  hoped  but  in  the 
catastrophe  now  happening.  The  remedy 
was  to  let  banks  drop  gradually  at  the  ex 
piration  of  their  charters,  and  for  the  State 
governments  to  relinquish  the  power  of  estab 
lishing  others.  This  would  not,  as  it  should 
not,  have  given  the  power  of  establishing 
them  to  Congress.  But  Congress  could  then 
have  issued  treasury  notes  payable  within  a 
fixed  period,  and  founded  on  a  specific  tax, 
the  proceeds  of  which,  as  they  came  in, 
should  be  exchangeable  for  the  notes  of  that 
particular  emission  only.  This  depended,  it 
is  true,  on  the  will  of  the  State  Legislatures, 
and  would  have  brought  on  us  the  phalanx 
of  paper  interest.  But  that  interest  is  now 
defunct. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  381.  (M., 
Sep.  1814.) 

5630. .     To   give   readier   credit 

to  their  bills,  without  obliging  themselves  to 
give  cash  for  them  on  demand,  let  their  col 
lectors  be  instructed  to  do  so,  when  they  have 
cash;  thus,  in  some  measure,  performing  the 


functions  of  a  bank,  as  to  their  own  notes. — 
To  THOMAS  COOPER,  vi,  382.  (M.,  Sep. 
1814.) 

5631.  NATIONAL  CURRENCY,  Re 
demption. — Treasury  notes  of  small  as  well 
as  high  denomination,  bottomed  on  a  tax 
which  would  redeem  them  in  ten  years,  would 
place  at  our  disposal  the  whole  circulating 
medium  of  the  United  States;  a  fund  of 
credit  sufficient  to  carry  us  through  any  prob 
able  length  of  war.  A  small  issue  of  such 
paper  is  now  commencing.  It  will  imme 
diately  supersede  the  bank  paper;  nobody  re 
ceiving  that  now  but  for  the  purposes  of  the 
day,  and  never  in  payments  which  are  to  lie 
by  for  any  time.  In  fact,  all  the  banks 
having  declared  they  will  not  give  cash  in  ex 
change  for  their  own  notes,  these  circulate 
merely  because  there  is  no  other  medium  of 
exchange.  As  soon  as  the  treasury  notes  get 
into  circulation,  the  others  will  cease  to  hold 
any  competition  with  them.  I  trust  that  an 
other  year  will  confirm  this  experiment,  and 
restore  this  fund  to  the  public,  who  ought 
never  more  to  permit  its  being  filched  from 
them  by  private  speculators  and  disorganizers 
of  the  circulation. — To  W.  H.  CRAWFORD,  vi, 
419.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  503.  (M.,  Feb.  1815.) 

5632. .     The  third  great  measure 

necessary  to  ensure  us  permanent  prosperity, 
should  ensure  resources  of  money  by  the  sup 
pression  of  all  paper  circulation  during  peace, 
and  licensing  that  of  the  nation  alone  during 
war.  The  metallic  medium  of  which  we 
should  be  possessed  at  the  commencement  of 
a  war,  would  be  a  sufficient  fund  for  all  the 
loans  we  should  need  through  its  contin 
uance;  and  if  the  national  bills  issued,  be 
bottomed  (as  is  indispensable)  on  pledges  of 
specific  taxes  for  their  redemption  within  cer 
tain  and  moderate  epochs,  and  be  of  proper 
denominations  for  circulation,  no  interest  on 
them  would  be  necessary  or  just,  because  they 
would  answer  to  every  one  the  purposes  of 
the  metallic  money  withdrawn  and  replaced 
by  them. — To  WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD,  vii,  8. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  36.  (M.,  1816.)  See  BANKS, 
DOLLAR,  MONEY,  and  PAPER  MONEY. 

—    NATIONAL    UNIVERSITY.— See 

UNIVERSITY. 

5633.  NATIONS,     Constitutions    for.— 

Such  indeed  are  the  different  circumstances, 
prejudices,  and  habits  of  different  nations, 
that  the  constitution  of  no  one  would  be 
reconcilable  to  any  other  in  every  point. — To 
M.  CORAY.  vii,  320.  (M.,  1823.) 

5634.  NATIONS,      Dictation      to.— The 

presumption  of  dictating  to  an  independent 
nation  the  form  of  its  government,  is  so 
arrogant,  so  atrocious,  that  indignation,  as 
well  as  moral  sentiment,  enlists  all  our  par 
tialities  and  prayers  in  favor  of  one,  and  our 
equal  execrations  against  the  other. — -To 
JAMES  MONROE.  vii,  287.  FORD  ED.,  x,  257. 
(M.,  1823.) 

5635.  NATIONS,  European.— The  Euro 
pean  societies     *     *     *     under  pretence  of 


605 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Nations 


governing,  have  divided  their  nations  into 
two  classes,  wolves  and  sheep. — To  EDWARD 
CARRINGTON.  ii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  360.  (P., 
1787.) 

5636. .  The  European  are  na 
tions  of  eternal  war.  All  their  energies  are 
expended  in  the  destruction  of  the  labor, 
property,  and  lives  of  their  people. — To 
PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii,  288.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
257-  (M.,  1823.) 

5637.  NATIONS,  Extinction  of.— I  shall 
not  wonder  to  see  the  scenes  of  ancient  Rome 
and   Carthage   renewed   in   our  day;   and   if 
not  pursued  to  the  same  issue,  it  may  be  be 
cause  the  republic  of  modern  powers  will  not 
permit  the  extinction  of  any  one  of  its  mem 
bers.— To  C   W.   F.   DUMAS,     i,   553.      (P., 
1786.) 

5638.  NATIONS,   Good  faith.— A  char 
acter  of  good  faith  is  of  as  much  value  to  a 
nation  as  to  an  individual. — THE  ANAS.   FORD 
ED.,  i,  332.     (1808.) 

5639.  NATIONS,    Government    of.— I 
think,  with  others,  that  nations  are  to  be  gov 
erned  according  to  their  own  interest,  but  I 
am  convinced  that  it  is  their  interest,  in  the 
long  run  to  be  grateful,  faithful  to  their  en 
gagements,    even    in    the    worst    of    circum 
stances,  and  honorable  and  generous  always. 
—To  M.  DE  LAFAYETTE,     iii,   132.     FORD  ED., 
v,  152.     (N.Y.,   1790.) 

5640.  NATIONS,    History    and.— Wars 
and  contentions,  indeed,  fill  the  pages  of  his 
tory  with  more  matter.     But  more  blest  is 
that  nation  whose  silent  course  of  happiness 
furnishes  nothing  for  history  to  say.     This  is 
what   I   ambition   for  my   own   country. — To 
COUNT  DIODATI.     v,  62.     (W.,  1807.) 

5641.  NATIONS,  Ignorant. — If  a  nation 
expects  to  be  ignorant  and  free,  in  a  state  of 
civilization,   it  expects  what  never  was  and 
never  will  be.— To  CHARLES  YANCEY.    vi,  517. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  4.     (M.,  1816.) 

5642.  NATIONS,   Interest  of.— The   in 
terests  of  a   nation,   when  well   understood, 
will   be   found   to   coincide   with   their  moral 
duties. — PARAGRAPH    FOR    PRESIDENT'S    MES 
SAGE.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  119.     (1792.) 

5643.  NATIONS,  Jefferson's  prayer  for 
all. — I  wish  that  all  nations  may  recover  and 
retain  their  independence;   that  those  which 
are  overgrown  may  not  advance  beyond  safe 
measures  of  power,   that  a  salutary  balance 
may  be  ever  maintained  among  nations,  and 
that    our    peace,    commerce    and    friendship, 
may   be    sought   and    cultivated   by   all. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.     vi,  464.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  520. 
(M.,  1815.) 

5644. .     Notwithstanding  all  the 

French  and  British  atrocities,  which  will  for 
ever  disgrace  the  present  era  of  history, 
their  shameless  prostration  of  all  the  laws 
of  morality  which  constitute  the  security, 
the  peace  and  comfort  of  man — notwithstand 
ing  the  waste  of  human  life,  and  measure  of 
human  suffering  which  they  have  inflicted  on 


the  world — nations  hitherto  in  slavery  have 
desired  through  all  this  bloody  mist  a  glim 
mering  of  their  own  rights,  have  dared  to 
open  their  eyes,  and  to  see  that  their  own 
power  will  suffice  for  their  emancipation. 
Their  tyrants  must  now  give  them  more 
moderate  forms  of  government,  and  they 
seem  now  to  be  sensible  of  this  themselves. 
Instead  of  the  parricide  treason  of  Bonaparte 
in  employing  the  means  confided  to  him  as  a 
republican  magistrate  to  the  overthrow  of 
that  republic,  and  establishment  of  a  military 
despotism  in  himself  and  his  descendants,  to 
the  subversion  of  the  neighboring  govern 
ments,  and  erection  of  thrones  for  his 
brothers,  his  sisters  and  sycophants,  had  he 
honestly  employed  that  power  in  the  estab 
lishment  and  support  of  the  freedom  of  his 
own  country,  there  is  not  a  nation  in  Eu 
rope  which  would  not  at  this  day  have  had 
a  more  rational  government,  one  in  which  the 
will  of  the  people  should  have  had  a  mod 
erating  and  salutary  influence.  The  work 
will  now  be  longer,  will  swell  more  rivers 
with  blood,  produce  more  sufferings  and  more 
crimes.  But  it  will  be  consummated ;  and 
that  it  may  be  will  be  the  theme  of  my  con 
stant  prayers  while  I  shall  remain  on  the 
earth  beneath,  or  in  the  heavens  above. — To 
WILLIAM  BENTLEY.  vi,  503.  (M.,  1815.) 

5645.  NATIONS,   Just  and  unjust.— A 

just  nation  is  taken  on  its  word,  when  re 
course  is  had  to  armaments  and  wars  to 
bridle  others. — SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
viii,  40.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  343.  (1805.) 

5646. .  No  nation,  however  pow 
erful,  any  more  than  an  individual,  can  be 
unjust  with  impunity.  Sooner  or  later  public 
opinion,  an  instrument  merely  moral  in  the 
beginning,  will  find  occasion  physically  to  in 
flict  its  sentences  on  the  unjust. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  300.  (M.,  1804.) 

5647.  NATIONS,  Justice  and.— No  na 
tion  can  answer  for  perfect  exactitude  of  pro 
ceedings  in  all  their  inferior  courts.     It  suf 
fices  to  provide  a  supreme  judicature,  where 
all    error    and    partiality    will    be    ultimately 
corrected. — To   GEORGE   HAMMOND,     iii,   414. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  55.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

5648.  NATIONS,  Liberal.— A  nation,  by 
establishing  a  character  of  liberality  and  mag 
nanimity,  gains  in  the  friendship  and  respect 
of    others    more    than    the    worth    of    mere 
money. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  56.     (1806.) 

5649.  NATIONS,     Manners     of.— It     is 
difficult    to    determine    on    the    standard    by 
which  the  manners  of  a  nation  may  be  tried, 
whether   catholic   or   particular.      It   is   more 
difficult  for  a  native  to  bring  to  that  standard 
the  manners  of  his  own  nation,  familiarized 
to  him  by  habit. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii, 
403.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  266.     (1782.) 

5650.  NATIONS,  Money  and  rights  of. 

— Money  is  the  agent  by  which  modern  na 
tions  will  recover  their  rights. — To  COMTE  DE 
MOUSTIER.  ii,  389.  FORD  ED.,  v,  12.  (P., 
1788.) 


Nations  (American) 


THE  JEFFERSON1AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


606 


6651.  NATIONS,  Morality.— A  nation, 
as  a  society,  forms  a  moral  person,  and  every 
member  of  it  is  personally  responsible  for 
his  society. — To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  419. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  59.  (Pa.,  1792.)  See  MORALITY 
(NATIONAL). 

5652. .     The    moral    obligations 

constitute  a  law  for  nations  as  well  as  in 
dividuals.— R.  TO  A.  N.  Y.  TAMMANY  SO 
CIETY,  viii,  127.  (1808.) 

5653.  NATIONS,  Natural  rights  of.— 
In  no  case  are  the  laws  of  a  nation  changed, 
of  natural  right,  by  their  passage  from  one 
to  another  domination.  The  soil,  the  in 
habitants,  their  property,  and  the  laws  by 
which  they  are  protected  go  together.  Their 
laws  are  subject  to  be  changed  only  in  the 
ease,  and  extent  which  their  new  legislature 
shall  will.— BATTURE  CASE,  viii,  528.  (1812.) 

6654.  NATIONS,     Neighboring.— We 
have  seldom  seen  neighborhood  produce  af 
fection  among  nations.    The  reverse  is  almost 
the  universal  truth.— To  JOHN  C.  BRECKEN- 
RIDGE.     iv,   499.     FORD  ED.,   viii,   243.      (M., 
1803.) 

6655.  NATIONS,    Oppressed.— That    we 
should  wish  to  see  the  people  of  other  coun 
tries  free,  is  as  natural,  and  at  least  as  jus 
tifiable,  as  that  one  King  should  wish  to  see 
the  Kings  of  other  countries  maintained  in 
their  despotism.— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     vii, 
78.    FORD  ED.,  x,  90.     (M.,  1817.) 

5656.  NATIONS,    Peculiarities    of.— In 
reading  the  travels  of  a  Frenchman  through 
the  United   States   what  he   remarks  as  pe 
culiarities  in  us,  prove  to  us  the  contrary  pe 
culiarities  of  the  French.     We  have  the  ac 
counts  of  Barbary  from  European  and  Amer 
ican  travellers.     It  would  be  more  amusing 
if   Melli   Melli   would   give   us  his   observa 
tions   on   the   United    States.      If,    with   the 
fables  and  follies  of  the  Hindoos,  so  justly 
pointed    out    to    us    by    yourself    and    other 
travellers,  we  could  compare  the  contrast  of 
those    which    an    Hindoo    traveller    would 
imagine  he  found  among  us,  it  might  enlarge 
our  instruction.     It  would  be  curious  to  see 
what  parallel  among  us  he  would  select  for 
his    Veeshni. — To    NATHANIEL    GREENE,     vi, 
72.     (M.,  1812.) 

5657.  NATIONS,     Political    conditions 
in. — The  condition  of  different  descriptions 
of  inhabitants  in  any  country  is  a  matter  of 
municipal  arrangement,  of  which  no  foreign 
country  has  a  right  to  take  notice.     All  its 
inhabitants  are  as  men  to  them. — To  SAMUEL 
KERCHIVAL.     vii,  37.     FORD  ED.,  x,  46.     (M., 
1816.) 

5658.  NATIONS,    Representation    and. 
— The  [representative principle]  has  taken  deep 
root  in  the  European  mind,  and  will  have  its 
growth;  their  despots,*  sensible  of  this,  are 
already    offering    this    modification    of    their 
governments,  as  if  of  their  own  accord.     In- 

*  In  consenting  to  the  newspaper  publication  of  this 
extract,  Jefferson  directed  that "  despots  "  be  changed 
to  "rulers  ".—EDITOR. 


stead  of  the  parricide  treason  of  Bonaparte, 
in.  perverting  the  means  confided  to  him  as  a 
republican  magistrate,  to  the  subversion  of 
that  republic  and  erection  of  a  military  des 
potism  for  himself  and  his  family,  had  he 
used  it  honestly  for  the  establishment  and 
support  of  a  free  government  in  his  own 
country,  France  would  now  have  been  in 
freedom  and  rest;  and  her  example  operating 
in  a  contrary  direction,  every  nation  in  Eu 
rope  would  have  had  a  government  over 
which  the  will  of  the  people  would  have  had 
some  control.  His  atrocious  egotism  has 
checked  the  salutary  progress  of  principle, 
and  deluged  it  with  rivers  of  blood  which  are 
not  yet  run  out.  To  the  vast  sum  of  dev 
astation  and  of  human  misery,  of  which  he 
has  been  the  guilty  cause,  much  is  still  to  be 
added.  But  the  object  is  fixed  in  the  eye  of 
nations,  and  they  will  press  on  to  its  accom 
plishment  and  to  the  general  amelioration  of 
the  condition  of  man.  What  a  germ  have  we 
planted,  and  how  faithfully  should  we  cherish 
the  parent  tree  at  home  ! — To  BENJAMIN  AUS 
TIN,  vi,  520.  FORD  ED.,  x,  8.  (M.,  1816.) 

5659.  NATIONS,    Revolution.— When 
subjects  are  able  to  maintain  themselves  in 
the  field,  they  are  then  an  independent  power 
as  to  all  neutral  nations,  are  entitled  to  their 
commerce,  and  to  protection  within  their  lim 
its. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  550.     FORD  ED., 
x,  19.     (M.,  1816.) 

5660.  NATIONS,  Standing  of.— The  just 
standing   of   all    nations    is    the    health    and 
security  of  all. — To  JAMES  MAURY.     vi,   52. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  349.     (M.,  1812.) 

5661.  NATIONS,  Unity  of  large.— The 
laws  of  nature   render  a   large   country  un 
conquerable   if   they   adhere   firmly   together, 
and  to  their  purpose. — To  H.  INNES.     FORD 
EDV  vi,  266.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

5662. .    Without  union  of  action 

and  effort  in  all  its  parts,  no  nation  can  be 
happy  or  safe. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  100. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  75.  (W.,  1807.) 

5663. .     A    nation     united    can 

never  be  conquered.  We  have  seen  what  the 
ignorant,  bigoted  and  unarmed  Spaniards 
could  do  against  the  disciplined  veterans  of 
their  invaders.  *  *  *  The  oppressors  may 
cut  off  heads  after  heads,,  but  like  those  of  the 
Hydra  they  multiply  at  every  stroke.  The  re 
cruits  within  a  nation's  own  limits  are  prompt 
and  without  number ;  while  those  of  their  in 
vaders  from  a  distance  are  slow,  limited,  and 
must  come  to  an  end. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
525.  (M.,  1816.) 

5664.  NATIONS,  Young.— The  first  ob 
ject  of  young  societies  is  bread  and  covering; 
science  is  but  secondary  and  subsequent. — To 
J.  EVELYN  DENISON.    vii,  418.     (M.,  1825.) 

5665.  NATIONS  (American),  Coalition 

of. — Nothing  is  so  important  as  that  America 
shall  separate  herself  from  the  systems  of 
Europe,  and  establish  one  of  her  own.  Our 
circumstances,  our  pursuits,  our  interests, 
are  distinct,  the  principles  of  our  policy 


6o; 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Natural  Bridge 
Natural  History 


should  be  so  also.  All  entanglements  with 
that  quarter  of  the  globe  should  be  avoided 
if  we  mean  that  peace  and  justice  shall  be 
the  polar  stars  of  the  American  societies. 
*  *  *  [This]  would  be  a  leading  principle 
with  me,  had  I  longer  to  live. — To  J.  CORREA 
DE  SERRA.  vii,  184.  FORD  ED.,  x,  162.  (M., 
Oct.  1820.) 

5666.  NATURAL     BRIDGE,     Descrip 
tion. — The  Natural  Bridge,  the  most  sublime 
of  Nature's  works,     *     *     *     is  on  the  ascent 
of    a    hill    which    seems    to    have    been    cloven 
through    its   length   by   some   great   convulsion. 
The  fissure,  just  at  the  Bridge,  is,  by  some  ad 
measurements,    270    feet   deep,    by    others    only 
205.     It   is   about   45    feet   wide   at  the   bottom 
and   90   feet  at  the  top ;   this   of  course  deter 
mines  the  length  of  the  bridge,  and  its  height 
from  the  water.     Its  breadth  in  the  middle  is 
about  60   feet,   but  more  at  the  ends,   and  the 
thickness   of   the   mass,    at  the   summit   of   the 
arch,   about   forty   feet.     A   part  of  this  thick 
ness   is   constituted  by   a  coat  of  earth,   which 
gives   growth   to   many   large   trees.     The   resi 
due,   with   the   hill   on  both   sides,   is  one  solid 
rock    of    limestone.     The    arch    approaches    the 
semi-elliptical  form  ;  but  the  larger  axis  of  the 
ellipsis,  which  would  be  the  chord  of  the  arch, 
is  many  times  longer  than  the  semi-axis  which 
gives    its    height.      Looking    down    from    this 
height    about    a    minute,    gave    me    a    violent 
headache.     If  the  view  from  the  top  be  pain 
ful    and    intolerable,    that    from    below    is    de 
lightful  in  an  equal  extreme.     It  is  impossible 
for  the  emotions   arising   from   the  sublime  to 
be  felt  beyond  what  they  are  here ;   so  beauti 
ful  an  arch,   so  elevated,  so  light,  and  spring 
ing   as   it   were   up   to    heaven,   the   rapture   of 
the  spectator  is  really  indescribable !     The  fis 
sure  continuing  narrow,  deep  and  straight,  for 
a   considerable    distance    above   and   below   the 
Bridge,   opens   a   short  but  very  pleasing  view 
of   the    North    Mountain   on   one   side   and   the 
Blue  Ridge  on  the  other,  at  the  distance  each 
of  them  of  about  five  miles. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,     viii,   269.     FORD   ED.,   iii,    109.     (1782.) 

5667.  NATURAL     BRIDGE,     Greatest 
curiosity. — The  greatest  of  our  curiosities, 
the    Natural    Bridge. — To    REV.    CHAS.    CLAY. 
iii,   125.     FORD  ED.,  v,   142.     (M.,   1790.) 

5668.  NATURAL  BRIDGE,  Hermitage 

near. — I  sometimes  think  of  building  a  little 
hermitage  at  the  Natural  Bridge  (for  it  is  my 
property)  and  of  passing  there  a  part  of  the 
year  at  least. — To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  ii, 
80.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  345.  (P.,  1786.) 

5669.  NATURAL     HISTORY,     Ameri 
can   animals.— I    really   doubt   whether  the 
fiat-horned    elk    exists    in     America.     *     *     * 
I   have  seen  the  daim,   the  cerf,  the  chevreuil 
of   Europe.     But   the   animal    we   call   elk,    and 
which    may    be    distinguished    as    the    round- 
horned  elk,  is  very  different  from  them.    *    *    * 
I  suspect  that  you  will  find  that  the  moose,  the 
round-horned  elk,   and  the   American   deer  are 
species    not    existing    in    Europe.     The    moose 
is    perhaps    of    a    new    class. — To    COMTE    DE 
BUFFON.      ii,    286.      FORD    ED.,    iv,    458.      (P., 
1787.) 

5670.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  Anatomy 
. — The  systems  of  Cuvier  and  Blumen- 

bach,  and  especially  that  of  Blumenbach,  are 
liable  to  the  objection  of  going  too  much  into 
the  province  of  anatomy.  It  may  be  said,  in 
deed,  that  anatomy  is  a  part  of  natural  his 


tory.  In  the  broad  sense  of  the  word,  it  cer 
tainly  is.  In  that  sense,  however,  it  would 
comprehend  all  the  natural  sciences,  every 
created  thing  being  a  subject  of  natural  his 
tory  in  extenso.  *  *  *  As  soon  as  the 
structure  of  any  natural  production  is  destroyed 
by  art,  it  ceases  to  be  a  subject  of  natural  his 
tory,  and  enters  into  the  domain  ascribed  to 
chemistry,  to  pharmacy,  to  anatomy,  &c. 
Linnaeus's  method  was  liable  to  this  objection  so 
far  as  it  required  the  aid  of  anatomical  dis 
section,  as  of  the  heart,  for  instance,  to  ascer 
tain  the  place  of  any  animal,  or  of  a  chemical 
process  for  that  of  a  mineral  substance.  It 
would  certainly  be  better  to  adopt  as  much  as 
possible  such  exterior  and  visible  character 
istics  as  every  traveler  is  competent  to  observe, 
to  ascertain  and  to  relate. — To  DR.  JOHN  MAN 
NERS,  vi,  321.  (M.,  1814.)  See  ANATOMY. 

5671.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  Buffon 
and. — You  must  not  presume  too  strongly 
that  your  comb-footed  bird  is  known  to  M.  de 
Buffon.  He  did  not  know  our  panther.  I  gave 
him  the  striped  skin  of  one  I  bought  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  it  presents  him  a  new  species 
which  will  appear  in  his  next  volume. — To 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  ii,  74.  (P.,  1786.) 

5672. .     I  have  convinced  M.  de 

Buffon  that  our  deer  is  not  a  chevreuil,  and 
would  you  believe  that  many  letters  to  different 
acquaintances  in  Virginia,  where  this  animal 
is  so  common,  have  never  enabled  me  to  pre 
sent  him  with  a  large  pair  of  their  horns,  a 
blue  and  a  red  skin  stuffed,  to  show  him  their 
colors  at  different  seasons.  He  has  never  seen 
the  horns  of  what  we  call  the  elk.  This  would 
decide  whether  it  be  an  elk  or  a  deer.* — To 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  ii,  74.  (P.,  1786.) 

5673. .    I  have  made  a  particular 

acquaintance  with  Monsieur  de  Buffon,  and 
have  a  great  desire  to  give  him  the  best  idea 
I  can  of  our  elk.  You  could  not  oblige  me  more 
than  by  sending  me  the  horns,  skeleton  and 
skin  of  an  elk,  were  it  possible  to  procure  them. 
Everything  of  this  kind  is  precious 
here  [France]. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART,  i, 
518.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  189.  (P.,  1786.)  See 
BUFFON. 

5674.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  Costly 
specimens. — You  ask  if  you  shall  say  any 
thing  to  Sullivan  about  the  bill.  No  ;  only  that 
it  is  paid.  I  have  received  letters  from  him  ex 
plaining  the  matter.  It  was  really  for  the 
skin  and  bones  of  the  moose,  as  I  had  con 
jectured.  It  was  my  fault  that  I  had  not  given 
him  a  rough  idea  of  the  expense  I  would  be 
willing  to  incur  for  them.  He  made  the  ac 
quisition  an  object  of  a  regular  campaign,  and 
that,  too,  of  a  winter  one.  The  troops  he  em 
ployed  sallied  forth,  as  he  writes  me,  in  the 
month  of  March — much  snow — a  herd  attacked 
— one  killed — in  the  wilderness — a  road  to  cut 
twenty  miles — to  be  drawn  by  hand  from  the 
frontiers  to  his  house — bones  to  be  cleaned, 
&c.,  &c.  In  fine,  he  puts  himself  to  an  infini 
tude  of  trouble,  more  than  I  meant.  He  did  it 
cheerfully,  and  I  feel  myself  really  under  obli 
gations  to  him.  That  the  tragedy  might  not 
want  a  proper  catastrophe,  the  box,  bones,  and 
all  are  lost ;  so  that  this  chapter  of  natural  his 
tory  will  still  remain  a  blank.  But  I  have 

*  "  The  venerable  Buffon  was  indebted  to  Jefferson 
for  torrents  of  information  concerning  nature  in 
America,  as  well  as  for  many  valuable  specimens. 
Buffon  wrote  to  Jefferson,  '  I  should  have  consulted 
you,  sir,  before  publishing  my  natural  history,  and 
then  I  should  have  been  sure  of  my  facts  '."—PAR- 
TON'S  Life  of  Jefferson. 


Natural  History 
Natural  Bights 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


608 


written  to  him  not  to  send  me  another. — To 
W.  S.  SMITH,  ii,  284.  (P.,  1787.) 

5675.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  Elk  and 
deer. — In  my  conversations  with  the  Count 
de  Buffon  on  the  subjects  of  natural  history, 
I  find  him  absolutely  unacquainted  with  our 
elk  and  our  deer.  He  has  hitherto  believed 
that  our  deer  never  had  horns  more  than  a 
foot  long;  and  has,  therefore,  classed  them 
with  the  roe  buck  which,  I  am  sure,  you  know 
them  to  be  different  from.  *  *  *  Will  you 
take  the  trouble  to  procure  for  me  the  largest 
pair  of  buck's  horns  you  can,  and  a  large  skin 
of  each  color,  that  is  to  say,  a  red  and  a  blue? 
If  it  were  possible  to  take  these  from  a  buck 
just  killed,,  to  leave  all  the  bones  of  the  head 
in  the  skin,  with  the  horns  on,  to  leave  the 
bones  of  the  legs  in  the  skin  also,  and  the  hoofs 
to  it,  so  that,  having  only  made  an  incision 
all  along  the  belly  and  neck,  to  take  the  animal 
out  at,  we  could,  by  sewing  up  that  incision, 
and  stuffing  the  skin,  present  the  true  size  and 
form  of  the  animal ;  it  would  be  a  most  precious 
present. — To  A.  GARY,  i,  507.  (P.,  1786.) 

5676. .     You  give  me  hopes  of 

being  able  to  procure  for  me  some  of  the  big 
bones.  *  *  *  A  specimen  of  each  of  the 
several  species  of  bones  now  to  be  found,  is 
to  me  the  most  desirable  object  in  natural  his 
tory.  And  there  is  no  expense  of  package  or 
of  safe  transportation  which  I  will  not  gladly 
reimburse  to  procure  them  safely.  Elk  horns 
of  very  extraordinary  size,  or  anything  else 
uncommon,  would  be  very  acceptable. — To 
JAMES  STEPTOE.  -i,  323.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  62. 
(1782.) 

5677.  NATURAL    HISTORY,    Export 
ing  deer. — Our  deer  have  been  often  sent  to 
England    and    Scotland.     Do    you    know    (with 
certainty)    whether   they   have   ever   bred   with 
the  red  deer  of  those  countries? — To  A.  GARY. 
i,  508.     (P.,   1786.) 

5678.  NATURAL        HISTORY,        Far 
West. — Any    observations   of  your   own   on 
the  subject  of  the  big  bones   or  their  history, 
or   anything   else   in  the  western   country,   will 
come    acceptably   to    me,    because    I    know   you 
see  the  works  of  nature  in  the  great,  and  not 
merely     in     detail.      Descriptions    of    animals, 
vegetables,    minerals    or    other   curious   things ; 
notes    as    to    the    Indians'    information    of    the 
country  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  waters 
of  the  South  Sea,  &c.,  &c.,  will  strike  your  mind 
as    worthy    being    communicated. — To     JAMES 
STEPTOE.     i,    323.     FORD    ED.,    iii,    63.     (1782.) 

5679.  NATURAL     HISTORY,     French 
deer. — I  have  examined  some  of  the  red  deer 
of   this    country    [France]    at   the    distance    of 
about  sixty  yards,  and  I  find  no  other  difference 
between  them  and  ours  than  a  shade  or  two  in 
the   color. — To    A.    GARY,     i,    507.     (P.,    1786.) 

5680.  NATURAL     HISTORY,     Grouse 
and    pheasant. — In    the    King's    cabinet    of 
Natural  History,  of  which  Monsieur  de  Buffon 
has  the  superintendence,   I   observed  that  they 
had    neither    our    grouse    nor    our    pheasant. 
*     *     *     Pray    buy    the    male    and    female    of 
each,  employ  some  apothecary's  boy  to  prepare 
them,  and  send  them  to  me. — To   F.   HOPKIN- 
SON.     i,    506.     (P.,    1786.)     See   BIRDS. 

5681.  NATURAL    HISTORY,    Import 
ing  Useful  Animals. — A  fellow  passenger 
with  me  from  Boston  to  England,  promised  to 
send  to  you,  in  my  name,  some  hares,  rabbits, 
pheasants,  and  partridges,  by  the  return  of  the 
ship,    which    was   to    go    to    Virginia,    and   the 


captain  promised  to  take  great  care  of  them. 
My  friend  procured  the  animals,  and  the  ship 
changing  her  destination,  he  kept  them  in 
hopes  of  finding  some  other  conveyance,  till 
they  all  perished.  I  do  not  despair,  however, 
of  finding  some  opportunity  still  of  sending  a 
colony  of  useful  animals. — To  A.  GARY,  i, 
508.  (P.,  1786.) 

5682.  NATURAL    HISTORY,    Nomen 
clature. — The  uniting  all  nations  under  one 
language   in   natural   history   had   been   happily 
effected    by     Linnaeus,     and     can     scarcely     be 
hoped    for    a    second    time.     Nothing,    indeed, 
is  so  desperate  as  to  make  all  mankind  agree 
in  giving  up  a  language  they  possess,  for  one 
which  they  have  to  learn.     *     *     *     Disciples 
of    Linnaeus,    of    Blumenbach,    and    of    Cuvier, 
exclusively  possessing  their  own  nomenclatures, 
can  no  longer  communicate  intelligibly  with  one 
another. — To    DR.    JOHN    MANNERS,      vi,    321. 
(M.,   1814.) 

5683.  .     To     disturb     Linnaeus's 

system  was  unfortunate.     The  new   system  at 
tempted   in  botany,   by  Jussieu,   in   mineralogy, 
by  Haiiiy,  are  subjects  of  the  same  regret,  and 
so  also  the  no-system  of  Buffon,  the  great  advo 
cate   of   individualism   in   opposition   to    classi 
fication.     He  would  carry  us  back  to  the  days 
and   to   the   confusion   of   Aristotle   and    Pliny, 
give  up  the  improvements  of  twenty  centuries, 
and  cooperate  with  the  neolpgists  in  rendering 
the    science   of   one   generation    useless    to   the 
next   by   perpetual    changes    of   its   language. — 
To  DR.  JOHN  MANNERS,     vi,  322.     (M.,   1814.) 

5684.  NATURAL    HISTORY,    A    pas 
sion. — Natural    History  is  my  passion. — To 
HARRY    INNES.      iii,    217.      FORD    ED.,    v,    294. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

5685.  NATURAL     HISTORY,     Weevil 
fly. — I  do  not  think  the  natural  history  of  the 
weevil  fly  of  Virginia  has  been  yet  sufficiently 
detailed.     What  do   you  think  of  beginning  to 
turn  your  attention  to  this  insect,  in  order  to 

five  its  history  to  the  Philosophical  Society? 
t  would  require  some  Summers'  observations. 
*  *  *  I  long  to  be  free  for  pursuits  of  this 
kind  instead  of  the  detestable  ones  in  which  I 
am  now  laboring  without  pleasure  to  myself, 
or  profit  to  others.  In  short,  I  long  to  be  with 
you  at  Monticello. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  325.  (Pa.,  1791-) 

5686.  NATURAL      HISTORY,       Wild 
sheep. — I  have  never  known  to  what  family 
you  ascribed  the  Wild  Sheep,  or  Fleecy  Goat, 
as    Governor    Lewis    called    it,    or    the    Potio- 
trajos,   if   its   name   must  be   Greek.     He  gave 
me  a  skin,  but  I  know  he  carried  a  more  per 
fect    one,    with    the    horns    on,    to    Mr.    Peale ; 
and  if  I  recollect  well  those  horns,  they,  with 
the  fleece,   would   induce   one  to   suspect  it  to 
be   the    Lama,    or    at   least   a   Lama   aMnis.     I 
will  thank  you  to  inform  me  what  you  deter 
mine  it  to  be. — To  DR.  WISTAR.     v,  218.     (W., 
1807.) 

_  NATURAL  LAW.— See  MAJORITY. 

5687.  NATURAL  RIGHTS,  Abridging. 

—All  natural  rights  may  be  abridged  or  modi 
fied  in  their  exercise  by  law. — OFFICIAL  OPIN 
ION,  vii,  498.  FORD  ED.,  v,  206.  (1790.) 

5688. .  Laws  abridging  the  natu 
ral  right  of  the  citizen,  should  be  restrained 
by  rigorous  constructions  within  their  nar 
rowest  limits. — To  ISAAC  MCPHERSON.  vi, 
176.  (M.,  1813.)  See  DUTY  (NATURAL). 


609 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Natural  Blgl 
Naturalizatie 


5689.  NATURAL  BIGHTS,   Authority 
over. — Our    rulers    can    have    *     *    *     au 
thority  over  such  natural  rights  only  as  we 
have    submitted    to    them. — NOTES    ON    VIR 
GINIA,    viii,  400.    FORD  ED.,  iii,  263.     (1782.) 

5690.  NATURAL   RIGHTS,    Choice   of 
vocation. — Everyone  has  a  natural  right  to 
choose  that  vocation  in  life  which  he  thinks 
most  likely  to  give  him  comfortable  subsist 
ence. — THOUGHTS    ON     LOTTERIES,      ix,    505. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  366.     (M.,  Feb.  1826.) 

5691.  NATURAL       RIGHTS,       Equal 
Rights  vs. — No  man  has  a  natural  right  to 
commit    aggression    on    the    equal    rights   of 
another;  and  this  is  all  from  which  the  laws 
ought  to   restrain  him. — To   F.   W.   GILMER. 
vii,  3.    FORD  ED.,  x,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

5692.  NATURAL  RIGHTS,  Kings  and. 
— These  are  our  grievances,  which  we  have 
thus  laid  before  his  Majesty,  with  that  free 
dom   of  language   and   sentiment  which  be 
comes  a  free  people,  claiming  their  rights  as 
derived    from   the   laws   of   nature,   and   not 
as  the  gift  of  their  Chief  Magistrate. — RIGHTS 
OF  BRITISH   AMERICA,     i,   141.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
445.     (1774-) 

5693.  NATURAL       RIGHTS,       Moral 
sense  and. — Questions  of  natural  right  are 
triable  by  their  conformity  with   the   moral 
sense    and    reason     of    man. — OPINION    ON 
FRENCH   TREATIES,     vii,   618.     FORD  ED..,   vi, 
225.    (1793.)     See  MORAL  SENSE. 

5694.  NATURAL  RIGHTS,  Restoring. 

— I  shall  see  with  sincere  satisfaction  the 
progress  of  those  sentiments  which  tend  to  re 
store  to  man  all  his  natural  rights. — R.  TO 
A.  DANBURY  BAPTISTS,  viii,  113.  (1802.) 

5695.  NATURAL    RIGHTS,    Retention 
of- — The  idea  is  quite  unfounded  that  on  en 
tering  into  society  we  give  up  any  natural 
rights. — To  F.  W.  GILMER.    vii,  3.    FORD  ED., 
x,  32.     (M.,  1816.) 

5696.  NATURAL    RIGHTS,    Self-gov 
ernment  and. — Every  man,  and  every  body 
of  men  on  earth,  possesses  the  right  of  self- 
government.    They  receive  it  with  their  being 
from  the  hand  of  nature.     Individuals  exer 
cise  it  by  their  single  will ;  collections  of  men 
by  that  of  their  majority;  for  the  law  of  the 
majority  is  the  natural  law  of  every  society 
of  men.     When  a  certain  description  of  men 
are  to  transact  together  a  particular  business, 
the  times  and  places  of  their  meeting  and 
separating,   depend  on  their  own  will ;   they 
make  a  part  of  the  natural  right  of  self-gov 
ernment.     This,  like  all  other  natural  rights, 
may  be  abridged  or  modified  in  its  exercise 
by  their  own  consent,  or  by  the  law  of  those 
who  depute  them,  if  they  meet  in  the  right 
of  others;  but  as  far  as  it  is  not  abridged 
or  modified,  they  retain  it  as  a  natural  right, 
and  may  exercise  them   in   what   form   they 
please,  either  exclusively  by  themselves,  or  in 
association   with   others,    or   by   others   alto 
gether,  as  they  shall  agree.— OFFICIAL  OPIN 
ION,    vii,  496.     FORD  ED.,  v,  205.     (1790.) 


5797.  NATURAL  RIGHTS,  Social  du 
ties  and. — I  am  convinced  man  has  no  natu 
ral  right  in  opposition  to  his  social  duties. — 
R.  TO  A.  DANBURY  BAPTISTS,  viii,  113. 
(1802.)  See  RIGHTS. 

—  NATURAL  SELECTION,  Applica 
tion  to  mankind. — See  RACE. 

5698.  NATURALIZATION,  Eligibility. 

— All  persons  who,  by  their  own  oath  or  af 
firmation,  or  by  other  testimony,  shall  give 
satisfactory  proof  to  any  court  of  record  in 
this  Colony  that  they  propose  to  reside  in 
the  same  seven  years,  at  the  least,  and  who 
shall  subscribe  the  fundamental  laws,  shall  be 
considered  as  residents,  and  entitled  to  all 
the  rights  of  persons  natural  born. — PROPOSED 
VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  26.  (June 
1776.) 

5699.  NATURALIZATION,     Laws.— I 
cannot  omit  recommending  a  revisal  of  the 
laws  on  the  subject  of  naturalization.     Con 
sidering  the  ordinary  chances  of  human  life, 
a  denial  of  citizenship  under  a  residence  of 
fourteen  years  is  a  denial  to  a  great  propor 
tion  of  those  who  ask  it,  and  controls  a  policy 
pursued  from  their  first  settlement  by  many 
of  these  States,  and  still  believed  of  conse 
quence  to  their  prosperity.    And  shall  we  re 
fuse  the  unhappy  fugitives  from  distress  that 
hospitality  which  the  savages  of  the  wilder 
ness  extended  to  our  fathers  arriving  in  this 
land?       Shall    oppressed    humanity    find    no 
asylum  on  this  globe?    The  Constitution,  in 
deed,  has  wisely  provided  that,  for  admission 
to  certain  offices  of  important  trust,  a  resi 
dence  shall  be  required  sufficient  to  develop 
character   and    design.      But   might   not   the 
general  character  and  capabilities  of  a  citizen 
be  safely  communicated  to  every  one  mani 
festing  a  bond  fide  purpose  of  embarking  his 
life  and  fortunes  permanently  with  us?  with 
restrictions,    perhaps,    to    guard    against    the 
fraudulent  usurpation  of  our  flag;  an  abuse 
which   brings    so   much   embarrassment   and 
loss   on    the   genuine   citizen,    and    so   much 
danger  to  the  nation   of  being  involved   in 
war,  that  no  endeavor  should  be  spared  to 
detect  and  suppress  it. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,     viii,    14.     FORD  ED.,   viii,    124.      (Dec. 
1801.)     See  CITIZENS  and  EXPATRIATION. 

5700.  NATURALIZATION,  Non-recog 
nition  of.— The  decrees  of  the  British  courts 
that  British  subjects  adopted  here  since  the 
peace,  and  carrying  on  commerce  from  hence, 
are  still   British  subjects,   and  their  cargoes 
British    property,    have    shaken    these   quasi- 
citizens  in  their  condition.    The  French  adopt 
the  same  principle  as  to  their  cargoes  when 
captured.          *     *     Is  it  worth  our  while  to 
go  to  war  to  support  the  contrary  doctrine? 
The   British  principle  is  clearly  against  the 
law  of  nations,  but  which  way  our  interest 
lies    is    also    worthy    of    consideration.— To 
JAMES   MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  vii,   214.      (Pa., 
March  1798.) 

5701.  NATURALIZATION,      Obstruct 
ing.— He    [George   III.]    has   endeavored   to 
pervert  the  exercise  of  the  kingly  office  in 


Naturalization 
Navigation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


6lO 


Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insupportable 
tyranny  *  *  *  by  endeavoring  to  prevent 
the  population  of  our  country,  and  for  that 
purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturaliza 
tion  of  foreigners. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITU 
TION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  10.  (June  1776.) 

5702.  NATURALIZATION,    Power    of. 

— The  Administrator  [of  Virginia]  shall  not 
possess  the  prerogative  *  *  *  of  making 
denizens. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION. 
FORD  ED.,  ii,  19.  (June  1776.) 

5703.  NATURE,      Classifications.— Ray 
formed  one   classification  on   such  lines  of  di 
vision    as    struck    him    most    favorably ;    Klein 
adopted    another ;    Brisson    a   third,    and    other 
naturalists  other  designations,  till  Linnaeus  ap 
peared.     Fortunately  for  science,  he  conceived 
in    the    three    kingdoms    of    nature,    modes    of 
classification    which    obtained    the    approbation 
of  the  learned  of  all  nations.     This  system  was 
accordingly  adopted  by  all,  and  united  all  in  a 
general    language.     It    offered    the    three    great 
desiderata ;   First,  of  aiding  the  memory  to  re 
tain  a  knowledge  of  the  productions  of  nature. 
Secondly,  of  rallying  all  to  the  same  names  for 
the  same  objects,  so  that  they  could  communi 
cate    understandingly    on    them.     And,    thirdly, 
of  enabling  them,  when  a  subject  was  first  pre 
sented,   to   trace   it  by  its  character  up   to  the 
conventional   name  by  which  it  was  agreed  to 
be  called.     This  classification  was  indeed  liable 
to  the  imperfection  of  bringing  into  the  same 
group  individuals  w.hich,  though  resembling  in 
the   characteristics   adopted   by   the   author   for 
his  classification,  yet  have  strong  marks  of  dis 
similitude  in  other  respects.     But  to  this  objec 
tion   every  mode  of  classification  must  be  lia 
ble,  because  the  plan  of  creation  is  inscrutable 
to   our   limited    faculties.     Nature   has   not   ar 
ranged  her  productions  on  a  single  and  direct 
line.     They  branch  at  every  step,  and  in  every 
direction,  and  he  who  attempts  to  reduce  them 
into  departments,  is  left  to  do  it  by  the  lines  of 
his  own  fancy.     The  objection  of  bringing  to 
gether  what  are  disparata  in  nature,  lies  against 
the   classifications   of   Blumenbach   and   of   Cu- 
vier,  as  well  as  that  of  Linnaeus,  and  must  for 
ever  lie  against  all. — To   DR.  JOHN   MANNERS. 
vi,  320.     (M.,  1814.) 

5704.  NATURE,  Love  of. — There  is  not 
a   sprig   of   grass   that   shoots   uninteresting   to 
me. — To    MARTHA    JEFFERSON    RANDOLPH.      D. 
L.  J.,   192.     (Pa.,   1790.) 

5705.  NATURE,  Units  in.— Nature  has, 
in  truth,   produced  units   only  through   all  her 
works.     Classes,    orders,    genera,    species,    are 
not  of  her  work.     Her  creation  is  of  individ 
uals.     No   two    animals    are    exactly   alike ;    no 
two  plants,   nor  even   two   leaves   or  blades  of 
grass ;  no  two  crystallizations.     And  if  we  may 
venture  from  what  is  within  the  cognizance  of 
such   organs   as  ours,   to   conclude   on  that  be 
yond  their  powers,  we  must  believe  that  no  two 
particles   of   matter   are   of   exact   resemblance. 
This    infinitude    of    units    or    individuals    being 
far  beyond  the  capacity  of  our  memory,  we  are 
obliged,  in  aid  of  that,  to  distribute  them  into 
masses,    throwing    into    each    of    these    all    the 
individuals  which  have  a  certain  degree  of  re 
semblance  ;     to     subdivide     these     again     into 
smaller  groups,   according  to  certain  points  of 
dissimilitude    observable    in    them,    and    so    on 
until  we  have  formed  what  we  call  a  system  of 
classes,  orders,  genera,   and  species.     In  doing 
this,   we  fix   arbitrarily   on   such    characteristic 
resemblances    and    differences    as    seem    to    us 


most  prominent  and  invariable  in  the  several 
subjects,  and  most  likely  to  take  a  strong  hold 
in  our  memories. — To  DR.  JOHN  MANNERS. 
vi,  319.  (M.,  1814.) 

5706.  NATURE      AND      FREEDOM.— 

Under  the  law  of  nature  we  are  all  born  free. 
— LEGAL  ARGUMENT.  FORD  ED.,  i,  380.  (1770.) 

5707.  NAVIES,      Equalization      of.— I 

have  read  with  great  satisfaction  your  ob 
servations  on  the  principles  for  equalizing 
the  power  of  the  different  nations  on  the  sea, 
and  think  them  perfectly  sound.  Certainly 
it  will  be  better  to  produce  a  balance  on  that 
element,  by  reducing  the  means  of  its  great 
monopolizer  [England],  than  by  endeavoring 
to  raise  our  own  to  an  equality  with  theirs. — 
To  TENCH  COXE.  v,  199.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  142. 
(M.,  Sep.  1807.)  See  NAVY. 

5708.  NAVIGATION,      Coasting      and 
carrying  trade.— I  like  your  convoy  bill,  be 
cause  although  it  does  not  assume  the  main 
tenance   of   all    our   maritime    rights,    it    as 
sumes  as  much  as  it  is  our  interest  to  main 
tain.    Our  coasting  trade  is  the  first  and  most 
important  branch,    never   to   be   yielded   but 
with  our  existence.     Next  to  that  is  the  car 
riage   of  our  own   productions   in   our  own 
vessels,  and  bringing  back  the  returns  for  our 
own  consumption ;  so  far  I  would  protect  it 
and  force  every  part  of  the  Union  to  join 
in  the  protection  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
But  though  we  have  a  right  to  the  remain 
ing  branch  of  carrying  for  other  nations,  its 
advantages    do    not    compensate    its    risks. 
Your  bill  first  rallies  us  to  the  ground  the 
Constitution    ought    to    have    taken,    and    to 
which    we    ought    to    return    without    delay; 
the  moment  is  the  most  favorable  possible, 
because    the    Eastern    States,    by    declaring 
they  will  not  protect  that  cabotage  by  war, 
and  forcing  us  to  abandon  it,  have  released  us 
from  every  future  claim  for  its  protection  on 
that  part.     Your  bill  is  excellent  in  another 
view :   It  presents  still  one  other  ground  to 
which  we  can  retire  before  we  resort  to  war; 
it  says  to  the  belligerents,  rather  than  go  to 
war,    we   will   retire   from   the  brokerage  of 
other  nations,  and  will  confine  ourselves  to  the 
carriage  and  exchange  of  our  own  produc 
tions;   but  we   will   vindicate  that  in   all   its 
rights — if  you  touch  it,  it  is  war. — To  MR. 
BUR  WELL,     v,  505.     (M.,  Feb.   1810.) 

5709.  NAVIGATION,   Defensive  value 
of. — Our  navigation    *    *    *     as  a  resource 
of  defence,    [is]    essential,    [and]    will  admit 
neither  neglect  nor  forbearance.     The  posi 
tion  and  circumstances  of  the  United  States 
leave  them   nothing  to   fear  on   their   land- 
board,    and   nothing   to   desire   beyond   their 
present  rights.     But  on  their  seaboard,  they 
are  open  to  injury,  and  they  have  there,  too, 
a  commerce  which  must  be  protected.     This 
can  only  be  done  by  possessing  a  respectable 
body  of  citizen-seamen,  and  of  artists  and  es 
tablishments    in    readiness    for    ship-building. 
*     *     *     If  we  lose  the  seamen  and  artists 
whom  [our  navigation]  now  occupies,  we  lose 
the   present   means   of   marine   defence,    and 
time  will  be  requisite  to  raise  up  others,  when 


6n 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Navigation 


disgrace  or  losses  shall  bring  home  to  our 
feelings  the  error  of  having  abandoned  them. 
— FOREIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT,  vii,  647-8. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  480.  (Dec.  1793.) 

5710.  NAVIGATION,        Develop.— Our 
people     are     decided     in     the    opinion    that 
ii    is    necessary     for    us    to    take    a    share 
in    the   occupation    of   the   ocean,    and   their 
established    habits    induce    them    to    require 
that    the    sea    be    kept    open    to    them,    and 
that   that   line   of   policy   be   pursued   which 
will  render  the  use  of  that  element  to  them 
as  great  as  possible.    I  think  it  a  duty  in  those 
intrusted  with  the  administration  of  their  af 
fairs  to  conform  themselves  to  the  decided 
choice  of  their  constituents;  and  that  there 
fore,   we  should,   in  every  instance,  preserve 
an  equality  of  right  to  them  in  the  transporta 
tion  of  commodities,   in  the  right  of  fishing 
and  in  the  other  uses  of  the  sea. — To  JOHN 
JAY.    i,  404.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  88.    (P.,  1785.) 

5711.  NAVIGATION,  Encourage.— Our 

people  have  a  decided  taste  for  navigation 
and  commerce.  They  take  this  from  their 
mother  country;  and  their  servants  are  in 
duty  bound  to  calculate  all  their  measures 
on  this  datum.  We  wish  to  do  it  by  throwing 
open  all  the  doors  of  commerce,  and  knocking 
off  its  shackles.  But  as  this  cannot  be  done 
for  others,  unless  they  will  do  it  for  us,  and 
there  is  no  great  probability  that  Europe  will 
do  this,  I  suppose  we  shall  be  obliged  to  adopt 
a  system  which  may  shackle  them  in  our 
ports,  as  they  do  us  in  theirs. — To  COUNT 
VAN  HOGENDORP.  i,  465.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  105. 
(P,  1785.) 

5712.  NAVIGATION,      English     mon 
opoly  of.— The  British  say  they  will  pocket 
our  carrying  trade  as  well  as  their  own. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,    i,  550.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  215.     (P., 
1786.) 

5713.  NAVIGATION,    Freedom     of.— I 
think,  whatever  sums  we  are  obliged  to  pay 
for  freedom  of  navigation   in   the   European 
seas,  should  be  levied  on  the  European  com 
merce  with  us  by  a  separate  impost,  that  these 
powers    may    see    that    they    protect    these 
enormities    [Barbary  piracies]    for  their  own 
loss— To   GENERAL   GREENE.      i,    509.      (P., 
1786.) 

5714. .  What  sentiment  is  written 

in  deeper  characters  on  the  heart  of  man  than 
that  the  ocean  is  free  to  all  men,  and  their 
rivers  to  all  their  inhabitants?  Is  there  a 
man,  savage  or  civilized,  unbiased  by  habit, 
who  does  not  feel  and  attest  this  truth?  Ac 
cordingly,  in  all  tracts  of  country  united  un 
der  the  same  political  society,  we  find  this 
natural  right  universally  acknowledged  and 
protected  by  laying  the  navigable  rivers  open 
to  all  their  inhabitants.  When  their  rivers 
enter  the  limits  of  another  society,  if  the  right 
of  the  upper  inhabitants  to  descend  the 
stream  is  in  any  case  obstructed,  it  is  an  act 
of  force  by  a  stronger  society  against  a 
weaker,  condemned  by  the  judgment  of  man 
kind.  The  late  case  of  Antwerp  and  the 
Scheldt  was  a  striking  proof  of  a  general 


union  of  sentiment  on  this  point;  as  it  is  be 
lieved  that  Amsterdam  had  scarcely  an  ad 
vocate  out  of  Holland,  and  even  there  its 
pretensions  were  advocated  on  the  ground  of 
treaties,  and  not  of  natural  right. — MISSIS 
SIPPI  RIVER  INSTRUCTIONS,  vii,  577.  FORD  ED., 
v,  468.  (March  1792.) 

5715.  NAVIGATION,  French  and  Eng 
lish  hostility.— The  difference  of  sixty-two 
livres  ten  sols  the  hogshead  established  by 
the  National  Assembly  [of  France]  on  to 
bacco  brought  in  their  and  our  ships,  is  such 
an  act  of  hostility  against  our  navigation, 
as  was  not  to  have  been  expected  from  the 
friendship  of  that  nation.  It  is  as  new  in  its 
nature  as  extravagant  in  its  degree;  since  it 
is  unexampled  that  any  nation  has  en 
deavored  to  wrest  from  another  the  carriage 
of  its  own  produce,  except  in  the  case  of  their 
colonies. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  274.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  362.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5716. .     I    apprehend   that   these 

two  great  nations  [France  and  England] 
will  think  it  their  interest  not  to  permit 
us  to  be  navigators. — To  HORATIO  GATES,  iv, 

213.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  205.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

5717. .     Every    appearance    and 

consideration  render  it  probable  that,  on  the 
restoration  of  peace,  both  France  and  Britain 
will  consider  it  their  interest  to  exclude  us  from 
the  ocean,  by  such  peaceable  means  as  are  in 
their  power.  Should  this  take  place,  perhaps 
it  may  be  thought  just  and  politic  to  give  to 
our  native  capitalists  the  monopoly  of  our  in 
ternal  commerce. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 

214.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  206.     (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

5718. .     The  countervailing  acts 

of  Great  Britain,  now  laid  before  Congress, 
threaten,  in  the  opinion  of  merchants,  the 
entire  loss  of  our  navigation  to  England.  It 
makes  a  difference,  from  the  present  state  of 
things,  of  five  hundred  guineas  on  a  vessel  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  tons. — To  HORATIO 
GATES,  iv,  213.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  205.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1798.) 

5719. .  The  [British]  counter 
vailing  act  *  *  will,  confessedly,  put 
American  bottoms  out  of  employ  in  our  trade 
with  Great  Britain. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 
214.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  206.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1798.) 

5720. .     I    hope    we    shall    rub 

through  the  war  [between  France  and  Eng 
land],  without  engaging  in  it  ourselves,  and 
that  when  in  a  state  of  peace  our  Legisla 
ture  and  Executive  will  endeavor  to  provide 
peaceable  means  of  obliging  foreign  nations  to 
be  just  to  us,  and  of  making  their  injustice  re 
coil  on  themselves. — To  PEREGRINE  FITZ- 
HUGH.  iv,  216.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  209.  (Pa.  Feb 
1798.) 

5721.  NAVIGATION,  Industrial  value. 

—Our  navigation  *  *  *  as  a  branch  of 
industry  *  *  *  is  valuable  *  *  *  .  Its 
value,  as  a  branch  of  industry,  is  enhanced 
by  the  dependence  of  so  many  other  branches 
on  it.  In  times  of  general  peace  it  multiplies 


Navigation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


6l2 


competitors  for  employment  in  transporta 
tion,  and  so  keeps  that  at  its  proper  level; 
and  in  times  of  war,  that  is  to  say,  when 
those  nations  who  may  be  our  principal 
carriers,  shall  be  at  war  with  each  other,  if 
we  have  not  within  ourselves  the  means  of 
transportation,  our  produce  must  be  exported 
in  belligerent  vessels,  at  the  increased  ex 
pense  of  war-freight  and  insurance,  and  the 
articles  which  will  not  bear  that,  must  perish 
on  our  hands. — FOREIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT. 
vii,  647.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  480.  (Dec.  1793. ) 

5722.  NAVIGATION,  Jefferson's  re 
port  on. — You  may  recollect  that  a  report 
which  I  gave  into  Congress  in  1793,  and  Mr. 
Madison's  propositions  of  1794,  went  directly 
to  establish  a  navigation  act  on  the  British 
principle.  On  the  last  vote  given  on  this 
(which  was  in  Feb.  1794),  from  the  three 
States  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Rhode  Island  there  were  two  votes  for  it, 
and  twenty  against  it;  and  from  the  three 
States  of  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  North 
Carolina,  wherein  not  a  single  top-mast  ves 
sel  is,  I  believe,  owned  by  a  native  citizen, 
there  were  twenty-five  votes  for  and  four 
against  the  measure.  I  very  much  suspect 
that  were  the  same  proposition  now  brought 
forward,  the  northern  vote  would  be  nearly 
the  same,  while  the  southern  one,  I  am 
afraid,  would  be  radically  varied.  The  sug 
gestion  of  their  disinterested  endeavors  for 
placing  our  navigation  on  an  independent 
footing,  and  forcing  on  them  the  British 
treaty,  have  not  had  a  tendency  to  invite  new 
offers  of  sacrifice,  and  especially  under  the 
prospect  of  a  new  rejection.  You  observe 
that  the  rejection  would  change  the  politics 
of  New  England.  But  it  would  afford  no 
evidence  which  they  have  not  already  in  the 
records  of  January  and  February,  1794.  How 
ever,  I  will  *  *  *  sound  the  dispositions 
[of  members  of  Congress]  on  that  subject. 
If  the  proposition  should  be  likely  to  obtain 
a  reputable  vote,  it  may  do  good.  As  to 
myself,  I  sincerely  wish  that  the  whole  Union 
may  accommodate  their  interests  to  each  other, 
and  play  into  their  hands  mutually  as  mem 
bers  of  the  same  family,  that  the  wealth  and 
strength  of  any  one  part  should  be  viewed  as 
the  wealth  and  strength  of  the  whole. — To 
HUGH  WILLIAMSON.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  200.  (Pa., 
Feb.  1798.) 

5723.  NAVIGATION,    Madness    for.— 
We  are  running  navigation  mad. — To  JOSEPH 
PRIESTLEY,    iv,  311.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  406.     (Pa., 
Jan.  1800.) 

5724.  NAVIGATION,       Maintain.— To 

maintain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all 
their  lawful  enterprises  *  *  *  [is  one  of] 
the  landmarks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  our 
selves  in  all  our  proceedings. — SECOND  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  21.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  186 
(Dec.  1802.) 

5725.  NAVIGATION,  Mediterranean.— 

We  must  consider  the  Mediterranean  as  ab 
solutely  shut  to  us  until  we  can  open  it  with 
money.  Whether  this  will  be  best  expended 


n  buying  or  forcing  a  peace  is  for  Congress 
to  determine. — To  MR.  HAWKINS,  ii,  4.  (P., 
1786.) 

5726.  NAVIGATION,     Nurseries    of.— 
We   have   three   nurseries   for   forming   sea 
men  :    i.    Our   coasting   trade,    already   on   a 
safe  footing.    2.  Our  fisheries,  which  in  spite 
of   natural    advantages,    give    just    cause    of 
anxiety.     3.  Our  carrying  trade,  our  only  re 
source  of  indemnification   for   what  we  lose 
in  the  other.       The  produce  of  the  United 
States,  which  is  carried  to  foreign  markets, 
is  extremely  bulky.     That  part  of  it  which 
is  now  in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  and  which 
we  may  resume  into  our  own,  without  touch 
ing  the  rights  of  those  nations  who  have  met 
us  in  fair  arrangements  by  treaty,  or  the  in 
terests  of  those  who,  by  their  voluntary  reg 
ulations,  have  paid  so  just  and  liberal  a  re 
spect    to    our    interests,    as    being    measured 
back  to  them  again,  places  both  parties  on  as 
good  ground,  perhaps,  as  treaties  could  place 
them — the  proportion,    I    say,   of   our   carry 
ing  trade,  which  may  be  resumed  without  af 
fecting  either  of  these  descriptions  of  nations, 
will  find  constant  employment  for  ten  thou 
sand  seamen,  be  worth  two  millions  of  dol 
lars,   annually,   will   go  on   augmenting  with 
the  population  of  the  United  States,   secure 
to  us  a  full  indemnification  for  the  seamen 
we   lose,    and   be   taken    wholly   from   those 
who  force  us  to  this  act  of  self-protection  in 
navigation.     *     *     *     If  regulations  exactly 
the  counterpart  of  those  established  against 
us,  would  be  ineffectual,  from  a  difference  of 
circumstances,  other  regulations  equivalent  can 
give  no  reasonable  ground  of  complaint  to  any 
nation.   Admitting  their  right  of  keeping  their 
markets  to  themselves,   ours   cannot  be  de 
nied  of  keeping  our  carrying  trade  to  our 
selves.     And  if  there  be  anything  unfriendly 
in  this,  it  was  in  the  first  example. — REPORT 
ON  THE  FISHERIES,    vii,  553.    (1791.) 

5727. .  The  loss  of  seamen,  un 
noticed,  would  be  followed  by  other  losses  in 
a  long  train.  If  we  have  no  seamen,  our 
ships  will  be  useless,  consequently  our  ship- 
timber,  iron  and  hemp ;  our  shipbuilding  will 
be  at  an  end,  ship  carpenters  go  over  to  other 
nations,  our  young  men  have  no  call  to  the 
sea,  our  produce,  carried  in  foreign  bottoms, 
be  saddled  with  war  freight  and  insurance  in 
times  of  war;  and  the  history  of  the  last 
hundred  years  shows,  that  the  nation  which 
is  our  carrier  has  three  years  of  war  for 
every  four  years  of  peace.  We  lose,  during 
the  same  periods,  the  carriage  for  belligerent 
powers,  which  the  neutrality  of  our  flag 
would  render  an  incalculable  source  of  profit ; 
we  lose  at  this  moment  the  carriage  of  our 
own  produce  to  the  annual  amount  of  twc 
millions  of  dollars,  which,  in  the  possible 
progress  of  the  encroachment,  may  extend  to 
five  or  six  millions,  the  worth  of  the  whole, 
with  an  increase  in  the  proportion  of  the  in 
crease  of  our  members.  It  is  easier,  as  well 
as  better,  to  stop  this  train  at  its  entrance, 
than  when  it  shall  have  ruined  or  banished 
whole  classes  of  useful  and  industrious  citi- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Navigation 


zens.  It  will  doubtless  be  thought  expedient 
that  the  resumption  suggested  should  take  ef 
fect  so  gradually,  as  not  to  endanger  the  loss 
of  produce  for  the  want  of  transportation ; 
but  that,  in  order  to  create  transportation, 
the  whole  plan  should  be  developed,  and 
made  known  at  once,  that  the  individuals 
who  may  be  disposed  to  lay  themselves  out 
for  the  carrying  business,  may  make  their  cal 
culations  on  a  full  view  of  all  the  circum 
stances. — REPORT  ON  THE  FISHERIES,  vii, 
554.  (1791-) 

5728.  NAVIGATION,    Protection    of.— 
The    British    attempt,    without    disguise,    to 
possess  themselves  of  the  carriage  of  our  prod 
uce,   and  to  prohibit  our  own  vessels  from 
participating  of  it.     This  has  raised  a  general 
indignation    in    America.      The    States    see, 
however,   that   their  constitutions   have  pro 
vided  no  means  of  counteracting  it.     They 
are,  therefore,  beginning  to  invest  Congress 
with  the  absolute  power  of  regulating  their 
commerce,  only  reserving  all  revenue  arising 
from   it  to  the    State   in   which   it   is  levied. 
This    will    consolidate    our    federal    building 
very  much,  and  for  this  we  shall  be  indebted 
to  the  British.— To  COUNT  VAN  HOGENDORP. 
i,  465.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  104.     (P.,  1785.) 

5729.  — .     I    think   it   essential    to 

exclude    the    British    from    the    carriage    of 
American     produce. — To     JAMES      MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  41.     (P.,  1785.) 

5730.  -          — .     The  determination  of  the 
British  cabinet  to  make  no  equal  treaty  with 
us,  confirms  me  in  the  opinion  expressed  in 
your  letter  that  the  United  States  must  pass 
a  navigation  act  against  Great  Britain,  and 
load  her  manufactures  with  duties  so  as  to 
give  a  preference  to  those  of  other  countries ; 
and    I    hope    our    Assemblies    will    wait    no 
longer,  but  transfer  such  a  power  to   Con 
gress,  at  the  sessions  of  this  fall. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,    i,  486.     (P.,  1785.) 

5731.  -  — .     I   hope   we   shall    show 
[the  British]  we  have  sense  and  spirit  enough 
*    *    *    to  exclude  them  from  any  share  in 
the  carriage  of  our  commodities. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS,     i,  560.     (P.,  1786.) 

5732.  -  — .A    bill    which    may    be 
called  the  true  navigation  act  for  the  United 
States,  is  before  Congress,  and  will  probably 
pass.     I  hope  it  will  lay  the  foundation  of  a 
due   share   of   navigation    for   us. — To   JOHN 
COFFIN  JONES,    iii,  155.    (N.Y.,  1790.) 

5733.  -  — .     I     participate    fully    of 
your  indignation  at  the  trammels  imposed  on 
our  commerce  with  Great  Britain.     Some  at 
tempts    have   been    made    in    Congress,    and 
others  are  still  making  to  meet  their  restric 
tions   by   effectual    restrictions   on    our   part. 
It  was  proposed  to  double  the  foreign  ton 
nage   for  a   certain   time,   and   after   that   to 
prohibit  the  exportation  of  our  commodities 
in  the  vessels  of  nations  not  in  treaty  with 
us.     This  has  been  rejected.     It  is  now  pro 
posed  to  prohibit  any  nation  from  bringing  or 
carrying   in   their   vessels   what   may   not  be 
brought  or  carried  in  ours  from  or  to  the 


same  ports;  also  to  prohibit  those  from 
bringing  to  us  anything  not  of  their  own  prod 
uce,  who  prohibit  us  from  carrying  to  them 
anything  but  our  own  produce.  It  is  thought, 
however,  that  this  cannot  be  carried.  The 
fear  is  that  it  would  irritate  Great  Britain 
were  we  to  feel  any  irritation  ourselves. — To 
EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iii,  164.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
196.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

5734. .  Were  the  ocean,  which 

is  the  common  property  of  all,  open  to  the 
industry  of  all,  so  that  every  person  and  ves 
sel  should  be  free  to  take  employment  where- 
ever  it  could  be  found,  the  United  States 
would  certainly  not  set  the  example  of  ap 
propriating  to  themselves,  exclusively,  any 
portion  of  the  common  stock  of  occupation. 
They  would  rely  on  the  enterprise  and  ac 
tivity  of  their  citizens  for  a  due  participation 
of  the  benefits  of  the  seafaring  business, 
and  for  keeping  the  marine  class  of  citizens 
equal  to  their  object.  But  if  particular  na 
tions  grasp  at  undue  shares,  and,  more  es 
pecially,  if  they  seize  on  the  means  of  the 
United  States,  to  convert  them  into  aliment 
for  their  own  strength,  and  withdraw  them 
entirely  from  the  support  of  those  to  whom 
they  belong,  defensive  and  protecting  meas 
ures  become  necessary  on  the  part  of  the  na 
tion  whose  marine  resources  are  thus  in 
vaded;  or  it  will  be  disarmed  of  its  defence; 
its  productions  will  lie  at  the  mercy  of  the 
nation  which  has  possessed  itself  exclusively 
of  the  means  of  carrying  them,  and  its  poli 
tics  may  be  influenced  by  those  who  com 
mand  its  commerce.  The  carriage  of  our 
own  commodities,  if  once  established  in  an 
other  channel,  cannot  be  resumed  in  the  mo 
ment  we  may  desire.  If  we  lose  the  seamen 
and  artists  whom  it  now  occupies,  we  lose  the 
present  means  of  marine  defence,  and  time  will 
be  requisite  to  raise  up  others,  when  disgrace  or 
losses  shall  bring  home  to  our  feelings  the 
error  of  having  abandoned  them.  The  materials 
for  maintaining  our  due  share  of  navigation, 
are  ours  in  abundance.  And,  as  to  the  mode 
of  using  them,  we  have  only  to  adopt  the 
principles  of  those  who  put  us  on  the  defen 
sive,  or  others  equivalent  and  better  fitted 
to  our  circumstances. — FOREIGN  COMMERCE 
REPORT,  vii,  647.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  481.  (Dec. 
I793-) 

5735. .  I  have  ever  wished  that 

all  nations  would  adopt  a  navigation  law 
against  those  who  have  one,  which  perhaps 
would  be  better  than  against  all  indiscrim 
inately,  and  while  in  France  I  proposed  it 
there. — To  TENCH  COXE.  v,  199.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  142.  (M.,  1807.) 

5736. .     Among  the  laws  of  the 

late  Congress,  some  were  of  note;  a  naviga 
tion  act,  particularly,  applicable  to  those  na 
tions  only  who  have  navigation  acts ;  pinching 
one  of  them  especially,  not  only  in  the  general 
way,  but  in  the  intercourse  with  her  foreign 
possessions.  This  part  may  react  on  us,  and 
it  remains  for  trial  which  may  bear  longest. 
— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78.  FORD  ED., 
x,  90.  (M.,  1817.) 


Navigation 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


614 


5737.  NAVIGATION,     Protuberant.— I 

trust  the  good  sense  of  our  country  will  see 
that  its  greatest  prosperity  depends  on  a  due 
balance  between  agriculture,  manufactures  and 
commerce,  and  not  in  this  protuberant  nav 
igation  which  has  kept  us  in  hot  water  from 
the  commencement  of  our  government,  and  is 
now  engaging  us  in  war. — To  THOMAS  LEI- 
PER.  v,  417.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  239.  (W.,  1809.) 

5738.  NAVIGATION,  Reciprocity  and. 

—The  following  principles,  being  founded  in 
reciprocity,  appear  perfectly  just,  and  to  of 
fer  no  cause  of  complaint  to  any  nation : 
Where  a  nation  refuses  to  receive  in  our 
vessels  any  productions  but  our  own,  we  may 
refuse  to  receive,  in  theirs,  any  but  their  own 
productions.  Where  a  nation  refuses  to  con 
sider  any  vessel  as  ours  which  has  not  been 
built  within  our  territories,  we  should  refuse 
?o  consider  as  theirs,  any  vessel  not  built 
within  their  territories.  Where  a  nation  re 
fuses  to  our  vessels  the  carriage  even  of  our 
own  productions,  to  certain  countries  under 
their  domination,  we  might  refuse  to  theirs  of 
every  description,  the  carriage  of  the  same 
productions  to  the  same  countries.  But  as 
justice  and  good  neighborhood  would  dictate 
that  those  who  have  no  part  in  imposing 
the  restriction  on  us,  should  not  be  the  vic 
tims  of  measures,  adopted  to  defeat  its  ef 
fect,  it  may  be  proper  to  confine  the  restric 
tion  to  vessels  owned  or  navigated  by  any 
subjects  of  the  same  dominant  power,  other 
than  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  to  which 
the  said  productions  are  to  be  carried.  And 
to  prevent  all  inconvenience  to  the  said  in 
habitants,  and  to  our  own,  by  too  sudden  a 
check  on  the  means  of  transportation,  we 
may  continue  to  admit  the  vessels  marked 
for  future  exclusion,  on  an  advanced  ton 
nage,  and  for  such  length  of  time  onlyi  as 
may  be  supposed  necessary  to  provide  against 
that  inconvenience.  The  establishment  of 
some  of  these  principles  by  Great  Britain, 
alone,  has  already  lost  us  in  our  commerce 
with  that  country  and  its  possessions,  be 
tween  eight  and  nine  hundred  vessels  of  near 
40,000  tons  burden,  according  to  statements 
from  official  materials,  in  which  they  have 
confidence.  This  involves  a  proportional  loss 
of  seamen,  shipwrights,  and  ship-building, 
and  is  too  serious  a  loss  to  admit  forbearance 
of  some  effectual  remedy. — REPORT  ON  COM 
MERCE  AND  NAVIGATION,  vii,  648.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  481.  (Dec.  I793-) 

5739.  NAVIGATION,      Reduction      of 
British. — It  has  been  proposed  in  Congress 
to  pass  a  navigation   act  which   will   deeply 
strike    at    that    of    Great    Britain.     *     *     * 
Would  it  not  be  worth  while  to  have  the 
bill  now  enclosed,  translated,  printed  and  cir 
culated  among  the  members  of  the  [French] 
National   Assembly?     If  you  think  so,  have 
it  done  at  the  public  expense,  with  any  little 
comment  you  may  think  necessary,  conceal 
ing  the  quarter  from  whence  it  is  distributed ; 
or  take  any  other  method  you  think  better, 
to  see  whether  that  Assembly  will  not  pass 
a  similar  act?     I  shall   send  copies  of  it  to 


Mr.  Carmichael,  at  Madrid,  and  to  Colonel 
Humphreys,  appointed  resident  at  Lisbon, 
with  a  desire  for  them  to  suggest  similar  acts 
there.  The  measure  is  just,  perfectly  inno 
cent  as  to  all  other  nations,  and  will  effec 
tually  defeat  the  navigation  act  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  and  reduce  her  power  on  the  ocean 
within  safer  limits.— To  WILLIAM  SHORT  iii 
225.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5740. .     The    navigation    act,    if 

it  can  be  effected,  will  form  a  remarkable 
and  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  and  free 
dom  of  the  ocean.  Mr.  Short  will  press  it 
at  Paris,  and  Colonel  Humphreys  at  Lisbon. 
— To  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  iii,  245.  (Pa, 
1791.) 

5741. .  The  Navigation  Act  pro 
posed  in  the  late  Congress,  but  which  lies 
over  to  the  next,  *  *  *  is  perfectly  inno 
cent  as  to  other  nations,  is  strictly  just  as  to 
the  English,  cannot  be  parried  bv  them,  and 
if  adopted  by  other  nations  would  inevitably 
defeat  their  navigation  act,  and  reduce  their 
power  on  the  sea  within  safer  limits.  It  is 
indeed  extremely  to  be  desired  that  other 
nations  would  adopt  it.  *  *  *  Could 
France,  Spain  and  Portugal  agree  to  concur 
in  such  a  measure,  it  would  soon  be  fatally 
felt  by  the  navy  of  England. — To  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  302.  (Pa.,  March 
1791.) 

5742.  NAVIGATION,    Retaliatory   du 
ties. — Where  a  nation  refuses  to  our  vessels 
the  carriage  even  of  our  own  productions,  to 
certain    countries    under    their    domination, 
we  might  refuse  to  theirs  of  every  descrip 
tion,  the  carriage  of  the  same  productions  to 
the  same  countries.     But  as  justice  and  good 
neighborhood  would  dictate  that  those  who 
have  no  part  in  imposing  the  restriction  on 
us,    should   not  be   the   victims   of   measures 
adopted  to  defeat  its  effect,  it  may  be  proper 
to   confine   the   restriction   to   vessels   owned 
or   navigated   by   any   subjects   of   the   same 
dominant  power,   other  than  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country  to  which  the  said  productions 
are  to  be  carried.     And  to  prevent  all  incon 
venience  to  the  said  inhabitants,  and  to  our 
own,  by  top  sudden  a  check  on  the  means  of 
transportation,  we  may  continue  to  admit  the 
vessels   marked   for  future   exclusion,   on   an 
advanced    tonnage,    and    for   such    length    of 
time  only,  as  may  be  supposed  necessary  to 
provide  against  that  inconvenience. — FOREIGN 
COMMERCE  REPORT,     vii,   649.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
482.     (Dec.  I793-) 

—  NAVIGATION,  Subsidies.— See 
BOUNTIES. 

5743.  NAVIGATION,  Sufficient.— It  is 
essentially  interesting  to  us  to  have  shipping 
and  seamen  enough  to  carry  our  surplus  prod 
uce   to   market ;   but  beyond   that   I   do   not 
think   we   are   bound    to   give   it   encourage 
ment  by  drawbacks  or  other  premiums. — To 
BENJAMIN  STODDERT.     v,  426.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
245.     (W.,   1809.)     See  COMMERCE,  DUTIES, 
EMBARGO,     FREE     TRADE,     PROTECTION     and 
SHIPS. 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Navy 


5744.  NAVY,  Bravery  of.— Our  public 
ships  have  done  wonders.  They  have  saved 
our  military  reputation  sacrificed  on  the 
shores  of  Canada. — To  GENERAL  BAILEY,  vi, 
101.  (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

5745. .     No  one  has  been  more 

gratified  than  myself  by  the  brilliant  achieve 
ments  of  our  little  navy.  They  have  deeply 
wounded  the  pride  of  our  enemy,  and  been 
balm  to  ours,  humiliated  on  the  land  where 
our  real  strength  was  felt  to  lie. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON,  vi,  112.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  383. 
(M.,  May  1813.) 

5746. .  I  sincerely  congratulate 

you  on  the  successes  of  our  little  navy ;  which 
must  be  more  gratifying  to  you  than  to  most 
men,  as  having  been  the  early  and  constant 
advocate  of  wooden  walls.  If  I  have  differed 
with  you  on  this  ground,  it  was  not  on  the 
principle,  but  the  time ;  supposing  that  we 
cannot  build  or  maintain  a  navy,  which  will 
not  immediately  fall  into  the  gulf  which  has 
swallowed  not  only  the  minor  navies,  but 
even  those  of  the  great  second-rate  powers 
of  the  sea.  Whenever  these  can  be  resusci 
tated,  and  brought  so  near  to  a  balance  with 
England  that  we  can  turn  the  scale,  then  is 
my  epoch  for  aiming  at  a  navy.  In  the  mean 
time,  one  competent  to  keep  the  Barbary 
States  in  order,  is  necessary;  these  being  the 
only  smaller  powers  disposed  to  quarrel  with 
us. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  122.  (M..  May 
1813.) 

5747. .  At  sea  we  have  rescued 

our  character;  but  the  chief  fruit  of  our  vic 
tories  there  is  to  prove  to  those  who  have 
fleets,  that  the  English  are  not  invincible  at 
sea,  as  Alexander  has  proved  that  Bonaparte 
is  not  invincible  by  land. — To  SAMUEL 
BROWN,  vi,  165.  (M.,  July  1813.) 

5748. .     I    congratulate    you    on 

the  brilliant  affair  of  the  Enterprise  and 
Boxer.  No  heart  is  more  rejoiced  than  mine 
at  these  mortifications  of  English  pride,  and 
lessons  to  Europe  that  the  English  are  not 
invincible  at  sea.  If  these  successes  do  not 
lead  us  too  far  into  the  navy  mania,  all  will 
be  well. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  vi,  211. 
(M.,  Sep.  1813.) 

5749. .  Strange  reverse  of  ex 
pectations  that  our  land  force  should  be  un 
der  the  wing  of  our  little  navy. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.  vi,  212.  (M.,  Sep.  1813.) 

5750. .     On  the  water  we  have 

proved  to  the  world  the  error  of  British  in 
vincibility,  and  shown  that  with  equal  force 
and  well-trained  officers,  they  can  be  beaten 
by  other  nations  as  brave  as  themselves. — To 
DON  V.  TORONDA  CORUNA.  vi,  275.  (M., 
Dec.  1813.) 

5751.  .  I  *  *  *  congratu 
late  you  on  the  destruction  of  a  second  hos 
tile  fleet  on  the  Lakes  by  Macdonough. 
While  our  enemies  cannot  but  feel  shame  for 
their  barbarous  achievements  at  Washington 
[burning  of  Capitol],  they  will  be  stung  to 
the  soul  by  these  repeated  victories  over 


them  on  that  element  on  which  they  wish 
the  world  to  think  them  invincible.  We  have 
dissipated  that  error.  They  must  now  feel  a 
conviction  themselves  that  we  can  beat  them 
gun  to  gun,  ship  to  ship,  and  fleet  to  fleet, 
and  that  their  early  successes  on  the  land 
have  been  either  purchased  from  traitors,  or 
obtained  from  raw  men  entrusted  of  necessity 
with  commands  for  which  no  experience  had 
qualified  them,  and  that  every  day  is  adding 
that  experience  to  unquestioned  bravery. — To 
PRESIDENT  MADISON,  vi,  386.  (M.,  Sep. 
1814.)  See  CAPITOL. 

5752. .  Frigates  and  seventy- 
fours  are  a  sacrifice  we  must  make,  heavy  as 
it  is,  to  the  prejudices  of  a  part  of  our  citi 
zens.  They  have,  indeed,  rendered  a  great 
moral  service,  which  has  delighted  me  as 
much  as  any  one  in  the  United  States.  But 
they  have  had  no  physical  effect  sensible  to 
the  enemy;  and  now,  while  we  must  fortify 
them  in  our  harbors,  and  keep  armies  to  de 
fend  them,  our  privateers  are  bearding  and 
blockading  the  enemy  in  their  own  seaports. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  409.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
498.  (M.,  Jan.  1815.) 

5753.  .      Through     the     whole 

period  of  the  war,  we  have  beaten  them  [the 
British]    single-handed  at  sea,  and  so  thor 
oughly  established  our  superiority  over  them 
with  equal   force,  that  they  retire  from  that 
kind     of     contest,     and     never     suffer     their 
frigates    to    cruise    singly.     The     Endymion 
would  never  have  engaged  the  frigate  Presi 
dent,   but  knowing  herself  blocked  by  three 
frigates  and  a  razee,  who,  though  somewhat 
slower  sailers,  would  get  up  before  she  could 
be  taken. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE,     vi, 
424.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  508.     (M.,  1815.) 

5754.  NAVY,  Build  a.— We  ought  to  be 
gin  a  naval  power,  if  we  mean  to  carry  on 
our    own     commerce. — To    JAMES     MONROE. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  10.     (P.,  Nov.  1784.) 

5755. .     Tribute    or   war    is    the 

usual  alternative  of  these  [Barbary]  pirates. 
*  *  *  Why  not  begin  a  navy  then  and  de 
cide  on  war?  We  cannot  begin  in  a  better 
cause  nor  against  a  weaker  foe. — To  HORATIO 
GATES.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  24.  (P.,  Dec.  1784.) 

5756. .  It  is  proper  and  neces 
sary  that  we  should  establish  a  small  marine 
force. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  592.  (P.,  1786.) 

-  NAVY,  Censure  of  officers.— See 
PORTER. 

—  NAVY,  Chesapeake.— See  CHESA 
PEAKE. 

5757.  NAVY,  Coercion  by  a.— [A  naval 
force]  will  arm  the  federal  head  with  the 
safest  of  all  the  instruments  of  coercion  over 
its  delinquent  members,  and  prevent  it  from 
using  what  would  be  less  safe. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  i,  592.  (P.,  1786.) 

5758. .     Every     rational     citizen 

must  wish  to  see  an  effective  instrument  of 


Navy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


6l6 


coercion,  and  should  fear  to  see  it  on  any 
other  element  than  the  water. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  i,  606.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  265.  (P., 
1786.) 

5759.  NAVY,  Dockyards  for.-— Presum 
ing  it  will  be  deemed  expedient  to  expend  an 
nually  a  sum  towards  providing  the  naval  de 
fence  which  our  situation  may  require,  I  cannot 
but  recommend  that  the  first  appropriations 
for  that  purpose  may  go  to  the  saving  what 
we  already  possess.  No  cares,  no  attentions, 
can  preserve  vessels  from  rapid  decay  which 
lie  in  water  and  exposed  to  the  sun.  These 
decays  require  great  and  constant  repairs,  and 
will  consume,  if  continued,  a  great  portion  of 
the  money  destined  to  naval  purposes.  To 
avoid  this  waste  of  our  resources,  it  is  pro 
posed  to  add  to  our  navy  yard  here  [Washing- 
ten]  a  dock,  within  which  our  vessels  may  be 
laid  up  dry  and  under  cover  from  the  sun. 
Under  these  circumstances  experience  proves 
that  works  of  wood  will  remain  scarcely  at  all 
affected  by  time.  The  great  abundance  of  run 
ning  water  which  this  situation  possesses,  at 
heights  far  above  the  level  of  the  tide,  if  em 
ployed  as  is  practiced  for  lock  navigation, 
furnishes  the  means  of  raising  and  laying  up 
our  vessels  on  a  dry  and  sheltered  bed. — 
SECOND  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  20.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  186.  (Dec.  1802.) 

5760. .  The  proposition  for  build 
ing  lock-docks  for  the  preservation  of  our  navy, 
has  local  rivalries  to  contend  against.  Till 
these  can  be  overruled  or  compromised,  the 
measure  can  never  be  adopted.  Yet  there 
ought  never  to  be  another  ship  built  until  we 
can  provide  some  method  of  preserving  them 
through  the  long  intervals  of  peace  which  I 
hope  are  to  be  the  lot  of  our  country. — To 
MR.  COXE.  v,  58.  (W.,  1807.) 

5761. .  While  I  was  at  Wash 
ington,  in  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment,  Congress  was  much  divided  in  opinion 
on  the  subject  of  a  navy,  a  part  of  them  wish 
ing  to  go  extensively  into  the  preparation  of  a 
fleet,  another  part  opposed  to  it,  on  the  objec 
tion  that  the  repairs  and  preservation  of  a  ship, 
even  idle  in  harbor,  in  ten  or  twelve  years, 
amount  to  her  original  cost.  It  has  been  esti 
mated  in  England,  that  if  they  could  be  sure 
of  peace  a  dozen  years  it  would  be  cheaper  for 
them  to  burn  their  fleet,  and  build  a  new  one 
when  wanting,  than  to  keep  the  old  one  in 
repair  during  that  term.  I  learnt  that,  in 
Venice,  there  were  then  ships,  lying  on  their 
original  stocks,  ready  for  launching  at  any 
moment,  which  had  been  so  for  eighty  years, 
and  were  still  in  a  state  of  perfect  preserva 
tion  ;  and  that  this  was  effected  by  disposing 
of  them  in  docks  pumped  dry,  and  kept  so  by 
constant  pumping.  It  occurred  to  me  that 
this  expense  of  constant  pumping  might  be 
saved  by  combining  a  lock  with  the  common 
wet  dock,  wherever  there  was  a  running  stream 
of  water,  the  bed  of  which,  within  a  reasonable 
distance,  was  of  sufficient  height  above  the 
high-water  level  of  the  harbor.  This  was  the 
case  at  the  navy  yard,  on  the  Eastern  Branch 
at  Washington,  the  high-water  line  of  which 
was  seventy-eight  feet  lower  than  the  ground 
on  which  the  Capitol  stands,  and  to  which  it 
was  found  that  the  water  of  the  Tiber  Creek 
could  be  brought  for  watering  the  city.  My 
proposition  then  was  as  follows :  Let  a  &  be 
the  high-water  level  of  the  harbor,  and  the  ves 
sel  to  be  laid  up  draw  eighteen  feet  of  water. 
Make  a  chamber  A  twenty  feet  deep  below 


B 

a         b 

....A  

i 

d 

e 

high-water  and  twenty  feet  high  above  it  as 
c  d  e  f,  and  at  the  upper  end  make  another 
chamber,  B, 

f 

S 


the  bottom  of  which  should  be  in  the  high- 
water  level,  and  the  tops  twenty  feet  above 
that,  g  h  is  the  water  of  the  Tiber.  When 
the  vessel  is  to  be  introduced,  open  the  gate  at 
c  b  a.  The  tide  water  rises  in  tne  chamber  A 
to  the  level  b  i,  and  floats  the  vessel  in  with  it. 
Shut  the  gate  c  b  d  and  open  that  of  /  i.  The 
water  of  the  Tiber  fills  both  chambers  to  the 
level  c  f  g,  and  the  vessel  floats  into  the  cham 
ber  B  ;  then  opening  both  gates  c  b  d  and  /  i, 
the  water  flows  out,  and  the  vessel  settles  down 
on  the  stays  previously  prepared  at  the  bot 
tom  i  h  to  receive  her.  The  gate  at  g  h  must 
of  course  be  closed,  and  the  water  of  the 
feeding  stream  be  diverted  elsewhere.  The 
chamber  B  is  to  have  a  roof  over  it  of  the  con 
struction  of  that  over  the  meal  market  at  Paris, 
except  that  that  is  hemispherical,  this  semi- 
cylindrical.  For  this  construction  see  De- 
lenne's  Architecture,  whose  invention  it  was. 
The  diameter  of  the  dome  of  the  meal  market 
is  considerably  over  one  hundred  feet.  It  will 
be  seen  at  once  that  instead  of  making  the 
chamber  B  of  sufficient  width  and  length  for  a 
single  vessel  only,  it  may  be  widened  to  what 
ever  span  the  semi-circular  framing  of  the 
roof  can  be  trusted,  and  to  whatever  length 
you  please,  so  as  to  admit  two  or  more  vessels 
in  breadth,  and  as  many  in  length  as  the  lo 
calities  render  expedient.  I  had  a  model  of 
this  lock-dock  made  and  exhibited  in  the  Presi 
dent's  house  during  the  session  of  Congress  at 
which  it  was  proposed.  But  the  advocates  for 
a  navy  did  not  fancy  it,  and  those  opposed  to 
the  building  of  ships  altogether,  were  equally 
indisposed  to  provide  protection  for  them. 
Ridicule  was  also  resorted  to,  the  ordinary 
substitute  for  reason,  when  that  fails,  and 
the  proposition  was  passed  over.  I  then 
thought  and  still  think  the  measure  wise,  to 
have  a  proper  number  of  vessels  always  ready 
to  be  launched,  with  nothing  unfinished  about 
them  except  the  planting  their  masts,  which 
must  of  necessity  be  omitted,  to  be  brought 
under  a  roof.  Having  no  view  in  this  propo 
sition  but  to  combine  for  the  public  a  provision 
for  defence,  with  economy  in  its  preservation, 
I  have  thought  no  more  of  it  since.  And  if 
any  of  my  ideas  anticipated  yours,  you  are  wel 
come  to  appropriate  them  to  yourself,  without 
objection  on  my  part. — To  LEWIS  M.  Wiss. 
vii,  419.  (M.,  1825.) 

5762.  NAVY,  Early  history  of.— I  have 

racked  my  memory  and  ransacked  my  ^  papers, 
to  enable  myself  to  answer  the  inquiries  of 
your  favor  of  Oct.  the  i5th;  but  to  little  pur 
pose.  My  papers  furnish  me  nothing,  my 
memory,  generalities  only.  I  know  that  while 
I  was  in  Europe,  and  anxious  about  the  fate  of 
our  sea-faring  men,  for  some  of  whom,  then  in 
captivity  in  Algiers,  we  were  treating,  and  all 
were  in  like  danger,  I  formed,  undoubtingly, 
the  opinion  that  our  government,  as  soon  as 
practicable,  should  provide  a  naval  force  suffi 
cient  to  keep  the  Barbary  States  in  order ;  and 
on  this  subject  we  communicated  together,  as 
you  observe.  When  I  returned  to  the  United 
States  and  took  part  in  the  administration 
under  General  Washington,  I  constantly  main- 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Navy 


tained   that   opinion;    and   in    December,    1790 
took  advantage  of  a  reference  to  me  from  th 
first  Congress  which  met  after  I  was  in  office 
to  report  in  favor  of  a  force  sufficient  for  the 
protection    of    our    Mediterranean    commerce 
and  I  laid  before  them  an  accurate  statemen 
of  the  whole  Barbary  force,  public  and  private 
I  think  General  Washington  approved  of  build 
ing    vessels    of    war    to    that    extent.     Genera 
Knox,    I    know,    did.     But    what    was    Colone 
Hamilton's  opinion,   I   do   not   in  the   least  re 
member.     Your    recollections    on    that    subjecl 
are  certainly  corroborated  by  his  known  anxie 
ties  for  a  close  connection  with  Great  Britain 
to  which  he  might  apprehend  danger  from  col 
lisions   between   their   vessels    and   ours.     Ran 
dolph     was    then    Attorney-General ;     but    his 
opinion  on  the  question  I  also  entirely  forget. 
Some  vessels  of  war  were  accordingly  built  and 
sent  into  the  Mediterranean.     The  additions  to 
these  in  your  time,  I  need  not  note  to  you,  who 
are  well  known  to  have  ever  been  an  advocate 
for  the  wooden  walls   of  Themistocles.      Some 
of   those   you   added,   were   sold   under   an    act 
of   Congress   passed   while   you   were   in   office. 
I    thought,    afterwards,    that   the    public    safety 
might     require     some     additional     vessels     of 
strength,  to  be  prepared  and  in  readiness  for  the 
first  moment  of  a  war,  provided  they  could  be 
preserved  against  the  decay  which  is  unavoid 
able  if  kept  in  the  water,  and  clear  of  the  ex 
pense  of  officers   and  men.     With  this  view   I 
proposed  that  they  should  be  built  in  dry  docks, 
above  the  level  of  the  tide  waters,  and  covered 
with  roofs.     I   further  advised  that  places  for 
these  docks  should  be  selected  where  there  was 
a  command  of  water  on  a  high  level,  as  that 
of  the  Tiber  at  Washington,  by  which  the  ves 
sels  might  be  floated  out,  on  the  principle  of  a 
lock.     But  the  majority  of  the  Legislature  was 
against    any    addition    to    the    Navy,    and    the 
minority,    although    for    it    in    judgment,    voted 
against    it   on    a   principle    of   opposition.      We 
are  now,  I  understand,  building  vessels  to  re 
main  on  the  stocks,  under  shelter,  until  wanted, 
when  they  will  be  launched  and  finished.     On 
my  plan  they  could  be  in  service  at  an  hour's 
notice.     On  this,  the  finishing,  after  launching, 
will  be  a  work  of  time.     This  is  all  I  recollect 
about  the  origin  and  progress  of  our  navy.    That 
of  the  late  war,  certainly  raised  our  rank  and 
character  among  nations.     Yet  a  navy  is  a  very 
expensive  engine.     It  is  admitted,  that  in  ten  or 
twelve  years  a  vessel  goes  to  entire  decay ;  or, 
if  kept  in  repair,  costs  as  much  as  would  build 
a  new  one :    and  that  a  nation  who  could  count 
on  twelve  or  fifteen  years  of  peace,  would  gain 
by  burning  its  navy  and  building  a  new  one  in 
time.     Its  extent,  therefore,   must  be  governed 
by  circumstances.     Since  my  proposition  for  a 
force  adequate  to  the  piracies  of  the  Mediterra 
nean,  a  similar  necessity  has  arisen  in  our  own 
seas    for    considerable    addition    to    that    force. 
Indeed,    I    wish    we    could    have    a    convention 
with  the  naval  powers  of  Europe,  for  them  to 
keep    down   the   pirates   of  the    Mediterranean, 
and  the  slave  ships  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and 
for  us  to  perform  the  same  duties  for  the  soci 
ety  of  nations  in  our  seas.     In  this  way,  those 
collisions  would  be  avoided  between  the  vessels 
of  war  of  different  nations,   which   beget  wars 
and   constitute  the  weightiest   objection   to   na 
vies.  * — To  JOHN  ADAMS,   vii,  264.    FORD  ED.,  x, 
238.     (M.,  1822.) 

—  NAVY,  Equalization  of  sea-power. — 

See  NAVIES. 

*  Mr.  Adams  in  the  letter  to  which  the  quotation  is 
a  reply  said  that  he  "always  believed  the  navy  to 
be  Jefferson's  child  ". — EDITOR. 


5763.  NAVY,  Europe  and.— A  maritime 
force  is  the  only  one  by  which  we  can  act 
on  Europe. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,     ii 
536.    FORD  ED.,  v,  58.     (P.,  1788.) 

5764.  NAVY,  Expansion  and.— Nothing 
should  ever  be  accepted  which  would  require 
a  navy  to  defend  it. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON. 
v,  445-     (M.,  April  1809.) 

5765.  NAVY,  Future  of.— Paul  Jones  is 
young  enough  to  see  the  day    *    *    *    when 
we  shall  be  able  to  fight  the  British  ship  to 
ship. — To  E.  CARRINGTON.    ii.  405.     FORD  ED., 
v,  22.     (P.,  1788.) 

5766.  NAVY,    Gunboats.— The    obstacle 
to  naval  enterprise  which  vessels  of  this  con 
struction    offer    for    our    seaport    towns;    their 
utility  toward  supporting  within  our  waters  the 
authority    of    the    laws;     the    promptness    with 
which  they  will  be  manned  by  the  seamen  and 
militia  of  the  place  the  moment  they  are  want 
ed  ;  the  facility  of  their  assembling  from  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  coast  to  any  point  where  they 
are    required    in   greater    force   than    ordinary; 
the  economy  of  their  maintenance  and  preserva 
tion  from  decay  when  not  in  actual  service ;  and 
the  competence  of  our  finances  to  this  defensive 
provision,  without  any  new  burden,  are  consid 
erations  which  will  have  due  weight  with  Con 
gress  in  deciding  on  the  expediency  of  adding 
to  their  number  from  year  to  year,  as  experience 
shall  test  their  ability,  until  all  our  important 
harbors,  by  these  and  auxiliary  means,  shall  be 
ensured    against    insult    and    opposition    to   the 
laws. — FOURTH     ANNUAL     MESSAGE,      viii,     38. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  331.     (Nov.  1804.) 

5767. .     The  efficacy  of  gunboats 

for  the  defence  of  harbors,  and  of  other 
smooth  and  enclosed  waters,  may  be  estimated 
in  part  from  that  of  galleys,  formerly  much 
used,  but  less  powerful,  more  costly  in  their 
construction  and  maintenance,  and  requiring 
more  men.  But  the  gunboat  itself  is  believed 
to  be  in  use  with  every  modern  maritime  nation 
for  the  purpose  of  defence.  In  the  Mediter 
ranean,  on  which  are  several  small  powers, 
whose  system  like  ours  is  peace  and  defence, 
few  harbors  are  without  this  article  of  protec 
tion.  Our  own  experience  there  of  the  effect 
of  gunboats  for  harbor  service  is  recent.  Al 
giers  is  particularly  known  to  have  owed  to  a 
great  provision  of  these  vessels  the  safety  of  its 
city,  since  the  epoch  of  their  construction.  Be 
fore  that  it  had  been  repeatedly  insulted  and  in 
jured.  The  effect  of  gunboats  at  present  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Gibraltar,  is  well  known  and 
how  much  they  were  used  both  in  the  attack 
and  defence  of  that  place  during  a  former  war. 
The  extensive  resort  to  them  by  the  two  greatest 
naval  powers  in  the  world,  on  an  enterprise  of 
invasion  not  long  since  in  prospect,  shows  their 
confidence  in  their  efficacy  for  the  purpose  for 
which  they  are  suited.  By  the  northern  powers 
ot  Europe,  whose  seas  are  particularly  adapted 
to  them,  they  are  still  more  used.  The  remark 
able  action  between  the  Russian  flotilla  of  gun 
boats  and  galleys,  and  a  Turkish  fleet  of  ships- 
of-the-line  and  frigates  in  the  Liman  Sea,  1788 
will  be  readily  recollected.  The  latter,  com 
manded  by  their  most  celebrated  admiral  were 
completely  defeated,  and  several  of  their  'ships- 
of-the-line  destroyed.— SPECIAL  MESSAGE  viii 
80.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  24.  (Feb.  1807.) 

5768.  -  — .  Of  these  boats  a  proper 
>roportion  would  be  of  the  larger  size,  such  as 
hose  heretofore  built,  capable  of  navigating  any 
seas,  and  of  reinforcing  occasionally  the 


Navy 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


618 


strength  of  even  the  most  distant  port  when 
menaced  with  danger.  The  residue  would  be 
confined  to  their  own  or  the  neighboring  har 
bors,  would  be  smaller,  less  furnished  for  ac 
commodation,  and  consequently  less  costly.  Of 
the  number  supposed  necessary,  seventy-three 
are  built  or  building,  and  the  hundred  and 
twenty-seven  still  to  be  provided,  would  cost 
from  five  to  six  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
*  *  *  At  times  when  Europe  as  well  as  the 
United  States  shall  be  at  peace,  it  would  not  be 
proposed  that  more  than  six  or  eight  of  these 
vessels  should  be  kept  afloat.  When  Europe  is 
in  war,  treble  that  number  might  be  necessary 
to  be  distributed  among  those  particular  harbors 
which  foreign  vessels  of  war  are  in  the  habit  of 
frequenting,  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  order 
therein.  But  they  would  be  manned,  in  ordi 
nary,  with  only  their  complement  for  navigation, 
relying  on  the  seamen  and  militia  of  the  port 
if  called  into  action  on  sudden  emergency.  It 
would  be  only  when  the  United  States  should 
themselves  be  at  war,  that  the  whole  number 
would  be  brought  into  actual  service,  and  would 
be  ready  in  the  first  moments  of  the  war  to  co 
operate  with  other  means  for  covering  at  once 
the  line  of  our  seaports.  At  all  times,  those 
unemployed  would  be  withdrawn  into  places 
not  exposed  to  sudden  enterprise,  hauled  up 
under  sheds  from  the  sun  and  weather,  and  kept 
in  preservation  with  little  expense  for  repairs 
or  maintenance.  It  must  be  superfluous  to  ob 
serve,  that  this  species  of  naval  armament  is 
proposed  merely  for  defensive  operation  ;  that  it 
can  have  but  little  effect  toward  protecting  our 
commerce  in  the  open  seas  even  on  pur  coast ; 
and  still  less  can  it  become  an  excitement  ^  to 
engage  in  offensive  maritime  war,  toward  which 
it  would  furnish  no  means. — SPECIAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  81.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  26.  (Feb.  1807.) 

5769. .     I  believe  that  gunboats 

are  the  only  water  defence  which  can  be  use 
ful  to  us,  and  protect  us  from  the  ruinous  folly 
of  a  navy. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  v,  189.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  137.  (M.,  Sep.  1807.)  See  GUNBOATS. 

5770.  NAVY,  Increase  of.— The  building 
some  ships  of  the  line  instead  of  our  most  in 
different  frigates  is  not  to  be  lost  sight  of. 
That  we   should  have  a   squadron   properly 
composed  to  prevent  the  blockading  our  ports 
is  indispensable.     The  Atlantic  frontier  from 
numbers,    wealth,    and    exposure    to    potent 
enemies,  have  a  proportionate  right  to  be  de 
fended  with  the  Western  frontier,  for  whom 
we  keep  up  3,000  men.    Bringing  forward  the 
measure,  therefore,  in  a  moderate  form,  pla 
cing  it  on  the  ground  of  comparative  right, 
our  nation  which  is  a  just  one,   will  come 
into   it,    notwithstanding   the   repugnance   of 
some  on  the  subject  being  first  presented  — 
To  JACOB   CROWNINSHIELD.      FORD  ED.,  viii, 
453.     (M.,  May  1806.) 

5771.  NAVY,  Liberty  and  a.— A  naval 
force  can  never  endanger  our  liberties,   nor 
occasion  bloodshed;  a  land  force  would  do 
both.— To  JAMES  MONROE,    i,  606.     FORD  ED., 
iv,  265.     (P.,  1786.) 

5772. .  A  public  force  on  that 

element  [the  ocean]  *  *  *  can  never  be 
dangerous.— To  COLONEL  HUMPHREYS.  ii, 
10.  (P.,  1786.) 

5773. .  It  is  on  the  sea  alone 

[that]  we  should  think  of  ever  having  a  force. 
—To  E.  CARRTNGTON.  ii,  405.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
22.  (P.,  1788.) 


5774.  NAVY,     Madness    for.— We     are 
running  navigation  mad,  and  commerce  mad, 
and  navy  mad,    which   is   worst  of   all. — To 
JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,    iv,  311.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  406. 
(Pa.,  Jan.  1800.) 

5775.  NAVY,     Mediterranean     pirates 
and. — The  promptitude  and  energy  of  Com 
modore  Preble,  the  efficacious  cooperation  of 
Captains    Rodgers   and   Campbell   of   the   re 
turning    squadron,    the    proper    decision    of 
Captain  Bainbridge  that  a  vessel  which  had 
committed  an  open  hostility  was  of  right  to 
be    detained    for    inquiry   and    consideration, 
and  the  general  zeal  of  the  other  officers  and 
men,    are    honorable    facts    which    I    make 
known  with  pleasure.     And  to  these  I  add 
what  was  indeed  transacted  in  another  quar 
ter — the  gallant  enterprise  of   Captain   Rod 
gers  in   destroying,   on  the  coast  of  Tripoli, 
a    corvette    of    that    power,    of    twenty-two 
guns. — SPECIAL    MESSAGE,      viii,    32.      (Dec. 
1803.) 

5776.-  — .      Reflecting     with     high 

satisfaction  on  the  distinguished  bravery  dis 
played  whenever  occasion  permitted  in  the 
late  Mediterranean  service,  I  think  it  would 
be  an  useful  encouragement  to  make  an  open 
ing  for  some  present  promotion,  by  enlar 
ging  our  peace  establishment  of  captains  and 
lieutenants. — FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii, 
50.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  393.  (1805.) 

5777.  NAVY,  Midshipmen.— The  places 
of  midshipman  are  so  much  sought  that  (be 
ing  limited)  there  is  never  a  vacancy.     Your 
son  shall  be  set  down  for  the  second  which 
shall  happen ;  the  first  being  anticipated.    We 
are    not    long    generally    without    vacancies 
happening.     As  soon  as  he  can  be  appointed, 
you  shall  know  it. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,    iv, 
453.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  178.     (W.,  1802.) 

5778.  NAVY,  Militia  and.— For  the  pur 
pose  of  manning  the  gunboats  in  sudden  at 
tacks  on  our  harbors,  it  is  a  matter  for  con 
sideration,  whether  the  seamen  of  the  United 
States    may    not    justly    be    formed    into    a 
special  militia,  to  be  called  on  for  tours  of 
duty  in   defence  of  the  harbors   where  they 
shall    happen    to    be;    the    ordinary    militia 
furnishing  that  portion  which  may  consist  of 
landsmen. — SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,   viii, 
86.      FORD  ED.,  ix,   161.      (Oct.  1807.)      See 
MILITIA. 

5779.  NAVY,   National   respect   and. — 
Were   we   possessed   even   of   a   small   naval 
force  what  a  bridle  would  it  be  in  the  mouths 
of   the    West    Indian    powers,    and    how    re 
spectfully  would  they  demean  themselves  to 
wards  us.     Be  assured  that  the  present  dis 
respect  of  the  nations  of  Europe  for  us  will 
inevitably  bring   on   insults   which   must   in 
volve  us  in  war. — To  JAMES  MONROE.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,  34-     (P-,  1785.) 

5780.  NAVY,     Navigation    and.— [Our 
navigation]    will    require    a    protecting    force 
on   the   sea.     Otherwise   the   smallest  power 
in  Europe,  every  one  which  possesses  a  single 
ship  of  the  line,  may  dictate  to  us,  and  en 
force  their  demands  by  captures  on  our  com- 


6i9 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Navy 


merce.  Some  naval  force  then  is  necessary 
if  we  mean  to  be  commercial.  Can  we  have  a 
better  occasion  of  beginning  one?  or  find  a 
foe*  more  certainly  within  our  dimensions? 
The  motives  pleading  for  war  rather  than 
tribute  are  numerous  and  honorable,  those 
opposing  them  are  mean  and  short-sighted. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  32.  (P., 
1785-) 


5781. 


A  naval  force  alone  can 


countenance  our  people  as  carriers  on  the 
water. — To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  405.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
90.  (P.,  1785.)  See  NAVIGATION. 

5782.  NAVY,  Necessary.— A  land  army 
would  be  useless  for  offence,  and  not  the  best 
nor  safest  instrument  of  defence.     For  either 
of  the  sea  purposes,  the  sea  is  the  field  on 
which  we  should  meet  an  European  enemy. 
On    that    element    we    should    possess    some 
power. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  413.    FORD 
ED.,  iii,  279.     (1782.) 

5783. .     A   small  naval   force  is 

sufficient  for  us,  and  a  small  one  is  necessary. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  414.     FORD  ED., 
iii,  280.     (1782.) 

5784.  -  — .     The  justest  dispositions 
possible    in    ourselves,    will    not    secure    us 
against  war.     It  would  be  necessary  that  all 
other  nations  were  just  also.    Justice  indeed, 
on  our  part,  will  save  us  from  those  wars 
which  would  have  been  produced  by  a  con 
trary  disposition.     But  how  can  we  prevent 
those  produced  by  the  wrongs  of  other  na 
tions?     By  putting  ourselves  in  a  condition 
to  punish  them.     Weakness  provokes   insult 
and  injury,  while  a  condition  to  punish,  often 
prevents  them.     This  reasoning  leads  to  the 
necessity  of  some  naval  force ;  that  being  the 
only    weapon    by    which    we    can    reach    an 
enemy.       I  think  it  to  our  interest  to  punish 
the  first  insult;  because  an  insult  unpunished 
is  the  parent  of  many  others.    We  are  not,  at 
this  moment,  in  a  condition  to  do  it,  but  we 
should  put  ourselves  into  it,  as  soon  as  pos 
sible.     If  a   war   with   England   should   take 
place,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  first  thing  nec 
essary  would  be  a  resolution  to  abandon  the 
carrying  trade,  because  we  cannot  protect  it. 
Foreign  nations  must,  in  that  case,  be  invited 
to  bring  us  what  we  want,  and  to  take  our 
productions    in    their    own    bottoms.       This 
alone  could  prevent  the   loss  of  those  pro 
ductions  to  us,  and  the  acquisition  of  them  to 
pur  enemy.     Our  seamen  might  be  employed 
in    depredations    on    their    trade.      But   how 
dreadfully  we  shall  suffer  on  our  coasts,  if 
we  have  no  force  on  the  water,  former  ex 
perience  has  taught  us.     Indeed,  I  look  for 
ward  with  horror  to  the  very  possible  case 
of  war  with  an  European  power,  and  think 
there  is  no  protection  against  them,  but  from 
the    possession    of    some    force    on    the    sea. 
Our  vicinity  to  their  West  India  possessions, 
and  to  the  fisheries,  is  a  bridle  which  a  small 
naval  force,  on  our  part,  would  hold  in  the 
mouths  of  the  most  powerful  of  these  coun 
tries.     I  hope  our  land  office  will  rid  us  of 

*  The  Barbary  powers.— EDITOR. 


our  debts,  and  that  our  first  attention  then, 
will  be  to  the  beginning  a  naval  force  of  some 
sort.  This  alone  can  countenance  our  people 
as  carriers  on  the  water,  and  I  suppose  them 
to  be  determined  to  continue  such. — To  JOHN 
JAY.  i,  404.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  89.  (P.,  1785.) 


5785. 


-.     A    little    navy    [is]    the 


only  kind  of  force  we  ought  to  possess. — To 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  70.  (P., 
July  1785.) 

5786.  NAVY,     Peace     establishment.— 
The  law  providing  for  a  naval  peace  estab 
lishment  fixes  the  number  of  frigates  which 
shall  be  kept  in  constant  service  in  time  of 
peace,    and    prescribes    that    they    shall    be 
manned  by  not  more  than  two-thirds  of  their 
complement  of  seamen  and  ordinary  seamen. 
Whether  a   frigate  may  be  trusted  to  two- 
thirds  only  of  her  proper  complement  of  men 
must  depend  on  the  nature  of  the  service  on 
which  she  is  ordered.     She  may  sometimes, 
for  her  safety,   so  as  to  ensure  her  object, 
require    her    fullest   complement.     *       *       * 
Congress  will  perhaps  consider  whether  the 
best   limitation   on   the   Executive   discretion 
*  *  *  would  not  be  by  the  number  of  seamen 
which  may  be  employed  in  the  whole  service, 
rather   than   the  number  of   vessels. — FIFTH 
ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii,  51.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
393.     (Dec.  1805.) 

5787.  NAVY,  Reduction.— The  navy  will 
be  reduced  to  the  legal  establishment  by  the 
last  of  this  month. — To  NATHANIEL  MACON. 
iv,  397.     (W.,  May  1801.) 

5788. .    The  session  of  the  first 

Congress,  convened  since  republicanism  has 
recovered  its  ascendency,  *  *  *  will  pretty 
completely  fulfil  all  the  desires  of  the  peo 
ple.  They  have  reduced  the  *  *  navy 
to  what  is  barely  necessary. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  iv,  430.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

5789.  NAVY,  Secretary  of.— I  believe  I 

shall  have  to  advertise  for  a  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  General  Smith  is  performing  the  duties 
gratis,  as  he  refuses  both  commission  and  sal 
ary,  even  his  expenses,  lest  it  should  affect  his 
seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives. — To  Gou- 
VERNEUR  MORRIS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  49.  (W.., 
May  1 80 1.)  See  LEAR. 

5790.  NAVY,  Size  of.— The  actual  habits 
of  our  countrymen  attach  them  to  commerce. 
They  will  exercise  it  for  themselves.     Wars, 
then,  must  sometimes  be  our  lot ;  and  all  the 
wise  can   do,  will  be  to  avoid  that  half  of 
them  which  would  be  produced  by  our  own 
follies  and  our  own  acts  of  injustice;  and  to 
make  for  the  other  half  the  best  preparations 
we  can.     Of  what  nature  should   these  be? 
A  land  army  would  be  useless  for  offence, 
and    not    the    best    nor    safest    instrument 
of   defence.      For   either   of   these   purposes, 
the  sea  is  the  field  on  which  we  should  meet 
an  European  enemy.     On  that  element  it  is 
necessary  we  should  possess  some  power.    To 
aim  at  such  a  navy  as  the  greater  nations  of 
Europe    possess,     would    be  a    foolish    and 
wicked  waste  of  the  energies  of  our  country 
men.     It  would  be  to  pull  on  our  own  heads 


Navy 

Necker  (Jacques) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


62O 


that  load  of  military  expense  which  makes 
the  European  laborer  go  supperless  to  bed, 
and  moistens  his  bread  with  the  sweat  of  his 
brows.  It  will  be  enough  if  we  enable  our 
selves  to  prevent  insults  from  those  nations 
of  Europe  which  are  weak  on  the  sea,  because 
circumstances  exist,  which  render  even  the 
stronger  ones  weak  as  to  us.  Providence 
has  placed  their  richest  and  most  defenceless 
possessions  at  our  door;  has  obliged  their 
most  precious  commerce  to  pass,  as  it  were, 
in  review  before  us.  To  protect  this,  or  to 
assail,  a  small  part  only  of  their  naval  force 
will  ever  be  risked  across  the  Atlantic.  The 
dangers  to  which  the  elements  expose  them 
here  are  too  well  known,  and  the  greater 
dangers  to  which  they  would  be  exposed  at 
home  were  any  general  calamity  to  involve 
their  whole  fleet.  They  can  attack  us  by  de 
tachment  only;  and  it  will  suffice  to  make 
ourselves  equal  to  what  they  may  detach. 
Even  a  smaller  force  than  they  may  detach 
will  be  rendered  equal  or  superior  by  the 
quickness  with  which  any  check  may  be  re 
paired  with  us,  while  losses  with  them  will  be 
irreparable  till  too  late.  A  small  naval  force, 
then,  is  sufficient  for  us,  and  a  small  one  is 
necessary.  *  *  *  It  should  by  no  means 
be  so  great  as  we  are  able  to  make  it. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  413.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  279. 
(1782.) 

5791. .  I  am  for  such  a  naval 

force  only  as  may  protect  our  coasts  and 
harbors  from  such  depredations  as  we  have 
experienced ;  *  *  *  not  for  a  navy,  which 
by  its  own  expenses  and  the  eternal  wars  in 
which  it  will  implicate  us,  will  grind  us  with 
public  burthens,  and  sink  us  under  them. — To 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  328. 
(Pa.,  I799-) 

5792. .  With  respect  to  the  ex 
tent  to  which  our  naval  preparations  should 
be  carried,  some  difference  of  opinion  may  be 
expected  to  appear;  but  just  attention  to  the 
circumstances  of  every  part  of  the  Union  will 
doubtless  reconcile  all.  A  small  force  will 
probably  continue  to  be  wanted  for  actual 
service  in  the  Mediterranean.  Whatever  an 
nual  sum  beyond  that  you  may  think  proper 
to  apportionate  to  naval  preparations,  would 
perhaps  be  better  employed  in  providing  those 
articles  which  may  be  kept  without  waste  or 
consumption,  and  be  in  readiness  when  any 
exigence  calls  them  into  use. — FIRST  INAUGU 
RAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  122. 
(Dec.  1801.) 

5793.  NAVY,  Submarine  boats.— I  have 
ever  looked  to  the  submarine  boat  as  most 
to  be  depended  on  for  attaching  the  torpe 
does,  and  *  *  *  I  am  in  hopes  it  is  not 
abandoned  as  impracticable.  I  should  wish 
to  see  a  corps  of  young  men  trained  to  this 
service.  It  would  belong  to  the  engineers  if 
at  hand,  but  being  nautical,  I  suppose  we 
must  have  a  corps  of  naval  engineers,  to 
practice  and  use  them.  I  do  not  know 
whether  we  have  authority  to  put  any  part 
of  our  existing  naval  establishment  in  a 
course  of  training,  but  it  shall  be  the  subject 


of  a  consultation  with  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy. — To  ROBERT  FULTON,  v,  165.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  125.  (M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

5794. .  I  wait  [Colonel  Ful 
ton's]  answer  as  to  the  submarine  boat,  be 
fore  I  make  you  the  proposition  in  form. 
The  very  name  of  a  corps  of  submarine  en 
gineers  would  be  a  defence. — To  ROBERT 
SMITH,  v,  172.  (M.,  Aug.  1807.) 

5795.  NAVY   DEPARTMENT,    Bill   to 

establish.— The  bill  for  establishing  a  De 
partment  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy  was  tried 
yesterday  [April  25th]  on  its  passage  to  the 
third  reading,  and  prevailed  by  47  against 
41. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  237.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  244.  (Pa..  1798.) 

5796.  NAVY    YARDS,    Location    of.— 

From  the  federalists  [in  Virginia]  I  expect 
nothing  on  any  principle  of  duty  or  patriotism ; 
but  I  did  suppose  they  would  pay  some  atten 
tions  to  the  interests  of  Norfolk.  Is  it  the  in 
terest  of  that  place  to  strengthen  the  hue  and 
cry  against  the  policy  of  making  the  Eastern 
Branch  [Washington]  our  great  naval  deposit? 
Is  it  their  interest  that  this  should  be  removed 
to  New  York  or  Boston,  to  one  of  which  it 
must  go  if  it  leaves  this  ?  Is  it  their  interest  to 
scout  a  defence  by  gunboats  in  which  they  would 
share  amply,  in  hopes  of  a  navy  which  will  not 
be  built  in  our  day,  and  would  be  no  defence 
if  built,  or  of  forts  which  will  never  be  built 
or  maintained,  and  would  be  no  defence  if 
built?  Yet  such  are  the  objects  which  they 
patronize  in  their  papers.  This  is  worthy  of 
more  consideration  than  they  seem  to  have 
given  it. — To  WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  338.  (W.,  Dec.  1804.) 

5797.  NECESSITY,    Law    of.— A    strict 
observance  of  the  written  law  is     *     *     * 
one  of  the  high  duties  of  a  good  citizen,  but 
it  is  not  the  highest.    The  laws  of  necessity, 
of   self-preservation,    of    saving   our   country 
when    in    danger,    are    of   higher    obligation. 
To  lose  our  country  by  a  scrupulous  adher 
ence  to  written  law,   would  be  to  lose  the 
law  itself,  with  life,  liberty,  property,  and  all 
those  who  are  enjoying  them  with  us;  thus 
absurdly  sacrificing  the  end  to  the  means. — 
To  J.  B.  COLVIN.     v,  542.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  279. 
(M.,  1810.) 

5798.  NECKER  (Jacques),  Ambition  of. 

— It  is  a  tremendous  cloud,  indeed,  which 
hovers  over  this  nation,  and  he  at  the  helm  has 
neither  the  courage  nor  the  skill  necessary  to 
weather  it.  Eloquence  in  a  high  degree,  knowl 
edge  in  matters  of  account  and  order,  are  dis 
tinguishing  traits  in  his  character.  Ambition  is 
his  first  passion,  virtue  his  second.  He  has 
not  discovered  that  sublime  truth,  that  a  bold, 
unequivocal  virtue  is  the  best  handmaid  even 
to  ambition,  and  would  carry  him  further,  in  the 
end,  than  the  temporizing,  wavering  policy  he 
pursues.  His  judgment  is  not  of  the  first  order, 
scarcely  even  of  the  second ;  his  resolution 
frail ;  and  upon  the  whole,  it  is  rare  to  meet 
an  instance  of  a  person  so  much  below  the  repu 
tation  he  has  obtained. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii,  52. 
(P-,  1789.) 

5799.  NECKER    (Jacques),    Friend    of 
liberty. — Though   he   has   appeared   to   trim 
a  little,  he  is  still,  in  the  main,  a  friend  to  pub 
lic  liberty. — To  JOHN  JAY.     iii,  28.     (P.,  1789.) 


621 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Necker  (Jacques) 
Negroes 


5800.  NECKER  (Jacques),  Praise  of.— 
The  grandson   of   M.   Necker  cannot  fail   of  a 
hearty   welcome   in   a   country   which   so   much 
respected  him.     To  myself,  who  loved  the  vir 
tues  and  honored  the  talents  of  the  grandfather, 
the  attentions  I  received  in  his  natal  house,  and 
particular    esteem    for   yourself,    are    additional 
titles  to  whatever  service  I  can  render  him. — 
To  MADAME  DE  STAEL.     v,  133-     (W.,  1807.) 

5801.  NECKER    (Jacques),    Unfriendly 
to    America.— Necker    never    set    any    store 
by  us   or  the  connection  with  us. — To  JOHN  JAY. 
ii,  342.     (P.,  1787.) 

5802.  NEGROES,       Amalgamation.— 
Their  amalgamation  with  the  other  color  pro 
duces  a  degradation  to  which  no  lover  of  his 
country,   no  lover  of  excellence  in  the  human 
character  can  innocently  consent. — To  EDWARD 
COLES.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  478.     (M.,  1814.) 

5803.  NEGROES,  Bravery.— They  are  at 

least  as  brave,  and  more  adventuresome.  But 
this  may  proceed  from  a  want  of  forethought, 
which  prevents  their  seeing  a  danger  till  it  be 
present.  When  present,  they  do  not  go  through 
it  with  more  coolness  or  steadiness  than  the 
whites. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  381.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  245.  (1782.) 

5804.  NEGROES,  Colonization.— The  bill 
reported  by   the   revisers*    of   the  whole    [Vir 
ginia]  code  does  not  itself  contain  the  proposi 
tion    to    emancipate    all    slaves    born    after   the 
passing  the  act;  but  an  amendment  containing 
it  was  prepared,  to  be  offered  to  the  Legislature 
whenever    the    bill    should    be    taken    up,    and 
further    directing,    that    they    should    continue 
with  their  parents  to  a  certain  age,  then  to  be 
brought   up,    at  the   public   expense,   to   tillage, 
arts  or  sciences,  according  to  their  geniuses,  till 
the  females  should  be  eighteen,  and  the  males 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  when  they  should  be 
colonized   to   such   place   as   the   circumstances 
of  the  time  should  render  most  proper,  sending 
them   out  with   arms,   implements   of  household 
and  of  the  handicraft  arts,  seeds,  pairs  of  the 
useful   domestic   animals,   &c.,   to   declare  them 
a  free  and  independent  people,   and  extend  to 
them  our  alliance  and  protection,  till  they  shall 
have  acquired  strength ;  and  to  send  vessels  at 
the  same  time  to  other  parts  of  the  world  for 
an  equal  number  of  white  inhabitants ;  to  induce 
them  to  migrate  hither,  proper  encouragements 
were  to  be  proposed. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii 
380.     FORD  ED.,  iii,  243.     (1782.) 

5805. .  This  unfortunate  differ 
ence  of  color,  and  perhaps  of  faculty,  is  a  pow 
erful  obstacle  to  the  emancipation  of  these  peo 
ple.  Many  of  their  advocates,  while  they  wish 
to  vindicate  the  liberty  of  human  nature,  are 
anxious  also  to  preserve  its  dignity  and  beauty. 
Some  of  these,  embarrassed  by  the  question, 
"  What  further  is  to  be  done  with  them  "?  join 
themselves  in  opposition  with  those  who  are 
actuated  by  sordid  avarice  only.  Among  the 
Romans  emancipation  required  but  one  effort 
The  slave,  when  made  free,  might  mix  with 
without  straining  the  blood  of  his  master.  But 
with  us  a  second  is  necessary,  unknown  to  his 
tory.  When  freed,  he  is  to  be  removed  beyonc 
the  reach  of  mixture. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA 
viii,  386.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  250.  (1782.) 

5806. .     You  ask  my  opinion  on 

the  proposition  of  Mrs.  Mifflin,  to  take  measures 
for  procuring,  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  an  estab 
lishment  to  which  the  people  of  color  of  these 
States  might,  from  time  to  time,  be  colonized 

*  Jefferson  prepared  the  report  and  bill.— EDITOR 


under  the  auspices  of  different  governments. 
laving  long  ago  made  up  my  mind  on  this  sub- 
ect,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  I  have 
ver  thought  it  the  most  desirable  measure 
vhich  could  be  adopted,  for  gradually  drawing 
iff  this  part  of  our  population,  most  advanta- 
;eously  for  themselves  as  well  as  for  us.  Going 
rom  a  country  possessing  all  the  useful  arts, 
hey  might  be  the  means  of  transplanting  them 
unong  the  inhabitants  of  Africa,  and  would  thus 
:arry  back  to  the  country  of  their  origin,  the 
eeds  of  civilization  which  might  render  their 
ojournment  and  sufferings  here  a  blessing  in 
he  end  to  that  country.  —  To  JOHN  LYNCH,  v, 
63.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  303.  (M.,  1811.) 

5507.  --  .     Nothing  is  more  to  be 

wished  than  that  the  United  States  would  them- 
elves  undertake  to  make  such  an  establishment 

m  the  coast  of  Africa.  Exclusive  of  motives  of 
mmanity,  the  commercial  advantages  to  be  de- 
ived  from  it  might  repay  all  its  expenses.  But 
or  this,  the  national  mind  is  not  yet  prepared. 
t  may  perhaps  be  doubted  whether  many  of 
hese  people  would  voluntarily  consent  to  such 

an  exchange  of  situation,  and  very  certain  that 
ew  of  those  advanced  to  a  certain  age  in  habits 
»f  slavery,  would  be  capable  of  self-government. 

This  should  not,  however,  discourage  the  ex 
periment,  nor  the  early  trial  of  it.  —  To  JOHN 
v,  565.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  304.  (M.,  1811.) 


5808.  --  .  I  received  in  the  first 
year  of  my  coming  into  the  administration  of 
:he  General  Government,  a  letter  from  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  (Colonel  Monroe),  consult 
ing  me,  at  the  request  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
State,  on  the  means  of  procuring  some  such 
asylum,  to  which  these  people  might  be  occa 
sionally  sent.  I  proposed  to  him  the  establish 
ment  of  Sierra  Leone,  to  which  a  private  com 
pany  in  England  had  already  colonized  a  num 
ber  of  negroes  and  particularly  the  fugitives 
from  these  States  during  the  Revolutionary 
War  ;  and  at  the  same  time  suggested,  if  this 
could  not  be  obtained,  some  of  the  Portuguese 
possessions  in  South  America,  as  next  most  de 
sirable.  The  subsequent  Legislature  approving 
these  ideas,  I  wrote,  the  ensuing  year,  1802,  to 
Mr.  King,  our  Minister  in  London,  to  endeavor 
to  negotiate  with  the  Sierra  Leone  company  a 
reception  of  such  of  these  people  as  might  be 
colonized  thither.  He  opened  a  correspondence 
with  Mr.  Wedderburne  and  Mr.  Thornton,  sec 
retaries  of  the  company,  on  the  subject,  and,  in 
1803,  I  received  through  Mr.  King  the  result, 
which  was  that  the  colony  was  going  on,  but  in 
a  languishing  condition  ;  that  the  funds  of  the 
company  were  likely  to  fail,  as  they  received  no 
returns  of  profit  to  keep  them  up  ;  that  they 
were,  therefore,  in  treaty  with  their  government 
to  take  the  establishment  off  their  hands  ;  but 
that  in  no  event  should  they  be  willing  to  receive 
more  of  these  people  from  the  United  States,  as 
it  was  exactly  that  portion  of  their  settlers 
which  had  gone  from  hence,  which,  by  their 
idleness  and  turbulence,  had  kept  the  settlement 
in  constant  danger  of  dissolution,  which  could 
not  have  been  prevented  but  for  the  aid  of  the 
maroon  negroes  from  the  West  Indies,  who  were 
more  industrious  and  orderly  than  the  others, 
and  supported  the  authority  of  the  government 
and  its  laws.  *  *  *  The  effort  which  I 
made  with  Portugal,  to  obtain  an  establishment 
for  them  within  their  claims  in  South  America, 
proved  also  abortive.  —  To  JOHN  LYNCH,  v, 
564.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  303.  (M.,  1811.)  See  COLO 
NIZATION. 

5809.  NEGROES,  Elevating.—  Nobody 
wishes  more  ardently  than  I  do  to  see  a  good 
system  commenced  for  raising  the  condition 


Negroes 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


622 


both  of  their  body  and  mind  to  what  it  ought 
to  be,  as  fast  as  the  imbecility  of  their  present 
existence,  and  other  circumstances  which  cannot 
be  neglected,  will  admit. — To  BENJAMIN  BAN- 
NEKER.  iii,  291.  FORD  ED.,  v,  377.  (Pa., 
1791.) 

NEGROES,          Emancipation. — See 

SLAVERY. 

5810.  NEGROES,     Future    of.— I     have 
supposed  the   black   man,   in  his  present   state, 
might   not  be   in   body   and   mind   equal   to   the 
white  man ;  but  it  would  be  hazardous  to  affirm, 
that,   equally  cultivated  for  a  few  generations, 
he  would  not  become  so. — To  GENERAL  CHAS- 
TELLUX.      i,     341.      FORD    ED.,     iii,     138.      (P., 
1785.) 

5811.  NEGROES,    Griefs.— Their    griefs 
are    transient.      Those     numberless     afflictions, 
which  render  it  doubtful  whether  Heaven  has 
given  life  to  us  in  mercy  or  in  wrath,  are  less 
felt,   and   sooner   forgotten   with   them. — NOTES 
ON    VIRGINIA,      viii,    382.      FORD    ED.,    iii,    245. 
(1782.) 

5812.  NEGROES,      Improvement.— The 

improvement  of  the  blacks  in  body  and  mind, 
in  the  first  instance  of  their  mixture  with  the 
whites,  has  been  observed  by  every  one,  and 
proves  that  their  inferiority  is  not  the  effect 
merely  of  their  condition  in  life. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  384.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  247. 
(1782.) 

5813. .     Bishop    Gregoire    wrote 

to  me  on  the  doubts  I  had  expressed  five  or 
six  and  twenty  years  ago,  in  the  Notes  on  Vir 
ginia,  as  to  the  grade  of  understanding  of  the 
negroes,  and  he  sent  me  his  book  on  the  litera 
ture  of  the  negroes.  His  credulity  has  made 
him  gather  up  every  story  he  could  find  of  men 
of  color  (without  distinguishing  whether  black, 
or  of  what  degree  of  mixture),  however  slight 
the  mention,  or  light  the  authority  on  which 
they  are  quoted.  The  whole  do  not  amount,  in 
point  of  evidence,  to  what  we  know  ourselves 
of  Banneker.  We  know  he  had  spherical  trigo 
nometry  enough  to  make  almanacs,  but  not 
without  the  suspicion  of  aid  from  Ellicot,  who 
was  his  neighbor  and  friend,  and  never  missed 
an  opportunity  of  puffing  him.  I  have  a  long 
letter  from  Banneker,  which  shows  him  to  have 
had  a  mind  of  very  common  stature  indeed. 
As  to  Bishop  Gregoire,  I  wrote  him  a  very  soft 
answer.  It  was  impossible  for  doubt  to  have 
been  more  tenderly  or  hesitatingly  expressed 
than  that  was  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  and 
nothing  was  or  is  farther  from  my  intentions, 
than  to  enlist  myself  as  the  champion  of  a  fixed 
opinion,  where  I  have  only  expressed  a  doubt. 
St.  Domingo  will,  in  time,  throw  light  on  the 
question. — To  JOEL  BARLOW,  v,  475.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  261.  (M.,  1809.) 

5814.  NEGROES,  Indians  vs.— Com 
paring  them  by  their  faculties  of  memory,  rea 
son,  and  imagination,  it  appears  to  me  that  in 
memory  they  are  equal  to  the  whites ;  in  reason 
much  inferior,  as  I  think  one  could  scarcely 
be  found  capable  of  tracing  and  comprehending 
the  investigations  of  Euclid ;  and  that  in  imagi 
nation  they  are  dull,  tasteless,  and  anomalous. 
It  would  be  unfair  to  follow  them  to  Africa  for 
this  investigation.  We  will  consider  them  here, 
on  the  same  stage  with  the  whites,  and  where 
the  facts  are  not  apocryphal  on  which  a  judg 
ment  is  to  be  formed.  It  will  be  right  to 
make  great  allowances  for  the  difference  of  con 
dition,  of  education,  of  conversation,  of  the 
sphere  in  which  they  move.  Many  millions  of 
them  have  been  brought  to,  and  born  in  Amer 


ica.  Most  of  them,  indeed,  have  been  confined 
to  tillage,  to  their  own  homes,  and  their  own 
society ;  yet  many  of  them  have  been  so  situ 
ated  that  they  might  have  availed  themselves 
of  the  conversation  of  their  masters  ;  many  of 
them  have  been  brought  up  to  the  handicraft 
arts,  and  from  that  circumstance  have  always 
been  associated  with  the  whites.  Some  have 
been  liberally  educated,  and  all  have  lived  in 
countries  where  the  arts  and  sciences  are  culti 
vated  to  a  considerable  degree,  and  have  had 
before  their  eyes  samples  of  the  best  works 
from  abroad.  The  Indians,  with  no  advantages 
of  this  kind,  will  often  carve  figures  on  their 
pipes  not  destitute  of  design  and  merit.  They 
will  crayon  out  an  animal,  a  plant,  or  a  country, 
so  as  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  germ  in  their 
minds  which  only  wants  cultivation.  They  as 
tonish  you  with  strokes  of  the  most  sublime 
oratory;  such  as  prove  their  reason  and  senti 
ment  strong,  their  imagination  glowing  and 
elevated.  But  never  yet  could  I  find  that  a 
black  had  uttered  a  thought  above  the  level  of 
plain  narration ;  never  saw  even  an  elementary 
trait  of  painting  or  sculpture. — NOTES  ON  VIR 
GINIA,  viii,  382.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  245.  (1782.) 

5815.  NEGROES,    Industry. — An    opin 
ion  is  hazarded  by  some,  but  proved  by  none, 
that  moral  urgencies  are  not  sufficient  to  induce 
the  negro  to  labor ;  that  nothing  can  do  this  but 
physical  coercion.     But  this  is  a  problem  which 
the  present  age  alone  is  prepared  to   solve  by 
experiment.     It   would    be    a    solecism    to    sup 
pose  a  race  of  animals  created,  without  sufficient 
foresight  and  energy  to  preserve  their  own  ex 
istence.     It  is  disproved,  too,  by  the  fact  that 
they    exist,    and   have    existed   through    all   the 
ages    of    history.     We    are    not    sufficiently    ac 
quainted  with  all  the  nations  of  Africa,  to  say 
that  there  may  not  be  some  in  which  habits  of 
industry  are  established,  and  the  arts  practiced 
which  are  necessary  to  render  life  comfortable. 
The  experiment  now  in  progress  in  St.  Domingo, 
those  of  Sierra  Leone  and  Cape  Mesurado,  are 
but  beginning.     Your  proposition  has  its  aspects 
of  promise  also ;  and  should  it  not  fully  answer 
to  calculations  in  figures,  it  may  yet,  in  its  de 
velopments,    lead    to  <  happy    results. — To    Miss 
FANNY   WRIGHT,     vii,   408.     FORD   ED.,   x,    344. 
(M.,  1825.) 

5816.  NEGROES,     Integrity.— Notwith- 
standing     these     considerations     which     must 
weaken  their  respect  for  the  laws  of  property, 
we  find  among  them  numerous  instances  of  the 
most    rigid    integrity,    and    as    many    as    among 
their  better  instructed  masters,  of  benevolence, 
gratitude,    and    unshaken    fidelity. — NOTES    ON 
VIRGINIA.       viii,     386.       FORD     ED.,     iii,     249. 
(1782.)      See  SLAVERY. 

5817.  NEGROES,    Literary.— Misery    is 
often  the  parent  of  the  most  affecting  touches 
in  poetry.     Among  the  blacks  is  misery  enough, 
God  knows,  but  no  poetry.     Love  is  the  pecu 
liar  cestrum  of  the  poet.     Their  love  is  ardent, 
but  it  kindles  the  senses   only,   not  the  imagi 
nation.     Religion,  indeed,  has  produced  a  Phyl 
lis  Wheatley  ;*  but  it  could  not  produce  a  poet. 
The  compositions  published  under  her  name  are 
below  the  dignity  of  criticism.  The  heroes  of  the 
Dunciad  are  to  her,  as  Hercules  to  the  author 
of  that  poem. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii,  383. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  246.     (1782.) 

5818. .  Ignatius  Sancho  has  ap 
proached  nearer  to  merit  in  composition  [than 
Phyllis  Wheatley]  :  yet  bis  letters  do  more  honor 
to  the  heart  than  the  head.  They  breathe  the 

*  A  collection  of  poems  by  Phyllis  Wheatley  was 
printed  in  London  in  1773. — EDITOR. 


623 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Negroes 


purest  effusions  of  friendship  and  general  phi 
lanthropy,  and  show  how  great  a  degree  of  the 
latter  may  be  compounded  with  strong  religious 
zeal.  He  is  often  happy  in  the  turn  of  his  com 
pliments,  and  his  style  is  easy  and  familiar,  ex 
cept  when  he  affects  a  Shandean  fabrication  of 
words.  But  his  imagination  is  wild  and  ex 
travagant,  escapes  incessantly  from  every  re 
straint  of  reason  and  taste,  and,  in  the  course 
of  its  vagaries,  leaves  a  tract  of  thought  as  in 
coherent  and  eccentric,  as  is  the  course  of  a 
meteor  through  the  sky.  His  subjects  should 
often  have  led  him  to  a  process  of  sober  rea 
soning  ;  yet  we  find  him  always  substituting 
sentiment  for  demonstration.  Upon  the  whole, 
though  we  admit  him  to  the  first  place  among 
those  of  his  own  color  who  have  presented  them 
selves  to  the  public  judgment,  yet  when  we 
compare  him  with  the  writers  of  the  race  among 
whom  he  lived  and  particularly  with  the  episto 
lary  class  in  which  he  has  taken  his  own  stand, 
we  are  compelled  to  enroll  him  at  the  bottom  of 
the  column.  This  criticism  supposes  the  letters 
published  under  his  name  to  be  genuine,  and 
to  have  received  amendment  from  no  other 
hand ;  points  which  would  not  be  of  easy  in 
vestigation. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  383. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  247.  (1782.) 

5819.  NEGROES,  Music. — In  music  they 
are  more  generally  gifted  than  the  whites,  with 
accurate  ears  for  tune  and  time,  and  they  have 
been  found  capable  of  imagining  a  small  catch.* 
Whether  they  will  be  equal  to  the  composition 
of  a  more  extensive  run  of  melody,  or  of  com 
plicated  harmony,  is  yet  to  be  proved. — NOTES 
ON    VIRGINIA,      viii,    383.      FORD    ED.,    iii,    246. 
(1782.) 

5820.  NEGROES,  Natural  History  and. 
— The  opinion  that  they  are  inferior  in  the 
faculties   of   reason    and    imagination,    must   be 
hazarded    with    great    diffidence.     To    justify    a 
general  conclusion,  requires  many  observations, 
even   where   the   subject   may   be    submitted   to 
the    anatomical    knife,    to    optical    glasses,    to 
analysis    by    fire    or    by    solvents.     How    much 
more  then  where  it  is  a  faculty,  not  a  substance, 
we  are  examining ;  where  it  eludes  the  research 
of  all  the  senses  ;   where  the  conditions  of  its 
existence  are  various  and  variously  combined ; 
where   the   effects   of   those   which    are   present 
or   absent   bid   defiance   to   calculation ;    let   me 
add,  too,  as  a  circumstance  of  great  tenderness, 
where   our   conclusion   would   degrade   a   whole 
race  of  men  from  the  rank  in  the  scale  of  beings 
which    their    Creator    may   perhaps    have    given 
them.     To   our   reproach   it  must  be   said,   that 
though  for  a  century  and  a  half  we  have  had 
under  our  eyes  the  races  of  black  and  of  red 
men,  they  have  never  yet  been  viewed  by  us  as 
subjects  of  natural  history.     I  advance  it,  there 
fore,    as    a    suspicion    only,    that    the    blacks,, 
whether  originally  a  distinct  race,  or  made  dis 
tinct  by  time  and  circumstances,  are  inferior  to 
the  whites  in  the  endowments  both  of  body  and 
mind.     It  is  not  against  experience  to  suppose 
that    different    species    of   the    same    genus,    or 
varieties  of  the  same  species,  may  possess  dif 
ferent  qualifications.     Will  not  a  lover  of  natu 
ral  history,  then,  one  who  views  the  gradations 
in    all    the   races    of   animals   with    the   eye   of 
philosophy,   excuse   an   effort  to   keep  those   in 
the   department   of   man    as    distinct    as   nature 
has  formed  them? — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,     viii, 
386.     FORD   ED.,   iii,    249.     (1782.) 

*  The  instrument  proper  to  them  is  the  Banier 
[corrupted  by  the  negroes  into  "banjo"!  which 
they  brought  hither  from  Africa,  and  which  is  the 
original  of  the  guitar,  its  chords  being  precisely  the 
four  lower  chords  of  the  guitar.— NOTE  BY  JEFFER 
SON. 


5821.  NEGROES,      Peculiarities.— To 

these  objections,  which  are  political,  may  be 
added  others,  which  are  physical  and  moral. 
Whether  the  black  of  the  negro  resides  in  the 
reticular  membrane  between  the  skin  and  scarf- 
skin,  or  in  the  scarf-skin  itself;  whether  it  pro 
ceeds  from  the  color  of  the  blood,  the  color  of 
the  bile,  or  from  that  of  some  other  secretion, 
the  difference  is  fixed  in  nature,  and  is  as  real 
as  if  its  seat  and  cause  were  better  known  to  us. 
And  is  this  difference  of  no  importance?  Is  it 
not  the  foundation  of  a  greater  or  less  share 
of  beauty  in  the  two  races?  Are  not  the  fine 
mixtures  of  red  and  white,  the  expressions  of 
every  passion  by  greater  or  less  suffusions  of 
color  in  the  one,  preferable  to  that  eternal  mo 
notony,  which  reigns  in  the  countenances,  that 
immovable  veil  of  black  which  covers  all  the 
emotions  of  the  other  race?  Add  to  these,  flow 
ing  hair,  a  more  elegant  symmetry  of  form,  their 
own  judgment  in  favor  of  the  whites,  declared 
by  their  preference  of  them,  as  uniformly  as  is 
the  preference  of  the  Oranootan  for  the  black 
woman  over  those  of  his  own  species.  The  cir 
cumstance  of  superior  beauty,  is  thought  worthy 
attention  in  the  propagation  of  our  horses, 
dogs,  and  other  domestic  animals ;  why  not  in 
that  of  man  ?  Besides  those  of  color,  figure, 
and  hair,  there  are  other  physical  distinctions 
proving  a  difference  of  race.  They  have  less 
hair  on  the  face  and  body.  They  secrete  less  by 
the  kidneys,  and  more  by  the  glands  of  the  skin, 
which  gives  them  a  very  strong  and  disagreeable 
odor.  This  greater  degree  of  transpiration  ren 
ders  them  more  tolerant  of  heat,  and  less  of 
cold  than  the  whites.  Perhaps,  too,  a  difference 
of  structure  in  the  pulmonary  apparatus,  which 
a  late  ingenious  experimentalist  (Crawford)  has 
discovered  to  be  the  principal  regulator  of  an 
imal  heat,  may  have  disabled  them  from  ex 
tricating,  in  the  act  of  inspiration,  so  much  of 
that  fluid  from  the  outer  air,  or  obliged  them 
in  expiration,  to  part  with  more  of  it. — NOTES 
ON  VIRGINIA.  viii,  381.  FORD  EDV  iii,  244. 
(1782.) 

-  NEGROES,    Penal    Colony   for.— See 
COLONY,  PENAL. 

5822.  NEGROES,   Racial  differences.— 
It  will  probably  be  asked,  why  not  retain  and 
incorporate  the  blacks  into  the  State,  and  thus 
save  the  expense  of  supplying  by  importation  of 
white   settlers,   the   vacancies   they   will   leave? 
Deep-rooted     prejudices     entertained     by     the 
whites ;     ten     thousand     recollections,     by     the 
blacks,    of    the    injuries    they    have    sustained ; 
new  provocations ;   the   real   distinctions   which 
nature  has  made ;  and  many  other  circumstances 
will    divide   us   into   parties,   and   produce   con 
vulsions,  which  will  probably  never  end  but  in 
the  extermination  of  the  one  or  the  other  race. 
— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  380.    FORD  ED.,  iii, 
244.     (1782.) 

5823.  NEGROES,     Rights     of.— Be     as 
sured   that   no   person   living   wishes   more   sin 
cerely  than  I  do,  to  see  a  complete  refutation 
of  the   doubts    I   have   myself   entertained   and 
expressed  on  the  grade  of  understanding  allotted 
to  the  negroes  by  nature,  and  to  find  that  in  this 
respect  they  are  on  a  par  with  ourselves.     My 
doubts  were  the  result  of  personal  observation 
on  the  limited  sphere  of  my  own   State,  where 
the  opportunities  for  the  development  of  their 
genius  were  not  favorable,  and  those  of  exerci 
sing  it  still   less  so.      I   expressed  them,   there 
fore,    with    great    hesitation ;    but   whatever    be 
their  degree  of  talent  it  is  no  measure  of  their 
rights.     Because  Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  superior 
to  others  in  understanding,  he  was  not  therefore 
lord  of  the  person  or  property  of  others.     On 


Negroes 
Neutrality 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


624 


this  subject  they  are  gaining  daily  in  the  opin 
ions  of  nations,  and  hopeful  advancevS  are 
making  towards  their  reestablishment  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  other  colors  of  the  human 
family.  I  pray  you,  therefore,  to  accept  my 
thanks  for  the  many  instances  you  have  enabled 
me  to  observe  of  respectable  intelligence  in  that 
race  of  men,  which  cannot  fail  to  have  effect 
in  hastening  the  day  of  their  relief. — To  HENRI 
GREGOIRE.  v,  429.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  246.  (W.,  1809.) 

5824.  NEGROES,  Sleep  and  amuse 
ments. — They  seem  to  require  less  sleep.  A 
black,  after  hard  labor  through  the  day,  will  be 
induced  by  the  slightest  amusements  to  sit  up 
till  midnight,  or  later,  though  knowing  he  must 
be  out  with  the  first  dawn  of  the  morning.— 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  381.  FORD  ED.,  iii, 
245.  (1782.) 

5825. .  In  general,  their  exist 
ence  appears  to  participate  more  of  sensation 
than  reflection.  To  this  must  be  ascribed  their 
disposition  to  sleep  when  abstracted  from  their 
diversions,  and  unemployed  in  labor.  An  animal 
whose  body  is  at  rest,  and  who  does  not  reflect, 
must  be  disposed  to  sleep  of  course. — NOTES  ON 
VIRGINIA,  viii,  382.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  245.  (1782.) 

5826.  NEGROES,    Talents.— Nobody 
wishes  more  than  I  do  to  see  such  proofs  as  you 
exhibit,    that    nature    has    given    to    our    black 
brethren    talents    equal    to    those    of   the    other 
colors   of   men,   and   that  the   appearance   of   a 
want  of  them  is  owing  merely  to  the  degraded 
condition  of  their  existence,  both  in  Africa  and 
America.  *  *  *  I    have    taken    the    liberty    of 
sending    your    Almanac    to    Monsieur    de    Con- 
dorcet,   Secretary  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences 
at  Paris,  and  member  of  the  Philanthropic  So 
ciety,  because  I  considered  it  as  a  dpctiment  to 
which  your  color  had  a  right  for  their  justifica 
tion  against  the  doubts  which  have  been  enter 
tained  of  them. — To  BENJAMIN  BANNEKER.  iii, 
291.    FORD  ED.,  v,  377.  (Pa.,  1791.)     See    BAN 
NEKER. 

5827.  NELSON  (Thomas),  Governor  of 
Virginia. — [Governor  Jefferson's]  office  was 
now    [June,    1781,]    near   expiring,   the   country 
[Virginia]  under  invasion  by  a  powerful  army, 
no    services    but    military    of    any    avail,    un 
prepared  by  his  line  of  life  and  education  for 
the  command  of  armies,  he  believed  it  right  not 
to  stand  in  the  way  of  talents  better  fitted  than 
his  own  to  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
country  was  placed.     He,  therefore,  himself  pro 
posed  to  his  friends  in  the  Legislature  that  Gen 
eral  Nelson,  who  commanded  the  militia  of  the 
State,  should  be  appointed  Governor,  as  he  was 
sensible  that  the  union  of  the  civil  and  military 
power  in  the   same  hands  at  this  time,  would 
greatly   facilitate  military  measures.     This  ap 
pointment  accordingly  took  place  on  the    i2th 
of  June,  1781. — INVASION  OF  VA.  MEMORANDUM. 
ix,  223.     (M.,  1781.) 

5828.  NEOLOGY,  American.— I     am  no 

friend  to  what  is  called  Purism,  but  a  zeal 
ous  one  to  the  Neology  which  has  introduced 
these  two  words  without  the  authority  of  any 
dictionary.  I  consider  the  one  as  destroying 
the  nerve  and  beauty  of  language,_  while  the 
other  improves  both,  and  adds  to  its  copious 
ness.  I  have  been  not  a  little  disappointed,  and 
made  suspicious  of  my  own  judgment,  on  see 
ing  the  Edinburgh  Reviewers,  the  ablest  critics 
of  the  age,  set  their  faces  against  the  introduc 
tion  of  new  words  into  the  English  language; 
they  are  particularly  apprehensive  that  the 
writers  of  the  United  States  will  adulterate  it. 
Certainly  so  great  growing  a  population,  spread 


over  such  an  extent  of  country,  with  such  a 
variety  of  climates,  of  productions,  of  arts,  must 
enlarge  their  language,  to  make  it  answer  its 
purpose  of  expressing  all  ideas,  the  new  as 
well  as  the  old.  The  new  circumstances  under 
which  we  are  placed,  call  for  new  words,  new 
phrases,  and  for  the  transfer  of  old  words  to 
new  objects.  An  American  dialect  will,  there 
fore,  be  formed ;  so  will  a  West-Indian  and 
Asiatic,  as  a  Scotch  and  an  Irish  are  already 
formed.  But  whether  will  these  adulterate,  or 
enrich  the  English  language?  Has  the  beauti 
ful  poetry  of  Burns,  or  his  Scottish  dialect, 
disfigured  it?  Did  the  Athenians  consider  the 
Doric,  the  Ionian,  the  Aeolic,  and  other  dialects, 
as  disfiguring  or  as  beautifying  their  language? 
Did  they  fastidiously  disavow  Herodotus,  Pin 
dar,  Theocritus,  Sappho,  Alcaeus,  as  Grecian 
writers  ?  On  the  contrary,  they  were  sensible 
that  the  variety  of  dialects,  still  infinitely  varied 
by  poetical  license,  constituted  the  riches  of 
their  language,  and  made  the  Grecian  Homer 
the  first  of  poets,  as  he  must  ever  remain,  until 
a  language  equally  ductile  and  copious  shall 
again  be  spoken. — To  JOHN  WALDO,  vi,  184. 
(M.,  1813.) 

5829.  NEUTRALITY,    Carrying    trade 

and. — If  war  in  Europe  take  place,  I  hope 
the  new  world  will  fatten  on  the  follies  of  the 
old.  If  we  can  but  establish  the  principles  of 
the  armed  neutrality  for  ourselves,  we  must  be 
come  carriers  for  all  parties  as  far  as  we  can 
raise  vessels. — To  E.  RUTLEDGE.  iii,  165.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  197.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

5830. .     A  stoppage  by  some  of 

the  belligerent  powers  of  one  of  our  vessels 
going  with  grain  to  an  unblockaded  port,  would 
be  so  unequivocal  an  infringement  of  the  neu 
tral  rights,  that  we  cannot  conceive  it  will  be 
attempted. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  551. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  243.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

5831. .     The  rights  of  a  neutral 

to  carry  on  a  commercial  intercourse  with  every 
part  of  the  dominions  of  a  belligerent,  permitted 
by  the  laws  of  the  country  (with  the  exception 
of  blockaded  ports  and  contraband  of  war),  was 
believed  to  have  been  decided  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  by  the  sentence 
of  the  commissioners  mutually  appointed  to  de 
cide  on  that  and  other  questions  of  difference 
between  the  two  nations,  and  by  the  actual  pay 
ment  of  damages  awarded  by  them  against  Great 
Britain  for  the  infraction  of  that  right.  When, 
therefore,  it  was  perceived  that  the  same  prin 
ciple  was  revived  with  others  more  novel,  and 
extending  the  injury,  instructions  were  given  to 
the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  at  the  court  of  London,  and  remon 
strances  duly  made  by  him  on  the  subject. 
These  were  followed  by  a  partial  and  temporary 
suspension  only,  without  the  disavowal  of  the 
principle.  He  has,  therefore,  been  instructed 
to  urge  this  subject  anew,  to  bring  it  more  fully 
to  the  bar  of  reason,  and  to  insist  on  the  rights 
too  evident  and  too  important  to  be  surrendered. 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  57.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  417. 
(Jan.  1806.) 

5832. .     To  former  violations  of 

maritime  rights,  another  is  now  added  of  very 
extensive  effect.  The  government  of  that  nation 
[Great  Britain]  has  issued  an  order  interdicting 
all  trade  by  neutrals  between  ports  not  in  amity 
with  them  ;  and  being  now  at  war  with  nearly 
every  nation  on  the  Atlantic  and  Mediterranean 
seas,  our  vessels  are  required  to  sacrifice  their 
cargoes  at  the  first  port  they  touch,  or  to  return 
home  without  the  benefit  of  going  to  any  other 
market.  Under  this  new  law  of  the  ocean,  our 


625 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Neutrality 


trade  on  the  Mediterranean  has  been  swept  away 
by  seizures  and  condemnations,  and  that  in 
other  seas  is  threatened  with  the  same  fate. — 
SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii,  84.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  156.  (1807.)  See  NAVIGATION. 

5833.  NEUTRALITY,     Contraband    of 
war. — In  our  treaty  with   Prussia,   we  have 
gone    ahead    of    other    nations    in    doing    away 
with    restraints    on    the    commerce    of   peaceful 
nations,  by  declaring  that  nothing  shall  be  con 
traband.     For,  in  truth,  in  the  present  improved 
state  of  the  arts,  when  every  country  has  such 
ample  means  of  procuring  arms  within  and  with 
out  itself,  the  regulations  of  contraband  answer 
no  other  end  than  to  draw  other  nations  into  the 
war.     However,  as  other  nations  have  not  given 
sanction  to  this   improvement,  we  claim   it,   at 
present,     with     Prussia     alone. — To     THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.    iii,  551.     FORD  ED.,  vi,   243.      (Pav 
May    1793.)      See    BELLIGERENTS   and   CONTRA 
BAND  OF  WAR. 

5834.  NEUTRALITY,  Duties.— -We  have 
seen   with   sincere   concern   the   flames   of   war 
lighted  up   again   in   Europe,   and  nations  with 
which  we  have  the  most  friendly  and  useful  re 
lations  engaged  in  mutual  destruction.  While  we 
regret  the  miseries  in  which  we  see  others  in 
volved,  let  us  bow  with  gratitude  to  that  kind 
Providence   which,    inspiring  with   wisdom   and 
moderation    our   late   legislative   councils   while 
placed  under  the  urgency  of  the  greatest  wrongs, 
guarded  us  from  hastily  entering  into  the  san 
guinary  contest,  and  left  us  only  to  look  on  and 
to  pity  its  ravages.     These  will  be  heaviest  on 
those    immediately    engaged.      Yet   the    nations 
pursuing  peace  will  not  be  exempt  from  all  evil. 
In  the  course  of  this  conflict  [France  and  Eng 
land],  let  it  be  our  endeavor,  as  it  is  our  in 
terest  and  desire,  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of 
the  belligerent  nations  by  every  act  of  justice 
and    of    incessant    kindness ;    to    receive    their 
armed  vessels  with  hospitality   from  distresses 
of  the  sea,  but  to  administer  the  means  of  an 
noyance   to   none ;   to   establish   in   our   harbors 
such  a  police  as  may  maintain  law  and  order ; 
to  restrain  our  citizens  from  embarking  individ 
ually  in  a  war  in  which  their  country  takes  no 
part ;   to  punish  severely  those  persons,  citizen 
or  alien,  who  shall  usurp  the  cover  of  our  flag 
for  vessels  not  entitled  to  it,  infecting  thereby 
with    suspicion    those    of   real    Americans,    and 
committing    us    into    controversies    for    the    re 
dress   of   wrongs   not  our  own ;   to   exact   from 
every  nation  the  observance,  toward  our  vessels 
and  citizens,   of  those  principles  and  practices 
which    all     civilized    people    acknowledge ;     to 
merit  the  character  of  a  just  nation,  and  main 
tain    that    of    an    independent    one,    preferring 
every  consequence  to  insult  and  habitual  wrong. 
Congress  will  consider  whether  the  existing  laws 
enable  us  efficaciously   to   maintain  this  course 
with  our  citizens  in  all  places,  and  with  others 
while  within  the  limits  of  our  jurisdiction,  and 
will  give  them  the  new  modifications  necessary 
for  these  objects.     Some  contraventions  of  right 
have    already    taken    place,    both    within    our 
jurisdictional  limits  and  on  the  high  seas.     The 
friendly    disposition    of   the    governments    from 
whose  agents  they  have  proceeded,  as  well  as 
their  wisdom  and  regard  for  justice,  leave  us  in 
reasonable  expectation  that  they  will  be  rectified 
and  prevented  in  future ;  and  that  no  act  will  be 
countenanced  by  them  which  threatens  to  dis 
turb  our  friendly  intercourse.     Separated  by  a 
wide   ocean    from   the   nations   of   Europe,    and 
from  the  political  interests  which  entangle  them 
together,  with  productions  and  wants  which  ren 
der    our    commerce    and    friendship    useful    to 
them  and  theirs  to  us,  it  cannot  be  the  interest 
of  any  to  assail  us,  nor  ours  to  disturb  them. 


We  should  be  most  unwise,  indeed,  were  we  to 
cast  away  the  singular  blessings  of  the  position 
in  which  nature  has  placed  us,  the  opportunity 
she  has  endowed  us  with  of  pursuing,  at  a  dis 
tance  from  foreign  contentions,  the  paths  of  in 
dustry,  peace  and  happiness  ;  of  cultivating  gen 
eral  friendship,  and  of  bringing  collisions  of 
interest  to  the  umpirage  of  reason  rather  than 
of  force.  How  desirable,  then,  must  it  be,  in  a 
government  like  ours,  to  see  its  citizens  adopt 
individually  the  views,  the  interests,  and  the 
conduct  which  their  country  should  pursue,  di 
vesting  themselves  of  those  passions  and  par 
tialities  which  tend  to  lessen  useful  friendships, 
and  to  embarrass  and  embroil  us  in  the  calam 
itous  scenes  of  Europe.  Confident  that  you  will 
duly  estimate  the  importance  of  neutral  dis 
positions  toward  the  observance  of  neutral  con 
duct,  that  you  will  be  sensible  how  much  it  is 
our  duty  to  look  on  the  bloody  arena  spread 
before  us  with  commiseration  indeed,  but  with 
no  other  wish  than  to  see  it  closed,  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  cordially  cherish  these  dis 
positions  in  all  discussions  among  yourselves, 
and  in  all  communications  with  your  constit 
uents  ;  and  I  anticipate  with  satisfaction  the 
measures  of  wisdom  which  the  great  interests 
now  committed  to  you  will  give  you  an  oppor 
tunity  of  providing,  and  myself  that  of  approv 
ing  and  carrying  into  execution  with  the  fidelity 
I  owe  to  my  country. — THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,  27.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  272.  (Oct.  1803.) 

5835.  NEUTRALITY,  Enemy  goods.— 

Another  source  of  complaint  with  Mr.  Genet 
has  been  that  the  English  take  French  goods 
out  of  American  vessels,  which  he  says  is 
against  the  law  of  nations  and  ought  to  be 
prevented  by  us.  On  the  contrary,  we  suppose 
it  to  have  been  long  an  established  principle  of 
the  law  of  nations,  that  the  goods  of  a  friend 
are  free  in  an  enemy's  vessel,  and  an  enemy's 
goods  lawful  prize  in  the  vessel  of  a  friend. 
The  inconvenience  of  this  principle  which  sub 
jects  merchant  vessels  to  be  stopped  at  sea, 
searched,  ransacked,  led  out  of  their  course, 
has  induced  several  nations  latterly  to  stipulate 
against  it  by  treaty,  and  to  substitute  another 
in  its  stead,  that  free  bottoms  shall  make  free 
goods,  and  enemy  bottoms  enemy  goods  ;  a  rule 
equal  to  the  other  in  point  of  loss  and  gain, 
but  less  oppressive  to  commerce.  As  far  as  it 
has  been  introduced,  it  depends  on  the  treaties 
stipulating  it,  and  forms  exceptions,  in  special 
cases,  to  the  general  operation  of  the  law  of  na 
tions.  We  have  introduced  it  into  our  treaties 
with  France,  Holland  and  Prussia ;  and  French 
goods  found  by  the  two  latter  nations  in  Amer 
ican  bottoms  are  not  made  prize  of.  It  is  our 
wish  to  establish  it  with  other  nations.  But 
this  requires  their  consent  also,  is  a  work  of 
time,  and  in  the  meanwhile,  they  have  a  right 
to  act  on  the  general  principle,  without  giving 
to  us  or  to  France  cause  of  complaint.  Nor  do 
I  see  that  France  can  lose  by  it  on  the  whole. 
For  though  she  loses  her  goods  when  found  in 
our  vessels  by  the  nations  with  whom  we  have 
no  treaties,  yet  she  gains  our  goods,  when  found 
in  the  vessels  of  the  same  and  all  other  nations  ; 
and  we  believe  the  latter  mass  to  be  greater  than 
the  former. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  Iv,  43. 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  387.  (Pa.,  Aug.  1793.) 

5836. .  It  is  to  be  lamented,  in 
deed,  that  the  general  principle  has  operated  so 
cruelly  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  has  lately 
happened  in  St.  Domingo.  The  miserable  fugi 
tives,  who,  to  save  their  lives,  had  taken  asylum 
in  our  vessels.,  with  such  valuable  and  portable 
things  as  could  be  gathered  in  the  moment  out 
of  the  ashes  of  their  houses  and  wrecks  of  their 
fortunes,  have  been  plundered  of  these  remains 


Neutrality 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


626 


by  the  licensed  sea  rovers  of  their  enemies. 
This  has  swelled,  on  this  occasion.,  the  disad 
vantages  of  the  general  principle,  that  "  an  en 
emy's  goods  are  free  prize  in  the  vessels  of  a 
friend  ".  But  it  is  one  of  those  deplorable  and 
unforeseen  calamities  to  which  they  expose  them 
selves  who  enter  into  a  state  of  war,  furnishing 
to  us  an  awful  lesson  to  avoid  it  by  justice  and 
moderation,  and  not  a  cause  of  encouragement 
to  expose  our  own  towns  to  the  same  burning 
and  butcheries,  nor  of  complaint  because  we 
do  not. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iv,  44.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  387.  (Pa.,  Aug.  1793.)  See  ENEMY 
GOODS. 

5837.  NEUTRALITY,  Fraudulent  use 
of  flag. — As  there  appears  *  *  *  a  prob 
ability  of  a  very  general  war  in  Europe,  you 
will  be  pleased  to  be  particularly  attentive  to 
preserve  for  our  vessels  all  the  rights  of  neu 
trality,  and  to  endeavor  that  our  flag  be  not 
usurped  by  others  to  procure  to  themselves  the 
benefits  of  our  neutrality.  This  usurpation 
tends  to  commit  us  with  foreign  nations,  to  sub 
ject  those  vessels  truly  ours  to  rigorous  scru 
tinies  and  delays,  to  distinguish  them  from 
counterfeits,  and  to  take  the  business  of  trans 
portation  out  of  our  hands. — To  DAVID  HUM 
PHREYS,  iii,  533.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  205.  (Pa.,  1793.) 


5838. 


It  will  be  necessary  for 


all  our  public  agents  to  exert  themselves  with 
vigilance  for  securing  to  our  vessels  all  the 
rights  of  neutrality. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  iii, 
535-  (Pa.,  I793-)  See  FLAG. 

5839.  NEUTRALITY,  The  Grange  cap 
ture.— The  capture  of  the  British  ship 
Grange,  by  the  French  frigate  L'Embuscade,  has 
been  found  to  have  taken  place  within  the 
:  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States 
*  *  *  .  The  government,  is,  therefore,  ta 
king  measures  for  the  liberation  of  the  crew 
and  restitution  of  the  ship  and  cargo. — To 
GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  559.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  253. 
(Pa.,  May  1793.) 

5840. : — .     The  government  deems 

the  capture  [of  the  Grange]  to  have  been  un 
questionably  within  its  jurisdiction,  and  that 
according  to  the  rules  of  neutrality  and  the 
protection  it  owes  to  all  persons  while  within  its 
limits,  it  is  bound  to  see  that  the  crew  be  liber 
ated,  and  the  vessel  and  cargo  restored  to  their 
former  owners.  *  I  am,  in  consequence, 

charged  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  express  to  you  his  expectation,  and  at  the 
same  time  his  confidence,  that  you  will  be 
pleased  to  take  immediate  and  effectual  meas 
ures  for  having  the  ship  Grange  and  her  cargo 
restored  to  the  British  owners,  and  the  persons 
taken  on  board  her  set  at  liberty. — To  JEAN 
BAPTISTS  TERNANT.  iii,  561.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
256.  (Pa.,  May  15,  1793.) 


5841. 


In  forming  these  deter 


minations  [respecting  Grange,  &c.,]  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  has  listened  to 
nothing  but  the  dictates  of  immutable  justice  ; 
they  consider  the  rigorous  exercise  of  that 
virtue  as  the  surest  means  of  preserving  perfect 
harmony  between  the  United  States  and  the 
powers  at  war. — To  JEAN  BAPTISTE  TERNANT. 
iii,  562.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  257.  (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

5842.  NEUTRALITY,    Impartial.— -Our 

conduct  as  a  neutral  nation  is  marked  out  in 
our  treaties  with  France  and  Holland,  two  of 
the  belligerent  powers  ;  and  as  the  duties  of  neu 
trality  require  an  equal  conduct  to  both  parties, 
we  should,  on  that  ground,  act  on  the  same 


principles  towards  Great  Britain. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  iii,  551.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  243.  (Pa., 
May  1793.) 

5843.  .      A     manly     neutrality, 

claiming  the  liberal  rights  ascribed  to  that  con 
dition  by  the  very  powers  at  war,  was  the  part 
we  should  have  taken,  and  would,  I  believe, 
have  given  satisfaction  to  our  allies.  If  any 
thing  prevents  its  being  a  mere  English  neu 
trality,  it  will  be  that  the  penchant  of  the  Presi 
dent  is  not  that  way,  and  above  all,  the  ardent 
spirit  of  our  constituents. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iii,  557.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  251.  (May  1793.) 

5844. .     The  line  is  now  drawn 

so  clearly  as  to  show  on  one  side,  i.  The  fash 
ionable  circles  of  Philadelphia,  New  York. 
Boston  and  Charleston  (natural  aristocrats). 
2.  Merchants  trading  on  British  capital.  3. 
Paper  men  (all  the  old  tories  are  found  in  some 
one  of  the  three  descriptions).  On  the  other 
side  are,  i.  Merchants  trading  on  their  own 
capital.  2.  Irish  merchants.  3.  Tradesmen, 
mechanics,  farmers,  and  every  other  possible 
description  of  our  citizens. — To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  iii,  557.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  251.  (May  1793.) 

5845. .  I  trust  that  in  the  readi 
ness  with  which  the  United  States  have  at 
tended  to  the  redress  of  such  wrongs  as  are 
committed  by  their  citizens,  or  within  their 
jurisdiction,  you  will  see  proofs  of  their  jus 
tice  and  impartiality  to  all  parties,  and  that  it 
will  ensure  to  their  citizens  pursuing  their  law 
ful  business  by  sea  or  by  land,  in  all  parts  of 
the  world,  a  like  efficacious  interposition  of 
the  governing  powers  to  protect  them  from  in 
jury,  and  redress  it,  where  it  has  taken  place. 
With  such  dispositions  on  both  sides,  vigi 
lantly  and  faithfully  carried  into  effect,  we  may 
hope  that  the  blessings  of  peace,  on  the  one 
part,  will  be  as  little  impaired,  and  the  evils 
of  war  on  the  other,  as  little  aggravated,  as  the 
nature  of  things  will  permit;  and  that  this 
should  be  so,  is,  we  trust,  the  prayer  of  all. — 
To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iii,  559.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
254.  (Pa.,  I793-) 

5846 .  The  course  intended  to 

be  pursued  being  that  of  a  strict  and  impartial 
neutrality,  decisions,  rendered  by  the  President 
on  that  principle,  dissatisfy  both  parties,  and 
draw  complaints  from  both. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS,  iii,  580.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  299.  (Pa., 
June  1793.) 

5847. .     It  will  never  be  easy  to 

convince  me  that  by  a  firm  yet  just  conduct  in 
1793,  we  might  not  have  obtained  such  a  respect 
for  our  neutral  rights  from  Great  Britain,  as 
that  her  violations  of  them  and  use  of  our 
means  to  wage  her  wars,  would  not  have  fur 
nished  any  pretence  to  the  other  party  to  do  the 
same.  War  with  both  would  have  been  avoided, 
commerce  and  navigation  protected  and  en 
larged.  We  shall  now  either  be  forced  into  a 
war,  or  have  our  commerce  and  navigation  at 
least  totally  annihilated,  and  the  produce  of 
our  farms  for  some  years  left  to  rot  on  our 
hands.  A  little  time  will  unfold  these  things, 
and  show  which  class  of  opinions  would  have 
been  most  friendly  to  the  firmness  of  our  gov 
ernment,  and  to  the  interests  of  those  for  whom 
it  was  made. — To  DR.  JOHN  EDWARDS,  iv,  165. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  113.  (M.,  Jan.  1797.) 

5848. .     It  is  to  be  deplored  that 

distant  as  we  are  from  the  storms  and  con 
vulsions  which  agitate  the  European  world,  the 
pursuit  of  an  honest  neutrality,  beyond  the 
reach  of  reproach,  has  been  insufficient  to 


627 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Neutrality 


secure  to  us  the  certain  enjoyments  of  peace 
with  those  whose  interests  as  well  as  ours 
would  be  promoted  by  it. — R.  TO  A.  NEW 
JERSEY  LEGISLATURE,  viii,  122.  (1807.) 

5849. .     I   verily  believe  that  it 

will  ever  be  in  our  power  to  keep  so  even  a 
stand  between  England  and  France,  as  to  in 
spire  a  wish  in  neither  to  throw  us  into  the 
scale  of  his  adversary.  If  we  can  do  this  for 
a  dozen  years  only,  we  shall  have  little  to  fear 
from  them.— To  MR.  COXE.  v,  58.  (W., 
1807.) 

5850. .  Neither  belligerent  pre 
tends  to  have  been  injured  by  us,  or  can 
say  that  we  have  in  any  instance  departed  from 
the  most  faithful  neutrality. — R.  TO  A.  VIR 
GINIA  ASSEMBLY,  viii,  148.  (1809.) 

5851. .    A    law    respecting    our 

conduct  as  a  neutral  between  Spain  and  her 
contending  colonies  was  passed  [by  the  late 
Congress]  by  a  majority  of  one  only,  I  believe, 
and  against  the  very  general  sentiment  of  our 
country.  It  is  thought  to  strain  our  complais 
ance  to  Spain  beyond  her  right  or  merit,  and 
almost  against  the  right  of  the  other  party, 
and  certainly  against  the  claims  they  have  to 
our  good  wishes  and  neighborly  relations.  That 
we  should  wish  to  see  the  people  of  other 
countries  free,  is  as  natural,  and,  at  least  as 
justifiable,  as  that  one  king  should  wish  to  see 
the  kings  of  other  countries  maintained  in  their 
despotism.  Right  to  both  parties,  innocent 
favor  to  the  juster  cause,  is  our  proper  senti 
ment. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  vii,  78.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  90.  (M.,  1817.) 

5852.  NEUTRALITY,   Markets   and.— 

If  the  new  government  wears  the  front  which 
I  hope  it  will,  I  see  no  impossibility  in  the  avail 
ing  ourselves  of  the  wars  of  others  to  open  the 
other  parts  of  America  [West  Indies]  to  our 
commerce,  as  the  price  of  our  neutrality. — To 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  533.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
57-  (P.,  1788.) 

5853. .    With  England,   I  think 

we  shall  cut  off  the  resource  of  impressing  our 
seamen  to  fight  her  battles,  and  establish  the 
inviolability  of  our  flag  in  its  commerce  with 
her  enemies.  We  shall  thus  become  what  we 
sincerely  wish  to  be,  honestly  neutral,  and  truly 
useful  to  both  belligerents.  To  the  one,  by 
keeping  open  market  for  the  consumption  of  her 
manufactures,  while  they  are  excluded  from  all 
the  other  countries  under  the  power  of  her 
enemy ;  to  the  other,  by  securing  for  her  a  safe 
carriage  of  all  her  productions,  metropolitan  or 
colonial,  while  her  own  means  are  restrained  by 
her  enemy,  and  may,  therefore,  be  employed  in 
other  useful  pursuits.  We  are  certainly  more 
useful  friends  to  France  and  Spain  as  neutrals, 
than  as  allies. — To  JAMES  BOWDOIN.  v,  18. 
(W.,  1806.)  See  COMMERCE,  MARKETS,  and 
NAVIGATION. 

5854.  NEUTRALITY,    Obligations    of. 

— Where  [treaties]  are  silent,  the  general 
principles  of  the  law  of  nations  must  give  the 
rule  [of  neutral  obligation].  I  mean  the  princi 
ples  of  that  law  as  they  have  been  liberalized  in 
latter  times  by  the  refinement  of  manners  and 
morals,  and  evidenced  by  the  declarations,  stipu 
lations,  and  practice  of  every  civilized  nation. — 
To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  551.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
243.  (Pa.,  May  1793-) 

5855.  NEUTRALITY,      Passage     of 
troops. — It  is  well  enough  agreed  in  the  laws 
of  nations,  that  for  a  neutral  power  to  give  or 


refuse  permission  to  the  troops  of  either  bellig 
erent  party  to  pass  through  their  territory,  is  no 
breach  of  neutrality,  provided  the  same  refusal 
or  permission  be  extended  to  the  other  party. 
If  we  give  leave  of  passage  then  to  the  British 
troops,  Spain  will  have  no  just  cause  of  com 
plaint  against  us,  provided  we  extend  the  same 
leave  to  her  when  demanded.  If  we  refuse  (as 
indeed  we  have  a  right  to  do),  and  the  troops 
should  pass  notwithstanding,  of  which  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  we  shall  stand  committed.  For 
either  we  must  enter  immediately  into  the  war, 
or  pocket  an  acknowledged  insult  in  the  face  of 
the  world ;  and  one  insult  pocketed  soon  pro 
duces  another.  There  is,  indeed,  a  middle 
course  which  I  should  be  inclined  to  prefer ; 
that  is  to  avoid  giving  any  answer.  They  will 
proceed  notwithstanding,  but  to  do  this  under 
our  silence,  will  admit  of  palliation,  and  pro 
duce  apologies,  from  military  necessity ;  and 
will  leave  us  free  to  pass  it  over  without  dis 
honor,  or  to  make  it  a  handle  of  quarrel  here 
after,  if  we  should  have  use  for  it  as  such.  But, 
if  we  are  obliged  to  give  an  answer,  I  think  the 
occasion  not  such  as  should  induce  us  to  hazard 
that  answer  which  might  commit  us  to  the  war 
at  so  early  a  stage  of  it ;  and,  therefore,  that  the 
passage  should  be  permitted.  If  they  should 
pass  without  having  asked  leave,  I  should  be 
for  expressing  our  dissatisfaction  to  the  British 
court,  and  keeping  alive  an  altercation  on  the 
subject,  till  events  should  decide  whether  it  is 
most  expedient  to  accept  their  apologies,  or  to 
profit  of  the  aggression  as  a  cause  of  war. — 
OFFICIAL  OPINION,  vii,  509.  FORD  ED.,  v,  239. 
(1790.) 

5856.  NEUTRALITY,     Passports     for 
vessels. — The  proposition  to  permit  all  our 
vessels    destined    for    any    port    in    the    French 
West  India  Islands  to  be  stopped,   unless  fur 
nished  with  passports  from  yourself,   is  so  far 
beyond   the   powers    of   the    Executive,    that    it 
will  be  unnecessary  to  enumerate  the  objections 
to  which  it  would  be  liable.— To  E.  C.  GENET. 
iv,  88.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  460.     (Pa.,  Nov.  1793.) 

5857.  NEUTRALITY,   Preserving.— 

Amidst  the  confusion  of  a  general  war  which 
seems  to  be  threatening  that  quarter  of  the  globe 
[Europe],  we  hope  to  be  permitted  to  preserve 
the  line  of  neutrality. — To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,  iii, 
535.  (Pa.,  March  1793.) 

5858. .     I  wish  we  may  he  able 

to  repress  the  spirit  of  the  people  within  the 
limits  of  a  fair  neutrality. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iii,  548.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  238.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

5859. .  You  may,  on  every  occa 
sion,  give  assurances  [to  the  British  govern 
ment]  which  cannot  go  beyond  the  real  desires 
of  this  country,  to  preserve  a  fair  neutrality 
in  the  present  war,  on  condition  that  the  rights 
of  neutral  nations  are  respected  in  us,  as  they 
have  been  settled  in  modern  times,  either  by 
the  express  declarations  of  the  powers  of  Eu 
rope,  or  their  adoption  of  them  on  particular 
occasions. — To  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.  iii,  542. 
(Pa.,  April  I793-) 

5860.  -  — .  We  shall  be  a  little  em 

barrassed  occasionally  till  we  feel  ourselves 
firmly  seated  in  the  saddle  of  neutrality. — To 
GEORGE  WYTHE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  218.  (Pa.,  April 
I793-) 

5861. .  I  fear  that  a  fair  neu 
trality  will  prove  a  disagreeable  pill  to  our 
friends  [the  French],  though  necessary  to  keep 
out  of  the  calamities  of  a  war. — To  JAMES 
MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  232.  (Pa.,  April  1793.) 


Neutrality 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


628 


5862. .      No     country,     perhaps, 

was  ever  so  thoroughly  against  war  as  ours. 
These  dispositions  pervade  every  description 
of  its  citizens,  whether  in  or  out  of  office. 
They  cannot,  perhaps,  suppress  their  affections, 
nor  their  wishes.  But  they  will  suppress  the 
effects  of  them  so  as  to  preserve  a  fair  neu 
trality.  Indeed  we  shall  be  more  useful  as  neu 
trals  than  as  parties,  by  the  protection  which 
our  flag  will  give  to  supplies  of  provisions.  In 
this  spirit  let  all  your  assurances  be  given  to 
the  government  [of  France]. — To  GOUVERNEUR 
MORRIS.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  217.  (Pa.,  April  I793-) 

5863. .     If  we  preserve   even  a 

sneaking  neutrality,  we  shall  be  indebted  for  it 
to  the  President,  and  not  to  his  counsellors. — 
To  COLONEL  MONROE,  iii,  548.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
239.  (Pa.,  May  I793-) 

5864.  NEUTRALITY,  Profitable.— The 

great  harvest  for  [the  profits  of  navigation]  is 
when  other  nations  are  at  war  and  our  flag 
neutral. — OPINION  ON  SHIP  PASSPORTS,  vii, 
625-  (I793-) 

5865. .     Let    us    milk    the    cow 

while  the  Russian  holds  her  by  the  horns  and 
the  Turk  holds  her  by  the  tail. — To  JOHN 
ADAMS,  vii,  245.  FORD  ED.,  x,  217.  (M., 
1822.) 

5866.  NEUTRALITY,  Provisions  not 
contraband. — This  article*  is  so  manifestly 
contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  that  nothing 
more  would  seem  necessary  than  to  observe  that 
it  is  so.  Reason,  and  usage  have  established 
that  when  two  nations  go  to  war,  those  who 
choose  to  live  in  peace  retain  their  natural 
right  to  pursue  their  agriculture,  manufactures, 
and  other  ordinary  vocations,  to  carry  the  prod 
uce  of  their  industry  for  exchange  to  all  na 
tions,  belligerent  or  neutral,  as  usual,  to  go  and 
come  freely,  without  injury  or  molestation,  and, 
in  short,  that  the  war  among  others  shall  be, 
for  them,  as  if  it  did  not  exist.  One  restriction 
on  their  natural  rights  has  been  submitted  to 
by  nations  at  peace ;  that  is  to  say,  that  of 
not  furnishing  to  either  party  implements 
merely  of  war,  for  the  annoyance  of  the  other, 
nor  anything  whatever  to  a  place  blockaded  by 
its  enemy.  What  these  implements  of  war  are, 
has  been  so  often  agreed  and  is  so  well  under 
stood,  as  to  leave  little  question  about  them 
at  this  day.  There  does  not  exist,  perhaps, 
a  nation  in  our  common  hemisphere  which  has 
not  made  a  particular  enumeration  of  them, 
in  some  or  all  of  their  treaties,  under  the  name 
of  contraband.  It  suffices  for  the  present  oc 
casion,  to  say,  that  corn  flour  and  meal,  are 
not  of  the  class  of  contraband,  and  consequent 
ly  remain  articles  of  free  commerce.  A  cul 
ture,  which,  like  that  of  the  soil,  gives  employ 
ment  to  such  a  proposition  of  mankind,  could 
never  be  suspended  by  the  whole  earth,  or  in 
terrupted  for  them,  whenever  any  two  nations 
should  think  proper  to  go  to  war. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  iv,  59.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  413.  (Pa., 
Sept.  I793-) 

5867. .  The  state  of  war  exist 
ing  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  furnishes 
no  legitimate  right  either  to  interrupt  the  agri 
culture  of  the  United  States,  or  the  peaceable 
exchange  of  its  produce  with  all  nations ;  and 

*  Instructions  to  commanders  of  British  war  ships 
directing  them  to  stop  vessels  carrying  provisions  to 
French  ports,  and  send  them  to  English  ports  where 
their  cargoes  may  be  purchased  by  that  government, 
or  released  on  security  that  they  will  be  taken  to 
the  ports  of  some  country  in  amity  with  Great 
Britain.— EDITOR. 


consequently,  the  assumption  of  it  will  be  as 
lawful  hereafter  as  now,  in  peace  as  in  war. 
No  ground,  acknowledged  by  the  common  rea 
son  of  mankind,  authorizes  this  act  now,  and 
unacknowledged  ground  may  be  taken  at  any 
time  and  all  times.  We  see,  then,  a  practice 
begun,  to  which  no  time,  no  circumstances  pre 
scribe  any  limits,  and  which  strikes  at  the  root 
of  our  agriculture,  that  branch  of  industry 
which  gives  food,  clothing  and  comfort  to  the 
great  mass  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  States. 
If  any  nation  whatever  has  a  right  to  shut  up 
to  our  produce  all  the  ports  of  the  earth  except 
her  own,  and  those  of  her  friends,  she  may  shut 
up  these  also,  and  so  confine  us  within  our  own 
limits.  No  nation  can  subscribe  to  such  pre 
tensions  ;  no  nation  can  agree,  at  the  mere  will 
or  interest  of  another,  to  have  its  peaceable  in 
dustry  suspended,  and  its  citizens  reduced  to 
idleness  and  want.  The  loss  of  our  produce, 
destined  for  foreign  markets,  or  that  loss  which 
would  result  from  an  arbitrary  restraint  of  our 
markets,  is  a  tax  too  serious  for  us  to  ac 
quiesce  in.  It  is  not  enough  for  a  nation  to  say, 
we  and  our  friends  will  buy  your  produce.  We 
have  a  right  to  answer,  that  it  suits  us  better  to 
sell  to  their  enemies  as  well  as  their  friends. 
Our  ships  do  not  go  to  France  to  return  empty. 
They  go  to  exchange  the  surplus  of  our  prod 
uce,  which  we  can  spare,  for  surpluses  of  other 
kinds,  which  they  can  spare,  and  we  want ; 
which  they  can  furnish  on  better  terms,  and 
more  to  our  mind,  than  Great  Britain  or  her 
friends.  We  have  a  right  to  judge  for  our 
selves  what  market  best  suits  us,  and  they  have 
none  to  forbid  to  us  the  enjoyment  of  the  neces 
saries  and  comforts  which  we  may  obtain  from 
any  other  independent  country. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  iv,  60.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  413.  (Pa., 
Sep.  I793-) 

5868. .  This  act,  too,  tends  di 
rectly  to  draw  us  from  that  state  of  peace  in 
which  we  are  wishing  to  remain.  It  is  an  essen 
tial  character  of  neutrality  to  furnish  no  aids  (not 
stipulated  by  treaty)  to  one  party,  which  we  are 
not  equally  ready  to  furnish  to  the  other.  If 
we  permit  corn  to  be  sent  to  Great  Britain  and 
her  friends,  we  are  equally  bound  to  permit  it 
to  France.  To  restrain  it,  would  be  a  partiality 
which  might  lead  to  war  with  France ;  and,  be 
tween  restraining  it  ourselves,  and  permitting 
her  enemies  to  restrain  it  unrightfully,  is  no  dif 
ference.  She  would  consider  this  as  a  mere 
pretext,  of  which  she  would  not  be  the  dupe ; 
and  on  what  honorable  ground  could  we  other 
wise  explain  it?  Thus  we  should  see  ourselves 
plunged,  by  this  unauthorized  act  of  Great 
Britain,  into  a  war  with  which  we  meddle  not, 
and  which  we  wish  to  avoid,  if  justice  to  all 
parties,  and  from  all  parties,  will  enable  us  to 
avoid  it.  In  the  case  where  we  found  ourselves 
obliged,  by  treaty,  to  withhold  from  the  enemies 
of  France  the  right  of  arming  in  our  ports,  we 
thought  ourselves  in  justice  bound  to  withhold 
the  same  right  from  France  also.,  and  we  did  it. 
Were  we  to  withhold  from  her  supplies  of  pro 
visions,  we  should,  in  like  manner,  be  bound 
to  withhold  them  from  her  enemies  also ;  and 
thus  shut  to  ourselves  all  the  ports  of  Europe, 
where  corn  is  in  demand,,  or  make  ourselves 
parties  in  the  war.  This  is  a  dilemma,  which 
Great  Britain  has  no  right  to  force  upon  us, 
and  for  which  no  pretext  can  be  found  in  any 
part  of  our  conduct.  She  may,  indeed,  feel  the 
desire  of  starving  an  enemy  nation  ;  but  she  can 
have  no  right  of  doing  it  at  our  loss,  nor  of  ma 
king  us  the  instruments  of  it. — To  THOMAS 
PINCKNEY.  iv,  61.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  414.  (Pa., 
Sep.  I793-) 


629 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Neutrality 


5869.  NEUTRALITY,  Public  vessels.— 
The  public  ships  of  war  of  both  nations  [France 
and  England]  enjoy  a  perfect  equality  in  our 
ports  ;  first,  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity ;  sec 
ondly,  in  cases  of  comfort  or  convenience ;  and 
thirdly,  in  the  time  they  choose  to  continue ; 
and  all  a  friendly  power  can  ask  from  an 
other  is,  to  extend  to  her  the  same  indulgences 
which  she  extends  to  other  friendly  powers. — 
To  GEORGE  HAMMOND,  iv,  66.  FORD  ED.,  vi, 
423.  (Pa.,  1793.)  See  ASYLUM. 

5870. .     The  bringing  vessels  to, 

of  whatever  nation,  while  within  the  limits  of 
the  protection  of  the  United  States,  will  be 
pointedly  forbidden ;  the  government  being 
firmly  determined  to  enforce  a  peaceable  de 
meanor  among  all  the  parties  within  those 
limits,  and  to  deal  to  all  the  same  impartial 
measure. — To  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA,  in, 
564.  (Pa.,  May  I793-)  ' 

5871.  —        — .     Mr.  Thornton's  attempt 
to  justify  his  nation  in  using  our  ports  as  cruis 
ing  stations  on  our  friends  and  ourselves,  ren 
ders  the  matter  so  serious  as  to  call,  I  think,  for 
answer.     That  we  ought,  in  courtesy  and  friend 
ship,  to  extend  to  them  all  the  rights  of  hospi 
tality  is  certain  ;  that  they  should  not  use  our 
hospitality  to  injure  our  friends  or  ourselves  is 
equally  enjoined  by  morality  and  honor.     After 
the  rigorous  exertions  we  made  in  Genet's  time 
to  prevent  this  abuse  on  his  part,  and  the  in 
dulgences    extended    by     Mr.    Adams    to    the 
British  cruisers  even  after  our  pacification  with 
France,  by  ourselves  also  from  an  unwillingness 
to  change  the  course  of  things  as  the  war  was 
near  its  close,   I   did  not  expect  to  hear  from 
that   quarter   charges   of   partiality. — To   JAMES 
MADISON,     iv,   501.     (M.,  Aug.    1803.) 

5872.  — .     I  do  not  think  the  loan 

of   our  navy  yard   any  more  contrary  to   neu 
trality    than    that   of   our   ports.     It    is    merely 
admitting    a    ship    to    a   proper   station    in    our 
waters. — To    JAMES    MADISON.     FORD    ED.,   viii, 
475.     (M.,  Sep.   1806.) 

5873. .     Several    French    vessels 

of  war,  disabled  from  keeping  the  sea,  *  *  * 
put  into  the  harbors  of  the  United  States  to 
avoid  the  danger  of  shipwreck.  The  minister 
of  their  nation  states  that  their  crews  are  with 
out  resources  for  subsistence,  and  other  neces 
saries,  for  the  reimbursement  of  which  he  offers 
bills  on  his  government,  the  faith  of  which  he 
pledges  for  their  punctual  payment.  The  laws 
of  humanity  make  it  a  duty  for  nations,  as 
well  as  individuals,  to  succor  those  whom  acci 
dent  and  distress  have  thrown  upon  them.  By 
doing  this  in  the  present  case,  to  the  extent  of 
mere  subsistence  and  necessaries,  and  so  as  to 
aid  no  military  equipment,  we  shall  keep  within 
the  duties  of  rigorous  neutrality,  which  never 
can  be  in  opposition  to  those  of  humanity.  We 
furnished,  on  a  former  occasion,  to  a  distressed 
crew  of  the  other  belligerent  party,  similar  ac 
commodations,  and  we  have  ourselves  received 
from  both  those  powers,  friendly  and  free  sup 
plies  to  the  necessities  of  our  vessels  of  war  in 
their  Mediterranean  ports.  In  fact,  the  gov 
ernments  of  civilized  nations  generally  are  in 
the  practice  of  exercising  these  offices  of  hu 
manity  towards  each  other.  Our  government 
having  as  yet  made  no  regular  provision  for  the 
exchange  of  these  offices  of  courtesy  and  hu 
manity  between  nations,  the  honor,  the  inter 
est,  and  the  duty  of  our  country  require  that  we 
should  adopt  any  other  mode  by  which  it  may 
legally  be  done  on  the  present  occasion.  It 
is  expected  that  we  shall  want  a  large  sum  of 


money  in  Europe,  for  the  purposes  of  the  pres 
ent  negotiation  with  Spain,  and  besides  this  we 
want  annually  large  sums  there,  for  the  dis 
charge  of  our  installments  of  debt.  Under 
these  circumstances,  supported  by  the  unani 
mous  opinion  of  the  heads  of  Departments, 
*  *  *  and  firmly  trusting  that  the  govern 
ment  of  France  will  feel  itself  peculiarly  in 
terested  in  the  punctual  discharge  of  the  bills 
drawn  by  their  Minister,  *  *  *  I  approve 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  treasury's  taking  the 
bills  of  the  Minister  of  France,  to  an  amount 
not  exceeding  sixty  thousand  dollars. — To  AL 
BERT  GALLATIN.  v,  35.  (W.,  Jan.  1807.) 

5874. .  Armed  vessels  remain 
ing  within  our  jurisdiction  in  defiance  of  the 
authority  of  the  laws,  must  be  viewed  either  as 
rebels,  or  public  enemies.  The  latter  character' 
it  is  most  expedient  to  ascribe  to  them ;  the 
laws  of  intercourse  with  persons  of  that  descrip 
tion  are  fixed  and  known.  If  we  relinquish 
them  we  shall  have  a  new  code  to  settle  with 
those  individual  offenders,  with  whom  self-re 
spect  forbids  any  intercourse  but  merely  for 
purposes  of  humanity. — To  GOVERNOR  W.  H. 
CABELL.  v,  170.  (M.,  1807.) 

5875.  NEUTRALITY,      Bights.— The 

doctrine  that  the  rights  of  nations  remain 
ing  quietly  under  the  exercise  of  moral  and 
social  duties,  are  to  eive  way  to  the  convenience 
of  those  who  prefer  plundering  and  murdering 
one  another,  is  a  monstrous  doctrine  ;  and  ought 
to  yield  to  the  more  rational  law,  that  "  the 
wrongs  which  two  nations  endeavor  to  inflict 
on  each  other,  must  not  infringe  on  the  rights 
or  conveniences  of  those  remaining  at  peace  ". 
— To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  410.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  90.  (M.,  1801.) 

5876.  -  — .     It  would  indeed  be  ad 
vantageous  to  us  to  have  neutral  rights  estab 
lished  on  a  broad  ground  ;   but  no  dependence 
can   be   placed   in    any   European   coalition    for 
that.     They   have   so   many   other   bye-interests 
of  greater  weight,  that  some  one  or  other  will 
always   be   bought   off.     To   be   entangled   with 
them    would    be    a    much    greater    evil    than    a 
temporary   acquiescence   in  the   false  principles 
which    have    prevailed. — To    WILLIAM    SHORT. 
iv,  414.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  98.     (W.,   1801.) 

5877. .     With     respect     to     the 

rights  of  neutrality,  we  have  certainly  a  great 
interest  in  their  settlement.  But  this  depends 
exclusively  on  the  will  of  two  characters,  Bona 
parte  and  Alexander.  The  dispositions  of  the 
former  to  have  them  placed  on  liberal  grounds 
are  known.  The  interest  of  the  latter  should 
insure  the  same  disposition.  The  only  thing 
to  be  done  is  to  bring  the  two  characters  to 
gether  to  treat  on  the  subject.  All  the  minor 
maritime  powers  of  Europe  will  of  course  con 
cur  with  them.  We  have  not  failed  to  use  such 
means  as  we  possess  to  induce  these  two 
sovereigns  to  avail  the  world  of  its  present  sit 
uation  to  declare  and  enforce  the  laws  of  nature 
and  convenience  on  the  seas.  But  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  treaty-making  power  by  our  Con 
stitution  is  too  particular  for  us  to  commit  the 
nation  in  so  great  an  operation  with  all  the 
European  powers.  With  such  a  federal  pha 
lanx  in  the  Senate,  compact  and  vigilant  for 
opportunities  to  do  mischief,  the  addition  of  a 
very  few  other  votes,  misled  by  accidental  or 
imperfect  views  of  the  subject,  would  suffice  to 
commit  us  most  dangerously.  All  we  can  do, 
therefore,  is  to  encourage  others  to  declare  and 
guarantee  neutral  rights,  by  excluding  all  in 
tercourse  with  any  nation  which  infringes  them, 
and  so  leave  a  niche  in  their  compact  for  us,  if 


Neutrality 


THE  JEFFERSON1AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


630 


our  treaty-making  power  shall  choose  to  occupy 
it. — To  THOMAS  PAINE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  437. 
(W.,  March  1806.) 

5878. .      The     license     to     four 

British  vessels  to  sail  to  Lima  proves  that  bellig 
erents  may,  either  by  compact  or  force,  conduct 
themselves  towards  one  another  as  they  please ; 
but  not  that  a  neutral  may,  unless  by  some  ex 
press  permission  of  the  belligerent. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  FORD  EDV  viii,  466.  (M.,  Aug.  1806.) 

5879. .     It  is  all  important  that 

we  should  stand  in  terms  of  the  strictest  cor 
diality  with  France.  In  fact,  we  are  to  depend 
on  her  and  Russia  for  the  establishment  of 
neutral  rights  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  among 
which  should  be  that  of  taking  no  persons  by  a 
belligerent  put  of  a  neutral  ship,  unless  they 
be  the  soldiers  of  an  enemy. — To  JAMES  Bow- 
DOIN.  v,  64.  FORD  EDV  ix,  40.  (W.,  April  1807.) 

5880. .     The    instructions    given 

to  our  ministers   [to  England]   were  framed  in 
the   sincerest   spirit   of   amity   and   moderation. 
They     accordingly     proceeded,     in     conformity 
therewith,  to  propose  arrangements  which  might 
embrace  and  settle  all  the  points  in  difference 
between  us,  which  might  bring  us  to  a  mutual 
understanding    on    our    neutral    and    national 
rights,  and  provide  for  a  commercial  intercourse 
on  conditions  of  some  eouality.     After  long  and 
fruitless    endeavors   to    effect   the    purposes    of 
their  mission,  and  to  obtain  arrangements  with 
in   the   limits   of   their   instructions,   they   con 
cluded  to  sign  such  as  could  be  obtained.,  and 
to    send   them    for    consideration,    candidly    de 
claring  to   the   other   negotiators,   at  the   same 
time,    that   they   were   acting   against  their   in 
structions,  and  that  their  government,  therefore, 
could  not  be  pledged  for  ratification.     Some  of 
the  articles  proposed  might  have  been  admitted 
on  a  principle  of  compromise,  but  others  were 
too    highly    disadvantageous,    and    no    sufficient 
provision  was  made  against  the  principal  source 
of  the  irritations  and  collisions  which  were  con 
stantly   endangering  the  neace   of  the  two   na 
tions.      The     question,     therefore,     whether     a 
treaty   shotild   be   accepted   in   that  form   could 
have  admitted  but  of  one  decision,  even  had  no 
declarations    of    the    other   party    impaired   our 
confidence  in  it.     Still  anxious  not  to  close  the 
door   against   friendly   adjustment,   new   modifi 
cations   were    framed,    and   further   concessions 
authorized   than   could   before   have   been   sup 
posed   necessary ;    and   our   ministers   were    in 
structed  to  resume  their  negotiations  on  these 
grounds.     On   this    new   reference   to    amicable 
discussion,    we    were    reposing    in    confidence, 
when  or*  the  22nd  day  of  June  last,  by  a  formal 
order    from    the    British    admiral,    the    frigate 
Chesapeake,  leaving  her  port  for  distant  serv 
ice,    was    attacked    by    one    of    those    vessels 
which  had  been  lying  in  our  harbors  under  the 
indulgences    of   hospitality,   was   disabled   from 
proceeding,  had  several  of  her  crew  killed,  and 
four  taken  away. — SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE. 
viii,   83.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   150.      (Oct.   27,    1807.) 
See  CHESAPEAKE. 

5881. .    The  nations  of  the  earth 

prostrated  at  the  foot  of  power,  the  ocean 
submitted  to  the  despotism  of  a  single  nation, 
the  laws  of  nature  and  the  usages  which  have 
hitherto  regulated  the  intercourse  of  nations 
and  interposed  some  restraint  between  power 
and  right,  now  totally  disregarded.  Such  is  the 
state  of  things  when  the  United  States  are  left 
single-handed  to  maintain  the  rights  of  neutrals, 
and  the  principles  of  public  right  against  a  war 
ring  world. — R.  TO  A.  NIAGARA  REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  155.  (1809.) 


5882. .    When  two  nations  go  to 

war,  it  does  not  abridge  the  rights  of  neutral 
nations  but  in  the  two  articles  of  blockade  and 
contraband  of  war. — To  BENJAMIN  STODDERT. 
v,  425.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  245.  (W.,  1809.)  See 
A.LEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA  and  EMBARGO. 

5883.  NEUTRALITY,  Sale  of  arms.— 

The  manufacture  of  arms  is  the  occupation 
and  livelihood  of  some  of  our  citizens ;  and 
*  *  it  ought  not  to  be  expected  that  a 
war  among  other  nations  should  produce  such 
an  internal  derangement  of  the  occupations  of 
a  nation  at  peace,  as  the  suppression  of  a 
manufacture  which  is  the  support  of  some  of 
its  citizens ;  but  *  *  *  if  they  should  ex 
port  these  arms  to  nations  at  war,  they  would 
be  abandoned  to  the  seizure  and  confiscation 
which  the  law  of  nations  authorized  to  be  made 
of  them  on  the  high  seas. — To  E.  C.  GENET,  iv, 
87.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  460.  (Pa.,  Nov.  1793.)  See 
BELLIGERENTS. 

_  NEUTRALITY,   Sale  of  ships.— See 

BELLIGERENTS. 

5884.  NEUTRALITY,  Treasury  De 
partment  and. — Hamilton  produced  [at  a 
cabinet  meeting]  the  draft  of  a  letter  by  him 
self  to  the  collectors  of  the  customs,  giving 
them  in  charge  to  watch  over  all  proceedings 
in  their  districts,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  neu 
trality,  or  tending  to  infract  our  peace  with  the 
belligerent  powers,  and  particularly  to  observe 
if  vessels  pierced  for  guns  should  be  built,  and 
to  inform  him  of  it.  This  was  objected  to,  i. 
As  setting  up  a  system  of  espionage,  destructive 
of  the  peace  of  society.  2.  Transferring  to  the 
Treasury  Department  the  conservation  of  the 
laws  of  neutrality  and  peace  with  foreign  na 
tions.  3.  It  was  rather  proposed  to  intimate  to 
the  judges  that  the  laws  respecting  neutrality 
being  now  come  into  activity,  they  should 
charge  the  grand  juries  with  the  observance  of 
them ;  these  being  constitutional  and  public 
informers,  and  the  persons  accused  knowing  of 
what  they  should  do,  and  having  an  opportunity 
of  justifying  themselves.  E.  R.  [Edmund  Ran 
dolph]  found  a  hair  to  split,  which,  as  always 
happens,  became  the  decision.  Hamilton  is  to 
write  to  the  collectors  of  the  customs,  who  are 
to  convey  their  information  to  the  attorneys  of 
the  district  to  whom  E.  R.  is  to  write  to  receive 
their  information  and  proceed  by  indictment. 
The  clause  respecting  the  building  vessels 
pierced  for  guns  was  omitted,  for  though  three 
against  one  thought  it  would  be  a  breach  of 
neutrality,  yet  they  thought  we  might  defer 
giving  a  public  opinion  on  it  as  yet. — To  JAMES 
MADISON,  iii,  556.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  250.  (May 
I793-) 

5885. .  I  have  been  still  reflect 
ing  on  the  draft  of  the  letter  from  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  the  custom  house  of 
ficers,  instructing  them  to  be  on  the  watch  as 
to  all  infractions  or  tendencies  to  infraction 
of  the  laws  of  neutrality  by  our  citizens,  and  to 
communicate  the  same  to  him.  When  this 
paper  was  first  communicated  to  me,  though  the 
whole  of  it  struck  me  disagreeably,  I  did  not  in 
the  first  moment  see  clearly  the  improprieties 
but  of  the  last  clause.  The  more  I  have  re 
flected,  the  more  objectionable  the  whole  ap 
pears.  By  this  proposal  the  collectors  of  the 
customs  are  to  be  made  an  established  corps 
of  spies  or  informers  against  their  fellow 
citizens,  whose  actions  they  are  to  watch  in 
secret,  inform  against  in  secret  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  who  is  to  communicate  it 


63 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Neutrality 


to  the  President.  If  the  action  and  evidence  ap 
pear  to  justify  a  prosecution,  a  prosecution  is 
to  be  set  on  foot  on  the  secret  information  of 
a  collector.  If  it  will  not  justify  it,  then  the 
only  consequence  is  that  the  mind  of  govern 
ment  has  been  poisoned  against  a  citizen, 
neither  known  nor  suspecting  it,  and  perhaps 
too  distant  to  bring  forward  his  justification. 
This  will  at  least  furnish  the  collector  with  a 
convenient  weapon  to  keep  down  a  rival,  draw 
a  cloud  over  an  inconvenient  censor,  or  satisfy 
mere  malice  and  private  enmity.  The  object 
of  this  new  institution  is  to  be  to  prevent  in 
fractions  of  the  laws  of  neutrality,  and  pre 
serve  our  peace  with  foreign  nations  ;  but  I  can 
not  possibly  conceive  how  the  superintend 
ence  of  the  laws  of  neutrality,  or  the  preserva 
tion  of  our  peace  with  foreign  nations  can  be 
ascribed  to  the  department  of  the  Treasury, 
which  I  suppose  to  comprehend  merely  matters 
of  revenue.  It  would  be  to  add  a  new  and  a 
large  field  to  a  department  already  amply  pro 
vided  with  business,  patronage,  and  influence. 
It  was  urged  as  a  reason  that  the  collectors  of 
the  customs  are  in  convenient  positions  for 
this  espionage.  They  are  in  convenient  posi 
tions,  top,  for  building  ships  of  war ;  but  will 
that  business  be  transplanted  from  its  depart 
ment,  merely  because  it  can  be  conveniently 
done  in  another?  It  seemed  the  desire  that  if 
this  means  was  disapproved,  some  other  equiv 
alent  might  be  adopted.  Though  we  consider 
the  acts  of  a  foreigner  making  a  captive  within 
our  limits,  as  an  act  of  public  hostility,  and 
therefore  to  be  turned  over  to  the  military 
rather  than  the  civil  power;  yet  the  acts  of 
our  citizens  infringing  the  laws  of  neutrality,  or 
contemplating  that,  are  offences  against  the 
ordinary  laws  and  cognizable  by  them.  Grand 
juries  are  the  constitutional  inquisitors  and  in 
formers  of  the  country ;  they  are  scattered 
everywhere,  see  everything,  see  it  while  they 
suppose  themselves  mere  private  persons,  and 
not  with  the  prejudiced  eye  of  a  permanent  and 
systematic  spy.  Their  information  is  on  oath, 
is  public,  it  is  in  the  vicinage  of  the  party 
charged,  and  can  be  at  once  refuted.  These  of 
ficers  taken  only  occasionally  from  among  the 
people,  are  familiar  to  them,  the  office  respected, 
and  the  experience  of  centuries  has  shown 
that  it  is  safely  entrusted  with  our  character, 
property  and  liberty.  A  grand  juror  cannot 
carry  on  systematic  persecution  against  a 
neighbor  whom  he  hates,  because  he  is  not 
permanent  in  the  office.  The  judges  generally, 
by  a  charge,  instruct  the  grand  jurors  in  the 
infractions  of  law  which  are  to  be  noticed  by 
them ;  and  our  judges  are  in  the  habit  of 
printing  their  charges  in  the  newspapers.  The 
judges,  having  notice  of  the  proclamation,  will 
perceive  that  the  occurrence  of  a  foreign  war 
has  brought  into  activity  the  laws  of  neutrality, 
as  a  part  of  the  law  of  the  land.  This  new 
branch  of  the  law  they  will  know  needs  ex 
planation  to  the  grand  juries  more  than  any 
other.  They  will  study  and  define  the  subjects 
to  them  and  to  the  public.  The  public  mind 
will  by  this  be  warned  against  the  acts  which 
may  endanger  our  peace,  foreign  nations  will 
see  a  much  more  respectable  evidence  of  our 
bona  fide  intentions  to  preserve  neutrality,  and 
society  will  be  relieved  from  the  inquietude 
which  must  forever  be  excited  by  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  existence  of  such  a  poison  in  it  as 
secret  accusation.  It  will  be  easy  to  suggest 
this  matter  to  the  attention  of  the  judges,  and 
that  alone  puts  the  whole  machine  into  motion. 
The  one  is  a  familiar,  impartial  and  precious 
instrument ;  the  other,  not  popular  in  its  present 
functions,  will  be  odious  in  the  new  ones,  and 


the  odium  will  reach  the  Executive,  who  will 
be  considered  as  having  planted  a  germ  of  pri 
vate  inquisition  absolutely  unknown  to  our 
laws. — To  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  iii,  553.  FORD 
F.D.,  vi,  245.  (May  I793-) 

5886.  NEUTRALITY,     Usurpation     of 

jurisdiction.— The  United  States  being  at 
peace  with  both  parties,  will  certainly  not  see 
with  indifference  its  territory  or  jurisdiction 
violated  by  [France  or  England]  either,  and 
will  proceed  immediately  to  enquire  into  the 
facts  and  to  do  what  these  shall  show  ought  to 
be  done  with  exact  impartiality. — To  GEORGE 
HAMMOND.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  236.  (Pa.,  May 
I793-) 

5887. .     It  is  the  right  of  every 

nation  to  prohibit  acts  of  sovereignty  from  be 
ing  exercised  by  any  other  within  its  limits; 
and  the  duty  of  a  neutral  nation  to  prohibit  such 
as  would  injure  one  of  the  warring  powers. — 
To  E.  C.  GENET,  iii,  572.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  283. 
(Pa.,  June  1793.)  See  CONSULS,  GENET,  and 
PRIVATEERS. 

5888.  NEUTRALITY,   Violations  of.— 

Since  our  last  meeting  the  aspect  of  our  foreign 
relations  has  considerably  changed.  Our  coasts 
have  been  infested  and  our  harbors  watched  by 
private  armed  vessels,  some  of  them  without 
commissions,  some  with  illegal  commissions, 
others  with  those  of  legal  form  but  committing 
piratical  acts  beyond  the  authority  of  their 
commissions.  They  have  captured  in  the  very 
entrance  of  our  harbors,  as  well  as  on  the  high 
seas,  not  only  the  vessels  of  our  friends  coming 
to  trade  with  us,  but  our  own  also.  They  have 
carried  them  off  under  pretence  of  legal  ad 
judication,  but  not  daring  to  approach  a  court 
of  justice,  they  have  plundered  and  sunk  them 
by  the  way,  or  in  obscure  places  where  no  evi 
dence  could  arise  against  them  ;  maltreated  the 
crews,  and  abandoned  them  in  boats  in  the 
open  sea,  or  on  desert  shores  without  food  or 
covering.  These  enormities  appearing  to  be 
unreached  by  any  control  of  their  sovereigns, 
I  found  it  necessary  to  equip  a  force  to  cruise 
within  our  own  seas,  to  arrest  all  vessels  of 
these  descriptions  found  hovering  on  our  coast 
within  the  limits  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  and  to 
bring  the  offenders  in  for  trial  as  pirates.  The 
same  system  of  hovering  on  our  coasts,  and 
harbors  under  color  of  seeking  enemies,  has 
been  also  carried  on  by  public  armed  ships, 
to  the  great  annoyance  and  oppression  of  our 
commerce.  New  principles,  too,  have  been  in 
terpolated  into  the  law  of  nations,  founded 
neither  in  justice,  nor  the  usage,  or  acknowl 
edgment  of  nations.  According  to  these,  a 
belligerent  takes  to  itself  a  commerce  with  its 
own  enemy,  which  it  denies  to  a  neutral  on  the 
ground  of  its  aiding  that  enemy  in  the  war. 
But  reason  revolts  at  such  an  inconsistency ; 
and  the  neutral  having  equal  right  with  the 
belligerent  to  decide  the  question,  the  interest 
of  our  constituents  and  the  duty  of  maintain 
ing  the  authority  of  reason,  the  only  umpire 
between  just  nations,  impose  on  us  the  obliga 
tion  of  providing  an  effectual  and  determined 
opposition  to  a  doctrine  so  injurious  to  the 
rights  of  peaceable  nations.  Indeed,  the  con 
fidence  we  ought  to  have  in  the  justice  of 
others,  still  countenances  the  hope  that  a 
sounder  view  of  those  rights  will  of  itself  induce 
from  every  belligerent  a  more  correct  observ 
ance  of  them. — FIFTH  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  viii, 
47.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  389.  (Dec.  1805.) 

5889.  NEUTRALITY     PROCLAMA 
TION,  History  of.— The  public  papers  giv- 


Neutrality 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


632 


ing  us  reason  to  believe  that  the  war  is  becom 
ing  nearly  general  in  Europe,  and  that  it  has 
already  involved  nations  with  which  we  are  in 
daily  habits  of  commerce  and  friendship,  the 
President  has  thought  it  proper  to  issue  the 
Proclamation  of  which  I  enclose  you  a  copy, 
in  order  to  mark  out  to  our  citizens  the  line  of 
conduct  they  are  to  pursue.  That  this  in 
timation,  however,  might  not  work  to  their 
prejudice,  by  being  produced  against  them  as 
conclusive  evidence  of  their  knowledge  of  the 
existence  of  war  and  of  the  nations  engaged  in 
it,  in  any  case  where  they  might  be  drawn  into 
courts  of  justice  for  acts  done  without  that 
knowledge,  it  has  been  thought  necessary  to 
write  to  the  representatives  of  the  belligerent 
powers  here,  *  *  *  reserving  to  our  citizens 
those  immunities  to  which  they  are  entitled,  till 
authentic  information  shall  be  given  to  our 
government  by  the  parties  at  war,  and  be  thus 
communicated,  with  due  certainty,  to  our  citi 
zens.  You  will  be  pleased  to  present  to  the 
government  where  you  reside  this  proceeding  of 
the  President,  as  a  proof  of  the  earnest  desire 
of  the  United  States  to  preserve  peace  and 
friendship  with  all  the  belligerent  powers,  and 
to  express  his  expectation  that  they  will  in  re 
turn  extend  a  scrupulous  and  effectual  protec 
tion  to  all  our  citizens,  wheresoever  they  may 
need  it,  in  pursuing  their  lawful  and  peaceable 
concerns  with  their  subjects,  or  within  their 
jurisdiction.  You  will,  at  the  same  time,  assure 
them  that  the  most  exact  reciprocation  of  this 
benefit  shall  be  practiced  by  us  towards  their 
subjects,  in  the  like  cases.  —  To  MESSRS.  MOR 
RIS,  PINCKNEY  and  SHORT,  iii,  543.  (Pa.,  April 
26,  I793-) 

5890.  --  .     I  dare  say  you  will  have 
judged  from  the  pusillanimity  of  the  proclama 
tion,  from  whose  pen  it  came.     A  fear  lest  any 
affection    [to   France]    should  be   discovered   is 
distinguishable    enough.      This    base    fear    will 
produce  the  very  evil  they  wish  to  avoid.f  For 
our    constituents,    seeing   that   the    government 
does    not    express    their   mind,    perhaps    rather 
leans  the  other  way,  are  coming  forward  to  ex 
press   it  themselves.  —  To   JAMES   MADISON,    iii, 
562.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  259.     (Pa.,  May  1793.) 

5891.  --  .      The     proclamation     as 
first  proposed  was  to  have  been  a  declaration 
of  neutrality.    It  was  opposed  on  these  grounds. 
i.  That    a    declaration    of    neutrality    was    a 
declaration  there  should  be  no  war,  to  which 
the    Executive    was    not    competent.      2.  That 
it  would  be  better  to  hold  back  the  declaration 
of  neutrality,  as  a  thing  worth  something  to  the 
powers  at  war  ;  that  they  would  bid  for  it,  and 
we  might  reasonably  ask  a  price,  the  broadest 
privileges  of  neutral  nations.     The  first  objec 
tion  was  so  far  respected  as  to  avoid  inserting 
the   term   neutrality,   and   the   drawing   the    in 
strument  was  left  to  E.  R.  [Edmund  Randolph]. 
—  To  JAMES   MADISON,    iii,   591.     FORD  ED.,  vi, 
315. 


5892.  --  .    That  there  should  be  a 
proclamation  was  passed  unanimously  with  the 
approbation  or  the  acquiescence  of  all  parties. 
Indeed,  it  was  not  expedient  to  oppose  it  alto 
gether,   lest  it   should  prejudice  what  was  the 
next  question,  the  boldest  and  greatest  that  ever 
was  hazarded,  and  which  would  have  called  for 
extremities  had  it  prevailed.  —  To  JAMES   MAD 
ISON.   iii,  591.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  316.     (June  I793-) 

5893.  --  .   You  have  most  perfectly 
seized   the   original   idea   of   the   proclamation. 
When  first  proposed   as  a  declaration   of  neu 
trality,  it  was  opposed,  first,  because  the  Execu 


tive  had  no  power  to  declare  neutrality.  Sec 
ondly,  as  such  a  declaration  would  be  prema 
ture,  and  would  lose  us  the  benefit  for  which  it 
might  be  bartered.  It  was  urged  that  there 
was  a  strong  impression  in  the  minds  of  many 
that  they  were  free  to  join  in  the  hostilities  on 
the  side  of  France.  Others  were  unapprised  of 
the  danger  they  would  be  exposed  to  in  carry 
ing  contraband  goods.  It  was,  therefore,  agreed 
that  a  proclamation  should  issue,  declaring  that 
we  were  in  a  state  of  peace  with  all  the  parties, 
admonishing  the  people  to  do  nothing  contra 
vening  it,  and  putting  them  on  their  guard  as 
to  contraband.  On  this  ground  it  was  accepted 
or  acquiesced  in  by  all  [the  cabinet],  and  E.  R. 
[Edmund  Randolph]  who  drew  it,  brought  to 
me  the  draft,  to  let  me  see  there  was  no  such 
word  as  ^neutrality  in  it.  Circumstances  forbid 
other  criticism.  The  public,  however,  soon  took 
it  up  as  a  declaration  of  neutrality,  and  it  came 
to  be  considered  at  length  as  such. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  17.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  346.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

5894 .     "  On   the   declaration   of 

war  between  France  and  England,  the  United 
States  being  at  peace  with  both,  their  situation 
was  so  new  and  unexperienced  by  themselves, 
that  their  citizens  were  not,  in  the  first  instant, 
sensible  of  the  new  duties  resulting  therefrom, 
and  of  the  laws  it  would  impose  even  on  their 
dispositions  towards  the  belligerent  powers. 
Some  of  them  imagined  (and  chiefly  their 
transient  sea-faring  citizens)  that  they  were 
free  to  indulge  those  dispositions,  to  take  side 
with  either  party,  and  enrich  themselves  by 
depredations  on  the  commerce  of  the  other,  and 
were  meditating  enterprises  of  this  nature,  as 
was  said.  In  this  state  of  the  public  mind,  and 
before  it  should  take  an  erroneous  direction 
difficult  to  be  set  right,  and  dangerous  to  them 
selves  and  their  country,  the  President  thought 
it  expedient,  by  way  of  Proclamation,  *  to  re 
mind  our  fellow-citizens  that  we  were  in  a  state 
of  peace  with  all  the  belligerent  powers ;  that 
in  that  state  it  was  our  duty  neither  to  aid  nor 
injure  any ;  to  exhort  and  warn  them  against 
ac£s  which  might  contravene  this  duty,  and  par 
ticularly  those  of  positive  hostility,  for  the 
punishment  of  which  the  laws  would  be  ap 
pealed  to,  and  to  put  them  on  their  guard  also 
as  to  the  risks  they  would  run  if  they  should 
attempt  to  carry  articles  of  contraband  to  any. 
Very  soon  afterwards  we  learnt  that  Genet  was 
undertaking  the  fitting  and  arming  vessels  in 
that  port  [Charleston],  enlisting  men,  foreign 
ers  and  citizens,  and  giving  them  commissions 
to  commit  hostilities  against  nations  at  peace 
with  us ;  that  these  vessels  were  taking  and 
bringing  prizes  into  our  ports  ;  that  the  consuls 
of  France  were  assuming  to  hold  courts  of  ad 
miralty  on  them,  to  try,  condemn  and  authorize 
their  sale  as  legal  prizes,  and  all  this  before 
Mr.  Genet  had  presented  himself  or  his  creden 
tials  to  the  President,  before  he  was  received 
by  him,  without  his  consent  or  consultation,  and 
directly  in  contravention  of  the  state  of  peace 
existing  and  declared  to  exist  in  the  President's 
proclamation,  and  which  it  was  incumbent  on 
him  to  preserve  till  the  constitutional  au- 

*  In  sending  this  explanation  of  the  intention  of 
the  proclamation  to  Madison,  Jefferson  wrote  :  "  Hav 
ing  occasion  to  state  it  (the  intention,  &c.)  in  a 
Eaper  which  I  am  preparing,  I  have  done  it  in  the 
allowing  [above  quoted]  terms.  Edmund  Randolph 
called  on  me  just  as  I  had  finished  so  far  [within  the 
quotation  marks],  and  he  said  it  presented  fairly  his 
view  of  the  matter.  He  recalled  to  my  mind  that  I 
had,  at  the  time,  opposed  its  being  made  a  declara 
tion  of  neutrality,  on  the  ground  that  the  Executive 
was  not  the  competent  authority  for  that,  and,  there 
fore,  that  it  was  agreed  the  instrument  should  be 
drawn  with  great  care."— EDITOR. 


633 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Neutrality 
New  Orleans 


thority  should  otherwise  declare.  These  pro 
ceedings  became  immediately,  as  was  naturally 
to  be  expected,  the  subject  of  complaint  by  the 
representative  here  of  that  power  against  whom 
they  would  chiefly  operate."  This  was  the  true 
sense  of  the  proclamation  in  the  view  of  the 
draftsman  and  of  the  two  signers ;  but  H. 
[Hamilton]  had  other  views.  The  instrument 
was  badly  drawn,  and  made  the  President  go 
out  of  his  line  to  declare  things  which,  though 
true,  it  was  not  his  province  to  declare.  The 
instrument  was  communicated  to  me  after  it 
was  drawn,  but  I  was  busy,  and  only  ran  an  eye 
over  it  to  see  that  it  was  not  made  a  declaration 
of  neutrality,  and  gave  it  back  again,  without, 
I  believe,  changing  a  tittle. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  iv,  29.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  368.  (Aug.  1793.) 

5895.  -  — .     You    will    see    a    piece 

signed  "  Pacificus "  [Alexander  Hamilton]  in 
defence  of  the  proclamation.  You  will  readily 
know  the  pen.  I  know  it  the  more  readily  be 
cause  it  is  an  amplification  only  of  the  topics 
urged  in  discussing  the  question  [in  cabinet] 
when  first  proposed.  The  right  of  the  Executive 
to  declare  that  we  are  not  bound  to  execute 
the  guarantee  [to  France]  was  then  advanced 
by  him  and  denied  by  me.  No  other  opinion 
was  expressed  on  it.  In  this  paper  he  repeats 
it,  and  even  considers  the  proclamation  as  such 
a  declaration ;  but  if  anybody  intended  it  as 
such  (except  himself)  they  did  not  then  say 
so.  The  passage  beginning  with  the  words, 
*'  the  answer  to  this  is,"  &c.,  is  precisely  the 
answer  he  gave  at  the  time  to  my  objection, 
that  the  Executive  had  no  authority  to  issue 
a  declaration  of  neutrality,  nor  to  do  more  than 
declare  the  actual  state  of  things  to  be  that  of 
peace.  "  For  until  the  new  government  is 
acknowledged  the  treaties,  &c.,  are,  of  course, 
suspended."  This,  also,  is  the  sum  of  his  argu 
ments  the  same  day  on  the  great  question 
which  followed  that  of  the  proclamation,  to  wit, 
whether  the  Executive  might  not,  and  ought 
not  to  declare  the  [French]  treaties  suspended. 
*  *  *  Upon  the  whole,  my  objections  to  the 
competence  of  the  Executive  to  declare  neu 
trality  (that  being  understood  to  respect  the 
future)  were  supposed  to  be  got  over  by  avoid 
ing  the  use  of  that  term.  The  declaration  of 
the  disposition  of  the  United  States  can  hardly 
be  called  illegal,  though  it  was  certainly  of 
ficious  and  improper.  The  truth  of  the  fact 
lent  it  some  cover.  My  objections  to  the 
impolicy  of  a  premature  declaration  were  an 
swered  by  such  arguments  as  timidity  would 
reasonably  suggest.  I  now  think  it  extremely 
possible  that  Hammond  might  have  been  in 
structed  to  have  asked  it,  and  to  offer  the 
broadest  neutral  privileges,  as  the  price,  which 
was  exactly  the  price  I  wanted  that  we  should" 
contend  for.  But  is  it  not  a  miserable  thing 
that  the  three  heresies  I  have  quoted  from 
this  paper,  should  pass  unnoticed  and  unan 
swered,  as  these  certainly  will,  for  none  but 
mere  bunglers  and  brawlers  have  for  some 
time  past  taken  the  trouble  to  answer  any 
thing? — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  327. 
(June  1793.) 

5896. .  The  real  milk  and  water 

views  of  the  proclamation  appeared  to  me 
to  have  been  truly  given  in  a  piece  pub 
lished  in  the  papers  soon  after  [it  was  issued], 
and  which  I  knew  to  be  E.  R.'s  [Edmund  Ran 
dolph's]  from  its  exact  coincidence  with  what 
he  has  expressed. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  328.  (1703.) 

-  NEW  ENGLAND,  Secession  of.— See 
SECESSION. 


5897.  NEW  HAMPSHIRE,  Opinion  in. 

— The  public  sentiment  in  New  Hampshire 
is  no  longer  progressive  in  any  direction ; 
*  *  *  it  is  dead  water. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
FORD  EDV  vii,  343.  (Pa.,  Feb.  1799.) 

5898.  NEW     HAMPSHIRE,  Republic 
anism  in. — Although  we  have  not  yet  got  a 
majority  into  the  fold  of  republicanism  in  your 
State,    yet    one    long    pull    more    will    effect    it, 

*  unless  it  be  true,  as  is  sometimes  said, 
that  New  Hampshire  is  but  a  satellite  of  Massa 
chusetts.  In  this  last  State,  the  public  senti 
ment,  seems  to  be  under  some  influence  addi 
tional  to  that  of  the  clergy  and  lawyers.  I 
suspect  there  must  be  a  leaven  of  State  pride  at 
seeing  itself  deserted  by  the  public  opinion, 
and  that  their  late  popular  song  of  "  Rule  New 
England  "  betrays  one  principle  of  their  present 
variance  from  the  Union.  But  I  am  in  hopes 
they  will  in  time  discover  that  the  shortest  road 
to  rule  is  to  join  the  majority. — To  JOHN  LANG- 
DON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  161.  (W.,  June  1802.) 

-  NEW  HAVEN,  Remonstrance.-— See 
BISHOP. 

5899.  NEW    JERSEY,    Republicanism 

in- — Jersey  is  coming  majestically  round  to 
the  true  principles. — To  T.  LOMAX.  iv,  300. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.  (M.,  March  1799.) 

5900.  NEW    ORLEANS,    Battle    of.— I 

am  glad  we  closed  our  war  with  the  eclat  of 
the  action  at  New  Orleans. — To  MARQUIS  LA 
FAYETTE,  vi,  427.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  510.  (M., 
1815.) 

5901. .  Peace  was  indeed  desir 
able  ;  yet  it  would  not  have  been  as  welcome 
without  the  successes  of  New  Orleans.  These 
last  have  established  truths  too  important  not 
to  be  valued  ;  that  the  people  of  Louisiana  are 
sincerely  attached  to  the  Union  ;  that  their  city 
can  be  defended;  that  the  Western  States 
make  its  defence  their  peculiar  concern ;  that 
the  militia  are  brave;  that  their  deadly  aim 
countervails  the  manoeuvring  skill  of  the 
enemy  ;  that  we  have  officers  of  natural  genius 
now  starting  forward  from  the  mass ;  and  that 
putting  together  all  our  conflicts,  we  can  beat 
the  British  by  sea  and  by  land,  with  equal  num 
bers. — To  GENERAL  DEARBORN,  vi.  450.  (M.. 
1815.) 

5902. .  The  affair  of  New  Or 
leans  was  fraught  with  useful  lessons  to  our 
selves,  our  enemies,  and  our  friends,  and  will 
powerfully  influence  our  future  relations  with 
the  nations  of  Europe.  It  will  show  them  we 
mean  to  take  no  part  in  their  wars,  and  count 
no  odds  when  engaged  in  our  own. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON,  vi,  453,  FORD  ED.,  ix,  512.  (M., 
1815.) 

5903. .     It  may  be  thought  that 

useless  blood  was  spilt  at  New  Orleans,  after 
the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  actually  signed. 
I  think  it  had  many  valuable  uses.  It  proved 
the  fidelity  of  the  Orleanese  to  the  United 
States.  It  proved  that  New  Orleans  can  be  de 
fended  both  by  land  and  water;  that  the  West 
ern  country  will  fly  to  its  relief  (of  which  our 
selves  had  doubted  before)  ;  that  our  militia  are 
heroes  when  they  have  heroes  to  lead  them 
on ;  and  that,  when  unembarrassed  by  field 
evolutions,  which  they  do  not  understand,  their 
skill  in  the  fire-arm,  and  deadly  aim,  give  them 
advantage  over  regulars. — To  W.  H.  CRAW 
FORD,  vi,  420.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  504.  (M.,  1815.) 
See  FEDERALISTS. 


New  Orleans 
New  York  City 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


634 


_  NEW  ORLEANS,  Batture  Case.— See 
BATTURE. 

5904.  NEW  ORLEANS,  Right  of  de 
posit. — We  state  in  general  the  necessity,  not 
only  of  our  having  a  port  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river  (without  which  we  could  make  no  use  of 
the  navigation  at  all)  but  of  its  being  so  well 
separated  from  the  territories  of  Spain  and  her 
jurisdiction,  as  not  to  engender  daily  disputes 
and  broils  between  us.  It  is  certain,  that  if 
Spain  were  to  retain  any  jurisdiction  over  our 
entrepot,  her  officers  would  abuse  that  jurisdic 
tion,  and  our  people  would  abuse  their  privi 
leges  in  it.  Both  parties  must  foresee  this, 
and  that  it  will  end  in  war.  Hence  the  neces 
sity  of  a  well-defined  separation.  Nature  has 
decided  what  shall  be  the  geography  of  that  in 
the  end,  whatever  it  might  be  in  the  beginning, 
by  cutting  off  from  the  adjacent  countries  of 
Florida  and  Louisiana,  and  enclosing  between 
two  of  its  channels,  a  long  and  narrow  strip  of 
land,  called  the  Island  of  New  Orleans.  The 
idea  of  ceding  this  could  not  be  hazarded  to 
Spain,  in  the  first  step ;  it  would  be  too  dis 
agreeable  at  first  view ;  because  this  island,  with 
its  town,  constitutes  at  present,  their  principal 
settlement  in  that  part  of  their  dominions,  con 
taining  about  ten  thousand  white  inhabitants  of 
every  age  and  sex.  Reason  and  events,  how 
ever,  may  by  little  and  little,  familiarize  them 
to  it.  That  we  have  a  right  to  some  spot  as  an 
entrepot  for  our  commerce,  may  be  at  once  af 
firmed.  The  expediency,  too,  may  be  expressed 
of  so  locating  it  as  to  cut  off  the  source  of 
future  quarrels  and  wars.  A  disinterested  eye, 
looking  on  a  map,  will  remark  how  conveniently 
this  tongue  of  land  is  formed  for  the  purpose. — 
To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  178.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
219.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

5905. .     Observe  always,  that  to 

accept  the  navigation  of  the  river  without  an 
entrepot  would  be  perfectly  useless,  and  that  an 
entrepot,  if  trammelled,  would  be  a  certain  in 
strument  for  bringing  on  war  instead  of  pre 
venting  it. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iii,  228. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  305.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

5906. .    To  conclude  the  subject 

of  navigation,  each  of  the  following  conditions 
is  to  be  considered  by  the  Commissioners  [to 
Spain]  as  a  sine  qua  non.  i.  That  our  right 
be  acknowledged  of  navigating  the  Mississippi 
in  its  whole  breadth  and  length,  from  its  source 
to  the  sea,  as  established  by  the  treaty  of  1763. 

2.  That  neither  the  vessels,  cargoes,  or  the  per 
sons  on  board,  be  stopped,  visited,  or  subjected 
to  the  payment  of  any  duty  whatsoever ;  or,  if 
a  visit  must  be  permitted,  that  it  be  under  such 
restrictions  as  to  produce  the  least  possible  in 
convenience.     But  it  should  be  altogether  avoid 
ed,  if  possible,  as  the  parent  of  perpetual  broils. 

3.  That  such  conveniences  be  allowed  us  ashore, 
as  may  render  our  right  of  navigation  practi 
cable  and  under  such  regulations  as  may  bond 
fide    respect    the    preservation    of    peace    and 
order  alone,  and  may  not  have  in  object  to  em 
barrass  our  navigation,   or  raise  a  revenue  on 
it.  * — MISSISSIPPI    RIVER    INSTRUCTIONS.      vir, 
585.     FORD  ED.,  v,  475.     (1792.) 

*  "  The  right  of  navigation  (of  the  Mississippi)  was 
conceded  by  the  treaty  of  i7Q5,  and  with  it  a  right  to 
the  free  use  of  the  port  of  New  Orleans  upon  reason 
ably  satisfactory  terms  for  a  period  of  three  years, 
and  thereafterward  until  some  equally  convenient 
harbor  should  be  allotted.  The  credit  of  this  ulti 
mate  achievement  was  Mr.  Jefferson's,  none  the  less 
because  the  treaty  was  not  signed  until  he  had  retired 
from  office.  It  was  really  his  statesmanship  which 
had  secured  it,  not  only  in  spite  of  the  natural  repug 
nance  of  Spain,  but  also  in  spite  of  the  obstacles  in- 


5907.  NEW  ORLEANS,  Suspension  of 
right. — The  suspension  of  the  right  of  de 
posit  at  New  Orleans,  ceded  to  us  by  our  treaty 
with  Spain,  threw  our  whole  country  into  such 
a  ferment  as  imminently  threatened  its  peace. 
This,  however,  was  believed  to  be  the  act  of 
the  Intendant,  unauthorized  by  his  government. 
But  it  showed  the  necessity  of  making  effectual 
arrangements  to  secure  the  peace  of  the  two 
countries  against  the  indiscreet  acts  of  subordi 
nate  agents. — To  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv, 
456.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  204.  (W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

5908. .  The  government  of  Spain 

has  instantly  redressed  the  infraction  of  treaty 
by  her  Intendant  at  New  Orleans.  *  *  * 
By  a  reasonable  and  peaceable  process  we  have 
obtained  in  four  months,  what  would  have  cost 
us  seven  years  of  war,  100,000  human  lives,  100 
millions  of  additional  debt,  besides  ten  hundred 
millions  lost  by  the  want  of  market  for  our 
produce,  or  depredations  on  it  in  seeking  mar 
kets,  and  the  general  demoralizing  of  our  citi 
zens  which  war  occasions. — To  JOHN  BACON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  229.  (W.,  April  1803.)  See 
LOUISIANA  and  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  NAVIGATION. 

5909.  NEW  YORK,  Politics  of  .—I  have 
been  much  pleased  to  see  a  dawn  of  change  in 
the  spirit  of  your  State  [New  York].  The  late 
elections  have  indicated  something,  which,  at 
a  distance,  we  do  not  understand.  However, 
what  with  the  English  influence  in  the  lower, 
and  the  Patroon  influence  in  the  upper  part  of 
your  State,  I  presume  little  is  to  be  hoped. — To 
AARON  BURR,  iv,  186.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  147. 
(Pa.,  June  I797-) 

5910. .     New    York    is    coming 

majestically  round  to  the  true  principles. — To 
T.  LOMAX.  iv,  300.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  374.  (M., 
March  1799.) 

5911.  NEW    YORK    CITY,    Depravity 

in. — New  York,  like  London,  seems  to  be  a 
cloacina  of  all  the  depravities  of  human  nature. 
— To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  310.  (M.,  1823.) 

5912.  NEW    YORK    CITY,    Washing 
ton's    defence.— The  maxim   laid  down  by 
Congress  to  their  generals  was  that  not  a  foot 
of  territory  was  to  be  ceded  to  their  enemies 
where  there  was  a  possibility  of  defending  it. 
In  consequence  of  these  views,  and  against  his 
own  judgment,  General  Washington  was  obliged 
to  fortify  and  attempt  to  defend  the  city  of  New 
York.     But  that  could  not  be  defended  without 
occupying   the    heights    on    Long    Island   which 
commanded   the   city   of   New   York.     He   was, 
therefore,  obliged  to  establish  a  strong  detach 
ment  in   Long  Island  to   defend  those  heights. 
The  moment  that  detachment  was  routed,  which 
he  had  much  expected,  his  first  object  was  to 
withdraw    them,    and    his    second    to    evacuate 
New  York.     He  did  this,  therefore,  immediate 
ly,   and  without  waiting  any  movement  of  the 
enemy.     He    brought    off    his    whole    baggage, 
stores,   and   other  implements,   without  leaving 
a  single  article  except  the  very  heaviest  of  his 
cannon,  and  things  of  little  value.     I  well  re 
member  his  letter  to  Congress,  wherein  he  ex 
pressed  his  wonder  that  the  enemy  had  given 
him  this  leisure,  as,  from  the  heights  they  had 
got   possession   of,   they   might   have   compelled 
him  to  a  very  precipitate  retreat.     This  was  one 
of  the  instances  where  our  commanding  officers 

directly  thrown  in  his  way  in  the  earlier  stages  by 
many  persons  in  the  United  States,  who  privately 
gave  the  Spanish  minister  to  understand  that  the 
country  cared  little  about  the  Mississippi,  and  would 
not  support  the  Secretary  in  his  demands."— 
MORSE'S  Life  of  Jefferson. 


635 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


News 
Newspapers 


were  obliged  to  conform  to  popular  views, 
though  they  foresaw  certain  loss  from  it.  Had 
he  proposed  at  first  to  abandon  New  York,  he 
might  have  been  abandoned  himself.  An  obe 
dience  to  popular  will  cost  us  an  army  in 
Charleston  in  the  year  1779. — NOTES  ON  M. 
SOULES'S  WORK,  ix,  298.  FORD  ED.,  Iv,  305. 
(P.,  1786.) 

5913.  NEWS,  Home.— But  why  has  no 
body  else  written  to  me  ?     Is  it  that  one  is  for 
gotten  as  soon  as  their  back  is  turned?     I  have 
a  better  opinion  of  men.     It  must  be  either  that 
they  think  that  the  details  known  to  themselves 
are   known   to    everybody,    and   so    come   to   us 
through  a  thousand  channels,  or  that  we  should 
set  no   value  on   them.     Nothing  can  be   more 
erroneous  than  both  those  opinions.     We  value 
those   details,   little  and  great,   public   and  pri 
vate,    in   proportion    to   our   distance   from    our 
own  country  ;  and  so  far  are  they  from  getting 
to    us    through    a    thousand    channels,    that    we 
hear  no  more  of  them  or  of  our  country  here 
[Paris]   than  if  we  were  among  the  dead. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  45.     (P.,   1785.) 

5914.  -  — .     It    is    unfortunate    that 
most  people  think  the  occurrences  passing  daily 
under  their  eyes,   are   either  known   to   all   the 
world,    or    not    worth    being    known.     * 

I  hope  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  continue  your 
friendly  information.  The  proceedings  of  our 
public  bodies,  the  progress  of  the  public  mind 
on  interesting  questions,  the  casualities  which 
happen  among  our  private  friends,  and  what 
ever  is  interesting  to  yourself  and  family,  will 
always  be  anxiously  received  by  me. — To  JOHN 
PAGE,  i,  549.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  212.  (P.,  1786.) 

5915. .     I    give    you   thanks   for 

the  details  of  small  news  contained  in  your  let 
ter.  You  know  how  precious  that  kind  of 
information  is  to  a  person  absent  from  his 
country,  and  how  difficult  it  is  to  be  procured. 
— To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  iii,  13.  FORD  EDV 
v,  91.  (P.,  1789.) 

5916. .     If    there    is    any    news 

stirring  in  town  or  country,  such  as  deaths, 
courtships,  or  marriages,  in  the  circle  of  my 
acquaintance,  let  me  know  it. — To  JOHN  PAGE. 
i,  183.  FORD  ED.,  i,  344.  (F.,  1762.) 

5917.  NEWS,  Minor.— Details,  political 
and  literary,  and  even  of  the  small  history  of 
our  country,  are  the  most  pleasing  communica 
tions  possible. — To  JOHN  PAGE,  i,  402.  (P., 
1785.) 

5918. .     I  pray  you  to  write  to 

me  often.  Do  not  turn  politician  too ;  but  write 
me  all  the  small  news — the  news  about  persons 
and  about  States  ;  tell  me  who  dies,  that  I  may 
meet  these  disagreeable  events  in  detail,  and 
not  all  at  once  when  I  return  (from  France)  ; 
who  marry,  who  hang  themselves  because  they 
cannot  marry,  &c. — To  MRS.  TRIST.  i,  395. 
(P.,  1785.) 

5919.  -  — .     It  is  more  difficult  here 

[Paris]  to  get  small  than  great  news,  because 
most  of  our  correspondents  in  writing  letters 
to  cross  the  Atlantic,  think  they  must  always 
tread  in  buskins,  so  that  half  one's  friends 
might  be  dead  without  its  being  ever  spoken 
of  here. — To  DR.  JAMES  CURRIE.  FORD  ED.,  iv, 
131-  (P.,  1786.) 

5920. .     Nothing   is    so   grateful 

to  me,  at  this  distance  [Paris],  as  details,  both 
great  and  small,  of  what  is  passing  in  my  own 
country.  *  *  *  When  one  has  been  long 
absent  from  his  neighborhood,  the  small  news 


of  that  is  the  most  pleasing,  and  occupies  his 
first  attention. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART,  i,  517. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  187.  (P.,  1786.) 

5921.  NEWS,  Useful.— The  details  from 
my  own  country  of  the  proceedings  of  the  legis 
lative,  executive  and  judiciary  bodies,  and  even 
those   which    respect   individuals   only,   are   the 
most  pleasing  treat  we  can  receive  at  this  dis 
tance    [Paris],   and  the  most  useful,   also. — To 
JOSEPH  JONES,     i,   354.     (P.,    1785.) 

5922.  NEWSPAPERS,      Abuses     by.— 

The  abuses  of  the  freedom  of  the  press  here 
have  been  carried  to  a  length  never  before 
known  or  borne  by  any  civilized  nation. — To 
M.  PICTET.  iv,  463.  (W.,  1803.) 

5923.  NEWSPAPERS,  Advertisements. 
— We  have  been  trying  to  get  another  weekly 
or  half  weekly  paper  set  up  [in  Philadelphia], 
excluding  advertisements,  so  that  it  might  go 
through    the     States,     and     furnish    a    whig 
vehicle    of   intelligence.      We    hoped    at   one 
time   to   have  persuaded   Freneau   to   set  up 
here,  but  failed.     In  the  meantime,   Bache's 
paper    [The    Advertiser]    the    principles    of 
which  were  always  republican,  improves  in  its 
matter.     If  we  can  persuade  him  to  throw  all 
his   advertisements   on   one   leaf,   by   tearing 
that  off,  the  leaf  containing  intelligence  may 
be  sent  without  overcharging  the  post,  and  be 

fenerally  taken   instead  of  Fenno's. — To  T. 
I.    RANDOLPH.      FORD    ED.,    v,    336.      (Pa., 
1791.) 

5924.  NEWSPAPERS,  Agitation   by.— 

In  the  first  moments  of  quietude  which  have 
succeeded  the  [Presidential]  election,  the 
printers  seem  to  have  aroused  their  lying 
faculties  beyond  their  ordinary  state,  to  re- 
agitate  the  public  mind.  What  appointments 
to  office  have  they  detailed  which  had  never 
been  thought  of,  merely  to  found  a  text  for 
their  calumniating  commentaries. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  392.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  43. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

5925.  NEWSPAPERS,    Attacks    by.— I 
have  been  for  some  time  used  as  the  prop 
erty  of  the  neswpapers,  a  fair  mark  for  every 
man's  dirt.     Some,  too,  have  indulged  them 
selves  in  this  exercise  who  would  not  have 
done  it,  had  they  known  me  otherwise  than 
through  these  impure  and  injurious  channels. 
It  is  hard  treatment,  and  for  a  singular  kind 
of   offence,    that   of   having   obtained   by   the 
labors  of  a  life  the  indulgent  opinions  of  a 
part  of  one's  fellow  citizens.    However,  these 
moral   evils  must  be  submitted  to,  like   the 
physical    scourges   of   tempest,   fire,    &c. — To 
PEREGRINE  FITZHUGH.    iv,  216.    FORD  ED.,  vii, 
208.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

5926.  — .     Were    I    to    undertake 

to  answer  the  calumnies  of  the  newspapers, 
it  would  be  more  than  all  my  own  time  and 
that  of  twenty  aids  could  effect.     For  while 
I  should  be  answering  one,  twenty  new  ones 
would  be  invented.     *     *     *     But  this  is  an 
injury  to  which  duty  requires  every  one  to 
submit  whom  the  public  think  proper  to  call 
into   its   councils. — To   SAMUEL   SMITH,     iv, 
255.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  279.     (M.,  1798.) 


Newspapers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


636 


5937. .     [I  said  to  Colonel  Burr] 

that  as  to  the  attack  excited  against  him  in 
the  newspapers,  I  had  noticed  it  but  as  the 
passing  wind ;  that  I  had  seen  complaints  that 
Cheetham,  employed  in  publishing  the  laws, 
should  be  permitted  to  eat  the  public  bread 
and  abuse  its  second  officer;  *  that 

these  federal  printers  did  not  in  the  least  in 
termit  their  abuse  of  me,  though  receiving 
emoluments  from  the  government  and  that 
I  have  never  thought  it  proper  to  interfere 
for  myself,  and  consequently  not  in  the  case 
of  the  Vice-President— THE  ANAS,  ix,  206. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  302.  (Jan.  1804.) 

5928. .  That  tory  printers  should 

think  it  advantageous  to  identify  me  with 
that  paper  [The  National  Intelligencer],  the 
Aurora,  &c.,  in  order  to  obtain  ground  for 
abusing  me,  is  perhaps  fair  warfare.  But  that 
anyone  who  knows  me  should  listen  one 
moment  to  such  an  insinuation,  is  what  I 
did  not  expect.  I  neither  have,  nor  ever  had, 
any  more  connection  with  those  papers  than 
pur  antipodes  have;  nor  know  what  is  to  be 
in  them  until  I  see  it  in  them,  except  proc 
lamations  and  other  documents  sent  for  pub 
lication.— To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iv,  582.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  361.  (W.,  June  1805.) 

5929. .     I  met  the  scurrilities  of 

the  newswriters  without  concern,  while  in 
pursuit  of  the  great  interests  with  which  I 
was  charged.  But  in  my  present  retirement, 
no  duty  forbids  my  wish  for  quiet. — To  J.  B. 
COLVIN.  v,  544.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  282.  (M., 
1810.) 

5930.  NEWSPAPERS,     Banks     and. — 
Notwithstanding  the  magnitude  of  this  cal 
amity  [bank  failures],  every  newspaper  almost 
is  silent  on  it,   Frenau's  excepted,   in  which 
you    will    see    it    mentioned. — To    THOMAS 
MANN  RANDOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v,  510.     (April 
1792.) 

5931.  NEWSPAPERS,       Caricatures.— 
Our  newspapers   for  the  most  part,   present 
only  the  caricatures   of  disaffected  minds. — 
To  M.  PICTET.     iv,  463.     (W.,  1803.) 

5932.  NEWSPAPERS,    Classics     vs.— I 
read  one  or  two  newspapers  a  week,  but  with 
reluctance  give  even  that  time  from  Tacitus 
and  Horace,  and  so  much  other  more  agree 
able   reading.— To   DAVID   HOWELL.     v,    555- 
(M.,  1810.) 

5933. .  I  have  given  up  news 
papers  in  exchange  for  Tacitus,  and  Thucyd- 
ides,  for  Newton  and  Euclid,  and  I  find  my 
self  much  the  happier.— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
37.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  334.  (M.,  1812.) 

5934. .  I  read  but  a  single  pa 
per,  and  that  hastily.  I  find  Horace  and 
Tacitus  so  much  better  writers  than  the 
champions  of  the  gazettes,  that  I  lay  those 
down  to  take  up  these  with  great  reluctance. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,  vii,  287.  FORD  ED., 
x,  256.  (M,  1823.) 

5935.  NEWSPAPERS,  Defamation.— 
Defamation  is  becoming  a  necessary  of  life; 
insomuch,  that  a  dish  of  tea  in  morning  or 


evening  cannot  be  digested  without  this  stim 
ulant.  Even  those  who  do  not  believe  these 
abominations,  still  read  them  with  compla 
cence  to  their  auditors,  and  instead  of  the 
abhorrence  and  indignation  which  should  fill 
a  virtuous  mind,  betray  a  secret  pleasure  in 
the  possibility  that  some  may  believe  them, 
though  they  do  not  themselves. — To  JOHN 
NORVELL.  v.  93.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  74.  (W., 
1807.)  See  CALUMNY. 

—  NEWSPAPERS,  Editors  of.— See 
EDITORS. 

5936.  NEWSPAPERS,       English.— The 
English  papers   are   so  incessantly   repeating 
their  lies  about  the  tumults,  the  anarchy,  the 
bankruptcies,  and  distresses  of  America,  that 
these  ideas  prevail  very  generally  in  Europe. 
— To  JAMES  MONROE,    i,  407.    FORD  ED.,  iv, 
87.     (P.,  1785.) 

5937.  .    The    English    papers— 

those  infamous  fountains  of  falsehood. — To 
F.  HOPKINSON.    ii,  204.     (P.,  1787.) 

5938.  NEWSPAPERS,        Falsehoods.— 

The  press  is  impotent  when  it  abandons 
itself  to  falsehood.— To  THOMAS  SEYMOUR. 
v,  44.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  30.  (W.,  1807.) 

5939. .  Nothing  can  now  be  be 
lieved  which  is  seen  in  a  newspaper. — To 
JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  73. 
(W.,  1807.) 

5940. .  Truth  itself  becomes  sus 
picious  by  being  put  into  that  polluted  vehi 
cle. — To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  73.  (W.,  1807.) 

5941.  -  — .  The  real  extent  of  the 

misinformation  [in  the  newspapers]  is  known 
only  to  those  who  are  in  situations  to  con 
front  facts  within  their  knowledge  with  the 
lies  of  the  day.— To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  73.  (W.,  1807.) 

5942. .  The  man  who  never 

looks  into  a  newspaper  is  better  informed 
than  he  who  reads  them;  inasmuch  as  he 
who  knows  nothing  is  nearer  to  truth  than 
he  whose  mind  is  filled  with  falsehoods  and 
errors.  He  who  reads  nothing  will  still  learn 
the  great  facts,  and  the  details  are  all_  false. 
— To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  73. 
(W,  1807.) 

5943. .  These  texts  of  truth  re 
lieve  me  from  the  floating  falsehoods  of  the 
public  papers. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE,  vii, 
160.  FORD  ED.,  x,  158.  (M.,  1820.)  See 
LIES. 

5944.  NEWSPAPERS,  Freedom  of.— 
Considering  the  great  importance  to  the  pub 
lic  liberty  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and 
the  difficulty  of  submitting  it  to  very  precise 
rules,  the  laws  have  thought  it  less  mischiev 
ous  to  give  greater  scope  to  its  freedom  than 
to  the  restraint  of  it.  The  President  has, 
therefore,  no  authority  to  prevent  publica 
tions  of  the  nature  of  those  you  complain  of.* 
— To  THE  SPANISH  COMMISSIONERS,  iv,  21 
FORD  ED.,  vi,  350.  (Pa.,  1793.) 

*  Attacks  on  the  King  of  Spain— EDITOR. 


637 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Newspapers 


5945. .     No    experiment   can   be 

more  interesting  than  that  we  are  now  trying, 
and  which  we  trust  will  end  in  establishing 
the  fact,  that  man  may  be  governed  by  reason 
and  truth.  Our  first  object  should  therefore 
be,  to  leave  open  to  him  all  the  avenues  to 
truth.  The  most  effectual  hitherto  found,  is 
the  freedom  of  the  press.  It  is,  therefore, 
the  first  shut  up  by  those  who  fear  the  in 
vestigation  of  their  actions. — To  JUDGE  TY 
LER,  iv,  548.  (W.,  1804.) 

5946.  -  — .     The  liberty  of  speaking 

and  writing  guards  our  other  liberties. — 
REPLY  TO  ADDRESS,  viii,  129.  (1808.) 

5947. .  Where  the  press  is  free, 

and  every  man  able  to  read,  all  is  safe. — To 
CHARLES  YANCEY.  vi,  517.  FORD  ED.,  x,  4. 
(M.,  1816.) 

5948. .  The  only  security  of  all 

is  in  a  free  press.  The  force  of  public  opin 
ion  cannot  be  resisted,  when  permitted  freely 
to  be  expressed.  The  agitation  it  produces 
must  be  submitted  to.  It  is  necessary  to 
keep  the  waters  pure. — To  MARQUIS  DE  LA 
FAYETTE,  vii,  325.  FORD  ED.,  x,  280.  (M., 
1823.)  See  PRESS,  FREEDOM  OF. 

5949.  NEWSPAPERS,  Friends  of  Lib 
erty. — Within  the  pale  of  truth,  the  press  is  a 
noble     institution,     equally     the     friend     of 
science    and    of    civil    liberty.— To    THOMAS 
SEYMOUR,     v,   44.     FORD  ED.,   ix,   30.      (W., 
1807.) 

5950.  NEWSPAPERS,     Government 
and. — The    basis    of    our    governments    be 
ing  the  opinion  of  the  people,  the  very  first 
object    should    be    to    keep    that    right;    and 
were    it   left   to   me   to    decide   whether   we 
should    have    a    government    without    news 
papers    or    newspapers    without    a    govern 
ment,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  pre 
fer  the  latter. — To  EDWARD  CARRINGTON.     ii, 
100.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  359.     (P.,  1787-) 

5951.  NEWSPAPERS,  And  history.— I 
really    look    with    commiseration    over    the 
great  body  of  my  fellow  citizens,  who,  read 
ing   newspapers,   live   and   die   in   the  belief, 
that    they    have    known    something    of   what 
has  been  passing  in  the  world  in  their  time ; 
whereas  the  accounts  they  have  read  in  news 
papers  are  just  as  true  a  history  of  any  other 
period  of  the  world  as  of  the  present,  ex 
cept  that  the  real  names  of  the  day  are  af 
fixed  to  their  fables. — To  JOHN  NORVELL.     v, 
92.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  73.     (W.,  1807.) 

5952.  NEWSPAPERS,  Indifference  to. 
— A  truth  now  and  then  projecting  into  the 
ocean   of  newspaper   lies,    serves   like   head 
lands    to    correct    our    course.      Indeed,    my 
scepticism  as  to  everything  I  see  in  a  news 
paper,  makes  me  indifferent  whether  I  ever 
see  one. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  407.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  496.     (M.,  1815.) 

5953. .     I  have  almost  ceased  to 

read  newspapers.  Mine  remain  in  our  post 
office  a  week  or  ten  days,  sometimes,  un 
asked  for.  I  find  more  amusement  in  studies 
to  which  I  was  always  attached,  and  from 


which  I  was  dragged  by  the  events  of  the 
times  in  which  I  have  happened  to  live. — To 
THOMAS  LEIPER.  vi,  466.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  521. 
(M.,  1815.) 

5954.  NEWSPAPERS,     Licentiousness 
of- — During    this    course    of    administration 
[first  term]    and   in  order  to  disturb  it,   the 
artillery  of  the  press  has  been  levelled  against 
us,  charged  with  whatsoever  its  licentiousness 
could  devise  or  dare.    These  abuses  of  an  in 
stitution  so  important  to  freedom  and  science, 
are  deeply  to  be  regretted,  inasmuch  as  they 
tend  to  lessen  its  usefulness,  and  to  sap  its 
safety;   they   might,    indeed,   have   been   cor 
rected    by    the    wholesome    punishments    re 
served  and  provided  by  the  laws  of  the  sev 
eral    States    against    falsehood    and    defama 
tion;    but   public    duties   more    urgent   press 
on  the  time  of  public  servants,  and  the  of 
fenders  have  therefore  been  left  to  find  their 
punishment   in   the  public  indignation.     Nor 
was   it   uninteresting   to   the   world,    that   an 
experiment  should  be  fairly  and  fully  made, 
whether   freedom   of   discussion,    unaided   by 
power,   is   not   sufficient   for  the  propagation 
and  protection  of  truth — whether  a  govern 
ment,  conducting  itself  in  the  true  spirit  of 
its   Constitution,   with   zeal   and  purity,   and 
doing  no   act   which   it   would   be   unwilling 
the    world    should    witness,    can    be    written 
down  by  falsehood  and  defamation.    The  ex 
periment  has  been  tried;  you  have  witnessed 
the  scene;  our  fellow-citizens  looked  on,  cool 
and    collected;    they    saw    the    latent    source 
from  which  these  outrages  proceeded ;  they 
gathered    around    their   public    functionaries, 
and   when    the   Constitution   called   them   to 
the    decision    by    suffrage,    they    pronounced 
their   verdict,    honorable   to   those   who   had 
served  them,  and  consolatory  to  the  friend  of 
man,  who  believes  he  may  be  intrusted  with 
his   own    affairs.      No   inference   is   here   in 
tended,  that  the  laws,  provided  by  the  States 
against    false    and    defamatory    publications, 
should  not  be  enforced ;  he  who  has  time,  ren 
ders  a  service  to  public  morals  and  public  tran 
quillity,  in  reforming  these  abuses  by  the  sal 
utary  coercions  of  the  law;  but  the  experi 
ment  is  noted,  to  prove  that,  since  truth  and 
reason  have  maintained  their  ground  against 
false  opinions  in  league  with  false  facts,  the 
press,  confined  to  truth,  needs  no  other  legal 
restraint;    the   public   judgment   will    correct 
false  reasonings  and  opinions,  on  a  full  hear 
ing  of  all  parties;  and  no  other  definite  line 
can  be  drawn  between  the  inestimable  liberty 
of  the  press  and  its  demoralizing  licentious 
ness.      If   there   be   still    improprieties   which 
this  rule  would  not  restrain,  its  supplement 
must  be  sought  in   the  censorship  of  public 
opinion.* — SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,    viii, 
43.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  346.     (1805.) 

5955.  NEWSPAPERS,  And    light.— 
Our  citizens  may  be  deceived  for  awhile,  and 
have    been    deceived ;    but    as    long    as    the 
presses   can   be   protected,   we   may  trust  to 
them     for     light. — To     ARCHIBALD     STUART. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  378.     (M.,  1789.) 

*  This  was  Jefferson's  reply  to  the  severe  attacks 
made  on  his  first  administration. — EDITOR. 


Newspapers 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


638 


5956.  NEWSPAPERS,  Mischief-ma 
kers. — The  federal  papers  appear  desirous  of 
making  mischief  between  us  and  England, 
by  putting  speeches  into  my  mouth  which 
I  never  uttered. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
v,  54.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  37.  (W.,  1807.) 

5957. .     That  first  of  all  human 

contrivances  for  generating  war. — To  MR. 
MAURY.  vi,  469.  (M.,  1815.) 

5958.  NEWSPAPERS,     Monarchical.— 

Fenno's  [The  United  States  Gazette]  is  a 
paper  of  pure  toryism,  disseminating  the 
doctrines  of  monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  the 
exclusion  of  the  influence  of  the  people. 
— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  336. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

5959.  NEWSPAPERS,       Official.— You 
have   seen  too   much  of  the  conduct  of  the 
press  in  countries  where  it  is  free,  to  consider 
the  gazettes  as  evidence  of  the  sentiments  of 
any  part  of  the  government;  you  have  seen 
them    bestow    on    the    government    itself,    in 
all  its  parts,  its  full  share  of  inculpation. — To 
GEORGE   HAMMOND,     iii,   331.     FORD   ED.,   v, 
436.     (Pa.}  1792.) 

5960.  NEWSPAPERS,     Political     bull 
dogs. — The    malignity    with    which    political 
enemies  torture  every  sentence  from  me  into 
meanings  imagined  by  their  own  wickedness 
only,  justify  my  expressing  a  solicitude,  that 
this    *     *    *    communication  may  in  nowise 
be  permitted  to  find  its  way  into  the  public 
papers.     Not  fearing  these  political  bulldogs, 
I   yet  avoid   putting  myself  in   the   way   of 
being  baited  by   them,   and   do  not   wish  to 
volunteer  away  that  portion  of  tranquillity, 
which    a   firm    execution    of   my   duties    will 
permit  me  to  enjoy.— To  JOHN  NORVELL.     v, 
93.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  75.     (W.,  1807.) 

5961.  NEWSPAPERS,    Postoffice    and. 

— The  expense  of  French  postage  is  so  enor 
mous,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  desire  that 
my  newspapers,  from  the  different  States, 
may  be  sent  to  the  office  for  Foreign  Affairs 
at  New  York;  and  I  have  requested  of  Mr. 
Jay  to  have  them  always  packed  in  a  box  and 
sent  as  merchandise. — To  R.  IZARD.  i,  443. 
(P,  1785.) 

5962.  NEWSPAPERS,     Power    of.— 
Freneau's  paper  has  saved  our  Constitution, 
which  was  galloping  fast  into  monarchy,  and 
has  been  checked  by  no  means  so  powerfully 
as  by  that  paper.     It  is  well  and  universally 
known,    that   it   has   been   that   paper   which 
has  checked  the  career  of  the  Monocrats  — 
THE    ANAS.       ix,    145.      FORD    ED.,    i,    231. 
(I793-) 

5963. .  These  foreign  and  false 

citizens  *  *  *  possess  our  printing  presses, 
a  powerful  engine  in  their  government  of  us. 
— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  173.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
122.  (Pa.,  I797-) 

5964. .  This  paper  [The  Au 
rora]  has  unquestionably  rendered  incalcu 
lable  services  to  republicanism  through  all 
its  struggles  with  the  federalists,  and  has 


been  the  rallying  point  for  the  orthodoxy  of 
the  whole  Union.  It  was  our  comfort  in  the 
gloomiest  days,  and  is  still  performing  the 
office  of  a  watchful  sentinel. — To  DABNEY 
CARR.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  316.  (M.,  1811.) 

5965.  NEWSPAPERS,    President    and. 
— The    Chief    Magistrate    cannot    enter    the 
arena    of    the    newspapers. — To    PRESIDENT 
MADISON,     v,  601.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  326.     (M., 
July  1811.) 

5966.  NEWSPAPERS,   Principles  of.— 
A    paper    which    shall    be    governed    by    the 
spirit    of    Mr.    Madison's    celebrated    report 
[on  the  Virginia  Resolutions]  cannot  be  false 
to  the  rights  of  all  classes. — To  H.  LEE.    vii, 
376.    FORD  ED.,  x,  318.     (M.,  1824.) 

5967.  NEWSPAPERS,    Prosecution   of. 
— The  federalists  having  failed  in  destroying 
the  freedom   of  the  press  by  their   gag-law, 
seem  to  have  attacked  it  in  an  opposite  direc 
tion  ;  that  is  by  pushing  its  licentiousness  and 
its  lying  to  such  a  degree  of  prostitution  as 
to  deprive  it  of  all  credit.     And  the  fact  is 
that  '  so   abandoned   are   the   tory   presses   in 
this  particular,  that  even  the  least  informed 
of  the  people  have  learned  that  nothing  in 
a   newspaper   is   to   be   believed.      This   is   a 
dangerous    state    of    things,    and    the    press 
ought  to  be  restored  to  its  credibility  if  pos 
sible.     The   restraints  provided   by   the  laws 
of  the  States  are  sufficient  for  this,  if  applied. 
And  I  have,  therefore,  long  thought  that  a 
few  prosecutions  of  the  most  prominent  of 
fenders   would   have   a   wholesome   effect   in 
restoring  the  integrity  of  the  presses.     Not  a 
general  prosecution,  for  that  would  look  like 
persecution ;  but  a  selected  one. — To  THOMAS 
McKEAN.        FORD  ED.,  viii,  218.      (W.,  Feb. 
1803.) 

5968.  NEWSPAPERS,       Purifiers.— 

Newspapers  serve  to  carry  off  noxious  vapors 
and  smoke. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  iv, 
431.  (W.,  April  1802.) 

5969.  NEWSPAPERS,     Reading     of.— 

Reading  the  newspapers  but  little  and  that 
little  but  as  the  romance  of  the  day,  a  word 
of  truth  now  and  then  comes  like  the  drop 
of  water  on  the  tongue  of  Dives. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON,  v,  442.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  251. 
(M.,  April  1809.) 

5970.  NEWSPAPERS,     Reform     by.— 

This  formidable  censor  of  the  public  function 
aries,  by  arraigning  them  at  the  tribunal  of 
public  opinion,  produces  reform  peaceably, 
which  must  otherwise  be  done  by  revolution. 
It  is  also  the  best  instrument  for  enlightening 
the  mind  of  man,  and  improving  him  as  a 
rational,  moral,  and  social  being. — To  M. 
CORAY.  vii,  324.  (M.,  1823.) 

5971.  NEWSPAPERS,  Reformation  of. 

— Perhaps  an  editor  might  begin  a  reforma 
tion  [of  his  newspaper]  in  some  such  way 
as  this :  Divide  his  paper  into  four  chapters, 
heading  the  first  "  Truths " ;  the  second, 
"  Probabilities  "  ;  third,  "  Possibilities  "  ; 
fourth,  "  Lies  ".  The  first  chapter  would  be 
very  short,  as  it  would  contain  little  more 


639 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Newspapers 


than  authentic  papers,  and  information  from 
such  sources,  as  the  editor  would  be  willing 
to  risk  his  own  reputation  for  their  truth. 
The  second  would  contain  what,  from  a  ma 
ture  consideration  of  all  circumstances,  his 
judgment  should  conclude  to  be  probably 
true.  This,  however,  should  rather  contain 
loo  little  than  too  much.  The  third  and 
fourth  should  be  professedly  for  those  readers 
who  would  rather  have  lies  for  their  money 
than  the  blank  paper  they  would  occupy. — 
To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  74. 
(W.,  1807.) 

5972.  NEWSPAPERS,  Regulation  of.— 
It  is  so  difficult  to  draw  a  clear  line  of  sep 
aration  between  the  abuse  and  the  wholesome 
use  of  the  press,  that  as  yet  we  have  found 
it  better  to  trust  the  public  judgment,  than 
the   magistrate,   with   the   discrimination   be 
tween  truth  and  falsehood.— To  M.   PICTET. 
iv,  463-     (W.,  1803.) 

5973.  NEWSPAPERS,  Reliability  of.— 
General  facts  may  indeed  be  collected  from 
the  newspapers,  such  as  that  Europe  is  now 
at  war,  that  Bonaparte  has  been  a  successful 
warrior,    that    he    has    subjugated    a    great 
portion   of   Europe   to   his   will,   &c.,   but  no 
details  can  be  relied  on. — To  JOHN  NORVELL. 
v,  92.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  73.     (W.,  1807.) 

5974.  NEWSPAPERS,      Responsibility 
for. — It  is  not  he  who  prints,  but  he  who  pays 
for  printing  a  slander,  who  is  its  real  author. 
— To  JOHN   NORVELL.     v,  93.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
74-     (W.,  1807.) 

5975.  NEWSPAPERS,    Restraint    on.— 
To  your  request  of  my  opinion  of  the  manner 
in  which  a  newspaper  should  be  conducted, 
so  as  to  be  most  useful,   I  should  answer: 
"  By  restraining  it  to  true  facts  and  sound 
principles   only."     Yet    I    fear    such    a   paper 
would  find  few  subscribers. — To  JOHN  NOR 
VELL.    v,  91.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  73.     (W.,  1807.) 

5976.  —        — .     The  papers  have  lately 
advanced  in   boldness  and   flagitiousness  be 
yond  even  themselves.     Such  daring  and  at 
rocious    lies    as    fill    the    third    and    fourth 
columns    of    the    third    page    of    the    United 
States   Gazette   of   August   3ist   were   never 
before,  I  believe,  published  with  impunity  in 
any  country.     However,  I  have  from  the  be 
ginning  determined  to  submit  myself  as  the 
subject   on    whom    may   be   proved    the   im- 
potency  of  a  free  press  in  a  country  like  ours, 
against  those  who  conduct   themselves  hon 
estly  and  enter  into  no  intrigue.     I  admit  at 
the   same  time  that  restraining  the  press   to 
truth,  as  the  present  laws  do,  is  the  only  way 
of  making   it   useful.       But   I   have   thought 
necessary  first  to  prove  it  can  never  be  danger 
ous. — To    WILLIAM    SHORT,      v,    362.      (M., 

Sep.  1808.) 

5977.  NEWSPAPERS,    Rulers   and.— It 
is    the    office    of    the    rulers    on    both    sides 
[United  States  and   England]    to  rise  above 
these   vulgar    vehicles    of    passion. — To    MR. 
MAURY.    vi,  469.     (M.,  1815.) 

5978.  NEWSPAPERS,     Slanders     in.— 
An  editor   [should]   set  his  face  against  the 


demoralizing  practice  of  feeding  the  public 
mind  habitually  on  slander,  and  the  depravity 
of  taste  which  this  nauseous  aliment  induces. 
—To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  93.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
74.  (W.,  1807.)  See  LIBELS  and  SLANDER. 

5979.  NEWSPAPERS,  Support  of.— 
Bache's  paper  and  also  Carey's  totter  for 
want  of  subscriptions.  We  should  really 
exert  ourselves  to  procure  them,  for  if  these 
papers  fall,  republicanism  will  be  entirely 
browbeaten.* — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  237. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  245.  (Pa.,  1798.)  See  CAL- 

LENDER   and    DUANE. 

5980. .     The  engine  is  the  press. 

Every  man  must  lay  his  purse  and  his  pen 
under  contribution. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv, 
281.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  344.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

5981.  NEWSPAPERS,    Suppression   of. 

— It  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  a  suppression 
of  the  press  could  not  more  completely  de 
prive  the  nation  of  its  benefits,  than  is  done 
by  its  abandoned  prostitution  to  falsehood. — 
To  JOHN  NORVELL.  v,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  73. 
(W.,  1807.) 

5982.  NEWSPAPERS,    Torture    by.— I 

confide  them  [opinions  on  government]  to 
your  honor,  so  to  use  them  as  to  preserve 
me  from  the  gridiron  of  the  public  papers. — 
To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  17.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
44.  (M.,  1816.) 

5983.  NEWSPAPERS,     Uncertain.— 

Newspaper  information  is  too  uncertain 
ground  for  the  government  to  act  on. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  81.  (M., 
1801.) 

5984.  NEWSPAPERS,    Vulgar.— I     de 
plore   with  you   the  putrid   state   into   which 
our  newspapers   have   passed,    and   the   ma 
lignity,  the  vulgarity,  and  mendacious  spirit 
of  those  who  write  for  them.    *    *    *    These 
ordures    are    rapidly    depraving    the    public 
taste,  and  lessening  its  relish  for  sound  food. 
As  vehicles   of  information,   and  a   curb  on 
our  functionaries,  they  have  rendered  them 
selves   useless,   by   forfeiting   all    title   to  be 
lief.     This  has  in  a  great  degree  been  pro 
duced  by  the  violence  and  malignity  of  party 
spirit. — To    DR.     WALTER    JONES.      vi,    284. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  446.     (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

5985.  NEWSPAPERS,  Weaned  from.— 

I  have  never  seen  a  Philadelphia  paper  since 
I  left  it,  till  those  you  enclosed  me ;  and  I 
feel  myself  so  thoroughly  weaned  from  the 
interest  I  took  in  the  proceedings  there, 
while  there,  that  I  have  never  had  a  wish  to 
see  one,  and  believe  that  I  never  shall  take 
another  newspaper  of  any  sort.  I  find  my 
mind  totally  absorbed  in  my  rural  occupa 
tions. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  103.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  503.  (M.,  April  1794.) 

5986.  NEWSPAPERS,   Writing  for.— I 
have  preserved  through  life  a  resolution,  set 

*  Of  the  two  hundred  newspapers  then  (1800)  in  the 
United  States  all  but  about  twenty  were  enlisted  by 
preference  or  patronage  on  the  Federal  side.— ALEX 
ANDER  H.  STEPHEN'S  History  of  the  United  States^ 
p.  386. 


Newspapers 
Non-importation 


THE  JEFFERSON1AN  CYCLOPEDIA 


640 


in  a  very  early  part  of  it,  never  to  write  in  a 
public  paper  without  subscribing  my  name. — 
To  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  iii,  470.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  112.  (M.,  1792.) 

5987. .  From  a  very  early  period 

of  my  life,  I  had  laid  it  down  as  a  rule  of 
conduct,  never  to  write  a  word  for  the  public 
papers.  From  this,  I  have  never  departed  in 
a  single  instance;  and  on  a  late  occasion, 
when  all  the  world  seemed  to  be  writing,  be 
sides  a  rigid  adherence  to  my  own  rule,  I 
can  say  with  truth,  that  not  a  line  for  the 
press  was  ever  communicated  to  me,  by  any 
other,  except  a  single  petition  referred  for 
my  correction ;  which  I  did  not  correct,  how 
ever,  though  the  contrary,  as  I  have  heard, 
was  said  in  a  public  place,  by  one  person 
through  error,  through  malice  by  another 
[General  Henry  Lee].— To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iv,  142.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  82. 
(M.,  June  1796.) 

5988. .  At  a  very  early  period 

of  my  life,  I  determined  never  to  put  a  sen 
tence  into  any  newspaper.  I  have  religiously 
adhered  to  the  resolution  through  my  life, 
and  have  great  reason  to  be  contented  with 
it. — To  SAMUEL  SMITH,  iv,  255.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  279.  (M.,  1798.) 

5989. .     I    pray    that    my    letter 

may  not  go  out  of  your  own  hands,  lest  it 
should  get  into  the  newspapers,  a  bear-garden 
scene  into  which  I  have  made  it  a  point  to 
enter  on  no  provocation. — To  URIAH 
M' GREGORY,  iv,  334-  (M.,  1800.) 

5990. .  I  never  in  my  life,  di 
rectly  or  indirectly,  wrote  one  sentence  for  a 
newspaper.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  199.  FORD  ED., 
1,285.  (1800.) 

5991.  NICE>  Climate.— I  find  the  climate 
of  Nice  quite  as  delightful  as  it  has  been  repre 
sented.      Hieres    is   the   only   place    in    France, 
which  may  be  compared  with  it.     The  climates 
are     equal. — To     WILLIAM     SHORT,      ii,      137. 
(Ne.,   1787.) 

5992.  NICHOLAS  (W.  C.),  Character.— 
I  have  ascertained  that  on  Mr.  Nicholas  no  im 
pression  unfavorable  to  you  was  made  by  *  * 
[the  removal  of  Secretary  Robert  Smith],  and 
that   his   friendship    for   you   has   never    felt   a 
moment's    abatement.      Indeed   we   might   have 
been  sure  of  this  from  his  integrity,  his  good 
sense,    and    his    sound   judgment    of    men    and 
things. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
378.     (M.,  Feb.  1813.) 

5993.  NICHOLAS  (W.  C.),  French  mis 
sion. — A   last   effort   at    friendly    settlement 
with   Spain   is  proposed  to   be   made   at   Paris, 
and   under   the    auspices   of    France.     For   this 
purpose,  General  Armstrong  and  Mr.  Bowdqin 
(both  now  at  Paris)  have  been  appointed  joint 
commissioners ;    but   such   a   cloud   of   dissatis 
faction    rests    on    General    Armstrong    in    the 
minds     of    many    persons,  *     *     that    we 
have  in  contemplation  to  add  a  third  commis 
sioner,  in  order  to  give  the  necessary  measure 
of  public  confidence  to  the  commission.    Of  these 
two  gentlemen,  one  being  of  Massachusetts  and 
one  of  New  York,  it  is  thought  the  third  should 
be  a  southern  man  ;  and  the  rather,  as  the  in 
terests    to    be    negotiated    are    almost    entirely 
southern    and    western.     *     *     *     My    wish    is 


that  you  may  be  willing  to  undertake  it.* — To 
WILSON  C.  NICHOLAS,  v,  3.  FORD  EDV  viii, 
434.  (W.,  March  1806.) 

-  NICHOLAS  (W.   C.),  Leadership  in 

Congress.— See  CONGRESS. 

_  NIGHTINGALES,  Jefferson's  de 
light  in.— See  BIRDS. 

5994.  NON-IMPORTATION,  Efficacy 
of. — The  most  eligible  means  of  effecting 
*  *  the  reestablishment  of  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  our  fellow-subjects,  will  be  to 
jut  an  immediate  stop  to  all  imports  from 
Great  Britain  *  *  *  and  to  all  exports 
:hereto,  *  *  *  and  immediately  to  discon 
tinue  all  commercial  intercourse  with  every 
part  of  the  British  Empire  which  shall  not,  in 
iike  manner,  break  off  their  commerce  with 
Great  Britain,  t — RESOLUTION  OF  ALBEMARLE 

OUNTY.     FORD  ED.,  i,  419.     (July  26,  1774.) 

5995. .  These  measures  [non- 
intercourse]  should  be  pursued  until  a  repeal 
be  obtained  of  the  act  for  blocking  up  the  har 
bor  of  Boston ;  of  the  acts  prohibiting  or  re 
straining  internal  manufactures  in  America ; 
of  the  acts  imposing  on  any  commodities  du 
ties  to  be  paid  in  America ;  and  of  the  act  lay 
ing  restrictions  on  the  American  trade ;  and, 
on  such  repeal,  it  will  be  reasonable  to  grant  to 
our  brethren  of  Great  Britain  such  privileges 
in  commerce  as  may  amply  compensate  their 
fraternal  assistance,  past  and  future. — RESO 
LUTION  OF  ALBEMARLE  COUNTY.  FORD  ED.,  i, 
419.  (July  26,  I774-) 

5996. .     The  idea  seems  to  gain 

credit  that  the  naval  powers,  combined  against 
France,  will  prohibit  supplies  even  of  provi 
sions  to  that  country.  Should  this  be  formally 
notified,  I  should  suppose  Congress  would  be 
called,  because  it  is  a  justifiable  cause  of  war, 
and  as  the  Executive  cannot  decide  the  ques 
tion  of  war  on  the  affirmative  side,  neither 
ought  it  to  do  so  on  the  negative  side,  by  pre 
venting  the  competent  body  from  deliberating 
on  the  question.  But  I  should  hope  that  war 
would  not  be  their  choice.  I  think  it  will  fur 
nish  us  a  happy  opportunity  of  setting  another 
example  to  the  world,  by  showing  that  nations 
may  be  brought  to  justice  by  appeals  to  their 
interests  as  well  as  by  appeals  to  arms.  I 
should  hope  that  Congress,  instead  of  a  de 
nunciation  of  war,  would  instantly  exclude  from 
our  ports  all  the  manufactures,  produce,  vessels, 
and  subjects  of  the  nations  committing  this  ag 
gression,  during  the  continuance  of  the  ag 
gression,  and  till  full  satisfaction  is  made  for  it. 
This  would  work  well  in  many  ways,  safely 
in  all,  and  introduce  between  nations  another 
umpire  than  arms.  It  would  relieve  us,  too, 
from  the  risks  and  the  horrors  of  cutting 
throats. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  519.  FORD 
ED.,  vi,  192.  (March  1793.) 

5997.  NON-IMPORTATION,     Popular. 

— I  have  never  known  a  measure  more  uni 
versally  desired  by  the  people  thaji  the  passage 
of  the  non-importation  bill.— To  JAMES  MADI 
SON,  iv,  107.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  511.  (M.,  May 
I794-) 

5998. .      I     love     Mr.     Clarke's 

proposition  of  cutting  off  all  communication 
with  the  nation  [Great  Britain]  which  has  con- 

*  Mr.  Nicholas  was  prevented  from  accepting  by 
business  considerations. — EDITOR. 

t  Albemarle  was  Jeffers9n's  native  county.  The 
date  of  putting  the  regulations  into  effect  was  Octo 
ber  i,  1775.— EDITOR. 


64i 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Non-importation 
Notes  on  Virginia 


ducted  itself  so  atrociously.  This  may  bring 
on  war.  If  it  does  we  will  meet  it  like  men ; 
but  it  may  not  bring  on  war,  and  then  the  ex 
periment  will  have  been  a  happy  one. — To 
TENCH  COXE.  iv,  105.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  508.  (M., 
May  I794-) 

5999.  NON-IMPORTATION,    Principle 
of. — To   yield   the   principle   of   the   non-im 
portation  act  would  be  yielding  the  only  peace 
able   instrument   for   coercing   all   our   rights. — 
THE  ANAS.     FORD  ED.,  i,  322.     (Feb.  1807.) 

6000.  NON-IMPORTATION     vs.     IM 
PRESSMENTS.— If    [the  British]   keep  up 
impressments,    we    must    adhere    to    non-inter 
course,  manufacturer's  and  a  navigation  act. — 
To  JAMES  MADISON,     v,  362.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  208. 
(M.,   Sep.    1808.) 

6001.  NON-INTERCOURSE,     Unpopu 
lar. — Our  affairs  are  certainly  now  at  their 
ultimate  point  of  crisis.     I  understand  the  East 
ern    republicans    will    agree    to    nothing    which 
shall  render  non-intercourse  effectual,  and  that 
in  any  question  of  that  kind,  the  federalists  will 
have    a    majority.     There    remains,    then,    only 
war  or  submission,  and  if  we  adopt  the  former, 
they  will   desert  us. — To  W.   C.  NICHOLAS,     v, 
488.     (M.,   Dec.    1809.) 

-  NORFOLK.— See  ALEXANDRIA. 

6002.  NORTH     CAROLINA,     Political 
conditions  in. — North  Carolina  is  at  present 
in  the  most  dangerous  state.     The  lawyers  all 
tories,   the  people   substantiallv  republican,  but 
uninformed  and  deceived  by  the  lawyers,  who 
are  elected  of  necessity  because  few  other  can 
didates.     The  medicine  for  that  State  must  be 
very  mild  and  secretly  administered.     But  noth 
ing  should  be  spared  to  give  them  true  informa 
tion. — To  P.  N.  NICHOLAS,     iv,  328.     FORD  ED., 
vii,  440.     (Pa.,  April    1800.) 

_  NORTH     (Lord),     Ability     of.— See 
GEORGE  III.,  CONTROL  OF. 

6003.  NORTH  (Lord),  Hostile  to  Amer 
ica. — Lord  North's  hostility  to  us  is  notori 
ous. — To    BENJAMIN    HARRISON.     FORD   ED.,   iii, 
414.     (A.,  March  1784.) 

6004.  NORTH  (Lord),  Proposition  of.— 

I  was  under  appointment  to  attend  the  General 
Congress ;  but  knowing  the  importance  of  the 
answer  to  be  given  to  the  Conciliatory  Proposi 
tion,  and  that  our  leading  whig  characters 
were  then  in  Congress,  I  determined  to  attend 
on  the  Assembly,  and,  though  a  young  member, 
to  take  on  myself  the  carrying  through  an 
answer  to  the  Proposition.  The  Assembly  met 
the  ist  of  June.  I  drew  and  proposed  the 
answer,  and  carried  it  through  the  House  with 
very  little  alteration,  against  the  opposition  of 
our  timid  members  who  wished  to  speak  a  dif 
ferent  language.  This  was  finished  before  the 
nth  of  June,  because  on  that  day,  I  set  out 
from  Williamsburg  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  the 
bearer  of  an  authenticated  copy  of  this  instru 
ment  to  Congress.  The  effect  it  had  in  forti 
fying  their  minds,  and  in  deciding  their  meas 
ures,  renders  its  true  date  important;  because 
only  Pennsylvania  had  as  yet  answered  the 
Proposition.  Virginia  was  the  second.  It  was 
known  how  Massachusetts  would  answer  it ; 
and  the  example  of  these  three  principal  Col 
onies  would  determine  the  measures  of  all  the 
others,  and  of  course  the  fate  of  the  Proposi 
tion.  Congress  received  it,  therefore,  with 
much  satisfaction.  The  Assembly  of  Virginia 
did  not  deliver  the  answer  to  Lord  Dunmore 


till  late  in  the  session.  They  supposed  it 
would  bring  on  a  dissolution  of  their  body 
whenever  they  should  deliver  it  to  him ;  and 

hey  wished  previously  to  get  some  important 
acts  passed.  For  this  reason  they  kept  it  up. 

[  think  Lord  Dunmore  did  not  quit  the  metrop 
olis  till  he  knew  that  the  answer  framed  by 
the  House  was  a  rejection  of  the  Proposition, 
though  that  answer  was  not  yet  communicated 
to  him  regularly. — NOTES  ON  M.  SOULES'S 
WORK,  ix,  302.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  309.  (P.,  1786.) 

6005. .     On  the  receipt  of  Lord 

STorth's  Proposition,  in  May  or  June,  1775, 
Lord  Dunmore  called  the  Assembly.  Peyton 
Randolph,  the  President  of  Congress,  and 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  left  the 
tormer  body  and  came  home  to  hold  the  As 
sembly,  leaving  in  Congress  the  other  dele 
gates  who  were  the  ancient  leaders  of  our 
Souse.  He,  therefore,  asked  me  to  prepare  the 
answer  to  Lord  North's  Proposition,  which  I 
did.  Mr.  Nicholas,  whose  mind  had  as  yet 
acquired  no  tone  for  that  contest,  combatted 
the  answer  from  alpha  to  omega,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  diluting  it  in  one  or  two  small  in 
stances.  It  was  firmly  supported,  however,  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  by  Peyton  Randolph, 
who  had  brought  with  him  the  spirit  of  the 
body  over  which  he  had  presided,  and  it  was 
carried,  with  very  little  alteration,  by  strong 
majorities.  I  was  the  bearer  of  it  myself  to 
Congress,  by  whom,  as  it  was  the  first  answer 
given  to  the  Proposition  by  any  Legislature, 
it  was  received  with  peculiar  satisfaction. — 
To  WILLIAM  WIRT.  vi,  487.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  475. 
(M.,  1815.) 

_  NORTHWEST  BOUNDARY.— See 
BOUNDARIES. 

6006.  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  History 
of. — Before  I  had  left  America,  that  is  to  say, 
in  the  year  1781,  I  had  received  a  letter  from 
M.  de  Marbois,  of  the  French  legation  in 
Philadelphia,  informing  me  that  he  had  been 
instructed  by  his  government  to  obtain  such 
statistical  accounts  of  the  different  States  of 
our  Union,  as  might  be  useful  for  their  in 
formation  ;  and  addressing  to  me  a  number  of 
queries  relative  to  the  State  of  Virginia.  I 
had  always  made  it  a  practice,  whenever  an 
opportunity  occurred,  of  obtaining  any  informa 
tion  of  our  country  which  might  be  of  use  to 
me  in  any  station,  public  or  private,  to  commit 
it  to  writing.  These  memoranda  were  on 
loose  papers,  bundled  up  without  order,  and  dif 
ficult  of  recurrence,  when  I  had  occasion  for 
a  particular  one.  I  thought  this  a  good  occa 
sion  to  embody  their  substance,  which  I  did  in 
the  order  of  M.  Marbois's  queries,  so  as  to 
answer  his  wish,  and  to  arrange  them  for  my 
own  use.  Some  friends,  to  whom  they  were 
occasionally  communicated,  wished  for  copies ; 
but  their  volume  rendering  this  too  laborious 
by  hand,  I  proposed  to  get  a  few  printed  for 
their  gratification.  I  was  asked  such  a  price, 
however,  as  exceeded  the  importance  of  the 
object.  On  my  arrival  at  Paris,  I  found  it 
could  be  done  for  a  fourth  of  what  I  had  been 
asked  here.  I,  therefore,  corrected  and  en 
larged  them,  and  had  two  hundred  copies 
printed,  under  the  title  of  "  Notes  on  Virginia  ". 
I  gave  a  very  few  copies  to  some  particular 
persons  in  Europe,  and  sent  the  rest  to  my 
friends  in  America.  An  European  copy,  by 
the  death  of  the  owner,  got  into  the  hands  of 
a  bookseller,  who  engaged  its  translation,  and, 
when  ready  for  the  press,  communicated  his 
intentions  and  manuscript  to  me,  suggesting 
that  I  should  correct  it  without  asking  any 
other  permission  for  the  publication.  I  never 


Notes  on  Virginia 
Occupations 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


642 


had  seen  so  wretched  an  attempt  at  translation. 
Interverted,  abridged,  mutilated,  and  often  re 
versing  the  sense  of  the  original,  1  found  it  a 
blotch  of  errors  from  beginning  to  end.  I  cor 
rected  some  of  the  most  material,  and,  in  that 
form,  it  was  printed  in  French.  A  London 
bookseller,  on  seeing  the  translation,  requested 
me  to  permit  him  to  print  the  English  original. 
I  thought  it  best  to  do  so,  to  let  the  world  see 
that  it  was  not  really  so  bad  as  the  French 
translation  had  made  it  appear.  And  this  is 
the  true  history  of  that  publication. — AUTOBI 
OGRAPHY,  i,  61.  FORD  ED.,  i,  85.  (1821.) 

6007.  NOTES   ON  VIRGINIA,   Princi 
ples  in. — The  experience  of  nearly  forty  years 
additional   in   the   affairs   of   mankind   has   not 
altered   a   single   principle    [in   the   "  Notes   on 
Virginia"]. — To      JOHN      MELISH.      vi,      404. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,   79.     (M.,    1814.) 

6008.  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  Slavery 
and. — I    had    two    hundred    copies    [of    my 
"  Notes  on  Virginia  "]  printed,  but  do  not  put 
them  out  of  my  own  hands,  except  two  or  three 
copies    here    and    two    which    I    shall    send   to 
America,     to     yourself    and     Colonel     Monroe. 
*     *     *     I  beg  you  to  peruse  it  carefully,  be 
cause  I  ask  your  advice  on  it,  and  ask  nobody's 
else.     I   wish  to  put  it  into  the   hands   of  the 
young  men  at  the  College  [William  and  Mary,] 
as  well  on  account  of  the  political  as  the  phys 
ical  parts.     But  there  are  sentiments  on  some 
subjects  which  I  apprehend  might  be  displeasing 
to  the  country,  perhaps  to  the  Assembly,  or  to 
some  who  lead  it.     I  do  not  wish  to  be  exposed 
to  their  censure ;  ,nor  do  I  know  how  far  their 
influence,   if   exerted,   might   effect   a   misappli 
cation    of    law    to    such    a    publication    were    it 
made.     Communicate  it,  then,  in  confidence  to 
those    whose    judgments    and    information    you 
would  pay  respect  to  ;  and  if  you  think  it  will 
give  no  offense,  I  will  send  a  copy  to  each  of 
the  students  of  William  and  Mary  College,  and 
some    others   to   my    friends    and   to   your   dis 
posal  ;  otherwise  I  shall  send  over  only  a  very 
few  copies  to  particular  friends   in   confidence 
and  burn  the  rest.     Answer  me  soon  and  with 
out   reserve.     Do    not   view    me    as    an    author, 
and   attached   to   what   he   has   written.     I    am 
neither.     They  were  at  first  intended  only  for 
Marbois.    When  I  had  enlarged  them,  I  thought 
first  of  giving  copies  to  three  or  four  friends. 
I  have  since  supposed  they  might  set  our  young 
students  into  a  useful  train  of  thought,  and  in 
no  event  do  I  propose  to  admit  them  to  go  to 
the     public     at     large. — To     JAMES     MADISON. 
FORD  ED.,  iv,  46.     (P.,  May   1785.) 

6009. .     I  send  you  a  copy  of  the 

"  Notes  on  Virginia ".     *  *     I  have  taken 

measures  to  prevent  its  publication.  My  rea 
son  is  that  I  fear  the  terms  in  which  I  speak  of 
slavery  and  of  our  [State]  Constitution  may 
produce  an  irritation,  which  will  revolt  the 
minds  of  our  countrymen  against  reformation 
in  these  two  articles,  and  thus  do  more  harm 
than  good. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  i,  347.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  53.  (P.,  1785-) 

6010.  NOVA  SCOTIA,  Conciliation  of. 

— Is  it  impossible  to  persuade  our  countrymen 
to  make  peace  with  the  Nova  Scotians?  I  am 
persuaded  nothing  is  wanting  but  advances  on 
our  part ;  and  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  draw 
off  the  greatest  proportion  of  that  settlement, 
and  thus  to  free  ourselves  from  rivals  [in  the 
fisheries]  who  may  become  of  consequence. 
We  are  at  present  cooperating  with  Great 
Britain,  whose  policy  it  is  to  give  aliment  to 
that  bitter  enmity  between  her  States  and  ours. 
which  may  secure  her  against  their  ever  joining 


us.  But  would  not  the  existence  of  a  cordial 
friendship  between  us  and  them,  be  the  best 
bridle  we  could  possibly  put  into  the  mouth 
of  England? — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  i,  488.  (P., 
I/8s-) 

—  NOVELS,  Good  and  bad.— See  FIC 
TION. 

6011.  NULLIFICATION,   British  stat 
utes. — We  do  not  point  out  to  his  Majesty  the 
injustice   of   these   acts    [of    Parliament],    with 
intent   to   rest   on   that   principle   the   cause   of 
their  nullity  ;  but  to  show  that  experience  con 
firms  the  propriety  of  those  political  principles 
which  exempt  us   from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
British  Parliament.     The  true  ground  on  which 
we  declare  these  acts  void  is,  that  the  British 
Parliament  has   no   right  to   exercise   authority 
over  us. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,     i,  129. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  434.     (P.F.,  1774.) 

6012.  NULLIFICATION,  States  and.— 

Every  State  has  a  natural  right  in  cases  not 
within  the  compact  (casus  non  foederis),  to 
nullify  of  their  own  authority  all  assumptions 
of  power  by  others  within  their  limits.  With 
out  this  right  they  would  be  under  the  dominion, 
absolute  and  unlimited,  of  whosoever  might 
exercise  this  right  of  judgment  for  them. — 
KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  469.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
301.  (1798.) 

6013. .  Where  powers  are  as 
sumed  which  have  not  been  delegated,  a  nulli 
fication  of  the  act  is  the  rightful  remedy. — 
KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  ix,  469.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  301.  (1798.) 

6014.  OATH,  Against  tyranny.— I  have 
sworn  upon  the  altar  of  God  eternal  hostility 
against  every  form  of  tyranny  over  the  mind 
of  man. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,     iv,  336. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  460.     (M.,  1800.) 

6015.  OATH  OF  OFFICE,,  Presidential. 

—I  propose  to  take  the  oath  or  oaths  of  office 
as  President  of  the  United  States,  on  Wednes 
day  the  4th  inst.,  at  12  o'clock,  in  the  Senate 
chamber.  May  I  hope  the  favor  of  your  attend 
ance  to  administer  the  oath?  As  the  two 
Houses  have  notice  of  the  hour,  I  presume  a 
precise  punctuality  to  it  will  be  expected  from 
me.  I  would  pray  you,  in  the  meantime,  to 
consider  whether  the  oath  prescribed  in  the 
Constitution  be  not  the  only  one  necessary  to 
take?  It  seems  to  comprehend  the  substance 
of  that  prescribed  by  the  act  of  Congress  to 
all  officers,  and  it  may  be  questionable  whether 
the  Legislature  can  require  any  new  oath  from 
the  President.  I  do  not  know  what  has  been 
done  in  this  heretofore ;  but  I  presume  the  oaths 
administered  to  my  predecessors  are  recorded 
in  the  Secretary  of  State's  office. — To  JOHN 
MARSHALL,  iv,  364.  (W.,  March  2,  1801.) 

6016.  OBSCURITY,  Happiness  in.— He 

is  happiest  of  whom  the  world  says  least,  good 
or  bad. — To  JOHN  ADAMS.  FORD  ED.  iv  207 
(P.,  1786.) 

6017.  OCCUPATIONS,    Agricultural.— 

The  class  principally  defective  is  that  of  Agri 
culture.  It  is  the  first  in  utility,  and  ought  to 
be  the  first  in  respect.  The  same  artificial 
means  which  have  been  used  to  produce  a 
competition  in  learning,  may  be  equally  success 
ful  in  restoring  agriculture  to  its  primary 
dignity  in  the  eyes  of  men.  It  is  a  science  of 
the  very  first  order.  It  counts  among  its  hand 
maids  the  most  respectable  sciences,  such  as 
Chemistry,  Natural  Philosophy,  Mechanics, 


643 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Occupations 
Ocean 


Mathematics,  generally,  Natural  History,  Bot 
any,  in  every  college  and  university,  a  profes 
sorship  of  agriculture,  and  the  class  of  its 
students,  might  be  honored  as  the  first.  Young 
men  closing  their  academical  education  with 
this,  as  the  crown  of  all  other  sciences,  fasci 
nated  with  its  solid  charms,  and  at  a  time  when 
they  are  to  choose  an  occupation,  instead  of 
crowding  the  other  classes,  would  return  to 
the  farms  of  their  fathers,  their  own,  or  those 
of  others,  and  replenish  and  invigorate  a  call 
ing  now  languishing  under  contempt  and  op 
pression.  The  charitable  schools,  instead  of 
storing  their  pupils  with  a  love  which  the  pres 
ent  state  of  society  does  not  call  for,  converted 
into  schools  of  agriculture,  might  restore  them 
to  that  branch  qualified  to  enrich  and  honor 
themselves,  and  to  increase  the  productions  of 
the  nation  instead  of  consuming  them.  An 
abolition  of  the  useless  offices,  so  much  accu 
mulated  in  all  governments,  might  close  this 
drain  also  from  the  labors  of  the  field,  and 
lessen  the  burthens  imposed  on  them.  By 
these,  and  the  better  means  which  will  occur  to 
others,  the  surcharge  of  the  learned,  might  in 
time  be  drawn  off  to  recruit  the  laboring  class 
of  citizens,  the  sum  of  industry  be  increased; 
and  that  of  misery  diminished. — To  DAVID 
WILLIAMS,  iv,  513.  (W.,  1803.) 

6018.  OCCUPATIONS,    Choice    of.— 

Every  one  has  a  natural  right  to  choose  that 
vocation  in  life  which  he  thinks  most  likely  to 
give  him  comfortable  subsistence. — THOUGHTS 
ON  LOTTERIES,  ix,  505.  FORD  ED.,  x,  366. 
(M.,  Feb.  1826.) 

6019.  OCCUPATIONS,       Governmental 
regulation.— The  greatest  evils  of  populous 
society    have    ever    appeared    to    me    to    spring 
from    the   vicious    distribution    of    its    members 
among  the  occupations  called  for.     I   have  no 
doubt   that  those   nations   are   essentially   right, 
which  leave  this  to  individual  choice,  as  a  bet 
ter  guide  to  an  advantageous  distribution  than 
any  other  which  could  be  devised.     But  when, 
by    a    blind    concourse,    particular    occupations 
are   ruinously   overcharged,    and   others   left   in 
want  of  hands,  the  national  authorities  can  do 
much    towards    restoring    the    equilibrium. — To 
DAVID   WILLIAMS,     iv,    512.     (W.,    1803.) 

6020.  OCCUPATIONS     OF     IMMI 
GRANTS. — Among  the  ancients,  the  redun 
dance  of  population  was  sometimes  checked  by 
exposing    infants.      To    the    moderns,    America 
has   offered   a   more   humane   resource.     Many, 
who  cannot  find  employment  in  Europe,  accord 
ingly  come  here.     Those  who  can  labor,  do  well 
for    the    most    part.     Of    the    learned    class    of 
emigrants,  a  small  proportion  find  employments 
analogous  to  their  talents.     But  many  fail,  and 
return   to    complete   their   course   of   misery   in 
the   scenes   where   it  began. — To   DAVID   WILL 
IAMS,     iv,  514.      (W.,   1803.) 

6021.  OCEAN,  American  supremacy. — 

The  day  is  within  my  time  as  well  as  yours, 
when  we  may  say  by  what  laws  other  nations 
shall  treat  us  on  the  sea.    And  we  will  say  it. 
— To  WILLIAM   SHORT,     iv,   415.     FORD  ED. 
viii,  98.     (W.,  1801.)     See  NAVY. 

6022. .  The  possession  of  Louis 
iana  will  cost  France  *  *  *  a  war  which 
will  annihilate  her  on  the  ocean,  and  place 
that  element  under  the  despotism  of  two 
nations,  which  I  am  not  reconciled  to  the 
more  because  my  own  would  be  one  of  them 
— To  M.  DUPONT  DE  NEMOURS,  iv,  435 
(W.,  April  !8o2.) 


6023.  OCEAN,     Barrier     of    liberty.— I 

am  happy  in  contemplating  the  peace,  pros 
perity,  liberty  and  safety  of  my  country,  and 
especially  the  wide  ocean,  the  barrier  of  all 
these. — To  MARQUIS  LAFAYETTE.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  302.  (M.,  1811.) 

6024.  OCEAN,  Claimed  by  England.— I 
despair  of  accommodation  with   [the  British 
government],  because  I  believe  they  are  weak 
enough  to  intend  seriously  to  claim  the  ocean 
as  their  conquest,  and  think  to  amuse  us  with 
embassies   and   negotiations,    until   the   claim 
shall  have  been  strengthened  by  time  and  ex 
ercise,  and  the  moment  arrive  when  they  may 
boldly   avow    what   hitherto    they   have   only 
squinted    at. — To    PRESIDENT    MADISON.      v, 
468.     (M.,  Sep.  1809.) 

6025. .     It   has   now   been   some 

years  that  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  Great 
Britain's  intentions  have  been  to  claim  the 
ocean  as  her  conquest,  and  prohibit  any  ves 
sel  from  navigating  it  but  on  such  a  tribute 
as  may  enable  her  to  keep  up  such  a  stand 
ing  navy  as  will  maintain  her  dominion  over 
it.  She  has  hauled  in,  or  let  herself  out,  been 
bold  or  hesitating,  according  to  occurrences, 
but  has  in  no  situation  done  anything  which 
might  amount  to  a  relinquishment  of  her 
intentions. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  v,  529. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  278.  (M.,  1810.) 

6026.  .     It    can    no    longer    be 

doubted   that   Great   Britain   means  to   claim 
the  ocean  as  her  conquest,  and  to  suffer  not 
even    a    cock-boat,    as    they    express    it,    to 
traverse  it  but  on  paying  them  a  transit  duty 
to  support  the  very  fleet  which  is  to  keep 
the  nations  under  tribute,   and   to  rivet  the 
yoke    around    their    necks.      Although    their 
government   has   never   openly   avowed    this, 
yet  their  orders  of  council,   in  their  original 
form,  were  founded  on  this  principle,  and  I 
have  observed  for  years  past,  that  however 
ill  success  may  at  times  have  induced  them 
to  amuse  by  negotiation,  they  have  never  on 
any    occasion    dropped    a    word    disclaiming 
this  pretension,   nor  one   which   they   would 
have  to   retract  when   they   shall  judge  the 
times  ripe  for  openly  asserting  it. 

They  do  not  wish  war  with  us,  but  will  meet 
it  rather  than  relinquish  their  purpose. — To 
JOHN  HOLLINS.  v,  597.  (M.,  May  1811.) 

6027.  -  — .     The  intention  which  the 
British   now    formally   avow   of   taking   pos 
session  of  the  ocean  as  their  exclusive  do 
main,  and  of  suffering  no  commerce  on  it  but 
through  their  ports,  makes  it  the  interest  of 
all    mankind    to    contribute    their    efforts    to 
bring     such     usurpations     to     an     end. — To 
CLEMENT  CAINE.     vi,  14.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  330. 
(M.,  Sep.  1811.) 

6028. .     Ever   since   the   rupture 

of  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  the  object  of  Great 
Britain  has  visibly  been  the  permanent  con 
quest  of  the  ocean,  and  levying  a  tribute  on 
every  vessel  she  permits  to  sail  on  it,  as  the 
Barbary  powers  do  on  the  Mediterranean, 
which  they  call  their  sea. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,  vi,  128.  (M.,  June  1813.)  See 
EMBARGO  and  IMPRESSMENT. 


Ocean 
Office 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


644 


6029.  OCEAN,     Common    birthright. — 

The  ocean,  like  the  air,  is  the  common  birth 
right  of  mankind. — R.  TO  A.  N.  Y.  TAM 
MANY  SOCIETY,  viii,  127.  (1808.) 

6030.  OCEAN,  Common  property. — The 

ocean  is  the  common  property  of  all. — FOR 
EIGN  COMMERCE  REPORT,  vii,  647.  FORD  ED., 
vi,  481.  (1793.) 

6031. .  Nature  has  not  sub 
jected  the  ocean  to  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
particular  nation,  but  has  made  it  common  to 
all  for  the  purposes  to  which  it  is  fitted. — To 
ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON,  iv,  409.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  89.  (M.,  Sep.  1801.) 

6032.  OCEAN,  Dominion  of.— I  fear  the 
dominion  of  the   sea   is   the  insanity  of  the 
nation  itself.— To  HENRY  DEARBORN,    v,  608. 
(P.F.,  Aug.  1811.) 

6033.  OCEAN,  England's  policy.— If  the 
British    ministry    are    changing    their    policy 
towards   us,    it   is   because   their   nation,    or 
rather  the  city  of  London,  which  is  the  na 
tion  to  them,  is  shaking  as  usual,  by  the  late 
reverses   in    Spain.     I   have   for   some   time 
been  persuaded  that  the  government  of  Eng: 
land  was   systematically  decided  to  claim  a 
dominion  of  the  sea,  and  to  levy  contribu 
tions  on  all  nations,  by  their  licenses  to  nav 
igate,  in  order  to  maintain  that  dominion  to 
which   their   own   resources   are   inadequate. 
The   mobs    of    their   cities    are   unprincipled 
enough  to  support  this  policy  in  prosperous 
times,  but  change  with  the  tide  of  fortune, 
and  the  ministers  to  keep  their  places,  change 
with  them. — To  PRESIDENT  MADISON,    v,  442. 
FORD  ED.,   ix,  251.      (M.,  April   1809.)      See 
ENGLAND. 

6034.  OCEAN,    English    ascendency.— 

An  English  ascendency  on  the  ocean  is  safer 
for  us  than  that  of  France. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  v,  12.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  450.  (W., 
1806.) 

6035.  OCEAN,  Freedom  of.— I  join  you 
*     *     *     in  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  re 
storing  freedom  to  the  ocean.     But  I  doubt, 
with  you,  whether  the  United  States  ought 
to   join    in    an    armed    confederacy    for   that 
purpose;  or  rather  I  am  satisfied  they  ought 
not.     It  ought  to  be  the  very  first  object  of 
our  pursuits  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
European   interests   and   politics.     Let   them 
be  free  or  slaves  at  will,  navigators  or  agri 
culturists,  swallowed  into  one  government  or 
divided  into  a  thousand,  we  have  nothing  to 
fear  from  them  in  any  form.     *     *     *     To 
take  part  in  their  conflicts  would  be  to  divert 
our   energies    from    creation    to    destruction. 
Our  commerce  is  so  valuable  to  them  that 
they  will  be  glad  to  purchase  it  when  the 
only  price  we  ask  is  to  do  us  justice.     I  be 
lieve  we  have  in  our  own  hands  the  means 
of  peaceable  coercion;  and  that  the  moment 
they  see  our  government  so  united  as  that 
they  can  make  use  of  it,  they  will  for  their 
own  interest  be  disposed  to  do  us  justice.    In 
this  way  you   shall  not  be  obliged  by  any 


treaty  of  confederation  to  go  to  war  for  in 
juries  done  to  others. — To  DR.  GEORGE  LOGAN. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  23.  (W.,  March  1801.)  See 
NAVIGATION  and  SHIPS. 

6036.  OCEAN,     Lawlessness     on.— The 
sea  has  become  a  field  of  lawless  and  indis 
criminate  rapine  and  violence. — To .     iv, 

223.     (Pa.,  1798.) 

6037.  OCEAN,  Piracy.— I  sincerely  wish 
the  British  orders  may  be  repealed.     If  they 
are   it   will   be   because   the  nation   will   not 
otherwise  let  the  ministers  keep  their  places. 
Their   object  has   unquestionably   been   fixed 
to  establish  the  Algerine  system,  and  to  main 
tain  their  possession  of  the  ocean  by  a  system 
of  piracy  against  all  nations. — To   COLONEL 
LARKIN  SMITH,     v,  441.     (M.,  April   1809.) 
See  BARBARY  STATES,  MOROCCO  and  PIRACY. 

6038.  OCEAN,       Usurpation      of.— The 
usurpation  of  the  sea  has  become  a  national 
disease.— To  W.  A.  BURWELL.    v,  5.     (P.F., 
Aug.  1811.) 

6039.  OFFICE,  Appointment  to.— I  like 
as  little  as  you  do  to  have  the  gift  of  ap 
pointments.     I  hope  Congress  will  not  trans 
fer  the  appointment  of  their  consuls  to  their 
ministers. — To  JOHN   ADAMS,     i,   502.      (P., 
1785.) 

6040. .     Every    office    becoming 

vacant,  every  appointment  made,  me  donne 
un  ingrat,  et  cent  ennemis. — To  JOHN  DICK 
INSON,  v,  31.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  10.  (W.,  1807.) 

6O41. .     I  know  none  but  public 

motives  in  making  appointments. — To  JOSEPH 
B.  VARNUM.  v,  223.  (W.,  1807.) 

6042.  — .     I    am    thankful    at    all 

times  for  information  on  the  subject  of  ap 
pointments,  even  when  it  comes  too  late  to  be 
used.  It  is  more  difficult  and  more  painful 
than  all  the  other  duties  of  my  office,  and  one 
in  which  I  am  sufficiently  conscious  that  in 
voluntary  error  must  often  be  committed. — 
To  JOSEPH  B.  VARNUM.  v,  223.  (W., 
1807.) 

6043. .      My   usage   is   to   make 

the  best  appointment  my  information  and 
judgment  enable  me  to  do,  and  then  fold  my 
self  up  in  the  mantle  of  conscience,  and  abide 
unmoved  the  peltings  of  the  storm.  And  oh ! 
for  the  day  when  I  shall  be  withdrawn  from 
it;  when  I  shall  have  leisure  to  enjoy  my 
family,  my  friends,  my  farm  and  books. — To 
DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  v,  225.  (W.,  1808.) 

6044. .     I    shall    make    no    new 

appointments  which  can  be  deferred  until 
the  4th  of  March,  thinking  it  fair  to  leave  to 
my  successor  to  select  the  agents  for  his 
own  administration. — To  DR.  LOGAN,  v,  404. 
(W.,  Dec.  1808.)  See  OFFICE-HOLDERS. 

6045.  OFFICE,  Choice  of. — It  is  not  for 

an  individual  to  choose  his  post.  You  are  to 
marshal  us  as  may  be  best  for  the  public 
good. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  125. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  141.  (Dec.  1789.) 


645 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Office 


6046. .     A    good    citizen    should 

take  his  stand  where  the  public  authority 
marshals  him.— To  LA  DUCHESSE  D'AuviLLE. 
iii,  135.  FORD  ED.,  v,  153.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

6047. .  I  never  thought  of  ques 
tioning  the  free  exercise  of  the  right  of  my 
fellow  citizens,  to  marshal  those  whom  they 
call  into  their  service  according  to  their  fit 
ness,  nor  ever  presumed  that  they  were  not 
the  best  judges  of  that.— To  JAMES  SULLI 
VAN,  iv,  168.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  116.  (M., 
I797-) 

6048. .  I  profess  so  much  of  the 

Roman  principle,  as  to  deem  it  honorable  for 
the  general  of  yesterday  to  act  as  a  corporal 
to-day,  if  his  services  can  be  useful  to  his 
country ;  holding  that  to  be  false  pride,  which 
postpones  the  public  good  to  any  private 
or  personal  considerations. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.  vi,  80.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  367.  (M., 
Oct.  1812.) 

6049.  OFFICE,   Claims  to. — In   appoint 
ments  to  public  offices  of  mere  profit,  I  have 
ever  considered  faithful  service  in  either  our 
first  or  second*  revolution  as  giving  prefer 
ence  of  claim,  and  that  appointments  on  that 
principle     would     gratify     the     public,     and 
strengthen  confidence  so  necessary  to  enable 
the    Executive    to    direct    the    whole    public 
force  to  the  best  advantage  of  the  nation. — 
To  JOHN  PAGE,     v,   135.     FORD  ED.,  ix,   117. 
(W.,  July  1807.) 

6050.  OFFICE,  Declination  of  .—Whether 
the   State  may  command  the  political   serv 
ices    of    all    its    members    to    an    indefinite 
extent,    or,    if    these    be    among    the    rights 
never    wholly    ceded    to    the    public     power, 
is    a    question    which    I    do    not    find    ex 
pressly  decided  in  England.     Obiter  dictums 
on  the  subject  I  have  indeed  met  with,  but 
the  complexion  of  the  times  in  which  these 
have  dropped  would  generally  answer  them; 
besides  that,  this  species  of  authority  is  not 
acknowledged    in    our    profession.       In    this 
country,  however,  since  the  present  govern 
ment  has  been  established,  the  point  has  been 
settled   by   uniform,    pointed   and   multiplied 
precedents.     Offices  of  every  kind,  and  given 
by  every  power,  have  been  daily  and  hourly 
declined  and  resigned  from  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  to  this  moment.     The  Gen 
eral    Assembly    has    accepted    these    without 
discrimination    of    office,    and    without    ever 
questioning  them   in  point  of  right.     If  the 
difference  between  the  office  of  a  delegate  and 
any   other   could   ever  have   been    supposed, 
yet  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Thompson  Mason,  who 
declined  the  office  of  delegate,  and  was  per 
mitted  so  to  do  by  the  House,  that  supposi 
tion  has  been  proved  to  be  groundless.     But, 
indeed,  no  such  distinction  of  offices  can  be 
admitted.     Reason,  and  the  opinions  of  the 
lawyers,  putting  all  on  a  footing  as  to  this 
question,   and   so  giving  to  the  delegate  the 
aid  of  all  the  precedents  of  the  refusal  of 
other  offices.    The  law  then  does  not  warrant 
the  assumption  of  such  a  power  by  the  State 

*  The  political  revolution  of  1800.— EDITOR. 


over  its  members.  For  if  it  does,  where  is 
that  law  ?  nor  yet  does  reason.  For  though  I 
will  admit  that  this  does  subject  every  in 
dividual,  if  called  on,  to  an  equal  tour  of 
political  duty,  yet  it  never  can  go  so  far  as 
to  submit  to  it  his  whole  existence.  If  we 
are  made  in  some  degree  for  others,  yet  in  a 
greater,  are  we  made  for  ourselves.  It  were 
contrary  to  feeling  and,  indeed,  ridiculous  to 
suppose  that  a  man  had  less  right  in  himself 
than  one  of  his  neighbors,  or  indeed,  all  of 
them  put  together.  This  would  be  slavery, 
and  not  that  liberty  which  the  bill  of  rights 
[of  Virginia]  has  made  inviolable,  and  for 
the  preservation  of  which  our  government 
has  been  charged.  Nothing  could  so  com 
pletely  divest  us  of  that  liberty  as  the  estab 
lishment  of  the  opinion,  that  the  State  has 
a  perpetual  right  to  the  services  of  all  its 
members.  This,  to  men  of  certain  ways  of 
thinking,  would  be  to  annihilate  the  blessing 
of  existence,  and  to  contradict  the  Giver  of 
life,  who  gave  it  for  happiness  and  not  for 
wretchedness.  And  certainly,  to  such  it  were 
better  that  they  had  never  been  born. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  i,  318.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  57. 
(M.,  1782.) 

6051. .     Though    I    will    admit 

that  *  *  *  reason  does  subject  every  in 
dividual,  if  called  on,  to  an  equal  tour  of 
political  duty,  yet  it  never  can  go  so  far  as 
to  submit  to  it  his  whole  existence. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,  i,  319.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  58. 
(M.,  1782.) 

6052.  OFFICE,     Desire     for.— No     man 
ever  had  less  desire  of  entering  into  public 
offices    than    myself. — THE    ANAS,     ix,    102. 
FORD  ED.,  i,  175.     (1792.) 

6053.  OFFICE,     Distribution.— Should 
distributive  justice  give  preference  to  a  suc 
cessor  of  the  same  State  with  the  deceased, 
I  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  to  you  Mr. 
Hayward. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,    iii, 
249.    FORD  ED.,  v,  322.    (Pa.,  1791.) 

6054.  OFFICE,  A  duty.— To  my  fellow- 
citizens  the  debt  of  service  has  been  fully  and 
faithfully  paid.     I  acknowledge  that  such  a 
debt  exists,  that  a  tour  of  duty,  in  whatever 
line  he  can  be  most  useful   to  his  country, 
is  due  from  every  individual.     It  is  not  easy 
perhaps  to  say  of  what  length  exactly  this 
tour  should  be,  but  we  may  safely  say  of  what 
length  it  should  not  be.   Not  of  our  whole  life, 
for  instance,  for  that  would  be  to  be  born  a 
slave, — not  even  of  a  very  large  portion  of  it. 
I  have  now  been  in  the  public  service  four 
and   twenty   years ;    one   half   of   which   has 
been  spent  in  total  occupation  with  their  af 
fairs,   and   absence   from   my   own.     I   have 
served  my  tour  then. — To  JAMES  MADISON. 
iii,  577.    FORD  ED.,  vi,  290.     (June  1793.) 

6055. .  The  duties  of  office  are 

a  corvee  which  must  be  undertaken  on  far 
other  considerations  than  those  of  personal 
happiness. — To  GENERAL  ARMSTRONG,  vi,  103. 
(M.,  1813.) 

6056.  OFFICE,  Exclusion  from.— The 
republicans  have  been  excluded  from  all  of- 


Office 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


646 


fices  from  the  first  origin  of  the  division  into 
republican  and  federalist.  They  have  a 
reasonable  claim  to  vacancies  till  they  occupy 
their  due  share.— To  DR.  B.  S.  BARTON,  iv, 
353.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  489.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

G057. .  Exercising  that  discre 
tion  which  the  Constitution  has  confided  to 
me  in  the  choice  of  public  agents,  I  have  been 
sensible,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  justice  due 
to  those  who  have  been  systematically  ex 
cluded  from  the  service  of  their  country,  and 
attentive,  on  the  other,  to  restore  justice  in 
such  a  way  as  might  least  affect  the  sympa 
thies  and  the  tranquillity  of  the  public  mind. 
—To  WILLIAM  JUDD.  viii,  114.  (Nov. 
1802.) 

6058.  OFFICE,  Good  behavior. — In  the 
office  to  which  I  have  been  called  [Secre 
taryship  of  State]  all  was  full,  and  I  could 
not  in  any  case  think  it  just  to  turn  out  those 
in  possession  who  have  behaved  well,  merely 
to  put  others  in. — To  FRANCIS  WILLIS.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  157.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

6059. .     There  are  no  offices  in 

my  gift  [as  Secretary  of  State]  but  of  mere 
scribes  in  the  office  room  at  $800  and  $500 
a  year.  These  I  found  all  filled,  and  of  long 
possession  in  the  hands  of  those  who  held 
them,  and  I  thought  it  would  not  be  just  to 
remove  persons  in  possession,  who  had  be 
haved  well,  to  make  places  for  others. — To 
COLONEL  HENRY  LEE.  FORD  ED.,  v,  163.  (N. 
Y.,  1790.) 

6060.  OFFICE,    Happiness    and.— Were 
happiness  the  only  legitimate  object,  the  pub 
lic  councils  would  be  deserted.     That  corvee 
once    performed,    however,    the    independent 
happiness  of  domestic  life  may  rightfully  be 
sought  and  enjoyed. — To  JOHN   T.   MASON. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  476.     (M.,  1814.) 

6061.  OFFICE,    Life    appointments   to. 

—Appointments  in  the  nature  of  freehold 
render  it  difficult  to  undo  what  is  done. — To 
JAMES  MADISON,  iv,  344.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  474. 
(W.,  Dec.  1800.) 

6062.  OFFICE,  Motives  for  holding.— I 

have  no  motive  to  public  service  but  the  pub 
lic  satisfaction. — To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON. 
iii,  124.  FORD  ED.,  v,  140.  (Dec.  1789.) 

6063.  OFFICE,  Poisonous.— We  have  put 
down  the  great  mass  of  offices   which  gave 
such  patronage  to  the  President.     These  had 
been  so  numerous,  that  presenting  themselves 
to  the  public  eye  at  all  times  and  places,  of 
fice  began  to  be  looked  to  as  a  resource  for 
every   man   whose   affairs   were   getting   into 
derangement,  or  who  was  too  indolent  to  pur 
sue  his  profession,  and  for  young  men  just 
entering  into  life.     In  short,  it  was  poisoning 
the   very   source   of   industry,   by   presenting 
an  easier  resource  for  a  livelihood,  and  was 
corrupting  the  principles  of  the  great  mass 
of  those  who  passed  a  wishful  eye  on  office. 
— To  THOMAS  McKEAN.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  217. 
(W.,  Feb.  1803.) 

6064.  OFFICE,  Poverty  and.— There  is 
not,  and  has  not  been,  a  single  vacant  office 


at  my  disposal.  Nor  would  I,  as  your  friend, 
ever  think  of  putting  you  into  the  petty 
clerkships  in  the  several  offices,  where  you 
would  have  to  drudge  through  life  for  a 
miserable  pittance,  without  a  hope  of  better 
ing  your  situation.— To  JOHN  GARLAND  JEF 
FERSON.  FORD  ED.,  v,  180.  (N.Y.,  1790.) 

6065.  OFFICE,     Private     advantage.— 

Public  employment  contributes  neither  to  ad 
vantage  nor  happiness.  It  is  but  honorable 
exile  from  one's  family  and  affairs.— To 
FRANCIS  WILLIS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  157.  (N.Y., 
1790.) 

6066.  OFFICE,  Profits  in.— I  love  to  see 
honest  and  honorable  men  at  the  helm,  men 
who    will    not    bend    their   politics    to    their 
purses,  nor  pursue  measures  by  which  they 
may  profit,  and  then  profit  by  their  measures. 
— To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.     iv,  153.    FORD  ED., 
vii,  95-     (M.,  1796.) 

6067.  OFFICE,  Refusing.— We  find  it  of 
advantage  to  the  public  to  ask  of  those  to 
whom  appointments  are  proposed,  if  they  are 
not  accepted,  to  say  nothing  of  the  offer,  at 
least    for    a    convenient    time.      The    refusal 
cheapens  the  estimation  of  the  public  appoint 
ments,  and  renders  them  less  acceptable  to 
those  to  whom  they  are  secondarily  proposed. 
— To  GENERAL  JOHN  ARMSTRONG.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  302.     (W.,  1804.) 

6068.  OFFICE,  Sale  of.— These  exercises 
[by  Parliament]  of  usurped  power*  have  not 
been    confined   to    instances    alone    in    which 
themselves    were    interested,    but    they    have 
also  intermeddled  with  the  regulation  of  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  Colonies.     The  act  of 
the  9th  of  June  for  establishing  a  Post  Office 
in  America  seems  to  have  had  little  connec 
tion    with    British    convenience,    except   that 
of  accommodating  his  Majesty's  ministers  and 
favorites  with  the  sale  of  an  easy  and  lucra 
tive  office. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,     i, 
130.    FORD  ED.,  i,  434.     (1774.) 

6069.  OFFICE,  Seekers  of.— Whenever  a 
man  has  cast  a  longing  eye  on  offices,  a  rot 
tenness   begins   in    his   conduct. — To   TENCH 
COXE.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  381.     (M.,  1799.) 

6070.  OFFICE,    Solicitation.— With     re 
spect  to  the  young  gentlemen  in  the  office  of 
foreign    affairs,    their    possession    and    your 
recommendation  are  the  strongest  titles.    But 
I  suppose  the  ordinance  establishing  my  of 
fice  allows  but  one  assistant;  and  I  should 
be  wanting  in  candor  to  you  and  them,  were 
I  not  to  tell  you  that  another  candidate  has 
been  proposed  to  me,  on  ground  that  cannot 
but    command    respect. — To    CHIEF    JUSTICE 
JAY.    iii,  127.     FORD  ED.,  v,  144.     (M.,  1790.) 

6071.  OFFICE,     Talents     and. — Talents 
and   science   are   sufficient   motives   with   me 
in  appointments  to  which  they  are  fitted. — To 
PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,    iii,  466.    FORD  ED., 
vi,  107.     (M.,  1792.) 

6072.  OFFICE,  Training  for.— For  pro 
moting  the  public  happiness,  those  persons, 

*  Over  manufactures,  exports  and  imports,  &c.— 
EDITOR. 


647 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Office 
Offices 


whom  nature  has  endowed  with  genius  and 
virtue,  should  be  rendered  by  liberal  educa 
tion  worthy  to  receive,  and  able  to  guard  the 
sacred  deposit  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
their  fellow  citizens;  and  they  should  be 
called  to  that  charge  without  regard  to 
wealth,  birth,  or  other  accidental  condition 
or  circumstance.— DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE 
BILL.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  221.  (i779-) 

6073.  OFFICE,  Unprincipled  men  and. 
— An  unprincipled  man,  let  his  other  fitnesses 
be  what  they  will,   ought  never  to  be  em 
ployed.— To  DR.   GILMER.     iv,  5.     FORD  ED., 
vi,  325-     (Pa-,  1793- ) 

6074.  OFFICE,    Weariness    of. — I    must 
yet  a  little  while  bear  up  against  my  weari 
ness  of  public  office.— To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  417-     (Pa.,  Jan.  1792.) 

6075.  OFFICES,    Administration    of.— 
Nothing  presents  such  difficulties  of  adminis 
tration  as  offices.— To  GIDEON  GRANGER.   FORD 
ED.,  viii,  44.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6076. .   To  you  I  need  not  make 

the  observation  that  of  all  the  duties  imposed 
on  the  executive  head  of  a  government,  ap 
pointment  to  office  is  the  most  difficult  and 
irksome.— To  GEORGE  CLINTON.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  52.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

6077.  .     The  transaction  of  the 

great  interests  of  our  country  costs  us  little 
trouble  or  difficulty.     There  the  line  is  plain 
to  men  of  some  experience.    But  the  task  of 
appointment  is  a  heavy  one  indeed.     He  on 
whom  it  falls  may  envy  the  lot  of  a  Sisyphus 
or  Ixion.     Their  agonies  were  of  the  body: 
this  of  the  mind.    Yet,  like  the  office  of  hang 
man,  it  must  be  executed  by  some  one.     It 
has  been  assigned  to  me  and  made  my  duty. 
I  make  up  my  mind  to  it,  therefore,  and  aban 
don  all  regard  to  consequences. — To  LARKIN 
SMITH.      FORD    ED.,    viii,    336.      (W.,    Nov. 
1804.) 

6078.  OFFICES,  Bestowal.— I  have  firm 
ly  refused   to  follow  the   counsels   of  those 
who  have  desired  the  giving  offices  to  some 
of  the  [federal]  leaders,  in  order  to  reconcile. 
I  have  given,  and  will  give  only  to  repub 
licans,     under     existing     circumstances.— To 
JAMES  MONROE,     iv,  368.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  10. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 

6079. .  The  consolidation  of  pur 

fellow  citizens  in  general  is  the  great  object 
we  ought  to  keep  in  view,  and  that  being 
once  obtained,  while  we  associate  with  us 
in  affairs,  to  a  certain  degree,  the  federal  sect 
of  republicans,  we  must  strip  of  all  the  means 
of  influence  the  Essex  Junto,  and  their  as 
sociate  monocrats  in  every  part  of  the  Union. 
-—To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  398.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
66.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6080.  OFFICES,  Burthens. — In  a  virtu 
ous  government,  and  more  especially  in  times 
like  these,  public  offices  are,  what  they  should 
be,  burthens  to  those  appointed  to  them, 
which  it  would  be  wrong  to  decline,  though 
foreseen  to  bring  with  them  intense  labor. 


and  great  private  loss.— To  RICHARD  HENRY 
LEE.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  192.  (Wg.,  1779.) 

6081.  OFFICES,  Charity  and.— I  did  not 

think  the  public  offices  confided  to  me  to 
give  away  as  charities. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  446.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  166.  (W.,  1802.) 

6082.  OFFICES,   Confirming  power.— I 
have   always   considered   the   control   of   the 
Senate    as    meant    to    prevent    any    bias    or 
favoritism  in  the  President  towards  his  own 
relations,   his  own  religion,   towards  partic 
ular   States,   &c.,  and  perhaps  to  keep  very 
obnoxious  persons  out  of  offices  of  the  first 
grade.     But  in  all  subordinate  cases,  I  have 
ever  thought  that  the  selection  made  by  the 
President   ought   to   inspire   a   general   con 
fidence  that  it  has  been  made  on  due  enquiry 
and  investigation  of  character,  and  that  the 
Senate  should  interpose  their  negative  only 
in    those   particular    cases    where    something 
happens  to  be  within  their  knowledge,  against 
the  character  of  the  person,  and  unfitting  him 
for  the  appointment. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  211.     (1803.) 

6083.  OFFICES,  Creation  of. — The  Ad 
ministrator  [of  Virginia]  shall  not  possess  the 
prerogative     *     *     *     of  erecting  offices. — 
PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.    FORD  ED.,  ii,  19. 
(June  1776.) 

6084.  _        .     He  has  erected  a  multi 
tude  of  new  offices  by  a  self-assumed  power.* 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN 
BY  JEFFERSON. 

6085. .     He     has     sent     hither 

swarms  of  new  officers  to  harass  our  people, 
and  eat  out  their  substance. — DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

6086.  OFFICES,  Difficult  to  fill.— The 

present  situation  of  the  President,  unable  to 
get  the  offices  filled,  really  calls  with  uncom 
mon  obligation  on  those  whom  nature  has 
fitted  for  them. — To  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE.  iv, 
124.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  40.  (M.,  Nov.  1795.) 

6087.  -  — .    Should  the  [federalists] 
yield  the  election,  I  have  reason  to  expect, 
in  the  outset,   the  greatest  difficulties  as  to 
nominations.     The  late  incumbents,   running 
away    from    their   offices    and    leaving   them 
vacant,  will  prevent  my  filling  them  without 
the  previous  advice  of  the  Senate.    How  this 
difficulty  is  to  be  got  over  I  know  not. — To 
JAMES  MONROE,     iv,  355.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  491. 
(W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

6088.  OFFICES,    Factions    and. — In  ap 
pointments  to  office,  the  government  refuses 
to  know  any  difference  between  descriptions 
of  republicans,  all  of  whom  are  in  principle, 
and    cooperate     with    the    government. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,     v,  362.     (M.,  Sep.  1808.) 

6089.  OFFICES,  Favoritism.— Mr.  Nich 
olas's  being  a  Virginian  is  a  bar.     It  is  es 
sential  that  I  be  on  my  guard  in  appointing 
persons      from      that      State. — To      SAMUEL 
SMITH.  FORDED.,  viii,   29.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

•  Congress  struck  out  "  by  a  self-assumed  power  ". 
-EDITOR. 


Offices 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


648 


6090.  OFFICES,  Federal  monarchists 
and. — Amiable  monarchists  are  not  safe  sub 
jects  of  republican  confidence. — To  LEVI  LIN 
COLN,  iv,  399.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  67.  (W.,  1801.) 

6091. .     I  do  not  know  that  [the 

introducing  republicans  to  some  share  in  the 
offices]  will  be  pushed  further  *  *  *  ex 
cept  as  to  Essex  [Junto]  men.  I  must  ask 
you  to  make  out  a  list  of  those  in  office  in 
your  own  State  and  the  neighboring  ones, 
and  to  furnish  me  with  it.  There  is  little  of 
this  spirit  south  of  the  Hudson.  I  under 
stood  that  Jackson  is  a  very  determined  one, 
though  in  private  life  amiable  and  honorable. 
*  *  *  What  will  be  the  effect  of  his  re 
moval?  How  should  it  be  timed?  Who  his 
successor?  What  place  can  General  Lyman 
properly  occupy?— To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  399. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  67.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6092. .  I  have  spoken  of  the  fed 
eralists  as  if  they  were  a  homogeneous  body, 
but  this  is  not  the  truth.  Under  that  name 
lurks  the  heretical  sect  of  monarchists. 
Afraid  to  wear  their  own  name,  they  creep 
under  the  mantle  of  federalism,  and  the  fed 
eralists,  like  sheep,  permit  the  fox  to  take 
shelter  among  them,  when  pursued  by  the 
dogs.  These  men  have  no  right  to  office. 
If  a  monarchist  be  in  office  anywhere,  and  it 
be  known  to  the  President,  the  oath  he  has 
taken  to  support  the  Constitution  imperiously 
requires  the  instantaneous  dismission  of  such 
officer ;  and  I  should  hold  the  President  crim 
inal  if  he  permitted  such  to  remain.  To  ap 
point  a  monarchist  to  conduct  the  affairs  of 
a  republic,  is  like  appointing  an  atheist  to  the 
priesthood.  As  to  the  real  federalists,  I  take 
them  to  my  bosom  as  brothers.  I  view  them 
as  honest  men,  friends  to  the  present  Consti 
tution.* — FROM  A  NEWSPAPER  LETTER.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  237.  (June  1803.) 

6093.  OFFICES,  Geographical  equilib 
rium. — In  our  country,  you  know,  talents 
alone  are  not  to  be  the  determining  circum 
stance,  but  a  geographical  equilibrium  is  to 
a  certain  degree  expected.  The  different 
parts  in  the  Union  expect  to  share  the  public 
appointments. — To  HORATIO  GATES.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  ii.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6094. .     Virginia  is  greatly  over 

her  due  proportion  of  appointments  in  the 
General  Government;  and  though  this  has 
not  been  done  by  me,  it  would  be  imputed  as 
blamed  to  me  to  add  to  her  proportion.  So 
that  for  all  general  offices  persons  to  fill 
them  must,  for  some  time,  be  sought  from 
other  States,  and  only  offices  which  are  to  be 
exercised  within  the  State  can  be  given  to  its 
own  citizens. — To  JOHN  PAGE.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
133-  (W.,  Feb.  1802.) 

6095. .    Mr.  R[obert]  S.  Sfmith, 

Attorney-General],  has  had  a  commission 
given  to  Eli  Williams  as  commissioner  of  the 

*  An  article  in  the  New  York  Evening  Post  led 
Jefferson  to  write  a  letter,  signed  "  Fair  Play  ",  with 
a  view  to  publication  in  New  England.  It  was  the 
second  instance  of  Jefferson's  departure  from  his 
rule  of  not  writing  for  newpapers.  The  object  was 
to  provoke  discussion. — EDITOR. 


Western  road.  I  am  sorry  he  has  gone  out 
of  Baltimore  for  the  appointment,  and  also 
out  of  the  ranks  of  Republicanism.  It  will 
furnish  new  matter  for  clamor. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  464.  (M.,  Aug. 
1806.) 

6096.  OFFICES,  Gift  of.—  I  dare  say  you 
have  found  that  the  solicitations  for  office  are 
the  most  painful  incidents  to  which  an  exec 
utive  magistrate  is  exposed.  The  ordinary 
affairs  of  a  nation  offer  little  difficulty  to  a 
person  of  any  experience;  but  the  gift  of 
office  is  the  dreadful  burthen  which  oppresses 
him. — To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  252.  (W., 
1808.) 

6097. .    A  person  who  wishes  to 

make  [the  gift  of  office]  an  engine  of  self- 
elevation,  may  do  wonders  with  it;  but  to 
one  who  wishes  to  use  it  conscientiously  for 
the  public  good,  without  regard  to  the  ties 
of  blood  or  friendship,  it  creates  enmities 
without  number,  many  open,  but  more  secret, 
and  saps  the  happiness  and  peace  of  his  life. 
—To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  v,  252.  (W.,  1808.) 

6098.  OFFICES,      Importunity      for.— 
When  I   retired  from  the  government  four 
years    ago,    it    was    extremely    my    wish    to 
withdraw  myself  from  all  concern  with  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  to  enjoy  with  my  fellow  citi 
zens  the  protection  of  government,  under  the 
auspices  and  direction  of  those  to  whom  it 
was    so    worthily    committed.      Solicitations 
from   my  friends,   however,   to  aid  them  in 
their  applications   for  office,   drew   from   me 
an   unwary   compliance,   till   at  length   these 
became   so  numerous  as  to  occupy  a  great 
portion  of  my  time  in  writing  letters  to  the 
President  and  heads  of  departments,  and  al 
though  these  were  attended  to  by  them  with 
great    indulgence,    yet    I    was    sensible    they 
could  not   fail   of  being  very  embarrassing. 
They  kept  me,   at  the   same  time,   standing 
forever  in  the  attitude  of  a  suppliant  before 
them,  daily  asking  favors  as  humiliating  and 
afflicting  to  my  own  mind,  as  they  were  un 
reasonable  from  their  multitude.    I  was  long 
sensible  of  putting  an  end  to  these  unceasing 
importunities,  when  a  change  in  the  heads  of 
the    two    departments    to    which    they    were 
chiefly    addressed,    presented    me    an    oppor 
tunity.    I  come  to  a  resolution,  therefore,  on 
that  change,  never  to  make  another  applica 
tion.     I  have  adhered  to  it  strictly,  and  find 
that  on  its  rigid  observance,  my  own  happi 
ness   and   the   friendship   of  the   government 
too  much  depend,  for  me  to  swerve  from  it 
in   future. — To  THOMAS   PAINE   M'MATRON. 
vi,  108.     (M.,  1813.) 

6099.  OFFICES,  Intolerance  and. — Our 
gradual  reformations  seem  to  produce  good 
effects    everywhere    except    in    Connecticut. 
Their  late   session   of   Legislature  has  been 
more   intolerant   than   all   others.     We   must 
meet  them  with  equal  intolerance.   When  they 
will  give  a  share  in  the  State  offices,  they 
shall    be    replaced    in    a    share   of   the    gen 
eral  offices.     Till  then,  we  must  follow  their 
example. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,     iv,  399.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  67.     (W.,  July  1801.) 


649 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Offices 


6100. .  When  I  entered  on  office, 

after  giving  a  very  small  participation  in  of 
fice  to  republicans  by  removal  of  a  very  few 
federalists,  selected  on  the  principle  of  their 
own  intolerance  while  in  office,  I  never  meant 
to  have  touched  another,  but  to  leave  to  the 
ordinary  accidents  to  make  openings  for  re 
publicans,  but  the  vindictive,  indecent  and 
active  opposition  of  some  individuals  has 
obliged  me  from  time  to  time  to  disarm  them 
of  the  influence  of  office. — To  ANDREW  ELLI- 
COTT.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  479.  (W.,  Nov.  1806.) 

6101.  OFFICES,  Jefferson  and. — I  have 
solicited    none,    intrigued    for    none.      Those 
which  my  country  has  thought  proper  to  con 
fide  to  me  have  been  of  their  own  mere  mo 
tion,  unasked  by  me. — To  JAMES  LYON.     vi, 
10.     (M.,  1811.) 

6102.  OFFICES,   Labor  and.— Consider 
ing  the  general   tendency  to  multiply  offices 
and    dependencies,    and   to   increase   expense 
to   the   ultimate   term   of   burden   which   the 
citizen  can  bear,  it  behooves  us  to  avail  our 
selves  of  every  occasion  which  presents  itself 
for   taking   off   the    surcharge;    that   it   may 
never  be  seen  here  that,  after  leaving  to  labor 
the  smallest  portion  of  its  earnings  on  which 
it  can  subsist,  government  shall   itself  con 
sume  the  residue  of  what  it  was  instituted 
to    guard. — FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE,      viii, 
10.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  120.     (Dec.  1801.) 

6103.  OFFICES,  Local.— Where  an  office 
is  local  we  never  go  out  of  the  limits  for  the 
officer.— To   CESAR   A.    RODNEY.     FORD   ED., 
viii,  498.     (W.,  1806.) 

6104.  OFFICES,    Lopping    off.— I    had 

foreseen,  years  ago,  that  the  first  republican 
President  who  should  come  into  office  after 
all  the  places  in  the  government  had  become 
exclusively  occupied  by  federalists,  would 
have  a  dreadful  operation  to  perform.  That 
the  republicans  would  consent  to  a  continua 
tion  of  everything  in  federal  hands,  was  not 
to  be  expected,  because  neither  just  nor  pol 
itic.  On  him,  then,  was  to  devolve  the  office 
of  an  executioner,  that  of  lopping  off.  I  can 
not  say  that  it  has  worked  harder  than  I  ex 
pected. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  406.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  83.  (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

6105.  OFFICES,      Midnight      appoint 
ments. — The  nominations  crowded  in  by  Mr. 
Adams,  after  he  knew  he  was  not  appointing 
for  himself,   I  treat  as  mere  nullities.     His 
best  friends  do  not  disapprove  of  this. — To 
WILLIAM  FINDLEY.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  28.     (W., 
March  1801.) 

6106. .    In  the  class  of  removals, 

I  do  not  rank  the  new  appointments  which 
Mr.  Adams  crowded  in  with  whip  and  spur 
from  the  i2th  of  December,  when  the  event 
of  the  election  was  known  (and,  conse 
quently,  that  he  was  making  appointments, 
not  for  himself,  but  his  successor),  until  9 
o'clock  of  the  night,  at  12  o'clock  of  which 
he  was  to  go  out  of  office.  This  outrage  on 
decency  should  not  have  its  effect,  except  in 
the  life  appointments  which  are  irremovable ; 
but  as  to  the  others,  I  consider  the  nomina 


tions  as  nullities,  and  will  not  view  the  per 
sons  as  even  candidates  for  their  office,  much 
ess  as  possessing  it  by  any  title  meriting  re 
spect. — To  GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX.  iv,  386. 
FORD  ED.,  vi  ,  36.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6107.  -  .  Mr.  Adams's  last  ap 
pointments,  when  he  knew  he  was  naming 
counsellors  and  aids  for  me  and  not  for  him 
self,  I  set  aside  as  far  as  depends  on  me. — 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
42.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6108. .    I  consider  as  nullities  all 

the  appointments  (of  a  removable  character) 
crowded  in  by  Mr.  Adams,  when  he  knew 
be  was  appointing  counsellors  and  agents  for 
bis  successor  and  not  for  himself. — To 
GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  44.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6109. .     I    have    not    considered 

as  candid,  or  even  decorous,  the  crowding  of 
appointments  by  Mr.  Adams  after  he  knew 
he  was  making  them  for  his  successor  and 
not  himself  even  to  nine  o'clock  of  the  night 
at  twelve  of  which  he  was  to  go  out  of  of 
fice.  I  do  not  think  I  ought  to  permit  that 
conduct  to  have  any  effect  as  to  the  offices 
removable  in  their  nature. — To  PIERREPONT 
EDWARDS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  44.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

6110. .  The  last  Congress  estab 
lished  a  Western  Judiciary  district  in  Vir 
ginia,  comprehending  chiefly  the  Western 
countries.  Mr.  Adams,  who  continued  fill 
ing  all  the  offices  till  nine  o'clock  of  the 
night,  at  twelve  of  which  he  was  to  go  out 
of  office  himself,  took  care  to  appoint  for  this 
district  also.  The  judge,  of  course,  stands 
till  the  laws  shall  be  repealed,  which  we 
trust  will  be  at  the  next  Congress.  But  as 
to  all  others  I  made  it  immediately  known 
that  I  should  consider  them  as  nullities,  and 
appoint  others. — To  A.  STUART,  iv,  393. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  46.  (M.,  April  1801.) 

6111. .     If  the  will  of  the  nation, 

manifested  by  their  various  elections,  calls 
for  an  administration  of  government  accord 
ing  with  the  opinions  of  those  elected ;  if, 
for  the  fulfillment  of  that  will,  displacements 
are  necessary,  with  whom  can  they  so  justly 
begin  as  with  persons  appointed  in  the  last 
moments  of  an  administration,  not  for  its 
own  aid,  but  to  begin  a  career  at  the  same 
time  with  their  successors,  by  whom  they 
had  never  been  approved,  and  who  could 
scarcely  expect  from  them  a  cordial  coopera 
tion? — To  THE  NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,  iv, 
404.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  69.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6112.  OFFICES,     Multiplication     of.— 

The  multiplication  of  public  offices,  increase 
of  expense  beyond  income,  growth  and  en- 
tailment  of  a  public  debt,  are  indications  so 
liciting  the  employment  of  the  pruning  knife. 
— To  SPENCER  ROANE.  vii,  212.  FORD  ED.,  x, 
188.  (M.,  1821.) 

6113.  OFFICES,     Newspaper     cajolery 
and. — I  was  not  deluded  by  the  eulogiums  of 
the   public   papers   in   the   first   moments   of 


Offices 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


650 


change.  If  they  could  have  continued  to  get 
all  the  loaves  and  fishes,  that  is,  if  I  would 
have  gone  over  to  them,  they  would  continue 
to  eulogize.  But  I  well  knew  that  the  moment 
that  such  removals  should  take  place,  as  the 
justice  of  the  preceding  administration  ought 
to  have  executed,  their  hue  and  cry  would  be 
set  up,  and  they  would  take  their  old  stand. 
I  shall  disregard  that  also.— To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  41.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6114.  OFFICES,      Nominations. — There 
is  nothing  I  am  so  anxious  about  as  good 
nominations,  conscious  that  the  merit  as  well 
as   reputation  of  an  administration   depends 
as  much  on  that  as  on  its  measures. — To  A. 
STUART,     iv,  394.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  47.     (M., 
April  1801.) 

6115.  .      My     nominations     are 

sometimes  made  on  my  own  knowledge  of 
the  persons;   sometimes  on  the  information 
of  others  given  either  voluntarily,  or  at^my 
request  and  in  personal  confidence.     This   I 
could  not  communicate  without  a  breach  of 
confidence,  not  I  am  sure,  under  the  contem 
plation  of  the  committee.*   They  are  sensible 
the    Constitution   has   made   it   my   duty   to 
nominate;  and  has  not  made  it  my  duty  to 
lay   before   them    the    evidences    or    reasons 
whereon  my  nominations  are  founded;  and 
of  the  correctness  *of  this  opinion  the  estab 
lished  usage  in  the  intercourse  between  the 
Senate  and   President  is  a  proof.       During 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  time  this  Constitu 
tion  has  been  in  operation,   I  have  been  in 
situations  of  intimacy  with  this  part  of  it, 
and  may  observe,  from  my  knowledge,  that 
it  has  not  been  the  usage  of  the  President  to 
lay  before  the  Senate,   or  a  committee,  the 
information  on  which  he  makes  his  nomina 
tions.      In    a    single    instance    lately,    I    did 
make  a  communication  of  papers,  but  there 
were  circumstances  so  peculiar  in  that  case 
as    to    distinguish    it    from    all    others. — To 
URIAH  TRACY.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  412.     (1806.) 

6116. .     Nomination  to  office  is 

an  executive  function.  To  give  it  to  the  Leg 
islature,  as  we  [in  Virginia]  do,  is  a  violation 
of  the  principle  of  the  separation  of  powers. 
It  swerves  the  members  from  correctness,  by 
temptations  to  intrigue  for  office  themselves 
and  to  a  corrupt  barter  of  votes ;  and  destroys 
responsibility  by  dividing  it  among  a  mul 
titude.  By  leaving  nomination  in  its  proper 
place,  among  executive  functions,  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  distribution  of  power  is  pre 
served,  and  responsibility  weighs  with  its 
force  on  a  single  head. — To  SAMUEL  KERCH- 
IVAL.  vii,  12.  FORD  ED.,  x,  40.  (M.,  1816.) 

6117.  OFFICES,  Participation  in.— L 
would  have  been  to  me  a  circumstance  o1 
great  relief,  had  I  found  a  moderate  partici 
pation  of  office  in  the  hands  of  the  majority 
I  would  gladly  have  left  to  time  and  acciden 
to  raise  them  to  their  just  share.  But  theii 

*  A  committee  of  the  Senate  which  had  asked  Jef 
ferson  concerning  the  characters  and  qualification 
of  certain  persons  nominated  by  him.  This  pape 
was  not  sent. — EDITOR. 


otal  exclusion  calls  for  prompter  correctives. 
— To  THE  NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,    iv,  405. 
rORD  ED.,  viii,  70.     (W.,  July  1801.) 

6118. .  After  so  long  and  com- 

lete  an  exclusion  from  office  as  republicans 
lave  suffered,  insomuch  that  every  place  is 

filled  with  their  opponents,  justice  as  well  as 
rinciple  requires  that  they  should  have  some 
)articipation.  I  believe  they  will  be  con- 
ented  with  less  than  their  just  share  for  the 
sake  of  peace  and  conciliation. — To  PIERCE 

BUTLER.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  82.  (M.,  Aug. 
801.) 

6119. .     If  a  due  participation  of 

office  is  a  matter  of  right,  how  are  vacancies 
o  be  obtained?  Those  by  death  are  few; 
by  resignation,  none.  Can  any  other  mode 
han  that  of  removal  be  proposed? — To  THE 
S[EW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,  iv,  404.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  70.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6120. .     I  still  think  our  original 

dea  as  to  office  is  best;  that  is,  to  depend, 
:or  the  obtaining  a  just  participation,  on 
deaths,  resignations,  and  delinquencies.  This 
will  least  affect  the  tranquillity  of  the  people, 
and  prevent  their  giving  in  to  the  suggestion 
of  our  enemies,  that  ours  has  been  a  contest 
"or  office,  not  for  principle.  This  is  rather 
a  slow  operation,  but  it  is  sure  if  we  pursue 
t  steadily,  which,  however,  has  not  been  done 
with  the  undeviating  resolution  I  could  have 
washed. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  451.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  176.  (W.,  Oct.  1802.) 

6121. .  The  present  administra 
tion  had  a  task  imposed  on  it  which  was  un 
avoidable,  and  could  not  fail  to  exert  the 
bitterest  hostility  in  those  who  opposed  it. 
The  preceding  administration  left  ninety-nine 
out  of  every  hundred  in  public  office  of  the 
federal  sect.  Republicanism  had  been  the 
mark  on  Cain  which  had  rendered  those  who 
bore  it  exiles  from  all  portion  in  the  trusts 
and  authorities  of  their  country.  This  de 
scription  of  citizens  called  imperiously  and 
justly  for  a  restoration  of  right.  It  was  in 
tended,  however,  to  have  yielded  to  this  in 
so  moderate  a  degree  as  might  conciliate 
those  who  had  obtained  exclusive  possession ; 
but  as  soon  as  they  were  touched,  they  en 
deavored  to  set  fire  to  the  four  corners  of  the 
public  fabric,  and  obliged  us  to  deprive  of  the 
influence  of  office  several  who  were  using  it 
with  activity  and  vigilance  to  destroy  the 
confidence  of  the  people  in  their  government, 
and  thus  to  proceed  in  the  drudgery  of  re 
moval  farther  than  would  have  been,  had  not 
their  own  hostile  enterprises  rendered  it  nec 
essary  in  self-defence.— To  BENJAMIN  HAW 
KINS,  iv,  466.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  212.  (W., 
1803.) 

6122. .     Whether  a  participation 

of  office  in  proportion  to  numbers  should  be 
effected  in  each  State  separately,  or  in  the 
whole  States  taken  together,  is  difficult  to 
decide,  and  has  not  yet  been  settled  in  my 
own  mind.  It  is  a  question  of  vast  com 
plications.— To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  258.  (W.,  July  1803.) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Offices 


6123.  OFFICES,    Perplexity    over. — My 

position  is  painful  enough  between  federalists 
who  cry  out  on  the  first  touch  of  their  monop 
oly,  and  republicans  who  clamor  for  uni 
versal  removal.  A  subdivision  of  the  latter 
will  increase  the  perplexity.  I  am  proceed 
ing  with  deliberation  and  enquiry  to  do  what 
I  think  just  to  both  descriptions  and  con 
ciliatory  to  both.— To  JOHN  DICKINSON. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  76.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6124.  OFFICES,     Policy    respecting.— 
You  know  the  moderation  of  our  views  in 
this  business,  and  that  we  all  concurred  in 
them.     We  determined  to  proceed  with  de 
liberation.     This  produced  impatience  in  the 
republicans,    and    a   belief   we   meant   to   do 
nothing. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,     iv,  406.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  83.     (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

6125.  —         — .     All  offices   were  in  the 
hands   of   the    federalists.     The    injustice    of 
having  totally  excluded  republicans  was  ac 
knowledged  by  every  man.    To  have  removed 
one  half,  and  to  have  placed  good  republicans 
in   their  stead,   would  have  been   rigorously 
just,  when  it  was  known  that  these  composed 
a   very  great   majority  of  the  nation.     Yet 
such   was   their  moderation   in   most  of  the 
States,  that  they  did  not  desire  it.     In  these, 
therefore,    no    removals    took   place   but    for 
malversation.     In  the  middle  States,  the  con 
tention  had  been  higher,   spirits  were  more 
sharpened  and  less  accommodating.      It  was 
necessary    in    these    to    practice    a    different 
treatment,   and   to   make   a   few   changes   to 
tranquilize  the  injured  party. — To  WILLIAM 
SHORT,     iv,   414.     FORD  ED.,   viii,   97.      (W., 
1801.) 

6126.  OFFICES,  Public  opinion  and. — 

Some  States  require  a  different  regimen  from 
others.  What  is  done  in  one  State  very  often 
shocks  another,  though  where  it  is  done  it  is 
wholesome.  South  of  the  Potomac,  not  a 
single  removal  has  been  asked.  On  the  con 
trary,  they  are  urgent  that  none  shall  be 
made.  Accordingly,  only  one  has  been  made, 
which  was  for  malversation.  They  censure 
much  the  removals  north  of  this.  You  see, 
therefore,  what  various  tempers  we  have  to 
harmonize. — To  THOMAS  McKEAN.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  78.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6127.  OFFICES,  Qualifications.— I  shall 
*  *  *   return  with  joy  to  that  state  of  things 
when  the  only  questions  concerning  a  can 
didate  shall  be :  Is  he  honest?    Is  he  capable? 
Is  he  faithful  to  the  Constitution? — To  THE 
NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,    iv,  405.     FORD  ED., 
viii,  70.     (W.,  1801.) 

6128.  OFFICES,     Refusal.— For     God's 
sake    get    us    relieved    from    this    dreadful 
drudgery  of  refusal. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN. 
v,  398.     (Dec.  1808.) 

6129.  OFFICES,  Regeneration  of.— -We 
are  proceeding  gradually  in  the  regeneration 
of    offices,    and    introducing    republicans    to 
some  share  in  them. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,     iv, 
399-    FORD  ED.,  viii,  67.     (W.,  July  1801.) 


6130.  OFFICES,  Unconstitutional 
nominations. — The  President  cannot,  before 
the    4th    of    March,    make    nominations    [of 
Vermont  officers]  which  will  be  good  in  law ; 
because  till  that  day,  Vermont  will  not  be  a 
separate  and  integral  member  of  the  U.  S., 
and   it   is   only   to   integral    members   of   the 
Union  that  his  right  of  nomination  is  given 
by  the  Constitution. — REPORT  ON  ADMISSION 
OF  VERMONT.     FORD  ED.,  v.  290.     (1791.) 

6131.  OFFICES,    Vacancies.— I    think    I 
have  a  preferable  right  to  name  agents  for 
my    own    administration,    at    least    to    the 
vacancies  falling  after  it  was  known  that  Mr. 
Adams  was  not  naming  for  himself. — To  A. 
STUART,     iv,  393.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  46.     (M., 
April  1801.) 

6132.  - .     The  phrase  in  the  Con 
stitution  is,  "  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 
happen    during   the    recess   of   the    Senate ''. 
This  may  mean  "  vacancies  that  may  happen 
to  be  ",  or  "  may  happen  to  fall  " ;  it  is,  cer 
tainly,  susceptible  of  both  constructions,  and 
we  took  the  practice  of  our  predecessors  as 
the  commentary  established.     This  was  done 
without  deliberation ;  and  we  have  not  before 
taken  an  exact  view  of  the  precedents.    They 
more  than  cover  our  cases,  but  I  think  some 
of  them  are  not  justifiable.     We  propose  to 
take  the  subject  into  consideration,  and  to  fix 
on  such  a  rule  of  conduct,  within  the  words 
of  the  Constitution,  as  may  save  the  govern 
ment   from   serious   injury,    and   yet   restrain 
the  Executive  within  limits  which  might  ad 
mit  mischief.    You  will  observe  the  cases  of 
Reade  and  Putnam,  where  the  persons  nom 
inated   declining  to  accept,   the  vacancy  re 
mained    unfilled,    and    had    happened    before 
the  recess.     It  will  be   said  these  vacancies 
did  not  remain  unfilled  by  the  intention  of 
the  Executive,  who  had,  by  nomination,  en 
deavored    to    fill    them.     So    in    our    cases, 
they   were  not   unfilled   by   the   intention   of 
the   successor,   but   by   the   omission    of   the 
predecessor.     Charles  Lee  informed  me  that 
wherever     an  office  became  vacant   so  short 
a    time    before    Congress    rose,    as    not    to 
give  an  opportunity  of  enquiring  for  a  proper 
character,   they  let  it  lie  always   till   recess. 

*  *  We  must  establish  a  correct  and  well 
digested  rule  of  practice,  to  bind  up  our  suc 
cessors  as  well  as  ourselves.  If  we  find  that 
any  of  our  cases  go  beyond  the  limits  of  such 
a  rule,  we  must  consider  what  will  be  the 
best  way  of  preventing  their  being  considered 
authoritative  examples. — To  WILSON  C. 
NICHOLAS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  131.  (W.,  Jan. 
1802.) 

6133. .      The     mischievous     law 

vacating,  every  four  years,  nearly  all  the 
executive  offices  of  the  government,  saps  the 
constitutional  and  salutary  functions  of  the 
President,  and  introduces  a  principle  of  in 
trigue  and  corruption,  which  will  soon 
leaven  the  mass,  not  only  of  senators,  but  of 
citizens.  It  is  more  baneful  than  the  attempt 
which  failed  in  the  beginning  of  the  govern 
ment,  to  make  all  officers  irremovable  but 
with  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  This  places, 


Offices 
Office-holders 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


every  four  years,  all  appointments  under  their 
power,  and  even  obliges  them  to  act  on  every 
one  nomination.  It  will  keep  in  constant  ex 
citement  all  the  hungry  cormorants  for  office, 
render  them,  as  well  as  those  in  place, 
sycophants  to  their  Senators,  engage  these 
in  eternal  intrigue  to  turn  out  one  and  put  in 
another,  in  cabals  to  swap  work;  and  make 
of  them  what  all  executive  directories  be 
come,  mere  sinks  of  corruption  and  faction. 
This  must  have  been  one  of  the  midnight 
signatures  of  the  President  when  he  had  not 
time  to  consider,  or  even  to  read  the  law ;  and 
the  more  fatal  as  being  irrepealable  but  with 
the  consent  of  the  Senate,  which  will  never  be 
obtained. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  vii,  190. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  168.  (P.F.,  1820.) 

6134.  OFFICES,  Women  and.— The   ap 
pointment  of  a  woman  to  office  is  an  innova 
tion   for  which  the  public  is  not  prepared, 
nor  am  I. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     FORD  ED., 
ix,  7.     (W.,  Jan.  1807.) 

6135.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,  Appoint 
ments. — With  regard  to  appointments,  I  have 
so  much  confidence  in  the  justice  and  good 
sense  of  the  federalists,  that  I  have  no  doubt 
they  will  concur  in  the  fairness  of  the  posi 
tion,  that  after  they  have  been  in  the  exclusive 
possession   of  all  offices   from  the  very  first 
origin    of    party    among    us,    to    the    3d    of 
March,  at  9  o'clock  in  the  night,  no  repub 
lican  ever  admitted,  and  this  doctrine  newly 
avowed,  it  is  now  perfectly  just  that  the  re 
publicans   should   come   in   for  the  vacancies 
which  may  fall   in,   until   something  like  an 
equilibrium  in  office  be  restored ;  after  which 
"  Tros  Tyriusque  mihi  nullo  discrimine  age- 
tur."*—TQ   DR.    BENJAMIN   RUSH,     iv,   382. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  31.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6136. .     About   appointments   to 

offices  the  rule  is  simple  enough.  The  fed 
eralists  having  been  in  exclusive  possession  of 
them  from  the  first  origin  of  the  party  among 
us,  to  the  3d  of  March,  nine  o'clock  p.  m.  of 
the  evening,  at  twelve  of  which  Mr.  Adams 
was  to  go  out  of  office,  their  reason  will  ac 
knowledge  the  justice  of  giving  vacancies,  as 
they  happen,  to  those  who  have  been  so  long 
excluded,  till  the  same  general  proportion 
prevails  in  office  which  exists  out  of  it. — To 
GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  44.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6137. .  Which  appointment  would 

be  most  respected  by  the  public,  for  that  cir 
cumstance  is  not  only  generally  the  best 
criterion  of  what  is  best,  but  the  public 
respect  can  alone  give  strength  to  the  govern 
ment. — To  ARCHIBALD  STUART.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
47.  (M.,  April  1801.) 

6138. .     There  is  nothing  I  am 

so  anxious  about  as  making  the  best  possible 
appointments,  and  no  case  in  which  the  best 
men  are  more  liable  to  mislead  us,  by  yielding 
to  the  solicitations  of  applicants. — T( 


.0    NA- 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  52. 


THANIEL  MACON.     iv,  396. 
(W.,  May  1801.) 

*  The  Congress  edition  omits  the  Latin  quotation. 
In  the  Ford  edition,  "  habetur  ",  not  "  agetur  ". — 
EDITOR. 


6139. .     The  grounds  on  which 

one  of  the  competitors  stood,  set  aside  of 
necessity  all  hesitation.  Mr.  Hall's  having 
been  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  a  Speaker 
of  the  Representatives,  and  a  member  of  the 
Executive  Council,  were  evidences  of  the  re 
spect  of  the  State  towards  him,  which  our 
respect  for  the  State  could  not  neglect. — To 
J.  F.  MERCER,  iv,  562.  (W.,  1804.) 

6140.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,         Caucuses 
and. — The  allegations  against  Pope,  of  New 
Bedford,  are  insufficient.    Although  meddling 
in  political  caucuses  is  no  part  of  that  free 
dom  of  personal  suffrage  which  ought  to  be 
allowed  him,  yet  his  mere  presence  at  a  cau 
cus  does  not  necessarily  involve  an  active  and 
official  influence  in  opposition  to  the  govern 
ment  which  employs  him. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  499.     (W.,  1806.) 

6141.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,     Charges 
against. — I  have  made  it  a  rule  not  to  give 
up  letters  of  accusation,  or  copies  of  them, 
in  any  case. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  500.     (W.,  1806.) 

6142.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,         Elections 

and. — Interferences  with  elections,  whether 
of  the  State  or  General  Government,  by  officers 
of  the  latter,  should  be  deemed  cause  of  re 
moval;  because  the  constitutional  remedy  by 
the  elective  principle  becomes  nothing,  if  it 
may  be  smothered  by  the  enormous  patronage 
of  the  General  Government. — To  THOMAS 
McKEAN.  iv,  350.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  487.  (W., 
1801.) 

6143. .    To  these  means  [deaths, 

resignations,  and  delinquencies]  of  obtaining 
a  just  share  in  the  transaction  of  the  public 
business,  shall  be  added  one  other,  to  wit, 
removal  for  electioneering  activity,  or  open 
and  industrious  opposition  to  the  principles 
of  the  present  government,  Legislative  and 
Executive.  Every  officer  of  the  government 
may  vote  at  elections  according  to  his  con 
science  ;  but  we  should  betray  the  cause  com 
mitted  to  our  care,  were  we  to  permit  the  in 
fluence  of  official  patronage  to  be  used  to 
overthrow  that  cause. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv, 
451.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  176.  (W.,  Oct.  1802.) 

6144. .     I  think  it  not  amiss  that 

it  should  be  known  that  we  are  determined  to 
remove  officers  who  are  active  or  open 
mouthed  against  the  government,  by  which  I 
mean  the  Legislature  as  well  as  the  Execu 
tive. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  452.  FORD  EDV 
viii,  176.  (W.,  Oct.  1802.) 

6145. .  I  have  received  two  ad 
dresses  from  meetings  of  democratic  repub 
licans  at  Dover,  praying  the  removal  of  Allen 
McLane.  *  *  *  If  he  has  been  active  in  elec 
tioneering  in  favor  of  those  who  wish  to  sub 
vert  the  present  order  of  things,  it  would  be 
a  serious  circumstance.  I  do  not  mean  as 
to  giving  his  personal  vote,  in  which  he  ought 
not  to  be  controlled;  but  as  to  using  his  in 
fluence  (which  necessarily  includes  his  official 
influence)  to  sway  the  votes  of  others. — To 
CESAR  A.  RODNEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  154.  (W., 
1802.) 


653 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Office-holders 


6146. .     I    think   the   officers   of 

the  Federal  Government  are  meddling  too 
much  with  the  public  elections.  Will  it  be 
best  to  admonish  them  privately  or  by  proc 
lamation?— To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  559. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  320.  (M.,  Sep.  1804.) 

6147.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,       Executive 
explanations  and.— It  has  not  been  the  cus 
tom,  nor  would  it  be  expedient,  for  the  Exec 
utive  to  enter  into  details  for  the  rejection  of 
candidates  for  offices  or  removal  of  those  who 
possess  them. — To  MRS.  SARAH  MEASE.    FORD 
ED.,  viii,  35.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6148.  -  — .  These  letters   [from  you] 
all  relating  to  office,  fall  within  the  general 
rule  which  even  the  very  first  week  of  my 
being  engaged  in  the  administration  obliged 
me  to  establish,  to  wit,  that  of  not  answering 
letters  on  office  specifically,  but  leaving  the 
answer  to  be  found  in  what  is  done  or  not 
done  on  them.    You  will  readily  conceive  into 
what  scrapes  one  would  get  by  saying  no, 
either  with  or  without  reason,  by  using  a  softer 
language  which  might  excite  false  hope,   or 
by  saying  yes  prematurely.    And  to  take  away 
all    offence    from    this    silent    answer,    it    is 
necessary  to  adhere  to  it  in  every  case  rigidly, 
as  well  with  bosom  friends  as  strangers. — To 
AARON  BURR.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  102.     (W.,  Nov. 
1801.) 

6149. .  The  circumstance  of  ex 
hibiting  our  recommendations  even  to  our 
friends,  requires  great  consideration.  Recom 
mendations,  when  honestly  written,  should 
detail  the  bad  as  well  as  the  good  qualities 
of  the  person  recommended.  That  gentlemen 
may  do  freely,  if  they  know  their  letter  is 
to  be  confined  to  the  President  or  the  head  of 
a  department ;  but  if  communicated  further,  it 
may  bring  on  them  troublesome  quarrels.  In 
General  Washington's  time,  he  resisted  every 
effort  to  bring  forth  his  recommendations.  In 
Mr.  Adams's  time,  I  only  know  that  the  re 
publicans  knew  nothing  of  them.  *  *  * 
To  Mr.  Tracy,  at  any  rate,  no  exhibition  or 
information  of  recommendations  ought  to  be 
communicated.  He  may  be  told  that  the 
President  does  not  think  it  regular  to  com 
municate  the  grounds  or  reasons  of  his  de 
cision. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
210.  (Feb.  1803.) 

6150. .  The  address  of  the  Ward 

Committee  of  Philadelphia  on  the  subject  of 
removals  from  office  was  received.  I  cannot 
answer  it,  because  I  have  given  no  answers 
to  the  many  others  I  have  received  from 
other  quarters.  *  *  *  Although  no  person 
wishes  more  than  I  do  to  learn  the  opinions 
of  respected  individuals,  because  they  enable 
me  to  examine,  and  often  to  correct  my  own, 
yet  I  am  not  satisfied  that  I  ought  to  admit 
the  addresses  even  of  those  bodies  of  men 
which  are  organized  by  the  Constitution  (the 
Houses  of  Legislature  for  instance)  to  in 
fluence  the  appointment  to  office  for  which  the 
Constitution  has  chosen  to  rely  on  the  inde 
pendence  and  integrity  of  the  Executive,  con 
trolled  by  the  Senate,  chosen  both  of  them 


by  the  whole  Union.  Still  less  of  those  bodies 
whose  organization  is  unknown  to  the  Con 
stitution.  As  revolutionary  instruments 
(when  nothing  but  revolution  will  cure  the 
evils  of  the  State)  they  are  necessary  and 
indispensable,  and  the  right  to  use  them  is 
inalienable  by  the  people ;  but  to  admit  them 
as  ordinary  and  habitual  instruments  as  a 
part  of  the  machinery  of  the  Constitution, 
would  be  to  change  that  machinery  by  intro 
ducing  moving  powers  foreign  to  it,  and  to 
an  extent  depending  solely  on  local  views, 
and  therefore  incalculable.  The  opinions  of 
fered  by  individuals,  and  of  right,  are  on  a 
different  ground ;  they  are  sanctioned  by  the 
Constitution;  which  has  also  prescribed,  when 
they  choose  to  act  in  bodies,  the  organization, 
objects  and  rights  of  those  bodies.  *  *  * 
This  view  of  the  subject  forbids  me,  in  my 
judgment,  to  give  answers  to  addresses  of 
this  kind.* — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  255.  (M.,  1803.) 

6151. .     You  complain  that  I  did 

not  answer  your  letters  applying  for  office. 
But  if  you  will  reflect  a  moment  you  may 
judge  whether  this  ought  to  be  expected.  To 
the  successful  applicant  for  an  office  the 
commission  is  the  answer.  To  the  unsuccess 
ful  multitude  am  I  to  go  with  every  one  into 
the  reasons  for  not  appointing  him?  Besides 
that  this  correspondence  would  literally  en 
gross  my  whole  time,  into  what  controversies 
would  it  lead  me?  Sensible  of  this  dilemma, 
from  the  moment  of  coming  into  office  I  laid 
it  down  as  a  rule  to  leave  the  applicants  to 
collect  their  answer  from  the  facts.  To  en 
title  myself  to  the  benefit  of  the  rule  in  any 
case  it  must  be  observed  in  every  one;  and 
I  never  have  departed  from  it  in  a  single  case, 
not  even  for  my  bosom  friends.  You  observe 
that  you  are,  or  probably  will  be  appointed 
an  elector.  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  do  your 
duty  with  a  conscientious  regard  to  the  public 
good,  and  to  that  only.  Your  decision  in 
favor  of  another  would  not  excite  in  my 
mind  the  slightest  dissatisfaction  towards  you. 
On  the  contrary,  I  should  honor  the  integ 
rity  of  your  choice.  In  the  nominations  I 
have  to  make,  do  the  same  justice  to  my 
motives.  Had  you  hundreds  to  nominate,  in 
stead  of  one,  be  assured  they  would  not  com 
pose  for  you  a  bed  of  roses.  You  would 
find  yourself  in  most  cases  with  one  loaf  and 
ten  wanting  bread.  Nine  must  be  disap 
pointed,  perhaps  become  secret,  if  not  open 
enemies. — To  LARKIN  SMITH.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
336.  (W.,  Nov.  1804.) 

6152.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,   Freedom   of 
opinion  and. — Opinion,  and  the  just  main 
tenance  of  it,   shall  never  be  a  crime  in  my 
view;  nor  bring  injury  on  the  individual. — 
To  SAMUEL  ADAMS,     iv,  389.     FORD  ED.,  viii, 
39.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6153.  -  — .     The    right    of    opinion 
shall  suffer  no  invasion  from  me.    Those  who 
have  acted  well  have  nothing  to  fear,  however 
they  may  have  differed  from  me  in  opinion ; 

*  The  letter  containing  this  extract  was  not  sent  to 
Mr.  Duane.— EDITOR. 


Office-holders 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


654 


those  who  have  done  ill,  however,  have  noth 
ing  to  hope;  nor  shall  I  fail  to  do  justice 
lest  it  should  be  ascribed  to  that  difference  of 
opinion. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  42.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6154.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,  Half-breeds. 
— I  never  did  the  federalists  an  act  of  injus 
tice,  nor  failed  in  any  duty  to  them  imposed 
by  my  office.     Out  of  about  six  hundred  of 
ficers,   named  by  the   President,   there   were 
six  republicans  only  when  I  came  into  office, 
and  these  were  chiefly  half-breeds.     Out  of 
upwards    of    three    hundred    holding    during 
pleasure,   I   removed  about  fifteen,   or  those 
who  had  signalized  themselves  by  their  own 
intolerance  in  office,  because  the  public  voice 
called  for  it  imperiously,  and  it  was  just  that 
the  republicans  should  at  length  have  some 
participation  in  the  government.   There  never 
was  another  removal  but  for  such  delinquen 
cies  as  removed  the  republicans  equally.     In 
this  horrid  drudgery  I  always  felt  myself  as 
a  public  executioner,  an  office  which  no  one 
who  knows  me,  I  hope,  supposes  very  grate 
ful  to  my  feelings.     It  was  considerably  al 
leviated,   however,   by  the  industry  of  their 
newspapers  in  endeavoring  to  excite  resent 
ment  enough  to  enable  me  to  meet  the  opera 
tion.    However,  I  hail  the  day  which  is  to  re 
lieve   me   from   being   viewed   as   an   official 
enemy.     In  priyate  life,   I  never  had  above 
one  or  two;  to  the  friendship  of  that  situation 
I   look   with   delight.— To   WILLIAM    SHORT. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  51.     (W.,  May  1807.) 

6155.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,      Malignant 
opposition. — Deaths,  resignations,  delinquen 
cies,  malignant  and  active  opposition  to  the 
order  of  things  established  by  the  will  of  the 
nation,  will,  it  is  believed,  within  a  moderate 
space  of  time,  make  room  for  a  just  partici 
pation  in  the  management  of  the  public  af 
fairs;    and   that   being   once   effected,    future 
changes   at   the   helm    will   be   viewed   with 
tranquillity  by  those  in  subordinate  station. — 
To  WILLIAM  JUDD.    viii,  114.     (1802.) 

6156.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,     Matrimony 
and. — Mr.  Remsen  having  decided  definitely 
to  resign  his  office  of  Chief  clerk,  I  have  con 
sidered  with  all  the  impartiality  in  my  power 
the  different  grounds  on  which  yourself  and 
Mr.    Taylor    stand    in    competition    for    the 
succession.      I  understand   that  he  was  ap 
pointed   a   month  before  you,   and   that  you 
came  into  actual  service  about  a  month  before 
he   did.     These   circumstances   place   you   so 
equally,  that  I  cannot  derive  from  them  any 
ground  of  preference.     Yet  obliged  to  decide 
one  way  or  the  other,  I  find  in  a  comparison 
of   your   conditions   a   circumstance   of   con 
siderable  equity  in  his  favor.    He  is  a  married 
man,  with  a  family;  yourself  single.     There 
can  be  no  doubt  but  that  $500  place  a  single 
man  as  much  at  his  ease  as  $800  do  a  married 
one.      On   this    single   circumstance,    then,    I 
have  thought  myself  bound  to  appoint   Mr. 
Taylor   chief   clerk.— To   JACOB   BLACKWELL. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  490.     (Pa.,  1792.) 

6157.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,     Multiplica 
tion  of. — I  am  not  for  a  multiplication  of 


officers  *  *  *  merely  to  make  partizans. — 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  268.  FORD  ED..,  vii, 
327.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

6158.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,    Partizan.— 

A  few  examples  of  justice  on  officers  who 
have  perverted  their  functions  to  the  op 
pression  of  their  fellow  citizens,  must,  in  jus 
tice  to  those  citizens,  be  made. — To  SAMUEL 
ADAMS,  iv,  389.  FORD  ED.,  .viii,  39.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6159.  .     Those    whose    miscon 
duct  in  office  ought  to  have  produced  their 
removal  even  by  my  predecessor,  must  not  be 
protected  by  the  delicacy  due  only  to  honest 
men. — To   SAMUEL   ADAMS,      iv,   389.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  39.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6160. .     Officers  who  have  been 

guilty  of  gross  abuses  of  office,  such  as  mar 
shals  packing  juries,  &c.,  I  shall  now  remove, 
as  my  predecessor  ought  in  justice  to  have 
done.  The  instances  will  be  few,  and  gov 
erned  by  strict  rule,  and  not  party  passion. — 
To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
42.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6161. .     I  have  never  removed  a 

man  merely  because  he  was  a  federalist.  I 
have  never  wished  them  to  give  a  vote  at  an 
election,  but  according  to  their  own  wishes. 
But  as  no  government  could  discharge  its 
duties  to  the  best  advantage  of  its  citizens,  if  its 
agents  were  in  a  regular  course  of  thwarting 
instead  of  executing  all  its  measures,  and  were 
employing  the  patronage  and  influence  of 
their  offices  against  the  government  and  its 
measures,  I  have  only  requested  they  would 
be  quiet,  and  they  should  be  safe ;  that  if  their 
conscience  urges  them  to  take  an  active  and 
zealous  part  in  opposition,  it  ought  also  to 
urge  them  to  retire  from  a  post  which  they 
could  not  conscientiously  conduct  with  fidel 
ity  to  the  trust  reposed  in  them ;  and  on 
failure  to  retire,  I  have  removed  them ;  that 
is  to  say,  those  who  maintained  an  active  and 
zealous  opposition  to  the  government. — To 
JOHN  PAGE,  v,  136.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  118.  (W., 
July  1807.) 

6162. .     Our     principles     render 

federalists  in  office  safe,  if  they  do  not  em 
ploy  their  influence  in  opposing  the  govern 
ment,  and  only  give  their  own  vote  according 
to  their  conscience.  And  this  principle  we 
act  on  as  well  with  those  put  in  office  by 
others,  as  by  ourselves. — To  LEVI  LIN 
COLN,  v,  264.  (W.,  March  1808.) 

6163.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,  Recommen 
dations. — Should  I  be  placed  in  office,  noth 
ing  would  be  more  desirable  to  me  than  the 
recommendations  of  those  in  whom  I  have 
confidence,  of  persons  fit  for  office;  for  if  the 
good  withhold  their  testimony,  we  shall  be  at 
the  mercy  of  the  bad. — To  DR.  B.  S.  BARTON. 
iv,  353-  FORD  ED.,  vii,  489.  (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

6164. .     It  is  so  far  from  being 

improper  to  receive  the  communications  you 
had  in  contemplation  as  to  arrangements  [re 
specting  the  offices]  in  your  State,  that  I 
have  been  in  the  constant  expectation  you 


655 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Office-holders 


would  find  time  to  do  me  the  favor  of  call 
ing  and  making  them,  when  we  could  in 
conversation  explain  them  better  than  by 
writing,  and  I  should  with  frankness  and 
thankfulness  enter  into  the  explanations. 
The  most  valuable  source  of  information  we 
have  is  that  of  the  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  and  it  is  one  to  which  I  have  resorted 
and  shall  resort  with  great  freedom. — To 
CHARLES  PINCKNEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  6.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6165. .     We    want    an    attorney 

and  marshal  for  the  Western  [Virginia]  dis 
trict.  *  *  *  Pray  recommend  [persons] 
to  me;  and  let  them  be  the  most  respectable 
and  unexceptionable  possible,  and  especially 
let  them  be  republicans. — To  A.  STUART,  iv, 
393.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  46.  (M.,  April  1801.) 

6166. .  In  all  cases,  when  an 

office  becomes  vacant  in  your  State  [North 
Carolina],  as  the  distance  would  occasion  a 
great  delay  were  you  to  wait  to  be  regularly 
consulted,  I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  to 
recommend  the  best  characters.— To  NA 
THANIEL  MACON.  iv,  396.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  52. 
(W.,  May  1801.) 

6167.  -  — .  Disposed  myself  to  make 

as  few  changes  in  office  as  possible,  to  en 
deavor  to  restore  harmony  by  avoiding  every 
thing  harsh,  and  to  remove  only  for  mal- 
conduct,  I  have,  nevertheless,  been  persuaded 
that  circumstances  in  New  York,  and  still 
more  in  the  neighboring  States  on  both 
sides,  require  something  more.  It  is  repre 
sented  that  the  Collector,  Naval  Officer,  and 
Supervisor  ought  all  to  be  removed  for  the 
violence  of  their  characters  and  conduct.  The 
following  arrangement  was  agreed  on  by 
Colonel  Burr  and  some  of  your  Senators  and 
Representatives:  David  Gelston,  Collector, 
Theodorus  Bailey,  Naval  Officer,  and  M.  L. 
Davis,  Supervisor.  Yet  all  did  not  agree  in 
all  the  particulars,  and  I  have  since  received 
letters  expressly  stating  that  Mr.  Bailey  has 
not  readiness  and  habit  enough  of  business 
for  the  office  of  Naval  Officer,  and  some  sug 
gestions  that  Mr.  Davis's  standing  in  society, 
and  other  circumstances  will  render  his  not 
a  respectable  appointment  to  the  important 
office  of  Supervisor.  Unacquainted  myself 
with  these  and  the  other  characters  in  the 
State  which  might  be  proper  for  these  offices, 
and  forced  to  decide  on  the  opinions  of  others, 
there  is  no  one  whose  opinion  would  com 
mand  with  me  greater  respect  than  yours, 
if  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  advise  me, 
which  of  these  characters  and  what  others 
would  be  fittest  for  these  offices.  Not  only 
competent  talents,  but  respectability  in  the 
public  estimation  are  to  be  considered. — To 
GEORGE  CLINTON.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  53.  (W., 
May  1801.) 

^  6168. .  To  exhibit  recommenda 
tions  would  be  to  turn  the  Senate  into  a 
court  of  honor,  or  a  court  of  slander,  and  to 
expose  the  character  of  every  man  nominated 
to  an  ordeal,  without  his  own  consent,  subject 


ing  the  Senate  to  heats  and  waste  of  time. — 
To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  211. 
(1803.) 

6169. .      The    friendship    which 

has  long  subsisted  between  the  President  of 
the  United  States  and  myself  gave  me  reason 
to  expect,  on  my  retirement  from  office,  that 
I  might  often  receive  applications  to  interpose 
with  him  on  behalf  of  persons  desiring  ap 
pointments.  Such  an  abuse  of  his  disposi 
tions  towards  me  would  necessarily  lead  to  the 
loss  of  them,  and  to  the  transforming  me 
from  the  character  of  a  friend  to  that  of  an 
unreasonable  and  troublesome  solicitor.  It, 
therefore,  became  necessary  for  me  to  lay 
down  as  a  law  for  my  future  conduct  never 
to  interpose  in  any  case,  either  with  him  or 
the  heads  of  departments,  in  any  application 
whatever  for  office. — CIRCULAR  LETTER.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  248.  (March  1809.) 

6170.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,      Reduction. 
— Among  those  [officers]  who  are  dependent 
on   Executive   discretion,    I   have   begun   the 
reduction    of    what    was    deemed    necessary. 
The  expense  of  diplomatic  agency  have  been 
considerably  diminished.     The  inspectors  of 
internal  revenue,  who  were  found  to  obstruct 
the    accountability    of    the    institution,    have 
been  discontinued.     Several  agencies  created 
by  Executive  authority,  on  salaries  fixed  by 
that  also,  have  been  suppressed,  and  should 
suggest    the    expediency    of    regulating    that 
power  by  law,  so  as  to  subject  its  exercises 
to  legislative  inspection  and  sanction.     Other 
reformations  of  the  same  kind  will  be  pur 
sued  with  that  caution  which  is  requisite  in 
removing  useless  things,  not  to  injure  what 
is   retained.     But  the  great   mass   of  public 
offices  is  established  by  law,  and,  therefore, 
by  law  alone  can  be  abolished. — FIRST  AN 
NUAL  MESSAGE,    viii,  10.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  120. 
(Dec.  1801.) 

6171.  — .     When  we  consider  that 

this  government  is  charged  with  the  eternal 
and  mutual   relations  only  of  these   States; 
that  the  States  themselves  have  principal  care 
of  our  persons,  our  property,  and  our  rep 
utation,  constituting  the  great  field  of  human 
concerns,    we   may   well    doubt   whether   our 
organization  is  not  too  complicated,  too  ex 
pensive  ;  whether  offices  and  officers  have  not 
been  multiplied  unnecessarily,  and  sometimes 
injuriously  to  the  service  they  were  meant 
to  promote.     I   will  cause  to  be  laid  before 
you  an  essay  towards  a  statement  of  those 
who,    under    public    employment    of    various 
kinds,  draw  money  from  the  treasury  or  from 
our  citizens. — FIRST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,     viii, 
9.    FORD  ED.,  viii,  1 20.    (Dec.  1801.) 

6172.  -  — .     The  session  of  the  first 
Congress,   convened  since  republicanism  has 
recovered    its    ascendancy,      *      *      *      will 
pretty  completely  fulfil  all  the  desires  of  the 
people.     *     *     *     They  are  disarming  execu 
tive  patronage  and  preponderance,  by  putting 
down    one    half    the    offices    of    the    United 
States,  which  are  no  longer  necessary. — To 
GENERAL   KOSCIUSKO.     iv,   430.      (W.,   April 
1802.) 


Office-holders 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


656 


6173.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,  Removals.— 

Some  [removals]  I  know  must  be  made. 
They  must  be  as  few  as  possible,  done  grad 
ually,  and  bottomed  on  some  malversation  or 
inherent  disqualification. — To  JAMES  MONROE. 
iv,  368.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6174. .     I    believe    with    others, 

that  deprivations  of  office,  if  made  on  the 
ground  of  political  principles  alone,  would  re 
volt  our  new  converts,  and  give  a  body  to 
leaders  who  now  stand  alone.  Some,  I 
know,  must  be  made.  They  must  be  as  few 
as  possible,  done  gradually,  and  bottomed  on 
some  malversation  or  inherent  disqualifica 
tion.  Where  we  shall  draw  the  line  between 
retaining  all  and  none,  is  not  yet  settled,  and 
it  will  not  be  till  we  get  our  administration 
together ;  and  perhaps  even  then,  we  shall 
proceed  a  tatons,  balancing  our  measures  ac 
cording  to  the  impression  we  perceive  them 
to  make. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  368.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  10.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6175. .    That  some  ought  to  be 

removed  from  office,  and  that  all  ought  not, 
all  mankind  will  agree.  But  where  to  draw 
the  line,  perhaps  no  two  will  agree.  Conse 
quently,  nothing  like  a  general  approbation  on 
this  subject  can  be  looked  for.  Some  prin 
ciples  have  been  the  subject  of  conversation 
[in  cabinet]  but  not  of  determination,  e.  g., 
i.  All  appointments  to  civil  offices  during 
pleasure,  made  after  the  event  of  the  election 
was  certainly  known  to  Mr.  Adams,  are  con 
sidered  as  nullities.  I  do  not  view  the  per 
sons  appointed  as  even  candidates  for  the 
office,  but  make  others  without  noticing  or 
notifying  them.  Mr.  Adams's  best  friends 
have  agreed  this  is  right.  2.  Officers  who 
have  been  guilty  of  official  malconduct  are 
proper  subjects  of  removal.  3.  Good  men, 
to  whom  there  is  no  objection  but  a  difference 
of  political  principle,  practiced  on  only  as 
far  as  the  right  of  a  private  citizen  will  jus 
tify,  are  not  proper  subjects  of  removal  ex 
cept  in  the  case  of  attorneys  and  marshals. 
The  courts  being  so  decidedly  federal  and  ir 
removable,  it  is  believed  that  republican  at 
torneys  and  marshals,  being  the  doors  of  en 
trance  into  the  courts,  are  indispensably 
necessary  as  a  shield  to  the  republican  part 
of  our  fellow  citizens,  which,  I  believe,  is 
the  main  body  of  the  people. — To  WILLIAM 
B.  GILES,  iv,  380.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  25.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6176.  .    As    to    removals    from 

office,  great  differences  of  opinion  exist. 
That  some  ought  to  be  removed,  all  will 
agree.  That  all  should,  nobody  will  say. 
And  no  two  will  probably  draw  the  same 
line  between  these  two  extremes;  conse 
quently  nothing  like  general  approbation  can 
be  expected.  Malconduct  is  a  just  ground  of 
removal:  mere  difference  of  political  opinion 
is  not.  The  temper  of  some  States  requires 
a  stronger  procedure ;  that  of  others  would 
be  more  alienated  even  by  a  milder  course. 
Taking  into  consideration  all  circumstances, 
we  can  only  do  in  every  case  what  to  us  seems 


best,  and  trust  to  the  indulgence  of  our  fellow 
citizens  who  may  see  the  same  matter  in  a 
different  point  of  view.  *  *  *  Time,  pru 
dence,  and  patience  will,  perhaps,  get  us  over 
this  whole  difficulty.— To  WILLIAM  FINDLEY. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  27.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6177.  .      The    great     stumbling 

block  will  be  removals,  which,  though  made 
on  those  just  principles  only  on  which  my 
predecessor  ought  to  have  removed  the  same 
persons,  will  nevertheless  be  ascribed  to  re 
moval  on  party  principles,  ist.  I  will  ex 
punge  the  effects  of  Mr.  Adams's  indecent 
conduct,  in  crowding  nominations  after  he 
knew  they  were  not  for  himself,  till  9  o'clock 
of  the  night,  at  12  o'clock  of  which  he  was 
to  go  out  of  office.  So  far  as  they  are  during 
pleasure,  I  shall  not  consider  the  persons 
named,  as  even  candidates  for  the  office,  nor 
pay  the  respect  of  notifying  them  that  I  con 
sider  what  was  done  as  a  nullity.  2d.  Some 
removals  must  be  made  for  misconduct.  One 
of  these  is  of  the  marshal  in  your  city,  who 
being  an  officer  of  justice,  intrusted  with  the 
function  of  choosing  impartial  judges  for  the 
trial  of  his  fellow  citizens,  placed  at  the  awful 
tribunal  of  God  and  their  country,  selected 
judges  who  either  avowed,  or  were  known 
to  him  to  be  predetermined  to  condemn; 
and  if  the  lives  of  the  unfortunate  per 
sons  were  not  cut  short  by  the  sword  of 
the  law,  it  was  not  for  want  of  his  good 
will.  In  another  State,  I  have  to  per 
form  the  same  act  of  justice  on  the  dear 
est  connection  of  my  dearest  friend,  for 
similar  conduct,  in  a  case  not  capital.  The 
same  practice  of  packing  juries,  and  prosecu 
ting  their  fellow  citizens  with  the  bitterness 
of  party  hatred,  will  probably  involve  several 
other  marshals  and  attorneys.  Out  of  this 
line,  I  see  but  very  few  instances  where  past 
misconduct  has  been  in  a  degree  to  call  for 
notice.  Of  the  thousands  of  officers,  therefore, 
in  the  United  States,  a  very  few  individuals 
only,  probably  not  twenty,  will  be  removed ; 
and  these  only  for  doing  what  they  ought  not 
to  have  done.  Two  or  three  instances,  in 
deed,  where  Mr.  Adams  removed  men  because 
they  would  not  sign  addresses,  &c.,  to  him, 
will  be  rectified — the  persons  restored.  The 
whole  world  will  say  this  is  just.  I  know  that 
in  stopping  thus  short  in  the  career  of  re 
moval,  I  shall  give  great  offence  to  many  of 
my  friends.  That  torrent  has  been  pressing 
me  heavily,  and  will  require  all  my  force  to 
bear  up  against ;  but  my  maxim  is,  "  fiat 
justitia,  ruat  cesium." — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  iv,  383.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  31.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6178. .     I    am    aware    that    the 

necessity  of  a  few  removals  for  legal  op 
pressions,  delinquencies,  and  other  official 
malversations,  may  be  misconstrued  as  done 
for  political  opinions,  and  produce  hesitation 
in  the  coalition  so  much  to  be  desired;  but 
the  extent  of  these  will  be  too  limited  to 
make  permanent  impressions. — To  GENERAL 
HENRY  KNOX.  iv,  386.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  36. 
(W.,  March  1801.) 


657 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Office-holders 


6179. .     No  one  will  say  that  all 

should  be  removed,  or  that  none  should.  Yet 
no  two  scarcely  draw  the  same  lines.  *  *  * 
Persons  who  have  perverted  their  offices  to 
the  oppression  of  their  fellow  citizens,  as 
marshals  packing  juries,  attorneys  grinding 
their  legal  victims,  intolerants  removing 
those  under  them  for  opinion's  sake,  sub 
stitutes  for  honest  men  removed  for  their  re 
publican  principles,  will  probably  find  few 
advocates  even  among  their  quondam  party. 
But  the  freedom  of  opinion,  and  the  reason 
able  maintenance  of  it,  is  not  a  crime,  and 
ought  not  to  occasion  injury. — To  GIDEON 
GRANGER.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  44.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

6180. .     In  Connecticut  alone,  a 

general  sweep  seems  to  be  called  for  on  prin 
ciples  of  justice  and  policy.  Their  Legisla 
ture  are  removing  every  republican  even 
from  the  commissions  of  the  peace  and 
the  lowest  offices.  There,  then,  we  will  re 
taliate.  Whilst  the  federalists  are  taking 
possession  of  all  the  State  offices,  exclusively, 
they  ought  not  to  expect  we  will  leave  them 
the  exclusive  possession  of  those  at  our 
disposal.  The  republicans  have  some  rights 
and  must  be  protected. — To  WILSON  C. 
NICHOLAS.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  64.  (W.,  June 
1801.) 

6181. .     I  am  satisfied  that  the 

heaping  of  abuse  on  me,  personally,  has  been 
with  the  design  and  hope  of  provoking  me  to 
make  a  general  sweep  of  all  federalists  out  of 
office.  But  as  I  have  carried  no  passion  into 
the  execution  of  this  disagreeable  duty,  I  shall 
suffer  none  to  be  excited.  The  clamor  which 
has  been  raised  will  not  provoke  me  to  re 
move  one  more,  nor  deter  me  from  remov 
ing  one  less,  than  if  not  a  word  had  been 
said  on  the  subject. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv, 
407.  FORD  EDV  viii,  84.  (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

6182. .  The  removal  of  excres 
cences  from  the  judiciary  is  the  universal 
demand. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,  iv,  407.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  85.  (M.,  Aug.  1801.) 

6183.  .  Rigorous  justice  re 
quired  that  as  the  federalists  had  filled  every 
office  with  their  friends  to  the  avowed  ex 
clusion  of  republicans,  that  the  latter  should 
be  admitted  to  a  participation  of  office,  by 
the  removal  of  some  of  the  former.  This  was 
done  to  the  extent  of  about  twenty  only  out 
of  some  thousands,  and  no  more  was  in 
tended.  But  instead  of  their  acknowledging 
its  moderation,  it  has  been  a  ground  for  their 
more  active  enmity.  After  a  twelve  months' 
trial  I  have  at  length  been  induced  to  remove 
three  or  four  more  of  those  most  marked 
for  their  bitterness,  and  active  zeal  in  slander 
ing,  and  in  electioneering.  Whether  we  shall 
proceed  any  further,  will  depend  on  themselves. 
Those  who  are  quiet,  and  take  no  part  against 
that  order  of  things  which  the  public  will  has 
established,  will  be  safe.  Those  who  continue 
to  clamor  against  it,  to  slander  and  oppose 
it,  shall  not  be  armed  with  its  wealth  and 
power  for  its  own  destructioa  The  late  re 


movals  have  been  intended  merely  as  moni 
tory,  but  such  officers,  as  shall  afterwards 
continue  to  bid  us  defiance,  shall  as  certainly 
be  removed,  if  the  case  shall  become  known. 
A  neutral  conduct  is  all  I  ever  desired,  and 
this  the  public  have  a  right  to  expect— To 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  FORD  EDV  viii,  169.  (W., 
Aug.  1802.) 

6184. .     We  laid  down  our  line  of 

proceedings  on  mature  inquiry  and  consider 
ation  in  1801,  and  have  not  departed  from  it. 
Some  removals,  to  wit,  sixteen  to  the  end  of 
our  first  session  of  Congress  were  made  on 
political  principles  alone,  in  very  urgent  cases  ; 
and  we  determined  to  make  no  more  but  for 
delinquency,  or  active  and  bitter  opposition 
to  the  order  of  things  which  the  public  will 
had  established.  On  this  last  ground  nine 
were  removed  from  the  end  of  the  first  to 
the  end  of  the  second  session  of  Congress; 
and  one  since  that.  So  that  sixteen  only 
have  been  removed  on  the  whole  for  political 
principles,  that  is  to  say,  to  make  room  for 
some  participation  for  the  republicans.  *  *  * 
Pursuing  our  object  of  harmonizing  all  good 
people  of  every  description,  we  shall  steadily 
adhere  to  our  rule,  and  it  is  with  sincere 
pleasure  I  learn  that  it  is  approved  by  the 
more  moderate  part  of  our  friends. — To  MR. 
NICHOLSON,  iv,  485.  (W.,  May  1803.) 

6185.  .    Many    vacancies    have 

been  made  by  death  and  resignation,  many 
by  removal  for  malversation  in  office,  and  for 
open,  active,  and  virulent  abuse  of  official 
influence  in  opposition  to  the  order  of  things 
established  by  the  will  of  the  nation.  Such 
removals  continue  to  be  made  on  sufficient 
proof.  The  places  have  been  steadily  filled 
with  republican  characters  until  out  of  316 
officers  in  all  the  United  States,  subiect  to 
appointment  and  removal  by  me,  130  only  are 
held  by  federalists.  I  do  not  include  in  this 
estimate  the  judiciary  and  military,  because 
not  removable  but  by  established  process,  nor 
the  officers  of  the  internal  revenue,  because 
discontinued  by  law,  nor  postmasters,  or  any 
others  not  named  by  me.  And  this  has  been 
effected  in  little  more  than  two  years  by  means 
so  moderate  and  just  as  cannot  fail  to  be  ap 
proved  in  future.* — To  WILLIAM  DUANE. 
FORD  EDV  viii,  258.  (W.,  July  1803.) 

6186. .     I  give  full  credit  to  the 

wisdom  of  the  measures  pursued  by  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania  in  removals  from  of 
fice.  I  have  no  doubt  he  followed  the  wish  of 
the  State ;  and  he  had  no  other  to  consult. 
But  in  the  General  Government  each  State  is 
to  be  administered,  not  on  its  local  principles, 
but  on  the  principles  of  all  the  States  formed 
into  a  general  result.  That  I  should  adminis 
ter  the  affairs  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecti 
cut,  for  example,  on  federal  principles,  could 
not  be  approved.  I  dare  say,  too,  that  the 
extensive  removals  from  office  in  Pennsyl 
vania  may  have  contributed  to  the  great  con 
version  which  has  been  manifested  among 

*  The  letter  containing  this  extract  was  not  sent  to 
Mr.  Duane.— EDITOR. 


Office-holders 
Olive 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


658 


its  citizens.  But  I  respect  them  too  much  to 
believe  it  has  been  the  exclusive  or  even  the 
principal  motive.  I  presume  the  sound  meas 
ures  of  their  government,  and  of  the  General 
one,  have  weighed  more  in  their  estimation 
and  conversation,  than  the  consideration  of 
the  particular  agents  employed. — To  WILLIAM 
DUANE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  259.  (M.,  July  1803.) 

6187. .     Although    I   know   that 

it  is  best  generally  to  assign  no  reason  for  a 
removal  from  office,  yet  there  are  also  times 
when  the  declaration  of  a  principle  is  advan 
tageous.  Such  was  the  moment  at  which 
the  New  Haven  letter  appeared.  It  ex 
plained  our  principles  to  our  friends,  and  they 
rallied  to  them.  The  public  sentiment  has 
taken  a  considerable  stride  since  that,  and 
seems  to  require  that  they  should  know  again 
where  we  stand.  I  suggest,  therefore,  for 
your  consideration,  instead  of  the  following 
passage  in  your  letter  to  Bo  wen,  "  I  think 
it  due  to  candor  at  the  same  time  to  inform 
you,  that  I  had  for  some  time  been  deter 
mined  to  remove  you  from  office,  although  a 
successor  has  not  yet  been  appointed  by  the 
President,  nor  the  precise  time  fixed  for  that 
purpose  communicated  to  him  ",  to  substitute 
this,  "  I  think  it  due  to  candor  at  the  same 
time  to  inform  you,  that  the  President,  con 
sidering  that  the  patronage  of  public  office 
should  no  longer  .be  confided  to  one  who  uses 
it  for  active  opposition  to  the  national  will, 
had,  some  time  since,  determined  to  place 
your  office  in  other  hands.  But  a  successor 
not  being  yet  fixed  on,  I  am  not  able  to  name 
the  precise  time  when  it  will  take  place ". 
My  own  opinion  is,  that  the  declaration  of 
this  principle  will  meet  the  entire  approbation 
of  all  moderate  republicans,  and  will  extort 
indulgence  from  the  warmer  ones.  Seeing 
that  we  do  not  mean  to  leave  arms  in  the 
hands  of  active  enemies,  they  will  care  the 
less  at  our  tolerance  of  the  inactive. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  iv,  543.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
303.  (May  1804.) 

6188.  -  — .     In  the  case  of  the  re 
moval  proposed  by  the  collector  of  Baltimore, 
I  consider  it  as  entirely  out  of  my  sphere,  and 
resting  solely  with  yourself.     Were  I  to  give 
an  opinion  on  the  subject,  it  would  only  be 
by  observing  that  in  the  cases  under  my  im 
mediate  care,   I   have  never  considered   the 
length  of  time  a  person  has  continued  in  of 
fice,  nor  the  money  he  has  made  in  it,  as  en 
tering  at  all  into  the  reasons  for  a  removal. — 
To   ALBERT  GALLATIN.     FORD  ED.,   viii,   499. 
(W.,  1806.) 

6189.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,  Tenure  of.— 
Should  I  be  placed  in  office     *     *     *     no  man 
who  has  conducted  himself  according  to  his 
duties  would  have  anything  to  fear  from  me, 
as  those  who  have  done  ill,  would  have  noth 
ing  to  hope,  be  their  political  principles  what 
they  might.— To  DR.  B.  S.  BARTON,     iv,  353. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  489.     (W.,  Feb.  1801.) 

6190.  OFFICE-HOLDERS,       Useless.— 

The  suppression  of  useless  offices  *  *  * 
will  probably  produce  some  disagreeable  al 


tercations  [in  Congress]. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN 
RUSH,  iv,  426.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  128.  (W., 
1801.) 

—  OIL  OF  BENI.— See    OLIVE,    SUBSTI 
TUTE  FOR. 

—  OLD  AGE.— See  AGE. 

6191.  OLIVE,   Adapted   to   America.— 

The  olive  tree  *  *  *  would  surely  succeed 
in  your  country,  and  would  be  an  infinite  bless 
ing  after  some  fifteen  or  twenty  years.  The 
caper  would  also  probably  succeed,  and  would 
offer  a  very  great  and  immediate  profit. — To  E. 

RUTLEDGE.        ii,     180.        FORD    ED.,    IV,    4IO.         (P., 

1787.) 

6192.  OLIVE,   Blessing  to  the  poor.— 

After  bread,  I  know  no  blessing  to  the  poor,  in 
this  world,  equal  to  that  of  oil. — To  RALPH 
IZARD.  FORD  ED.,  v,  128.  (P.,  1789.) 

6193.  OLIVE,  Cultivation  of  .—The  olive 
is  a  tree  the  least  known  in  America,  and  yet 
the  most  worthy  of  being  known.     Of  all  the 
gifts  of  heaven  to  man,  it  is  next  to  the  most 
precious,  if  it  be  not  the  most  precious.     Per 
haps  it  may  claim  a  preference  even  to  bread, 
because   there    is    such    an    infinitude    of   vege 
tables,  which  it  renders  a  proper  and  comfort 
able  nourishment.     In  passing  the  Alps  at  the 
Col  de  Tende,  where  they  are  mere  masses  of 
rock,  wherever  there  happens  to  be  a  little  soil, 
there  are  a  number  of  olive  trees,  and  a  village 
supported    by    them.      Take    away    these    trees, 
and  the  same  ground  in  corn  would  not  sup 
port  a  single  family.     A  pound  of  oil  which  can 
be  bought  for  three  or  four  pence  sterling,  is 
equivalent    to    many    pounds    of    flesh,    by    the 

3uantity  of  vegetables  it  will  prepare,  and  ren- 
er  fit  and  comfortable  food.  Without  this 
tree,  the  country  of  Provence  and  territory  of 
Genoa  would  not  support  one-half,  perhaps  not 
one-third,  their  present  inhabitants.  The  na 
ture  of  the  soil  is  of  little  consequence  if  it  be 
dry.  The  trees  are  planted  from  fifteen  to 
twenty  feet  apart,  and  when  tolerably  good, 
will  yield  fifteen  or  twenty  pounds  of  oil  yearly, 
one  with  another.  There  are  trees  which  yield 
much  more.  They  begin  to  render  good  crops 
at  twenty  years  old,  and  last  till  killed  by  cold, 
which  happens  at  some  time  or  other,  even  in 
their  best  positions  in  France.  But  they  put 
out  again  from  their  roots.  In  Italy,  I  am  told 
they  have  trees  two  hundred  years  old. — To 
WILLIAM  DRAYTON.  ii,  199.  (P.,  1787.) 

6194.  OLIVE,  Heaven's  gift.— The  olive 
tree  is  assuredly  the  richest  gift  of  heaven.     I 
can  scarcely  except  bread. — To  GEORGE  WYTHE. 
ii,  266.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  443.     (P.,   1787.) 

6195.  OLIVE,  Importing  trees.— I  wish 
the    cargo    of    olive    plants     *     *     *     may    ar 
rive  to  you  in  good  order.     This  is  the  object 
for  the  patriots  of  your  country   [South  Caro 
lina]  ;  for  that  tree  once  established  there  will 
be  the  source  of  the  greatest  wealth  and  happi 
ness.     But  to  insure  success,  perseverance  may 
be    necessary.     An    essay    or    two    may    fail.     I 
think,  therefore,  that  an  annual  sum  should  be 
subscribed,  and  it  need  not  be  a  great  one. — To 
E.  RUTLEDGE.     iii,   no.     (P.,   1789.) 

6196.  -        .     I  have  arrived  at  Balti 
more  from   Marseilles   forty  olive  trees  of  the 
best  kind,  and  a  box  of  seed,  the  latter  to  raise 
stocks,   and  the  former,   cuttings  to  enfraft  on 
the   stocks.     I    am   ordering   them   on   instantly 
to   Charleston.  *     Another  cargo   is   on 
its  way  from  Bordeaux,  so  that  I  hope  to  se 
cure   the   commencement   of   this   culture,   and 


659 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Olive 
Opinion 


from  the  best  species.  Sugar  and  oil  will  be  no 
mean  addition  to  the  articles  of  pur  culture. — 
To  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  iii,  255.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  327.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

6197. .  I  have  one  hundred  olive 

trees,  and  some  caper  plants  from  Marseilles, 
which  I  am  sending  on  to  Charleston  where 
*  *  *  they  have  already  that  number  living 
of  those  I  had  before  sent  them. — To  PRESIDENT 
WASHINGTON,  iii,  357.  FORD  ED.,  v,  514. 
(Pa.,  1792.) 

6198. .     It    is    now    twenty-five 

years  since  I  sent  my  southern  fellow  citizens 
two  shipments  (about  500  plants)  of  the  olive 
tree  of  Aix,  the  finest  olives  in  the  world.  If 
any  of  them  still  exist,  it  is  merely  as  a  curi 
osity  in  their  gardens ;  not  a  single  orchard  of 
them  has  been  planted. — To  JAMES  RONALDSON. 
vi,  92.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  371.  (M.,  Jan.  1813.) 

6199.  OLIVE,  Oil.— The  oil  of  the  olive 
is  an  article  the  consumption  of  which  will  al 
ways  keep  pace  with  its  production.     Raise  it, 
and   it  begets   its   own   demand.     Little   is   car 
ried  to  America  because  Europe  has  it  not  to 
spare.     We,    therefore,    have    not    learned    the 
use  of  it.     But  cover  the  Southern  States  with 
it,  and  every  man  will  become  a  consumer  of 
oil,   within   whose   reach   it   can   be   brought   in 
point  of  price. — To  WILLIAM  DRAYTON.    ii,  200. 
(P.,    1787.) 

6200.  OLIVE,     Planting     trees.— Were 
the    owner    of    slaves    to    view    it    only    as    the 
means  of  bettering  their  condition,  how  much 
would  he  better  that  by  planting  one  of  those 
trees    for    every    slave    he    possessed !     Having 
been    myself    an    eye-witness    to    the    blessings 
which  this  tree  sheds  on  the  poor,  I  never  had 
my  wishes   so   kindled   for  the   introduction   of 
any  article  of  new  culture  into  our  own  country. 
— To  WILLIAM  DRAYTON.     ii,  201.     (P.,  1787.) 

6201.  OLIVE,   South  Carolina  and. — If 

the  memory  of  those  persons  is  held  in  great 
respect  in  South  Carolina  who  introduced  there 
the  culture  of  rice,  a  plant  which  sows  life 
and  death  with  almost  equal  hand,  what  obli 
gations  would  be  due  to  him  who  should  intro 
duce  the  olive  tree,  and  set  the  example  of  its 
culture  ! — To  WILLIAM  DRAYTON.  ii,  200.  (P., 
1787.) 

6202. .     I  am  gratified  by  letters 

from  South  Carolina,  which  inform  me  that  in 
consequence  of  the  information  I  had  given 
them  on  the  subject  of  the  olive  tree,  and  the 
probability  of  its  succeeding  with  them,  several 
rich  individuals  propose  to  begin  its  culture 
there. — To  M.  DE  BERTROUS.  ii,  359.  (P., 
1788.) 

6203.  — .     This  is  the  most  inter 
esting  plant   in   the  world   for   South   Carolina 
and   Georgia.     You   will   see   in   various   places 
[on  your  tour]  that  it  gives  being  to  whole  vil 
lages  in  places  where  there  is  not  soil  enough 
to  subsist  a.  family  by  the  means  of  any  other 
culture.     But  consider  it  as  the  means  of  bet 
tering   the   condition   of   your   slaves   in    South 
Carolina.     See   in   the   poorer   parts   of   France 
and  Italy  what  a  number  of  vegetables  are  ren 
dered  eatable  by  the  aid  of  a  little  oil,  which 
would     otherwise     be     useless. — To     WILLIAM 
RUTLEDGE.     ii,    414.     (P.,     1788.) 

6204.  OLIVE,    Substitute   for.— I    lately 
received    from    Colonel    Few    in    New    York,    a 
bottle    of    the    oil    of    Beni,    believed    to    be    a 
sesamum.     I    did   not   believe   there   existed   so 
perfect  a  substitute  for  olive  oil.     Like  that  of 


Florence,  it  has  no  taste,  and  is  perhaps  rather 
more  limpid.  A  bushel  of  seed  yields  three 
gallons  of  oil ;  and  Governor  Milledge,  of 
Georgia,  says  the  plant  will  grow  wherever  the 
Palmi  Christi  will. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
v,  225.  (W.,  1808.) 

6205.  OPINION,  Avowal  of;— I  never 
had  an  opinion  in  politics  or  religion  which 
I  was  afraid  to  own. — To  F.  HOPKINSON.  ii, 
587.  FORD  ED.,  v,  78.  (P.,  1789.) 

6206. .  There  is,  perhaps,  a  de 
gree  of  duty  to  avow  a  change  of  opinion 
called  for  by  a  change  of  circumstances. — To 
BENJAMIN  AUSTIN,  vi,  553.  FORD  ED.,  x,  n. 
(M.,  1816.) 

6207.  OPINION,       Coercion.— Subject 

opinion  to  coercion :  whom  will  you  make 
your  inquisitors?  Fallible  men;  governed  by 
bad  passions,  by  private  as  well  as  public 
reasons.  And  why  subject  it  to  coercion? 
To  produce  uniformity?  But  is  uniformity  of 
opinion  desirable?  No  more  than  of  face 
and  stature. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  401. 
FORD  ED.,  iii,  264.  (1782.) 

6208.  OPINION,   Collisions  of.— I  wish 
to  avoid  all  collisions  of  opinion  with  all  man 
kind. — To  CHARLES  YANCEY.    vi,  517.    FORD 
ED.,  x,  4.     (M.,  1816.) 

6209.  OPINION,  Compromise  of.— Some 
[members  of  Congress]  think  that  independ 
ence  requires  them  to  follow  always  their  own 
opinion,   without  respect  for  that  of  others. 
This   has   never   been   my   opinion,   nor   my 
practice,   when   I   have  been  of  that  or  any 
other  body.     Differing,  on  a  particular  ques 
tion,  from  those  whom  I  knew  to  be  of  the 
same    political    principles    with    myself,    and 
with   whom   I  generally  thought  and  acted, 
a  consciousness  of  the  fallibility  of  the  human 
mind,  and  of  my  own  in  particular,  with  a  re 
spect  for  the  accumulated  judgment  of  my 
friends,  has  induced  me  to  suspect  erroneous 
impressions   in   myself,   to  suppose  my  own 
opinion    wrong,    and    to    act   with    them   on 
theirs.    The  want  of  this  spirit  of  compromise, 
or  of  self-distrust,  proudly,  but  falsely  called 
independence,    is   what  gives   the   federalists 
victories   which  they  could  never  obtain,   if 
these  brethren  could  learn  to  respect  the  opin 
ions    of    their    friends    more    than    of    their 
enemies,  and  prevents  many  able  and  honest 
men  from  doing  all  the  good  they  otherwise 
might    do.      These   considerations     *     *     * 
have   often    quieted    my   own    conscience    in 
voting  and  acting  on  the  judgment  of  others 
against  my  own. — To  WILLIAM   DUANE.     v, 
591.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  315.    (M.,  1811.) 

6210.  OPINION,  Differences   of.— Even 

if  we  differ  in  principle  more  than  I  believe 
we  do,  you  and  I  know  too  well  the  texture 
of  the  human  mind,  and  the  slipperiness  of 
human  reason,  to  consider  differences  of  opin 
ion  otherwise  than  differences  of  form  or 
feature. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  273.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  335.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

6211. .     In  every  country  where 

man  is  free  to  think  and  to  speak,  differences 


Opinion 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


660 


of  opinion  will  arise  from  difference  of  per 
ception,  and  the  imperfection  of  reason ;  but 
these  differences  when  permitted,  as  in  this 
happy  country,  to  purify  themselves  by  free 
discussion,  are  but  as  passing  clouds  over 
spreading  our  land  transiently,  and  leaving 
our  horizon  more  bright  and  serene. — To 
BENJAMIN  WARING,  iv,  378.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

6212. .  Every  difference  of  opin 
ion  is  not  a  difference  of  principle.  We  have 
called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the 
same  principle.  We  are  all  republicans :  we 
are  all  federalists. — FIRST  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS,  viii,  2.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  3.  (1801.) 

6213. .     I   lament  sincerely  that 

unessential  differences  of  opinion  should  ever 
have  been  deemed  sufficient  to  interdict  half 
the  society  from  the  rights  and  the  blessings 
of  self-government,  to  proscribe  them  as 
characters  unworthy  of  every  trust. — To  THE 
NEW  HAVEN  COMMITTEE,  iv,  405.  FORD  ED., 
viii,  70.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6214. .  I  tolerate  with  the  ut 
most  latitude  the  right  of  others  to  differ 
from  me  in  opinion  without  imputing  to  them 
criminality.  I  know  too  well  the  weakness 
and  uncertainty  of  human  reason  to  wonder 
at  its  different  results. — To  MRS.  JOHN 
ADAMS,  iv,  562.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  312.  (M., 
1804.) 

6215. .  That  in  a  free  govern 
ment  there  should  be  differences  of  opinion 
as  to  public  measures  and  the  conduct  of 
those  who  direct  them,  is  to  be  expected. 
It  is  much,  however,  to  be  lamented,  that 
these  differences  should  be  indulged  at  a 
crisis  which  calls  for  the  undivided  counsels 
and  energies  of  our  country,  and  in  a  form 
calculated  to  encourage  our  enemies  in  the 
refusal  of  justice,  and  to  force  their  country 
into  war  as  the  only  resource  for  obtaining 
it, — R.  TO  A.  NEW  LONDON  REPUBLICANS. 
viii,  151.  (1809.) 

6216. .  That  differences  of  opin 
ion  should  arise  among  men,  on  politics,  on 
religion,  and  on  every  other  topic  of  human 
inquiry,  and  that  these  should  be  freely  ex 
pressed  in  a  country  where  all  our  faculties 
are  free,  is  to  be  expected.  But  these  valu 
able  privileges  are  much  perverted  when  per 
mitted  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  social  in 
tercourse,  and  to  lessen  the  tolerance  of  opin 
ion. — R.  TO  A.  CITIZENS  OF  WASHINGTON. 
viii,  158.  (1809.) 

6217. .     Some  friends  have  left 

me  by  the  way,  seeking  by  a  different  political 
path,  the  same  object,  their  country's  good, 
which  I  pursued  with  the  crowd  along  the 
common  highway.  It  is  a  satisfaction  to  me 
that  I  was  not  the  first  to  leave  them. — To 
DAVID  CAMPBELL,  v,  499.  (M.,  1810.) 

6218. .    I    have    never    thought 

that  a  difference  in  political,  any  more  than 
in  religious  opinions,  should  disturb  the 
friendly  intercourse  of  society. — To  DAVID 
CAMPBELL,  v,  499.  (M.,  1810.) 


6219. 


With  respect  to  impres 


sions  from  any  differences  of  political  opin 
ion,  whether  major  or  minor,  *  *  *  I  have 
none.  I  left  them  all  behind  me  on  quitting 
Washington,  where  alone  the  state  of  things 
had,  till  then,  required  some  attention  to 
them.  Nor  was  that  the  lightest  part  of  the 
load  I  was  there  disburthened  of ;  and  could 
I  permit  myself  to  believe  that  with  the 
change  of  circumstances  a  corresponding 
change  had  taken  place  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  differed  from  me,  and  that  I  now  stand 
in  the  peace  and  good  will  of  my  fellow- 
citizens  generally,  it  would,  indeed,  be  a 
sweetening  ingredient  in  the  last  dregs  of  my 
life. — To  JOHN  NICHOLAS,  vii,  143.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  148.  (M.,  1819.) 

6220.  .      Difference    of    opinion 

was  never,  with  me,  a  motive  of  separation 
from  a  friend. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE.  FORD 
ED.,  x,  298.  (M.,  1824.) 

6221. .     Men,   according  to  their 

constitutions  and  the  circumstances  in  which 
they  are  placed,  differ  honestly  in  opinion. 
Some  are  whigs,  liberals,  democrats,  call  them 
what  you  please.  Others  are  tories,  serviles, 
aristocrats,  &c. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii, 
391.  FORD  ED.,  x,  334.  (M.,  1825.) 

6222.  OPINION,  Freedom  of.— The  will 
of  the  people  is  the  only  legitimate  founda 
tion  of  any  government,   and  to  protect  its 
free  expression  should  be  our  first  object. — 
To    BENJAMIN    WARING.       iv,    379.       (W., 
March  1801.) 

6223.  .     Opinion,    and    the   just 

maintenance  of  it,  shall  never  be  a  crime  in 
my  view;  nor  bring  injury  on  the  individual. 
— To  SAMUEL  ADAMS,    iv,  389.    FORD  ED.,  viii, 
39.     (W.,  March  1801.) 

6224. .     The  freedom  of  opinion, 

and  the  reasonable  maintenance  of  it,  is  not 
a  crime,  and  ought  not  to  occasion  injury. — 
To  GIDEON  GRANGER.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  44.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6225. .  The  right  of  opinion  shall 

suffer  no  invasion  from  me.  Those  [office 
holders]  who  have  acted  well  have  nothing 
to  fear,  however  they  may  have  differed 
from  me  in  opinion :  those  who  have  done  ill, 
however,  have  nothing  to  hope ;  nor  shall  I 
fail  to  do  justice  lest  it  should  be  ascribed 
to  that  difference  of  opinion. — To  ELBRIDGE 
GERRY,  iv,  391.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  42.  (W., 
March  1801.) 

6226. .     The    legislative    powers 

of  government  reach  actions  only  and  not 
opinions. — REPLY  TO  BAPTIST  ADDRESS,  viii, 
113.  (1802.) 

6227. .  Where  thought  is  free  in 

its  range,  we  need  never  fear  to  hazard  what 
is  good  in  itself. — To  MR.  OGILVIE.  v,  604. 
(M.,  1811.) 

6228. .  Difference  of  opinion 

leads  to  enquiry,  and  enquiry  to  truth ;  and 
I  am  sure  *  *  *  we  both  value  too 
much  the  freedom  of  opinion  sanctioned  by 


66 1 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Opinion 


our  Constitution,  not  to  cherish  its  exercise 
even  where  in  opposition  to  ourselves. — To 
MR.  WENDOVER.  vi,  447.  (M.,  1815.) 

6229. .     The  amendments  [to  the 

constitution  of  Massachusetts]  of  which  we 
have  as  yet  heard,  prove  the  advance  of  liber 
alism  *  *  *  and  encourage  the  hope  that 
the  human  mind  will  some  day  get  back  to 
the  freedom  it  enjoyed  two  thousand  years 
ago. — TO  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  199.  FORD  ED., 
x,  185.  (M.,  1821.) 

6230. .    I  respect  the  right  of  free 

opinion  too  much  to  urge  an  uneasy  pressure 
of  [my  own]  opinion  on  [others].  Time  and 
advancing  science  will  ripen  us  all  in  its 
course,  and  reconcile  all  to  wholesome  and 
necessary  changes. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  320.  (M.,  1824.) 

6231.  OPINION,   Government   and.— 
Government  is  founded  in  opinion  and  con 
fidence. — THE  ANAS,     ix,   121.     FORD  ED.,  i, 
204.     (1792.) 

6232.  OPINION,    Individual.— -I    never 
submitted  the  whole  system  of  my  opinions 
to  the  creed  of  any  party  of  men  whatever, 
in  religion,  in  philosophy,  in  politics,  or  in 
anything  else,  where  I  was  capable  of  think 
ing   for   myself.      Such   an   addiction   is   the 
last  degradation  of  a  free  and  moral  agent. 
If  I  could  not  go  to  heaven  but  with  a  party, 
I  would  not  go  there  at  all. — To  FRANCIS 
HOPKINSON.     ii,  585.     FORD  ED.,  v,  76.     (P., 
1789.) 

6233.  OPINION,  Legal.— On  every  ques 
tion   the  lawyers  are  about  equally  divided, 
and  were  we  to  act  but  in  cases  where  no 
contrary  opinion  of  a  lawyer  can  be  had,  we 
should  never  act. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.     v, 
369.     (M.,   1808.) 

6234.  OPINION,  Majority  and.— I  read 
ily  suppose  my  opinion  wrong,  when  opposed 
by    the    majority. — To    JAMES    MADISON,     ii, 
447.    FORD  ED.,  v,  48.    (P.,  1788.) 

6235.  OPINION,  Power  of.— Opinion  is 
power. — To   JOHN    ADAMS,      vi,    525.      (M., 
1816.) 

6236.  OPINION,  Bight  of  .—I  may  some 
times    differ    in    opinion    from    some   of   my 
friends,  from  those  whose  views  are  as  pure 
and  sound  as  my  own.     I  censure  none,  but 
do  homage  to  every  one's  right  of  opinion. — 
To  WILLIAM  DUANE.     v,  577.     FORD  ED.,  ix, 
314.     (M.,  1811.) 

6237.  OPINION,  Sacrifices  of  .—If  we  do 

not  learn  to  sacrifice  small  differences  of  opin 
ion,  we  can  never  act  together.  Every  man 
cannot  have  his  way  in  all  things.  If  his 
own  opinion  prevails  at  some  times,  he  should 
acquiesce  on  seeing  that  of  others  preponder 
ate  at  other  times.  Without  this  mutual  dis 
position  we  are  disjointed  individuals,  but 
not  a  society. — To  JOHN  DICKINSON.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  76.  (W.,  July  1801.) 

6238. .     I  see  too  many  proofs  of 

the  imperfection  of  human  reason,  to  enter 
tain  wonder  or  intolerance  at  any  difference 


of  opinion  on  any  subject;  and  acquiesce  in 
that  difference  as  easily  as  on  a  difference  of 
feature  or  form;  experience  having  long 
taught  me  the  reasonableness  of  mutual  sac 
rifices  of  opinion  among  those  who  are  to 
act  together  for  any  common  object,  and  the 
expediency  of  doing  what  good  we  can,  when 
we  cannot  do  all  we  would  wish.— To  JOHN 
RANDOLPH,  iv,  518.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  282.  (W., 
Dec.  1803.) 

6239. .  To  the  principles  of  union 

I  sacrifice  all  minor  differences  of  opinion. 
These,  like  differences  of  face,  are  a  law  of 
our  nature,  and  should  be  viewed  with  the 
same  tolerance. — To  WILLIAM  DUANE.  v, 
603.  (M.,  1811.) 

6240.  OPINION,  Uniformity.— Suppose 
the  State  should  take  into  head  that  there 
should  be  an  uniformity  of  countenance. 
Men  would  be  obliged  to  put  an  artificial 
bump  or  swelling  here,  a  patch  there,  &c.,  but 
this  would  be  merely  hypocritical,  or  if  the 
alternative  was  given  of  wearing  a  mask, 
ninety-nine  one-hundredths  must  immediately 
mask.  Would  this  add  to  the  beauty  of  na 
ture?  Why  otherwise  in  opinions? — NOTES 
ON  RELIGION.  FORD  ED.,  ii,  95.  (1776?) 

6241. .     Is  uniformity  of  opinion 

desirable?  No  more  than  that  of  face  and 
stature.— NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  401.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  264.  (1782.) 

6242.  OPINION,   War  an    —If  we  are 

forced  into  war  [with  France]  we  must  give 
up  differences  of  opinion,  and  unite  as  one 
man  to  defend  our  country. — To  GENERAL 
KOSCIUSKO.  iv,  295.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

6243.  OPINION      (Public),      Adminis 
tration  and. — Ministers    *    *    *    cannot  in 
any  country  be  uninfluenced  by  the  voice  of 
the    people.— To    JOHN    JAY.      ii,    46.      (P., 

1786.) 

6244.  OPINION      (Public),      Advanta 
geous. — The  advantage  of  public  opinion  is 
like   that   of  the   weather-gauge   in   a   naval 
action. — To  JAMES  MONROE,     vi,  408.     FORD 
ED.,  ix,  496.     (M.,   1815.) 

6245.  OPINION      (Public),     Attention 
to. — More   attention   should   be  paid   to   the 
general    opinion. — To    GEORGE    MASON,      iii, 
209.     FORD  ED.,  v,  275.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

6246.  OPINION     (Public),    Censorship 

by. — Public  opinion  is  a  censor  before  which 
the  most  exalted  tremble  for  their  future  as 
well  as  present  fame. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi, 
524.  (M.,  1816.) 

6247. .    The  public  judgment  will 

correct  false  reasonings  and  opinions,  on  a 
full  hearing  of  all  parties;  and  no  other 
definite  line  can  be  drawn  between  the  in 
estimable  liberty  of  the  press  and  its  de 
moralizing  licentiousness.  If  there  be  still 
improprieties  which  this  rule  would  not  re 
strain,  its  supplement  must  be  sought  in  the 
censorship  of  public  opinion. — SECOND  INAU 
GURAL  ADDRESS,  viii,  44.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  346. 
(1805.) 


Opinion 
Opinions 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


662 


6248.  OPINION  (Public),  Changes  in.— 

When  public  opinion  changes,  it  is  with  the 
rapidity  of  thought.— To  CHARLES  YANCEY. 
vi,  516.  FORD  ED.,  x,  3.  (M.,  1816.) 

6249.  OPINION    (Public),    Conforming 

to. — I  think  it  a  duty  in  those  intrusted  with 
the  administration  of  their  affairs  to  conform 
themselves  to  the  decided  choice  of  their  con 
stituents.— To  JOHN  JAY.  i,  404.  FORD  ED., 
iv,  89.  (P.,  1785.) 

6250.  OPINION   (Public),   Degeneracy. 
—It  is  the  manners  and  spirit  of  a  people 
which  preserve  a  republic  in  vigor.     A  de 
generacy  in  these  is  a  canker  which  soon  eats 
to  the  heart  of  its  laws  and  constitution. — 
NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,    viii,  406.    FORD  ED.,  iii, 
269.     (1782.) 

6251.  OPINION    (Public),    Force    of.— 
The  public  mind    [in  France]    is  manifestly 
advancing    on    the    abusive    prerogatives    of 
their  governors,  and  bearing  them  down.    No 
force  in  the  government  can  withstand  this 
in   the   long  run. — To   COMTE  DE   MOUSTIER. 
ii,  389.    FORD  ED.,  v,  12.     (P.,  1788.) 

6252 .     A   King    [Louis   XVI.] 

with  two  hundred  thousand  men  at  his  or 
ders,  is  disarmed  by  force  of  public  opinion 
and  want  of  money. — To  MADAME  DE  BRE- 
HAN.  ii,  591.  FORD  ED.,  v,  79.  (P.,  1789-) 

6253. .     The    good    opinion    of 

mankind,  like  the  lever  of  Archimedes,  with 
the  given  fulcrum,  moves  the  world. — To  M. 
CORREA.  vi,  405.  (M.,  1814.) 

6254. .    The  spirit  of  our  people 

would  oblige  even  a  despot  to  govern  us  re- 
publicanly.— To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  n. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  39.  (M.,  1816.) 

6255. .  The  force  of  public  opin 
ion  cannot  be  resisted,  when  permitted  freely 
to  be  expressed.  The  agitation  it  produces 
must  be  submitted  to.  It  is  necessary,  to 
keep  the  waters  pure.— To  THE  MARQUIS  DE 
LAFAYETTE,  vii,  325.  FORD  ED.,  x,  280.  (M., 
1823.) 

6256.  OPINION  (Public),  Indian.— I  am 
convinced   that   those   societies    (as   the   In 
dians)    which   live   without  government,   en 
joy  in  their  general  mass  an  infinitely  greater 
degree  of  happiness,  than  those  who  live  un 
der  the  European  governments.     Among  the 
former,  public  opinion  is  in  the  place  of  law, 
and  restrains  morals  as  powerfully  as  laws 
ever   did   anywhere.— To    EDWARD    CARRING- 
TON.    ii,  loo.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  360.     (P.,  1787.) 

6257.  OPINION    (Public),    Inquisition 

of. — This  country,  which  has  given  to  the 
world  the  example  of  physical  liberty,  owes 
to  it  that  of  moral  emancipation  also,  for  as 
yet  it  is  but  nominal  with  us.  The  inquisi 
tion  of  public  opinion  overwhelms  in  practice 
the  freedom  asserted  by  the  laws  in  theory. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  200.  FORD  ED.,  x,  185. 
(M.,  1821.) 

6258.  OPINION     (Public),     Nourish.— 

Secure  self-government  by  the  republicanism 


of  our  constitution,  as  well  as  by  the  spirit  of 
the  people;  and  nourish  and  perpetuate  that 
spirit.— To  SAMUEL  KERCHIVAL.  vii,  13. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  41.  (M.,  1816.) 

6259.  OPINION  (Public),  Preserving.— 

The  basis  of  our  governments  being  the  opin 
ion  of  the  people,  the  very  first  object  should 
be  to  keep  that  right. — To  EDWARD  CARRING- 
TON.  ii,  100.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  359.  (P.,  1787.) 

6260.  OPINION  (Public),  Respect  for.— 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  be 
comes  necessary  for  one  people  to  dissolve 
the  political  bands  which  have  connected 
them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal 
station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect 
to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel 
them  to  the  separation. — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

6261. .  There  are  certainly  per 
sons  in  all  the  departments  who  are  driving 
too  fast.  Government  being  founded  on  opin 
ion,  the  opinion  of  the  public,  even  when  it  is 
wrong,  ought  to  be  respected  to  a  certain  de 
gree. — To  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  FORD  ED.,  v,  282. 
(Pa.,  1791.) 

6262. .     We    have    believed    we 

should  afford  England  an  opportunity  of 
making  reparation,  as  well  from  justice  and 
the  usage  of  nations,  as  a  respect  to  the  opin 
ion  of  an  impartial  world,  whose  approba 
tion  and  esteem  are  always  of  value. — To 
W.  H.  CABELL.  v,  142.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  90. 
(W.,  July  1807.) 

6263. .     A  regard  for  reputation, 

and  the  judgment  of  the  world,  may  some 
times  be  felt  where  conscience  is  dormant. — 
To  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  vii,  404.  (M., 
.1825.) 

6264.  OPINION     (Public),    Revolution 

by. — A  complete  revolution  in  the  French 
government  has,  within  the  space  of  two 
years,  been  effected  by  the  mere  force  of 
public  opinion,  aided,  indeed,  by  the  want  of 
money  which  the  dissipations  of  the  Court 
had  brought  on. — To  DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 
iii,  10.  FORD  ED.,  v,  86.  (P.,  1789.) 

6265.  OPINION  (Public),  Supremacy.— 

Public  opinion,  that  lord  of  the  universe. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  157.  (M.,  1820.) 

6266.  OPINION  (Public),  Wisdom  of.— 

It  is  rare  that  the  public  sentiment  decides 
immorally  or  unwisely,  and  the  individual 
who  differs  from  it  ought  to  distrust  and  ex 
amine  well  his  own  opinion. — To  WILLIAM 
FINDLEY.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  27.  (W.,  March 
1801.) 

6267.  OPINIONS,  Canvassing.— In  can 
vassing  my  opinions  you  have  done  what  every 
man  has  a  right  to  do,  and  it  is  for  the  good 
of   society  that  that   right   should  be   freely 
exercised. — To     NOAH     WEBSTER.      iii,     201. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  254.     (Pa.,   1790.) 


663 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Opinions 
Opposition 


6268.  OPINIONS,  Exchange  of.— I  shall 
be  happy,  at  all  times,  in  an  intercommuni 
cation  of  sentiments  with  you,  believing  that 
the  dispositions  of  the  different  parts  of  our 
country    have    been    considerably    misrepre 
sented  and  misunderstood  in  each  part,  as  to 
the  other,  and  that  nothing  but  good  can  re 
sult  from   an   exchange   of   information   and 
opinions  between  those  whose  circumstances 
and  morals  admit  no  doubt  of  the  integrity 
of    their    views. — To    ELBRIDGE    GERRY,      iv, 
174.    FORD  ED.,  vii,  123.     (Pa.,  179?-) 

6269.  OPINIONS,       Formation.— The 
opinions  and  belief  of  men  depend  not  on 
their  own  will,  but  follow  involuntarily  the 
evidence  proposed  to  their  minds. — STATUTE 
OF   RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM.     FORD   ED.,    ii,    237. 
(I779-) 

6270.  OPINIONS,    Government    and.— 
The  opinions  of  men  are  not  the  object  of 
civil  government,  nor  under  its  jurisdiction. 
— STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM.     FORD  ED., 
ii,  238.     (I779-) 

6271.  OPINIONS,    Moral    facts.— Opin 
ions  constitute  moral  facts,  as  important  as 
physical  ones  to  the  attention  of  the  public 
functionary. — To   RICHARD   RUSH,     vii,    183. 
(M.,  1820.) 

6272.  OPINIONS,  Propagation  of.— To 
compel    a    man    to    furnish    contributions    of 
money  for  the  propagation  of  opinions  which 
he  disbelieves  and  abhors,  is  sinful  and  tyran 
nical.— STATUTE  OF  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM.    FORD 
ED.,  ii,  238.     (I779-) 

6273.  OPINIONS,  Revealing.— The  sen 
timents  of  men  are  known  not  only  by  what 
they   receive,   but  what   they   reject. — AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY,    i,  19.    FORD  ED.,  i,  28.     (1821.) 

6274.  OPINIONS,      Social     intercourse 
and. — Opinions,  which  are  equally  honest  on 
both  sides,  should  not  affect  personal  esteem 
or  social  intercourse. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,     vi, 
146.     (M.,  1813.) 

6275.  OPINIONS,  Strength  of  sound.— 
If     *     *     *     opinions   are   sound     *     *     * 
they  will  prevail  by  their  own  weight,  with 
out  the  aid  of  names. — To  SAMUEL  KERCHI- 
VAL.    vii,  35.    FORD  ED.,  x,  45.     (M.,  1816.) 

6276.  OPINIONS,  Vindication  of.— My 
occupations  do  not  permit  me  to  undertake 
to  vindicate  all  my  opinions,  nor  have  they 
importance   enough   to   merit   it. — To    NOAH 
WEBSTER,     iii,  203.     FORD  ED.,  v,  257.     (Pa., 
1790.) 

6277.  OPPOSITION,     To     Administra 
tions. — A  quondam  colleague  of  yours,  who 
had  acquired  some  distinction  and  favor  in 
the  public  eye,   is  throwing  it  away  by  en 
deavoring  to  obtain  his  end   by  rallying  an 
opposition  to  the  administration.     This  error 
has  already  ruined  some  among  us,  and  will 
ruin  others  who  do  not  perceive  that  it  is 
the  steady  abuse  of  power  in  other  govern 
ments   which   renders  that  of  opposition   al 
ways  the  popular  party.— To  ALBERT  GALLA- 
TIN.    FORD  ED.,  x,  106.     (M.,  1818.) 


6278.  OPPOSITION,  Continual.— In  the 

Middle  and  Southern  States,  as  great  an 
union  of  sentiment  has  now  taken  place  as  is 
perhaps  desirable.  For  as  there  will  always 
be  an  opposition,  I  believe  it  had  better  be 
from  avowed  monarchists  than  republicans. 
— To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  536.  FORD  ED.,  viii, 
297.  (W.,  March  1804.) 

6279.  OPPOSITION,   Crushing.— I  have 
removed    those     [officeholders]     who    main 
tained  an   active  and   zealous  opposition   to 
the   government. — To  JOHN   PAGE,      v,    136. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  119.     (W.,  1807.) 

6280.  OPPOSITION,     Of    enemies.— 

The  clouds  which  have  appeared  for  some 
time  to  be  gathering  around  us,  have  given 
me  anxiety  lest  an  enemy,  always  on  the 
watch,  always  prompt  and  firm,  and  acting 
in  well-disciplined  phalanx,  should  find  an 
opening  to  dissipate  hopes,  with  the  loss  of 
which  I  would  wish  that  of  life  itself. — To 
WILLIAM  DUANE.  v,  603.  (M.,  1811.) 

6281.  OPPOSITION,  Federal  elements. 

— I  have  never  dreamed  that  all  opposition 
was  to  cease.  The  clergy  who  have  missed 
their  union  with  the  State,  the  Anglomen, 
who  have  missed  their  union  with  England, 
and  the  political  adventurers,  who  have  lost 
the  chance  of  swindling  and  plunder  in  the 
waste  of  public  money,  will  never  cease  to 
bawl,  on  the  breaking  up  of  their  sanctuary. 
But  among  the  people,  the  schism  is  healed, 
and  with  tender  treatment  the  wound  will 
not  reopen.  Their  quondam  leaders  have 
been  astounded  with  the  suddenness  of  the 
desertion ;  and  their  silence  and  appearance 
of  acquiescence  have  proceeded  not  from  a 
thought  of  joining  us,  but  the  uncertainty 
what  ground  to  take. — To  GIDEON  GRANGER. 
iv,  395-  FORD  ED.,  viii,  48.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

6282.  OPPOSITION,      Federalist.— The 

federalists  meant  by  crippling  my  rigging  to 
leave  me  an  unwieldy  hulk  at  the  mercy  of 
the  elements. — To  THEODORE  FOSTER.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  51.  (W.,  May  1801.) 

6283. .     Their  rallying  point  is 

"  war  with  France  and  Spain,  and  alliance 
with  Great  Britain " ;  and  everything  is 
wrong  with  them  which  checks  their  new 
ardor  to  be  fighting  for  the  liberties  of  man 
kind;  on  the  sea  always  excepted.  There, 
one  nation  is  to  monopolize  all  the  liberties  of 
the  others.— To  MR.  BIDWELL.  v,  15.  (W., 
1806.) 

6284. .     I    should    suspect   error 

where  the  federalists  found  no  fault. — To 
MR.  BIDWELL.  v,  15.  (W.,  1806.) 

6285.  OPPOSITION,     Fighting.— While 
duty    required    it,    I    met    opposition    with   a 
firm  and  fearless  step. — To  SPENCER  ROANE. 
vii,  136.     FORD  ED.,  x,  142.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

6286.  OPPOSITION,    Malicious.— There 

is  nothing  against  which  human  ingenuity 
will  not  be  able  to  find  something  to  say. — 
To  GIDEON  GRANGER,  iv,  396.  FORD  ED.,  viii 
48.  (W.,  1801.) 


Oppression 
Orleans  (Duke  of) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


664 


6287.  OPPRESSION,    Colonies   and.— A 

series  of  oppressions,  begun  at  a  distinguished 
period,  and  pursued  unalterably  through 
every  change  of  ministers,  too  plainly  prove 
a  deliberate,  systematical  plan  of  reducing 
us  to  slavery. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA. 
1,130.  FORD  ED.,  i,  435.  (i?74-) 

6288.  OPPRESSION,    Nations    and.— It 
is,  indeed,  an  animating  thought  that,  while 
we  are  securing  the  rights  of  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  we  are  pointing  out  the  way 
to  struggling  nations  who  wish,  like  us,  to 
emerge   from   their  tyrannies   also.     Heaven 
help  their  struggles,  and  lead  them,  as  it  has 
done    us,    triumphantly   through    them. — RE 
PLY  TO  ADDRESS,    iii,  128.     FORD  ED.,  v,  147. 
(1790.) 

6289.  OPTICS,  Laws  of  .—To  distinct  vis 
ion    it    is    necessary    not    only    that   the    visual 
angle  should  be  sufficient  for  the  powers  of  the 
human  eye,  but  that  there  should  be  sufficient 
light    also    on    the    object    of    observation.     In 
microscopic    observations,    the    enlargement    of 
the    angle    of    vision    may    be    more    indulged, 
because    auxiliary    light    may    be    concentrated 
on  the  object  by  concave  mirrors.     But  in  the 
case   of  the   heavenly  bodies   we   can   have   no 
such    aid.     The    moon,    for    example,    receives 
from  the  sun  but  a  fixed  quantity  of  light.     In 
proportion    as    you    magnify    her    surface,    you 
spread  that  fixed  quantity  over  a  greater  space, 
dilute  it  more,  and  render  the  object  more  dim. 
If  you   increase   her   magnitude   infinitely,   you 
dim  her  face   infinitely   also,   and  she  becomes 
invisible.     When    under    total    eclipse,    all    the 
direct   rays   of   the   sun   being   intercepted,   she 
is  seen  but  faintly,  and  would  not  be  seen  at 
all  but  for  the  refraction  of  the  solar  rays  in 
their    passage    through    our    atmosphere.     In    a 
night  of  extreme  darkness,  a  house  or  a  moun 
tain  is  not  seen,  as  not  haying  light  enough  to 
impress  the  limited  sensibility  of  our  eye.     I  do 
suppose  in  fact  that  Herschel  has  availed  him 
self  of  the  properties  of  the  parabolic  mirror  to 
the    point    beyond    which    its    effect    would    be 
countervailed  by  the  diminution  of  light  on  the 
object.     I  barely  suggest  this  element,  not  pre 
sented  to  view  in  your  letter,  as  one  which  must 
enter   into   the   estimate   of  the   improved  tele 
scope     you     propose. — To     THOMAS     SKIDMAN. 
vii,  259.     (M.,  1822.) 

6290.  ORATORY,   Art  in.— In  a   repub 
lican   nation,   whose  citizens   are  to  be   led  by 
reason   and   persuasion,   and   not  by   force,   the 
art   of   reasoning   becomes   of  first   importance. 
In    this    line    antiquity    has    left    us    the    finest 
models  for  imitation ;  and  he  who  studies  and 
imitates    them    most    nearly,    will    nearest    ap 
proach  the  perfection  of  the  art.     Among  these 
I  should  consider  the  speeches  of  Livy,  Sallust 
and  Tacitus  as  preeminent  specimens  of  logic, 
taste,  and  that  sententious  brevity  which,  using 
not  a  word  to  spare,  leave  not  a  moment  for 
inattention  to  the  hearer.     Amplification  is  the 
vice  of  modern  oratory.     It  is  an  insult  to  an 
assembly  of  reasonable  men,  disgusting  and  re 
volting  instead  of  persuading.     Speeches  meas 
ured    by    the    hour    die    with    the    hour. — To 
DAVID   HARDING,     vii,    347.     (M.,    1824.) 

6291.  ORATORY,     Models     for.— The 
models   for   that   oratory   which   is   to   produce 
the    greatest    effect    by    securing    the    attention 
of  hearers  and  readers,  are  to  be  found  in  Livy, 
Tacitus,    Sallust,    and    most    assuredly    not    in 
Cicero.     I  doubt  if  there  is  a  man  in  the  world 


who  can  now  read  one  of  his  orations  through 
but  as  a  piece  of  task  work. — To  J.  W.  EPPES. 
v,  490.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  267.  (M.,  1810.) 

6292.  ORATORY,  Modern  and  Ancient. 
— The  short,  the  nervous,  the  unanswerable 
speech  of  Carnot,  in  1803,  on  the  proposition 
to  declare  Bonaparte  consul  for  life, — this  creed 
of  republicanism  should  be  well  translated,  and 
placed  in  the  hands  and  heart  of  every  friend 
to  the  rights  of  self-government. — To  ABRAHAM 
SMALL,  vi,  347.  (M.,  1814.) 

6293. .     The  finest  thing,  in  my 

opinion,  which  the  English  language  has  pro 
duced,  is  the  defence  of  Eugene  Aram,  spoken 
by  himself  at  the  bar  of  the  York  assizes,  in 
1759. — To  ABRAHAM  SMALL,  vi,  347.  (M., 
1814.) 

6294. .     I  consider  the  speeches 

of  Aram  and  Carnot,  and  that  of  Logan,  as 
worthily  standing  in  a  line  with  those  of  Scipio 
and  Hannibal  in  Livy,  and  of  Cato  and  Csesar 
in  Sallust. — To  ABRAHAM  SMALL,  vi,  347. 
(M.,  1814.) 

6295.  ORATORY,  Scathing.— Lord  Chat 
ham's  reply   to   Horace     Walpole,   on  the   Sea 
men's  bill,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in  1740, 
is   one   of   the   severest  which   history   has   re 
corded. — To   ABRAHAM    SMALL,     vi,   346.     (M., 
1814.) 

6296.  ORDER,  Liberty  and. — Possessing 
ourselves  the  combined  blessing  of  liberty  and 
order,  we  wish  the  same  to  other  countries. 
—To  M.  CORAY.    vii,  318.    (M.,  1823.) 

6297.  ORDER,     Maintenance     of. — The 

life  of  the  citizen  is  never  to  be  endangered, 
but  as  the  last  melancholy  effort  for  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  obedience  to  the 
laws.* — To  THE  GOVERNORS  OF  THE  STATES. 
v,  414.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  238.  (W.,  1809.) 

6298.  ORDER,  Preservation   of. — Every 
man  being  at  his  ease,   feels  an   interest   in 
the  preservation  of  order,  and  comes  forth  to 
preserve  it  at  the  first  call  of  the  magistrate. 
—To  M.  PICTET.    iv,  463.     (W.,  1803.) 

6299.  ORDERS   IN   COUNCIL,   Repeal 

of. — The  British  ministry  has  been  driven 
from  its  Algerine  system,  not  by  any  remain 
ing  morality  in  the  people,  but  by  their  un 
steadiness  under  severe  trial.  But  whenceso- 
ever  it  comes,  I  rejoice  in  it  as  the  triumph 
of  our  forbearing  and  yet  persevering  system. 
It  will  lighten  your  anxieties,  take  from  cabal 
its  most  fertile  ground  of  war,  will  give  us 
peace  during  your  time,  and  by  the  complete 
extinguishment  of  our  public  debt,  open  upon 
us  the  noblest  application  of  revenue  that  has 
ever  been  exhibited  by  any  nation. — To  PRESI 
DENT  MADISON,  v,  443.  (M.,  April  1809.)  See 
BERLIN  DECREES  and  EMBARGO. 

—  OREGON.— See  LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EX 
PEDITION. 

6300.  ORLEANS    (Duke    of),    Unprin 
cipled. — The   Duke   d'Orleans   is  as  unprin 
cipled  as   his   followers ;    sunk   in   debaucheries 
of   the   lowest   kind,    and   incapable   of   quitting 
them    for   business ;    not   a    fool,   yet    not   head 
enough  to  conduct  anything. — To  JOHN  JAY.  iii, 
95.      (P.,    1789.) 

*  From  a  letter  in  regard  to  the  employment  of  the 
militia.— EDITOR. 


665 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Orleans  (Duke  of) 
Paine  (Thomas) 


6301.  ORLEANS  (Duke  of),  Vicious.— 

He  is  a  man  of  moderate  understanding,  of  no 
principle,  absorbed  in  low  vice,  and  incapable 
of  extracting  himself  from  the  filth  of  that, 
to  direct  anything  else.  His  name  and  his 
money,  therefore,  are  mere  tools  in  the  hands 
of  those  who  are  duping  him.  Mirabeau  is  their 
chief. — To  JAMES  MADISON,  iii,  98.  FORD  ED., 
v,  109.  (P.,  1789.) 

6302.  OSSIAN,  Poems  of.— These  pieces 
have   been   and   will,    I    think,    during   my   life, 
continue  to  be  to  me  the  sources  of  daily  and 
exalted  pleasures.     The  tender  and  the  sublime 
emotions    of    the    mind    were    never    before    so 
wrought   up    by    the   human    hand.      I    am    not 
ashamed  to  own  that  I  think  this  rude  bard  of 
the  North  the  greatest  poet  that  has  ever  ex 
isted.     Merely  for  the  pleasure  of  reading  his 
works,   I   am   become   desirous   of  learning  the 
language  in  which  he  sung,  and  of  possessing 
his  songs  in  their  original  form. — To  CHARLES 
McPiiERSON.    i,    195.     FORD   ED.,   i,   413.      (A., 
I773-) 

6303. .     If  not  ancient,  it  is  equal 

to  the  best  morsels  of  antiquity. — To  MARQUIS 
LAFAYETTE,  vii,  326.  FORD  ED.,  x,  282.  (M., 
1823.) 

6304.  OSTENTATION,  Good  deeds  and. 
— What  is  proposed,   though  but  an  act  of 
duty,    may    be   perverted    into    one    of   ostenta 
tion,  but  malice  will  always  find  bad  motives  for 
good    actions.      Shall    we    therefore    never    do 
good? — To   PRESIDENT  MADISON,  v,  524.      (M., 
1810.) 

_  OUTACITE,  Indian  Chief.— See  IN 
DIANS. 

_  PACIFIC,  Exploration  of  the.— See 
LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPEDITION. 

6305.  PAGE  (John),  Jefferson  and.— It 
had  given  me  much  pain,  that  the  zeal  of  our 
respective  friends  should  ever  have  placed  you 
and  me  in  the  situation  of  competitors.*     I  was 
comforted,  however,  with  the  reflection,  that  it 
was  their   competition,   not  ours,   and  that  the 
difference   of   the   numbers   which   decided   be 
tween  us,  was  too  insignificant  to  give  to  you 
a  pain,  or  me  a  pleasure,  had  our  dispositions 
towards  each  other  been  such  as  to  admit  those 
sensations. — To  JOHN  PAGE,    i,  210.     FORD  ED., 
ii,    187.      (i779.) 

6306.  PAGE  (John),  Tribute  to.— I  have 
known  Mr.  Page  from  the  time  we  were  boys 
and    classmates    together,    and    love    him    as    a 
brother,  but  I  have  always  known  him  the  worst 
judge  of  men  existing.     He  has  fallen  a  sacri 
fice  to  the  ease  with  which  he  gives  his  con 
fidence  to  those  who  deserve  it  not.  *       *  I  am 
very  anxious  to  do  something  useful  for  him ; 
and  so  universally  is  he  esteemed  in  this  coun 
try  [Virginia],  that  no  man's  promotion  would 
be   more   generally   approved.      He   has   not   an 
enemy    in    the    world. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN. 
FORD  EDV  viii,  85.      (M.,   1801.) 

6307.  PAIN,  Pleasure  vs. — We  have  no 
rose    without    its    thorn ;    no    pleasure    without 
alloy.     It  is  the  law  of  our  existence;  and  we 
must  acquiesce.     It  is  the  condition  annexed  to 
all   our  pleasures,   not  by  us  who   receive,   but 
by  Him  who  gives  them. — To  MRS.  COSWAY.    ii, 
41.     FORD  ED.,  iv,  321.     (P.,   1786.) 

6308. .     I  do  not  agree  that  an 

age  of  pleasure  is  no  compensation  for  a  mo- 
*  For  the  governorship  of  Virginia.  On  the  first 
vote,  the  figures  were :  Jefferson,  55  :  Nelson,  32;  and 
Page,  38.  The  second  vote  resulted  :  Jefferson,  67. 
Page  61.— EDITOR. 


ment  of  pain. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vii,  26.  (Mv 
1816.) 

6309.  PAIN,     Security     against.— The 

most  effectual  means  of  being  secure  against 
pain  is  to  retire  within  ourselves  and  to  suffice 
for  our  own  happiness.  Those  which  depend  on 
ourselves  are  the  only  pleasures  a  wise  man  will 
count  on ;  for  nothing  is  ours  which  another 
may  deprive  us  of.  Hence  the  inestimable 
value  of  intellectual  pleasures.  Ever  in  our 
power,  always  leading  us  to  something  new, 
never  cloying,  we  ride  serene  and  sublime  above 
the  concerns  of  this  mortal  world,  contempla 
ting  truth  and  nature,  matter  and  motion,  the 
laws  which  bind  up  their  existence,  and  that 
Eternal  Being  who  made  and  bound  them  up 
by  those  laws. — To  MRS.  COSWAY.  ii,  37.  FORD 
EDV  iv,  317.  (P.,  1786.) 

6310.  PAIN.E       (Thomas),      Common 

Sense. — Paine's  Common  Sense  electrified  us. 
— AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  i,  91.  FORD  ED.,  i,  12-7. 
(1821.) 

6311.  PAINE     (Thomas),     Correspond 
ence. — I  have  been  in  daily  intention  of  an 
swering  your  letters,   fully  and   confidentially; 
but  you  know,  such  a  correspondence  between 
you  and  me  cannot  pass  through  the  post,  nor 
even     by     the     couriers     of     ambassadors. — To 
THOMAS  PAINE,    ii,  545.     (P.,  1788.) 

6312.  PAINE    (Thomas),    Gunboats.— 

The  model  of  a  contrivance  for  making  one 
gunboat  do  nearly  double  execution  has  all  the 
ingenuity  and  simplicity  which  generally  mark 
your  inventions.  I  am  not  nautical  enough 
to  judge  whether  two  guns  may  be  too  heavy 
for  the  bow  of  a  gunboat,  or  whether  any  other 
objection  will  countervail  the  advantage  it  of 
fers,  and  which  I  see  visibly  enough.  I  send 
it  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  within  whose 
department  it  lies  to  try  and  to  judge  it. — 
To  THOMAS  PAINE,  v,  189.  FORD  EDV  ix,  136. 
(M.,  1807.) 

6313.  PAINE   (Thomas),   Honors  to. — 

You  expressed  a  wish  to  get  a  passage  to  this 
country  in  a  public  vessel.  Mr.  Dawson  is 
charged  with  orders  to  the  captain  of  the  Mary 
land,  a  sloop  of  war,  to  receive  and  accommo 
date  you. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iv,  371.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  18.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6314. .     I  am  in  hopes  you  will 

[on  your  return  from  France]  find  us  re 
turned  generally  to  sentiments  worthy  of  for 
mer  times.  In  these  it  will  be  your  glory  to 
have  steadily  labored,  and  with  as  much  effect 
as  any  man  living. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  iv, 
371.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  19.  (W.,  March  1801.) 

6315.  PAINE  (Thomas),  Iron  bridge.— 
Mr.  Paine  (Common  Sense)  is  in  Paris  on  his 
way   to   England.      He   has   brought  the   model 
of  an  iron  bridge,  with  which  he  supposes  a  sin 
gle  arch  of  four  hundred  feet,  may  be  made. — 
To  B.  VAUGHAN.    ii,   166.  (P.,  1787.) 

6316.  — - .     I  feel  myself  interested 

in   your  bridge,   and   it   is   with   great  pleasure 
that  I  learn  that  the  execution  of  the  arch  of 
experiment  exceeds  your  expectation.     In  your 
former  letter,  vou  mention  that  instead  of  ar 
ranging  your   tubes   and   bolts   as   ordinates   to 
the  chord  of  the  arch,  you  had  reverted  to  your 
first  idea,  of  arranging  them  in  the  direction  of 
the  radii.     I  am  sure  it  will  gain  both  in  beauty 
and  strength.     It  is  true  that  the  divergence  of 
those  radii  recurs  as  a  difficulty,  in  getting  the 
rails  upon  the  bolts ;  but  I  thought  this  removed 
by  the  answer  you  first  gave  me.  when  I  sug 
gested   that   difficulty,   to   wit,   that  you  should 


Paine  (Thomas) 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


666 


place  the  rails  first,  and  drive  the  bolts  through 
them,  and  not.  as  I  had  imagined,  place  the 
bolts  first,  and  put  the  rails  on  them.  I  must 
doubt  whether  what  you  now  suggest,  will  be  as 
good  as  your  first  idea ;  to  wit,  to  have  every 
rail  split  into  two  pieces  longitudinally,  so  that 
there  shall  be  but  the  halves  of  the  holes  in 
each,  and  then  to  clamp  the  two  halves  to 
gether.  The  solidity  of  this  method  cannot  be 
equal  to  that  of  the  solid  rail,  and  it  increases 
the  suspicious  part  of  the  whole  machine, 
which,  in  a  first  experiment,  ought  to  be  ren 
dered  as  few  as  possible.  But  of  all  this,  the 
practical  iron  men  are  much  better  judges  than 
we  theorists.  You  hesitate  between  the 
catenary  and  portion  of  a  circle.  I  have  lately 
received  from  Italy,  a  treatise  on  the  equilib 
rium  of  arches  by  the  Abbe  Mascheroni.  * 
I  find  that  the  conclusions  of  his  demonstra 
tions  are  that  every  part  of  the  catenary  is  in 
perfect  equilibrium.  It  is  a  great  point,  then, 
in  a  new  experiment,  to  adopt  the  sole  arch, 
where  the  pressure  will  be  equally  borne  by 
every  point  of  it.  If  any  one  point  is  pushed 
with  accumulated  pressure,  it  will  introduce  a 
danger  foreign  to  the  essential  part  of  the  plan. 
The  difficulty  you  suggest  is,  that  the  rails  being 
all  in  catenaries,  the  tubes  must  be  of  different 
lengths,  as  these  approach  nearer,  or  recede 
farther  from  each  other,  and  therefore,  you 
recur  to  the  portions  of  concentric  circles, 
which  are  equi-distant  in  all  their  parts.  But 
I  would  rather  propose  that  you  make  your 
middle  rail  an  exact  catenary,  and  the  interior 
and  exterior  rails  parallels  to  that.  It  is  true 
they  will  not  be  exact  catenaries,  but  they  will 
depart  very  little  from  it ;  much  less  than  por 
tions  of  circles  will. — To  THOMAS  PAINE,  ii, 
546.  (P.,  1788.) 

6317.  .     To    say    another    word 

about  the  catenary  arch,  without  caring  about 
mathematical  demonstrations,  its  nature  proves 
it  to  be  in  equilibrio  in  every  point.  It  is  the 
arch  formed  bv  a  string  fixed  at  both  ends,  and 
swaying  loose  in  all  the  intermediate  points. 
Thus  at  liberty,  they  must  finally  take  that  posi 
tion,  wherein  every  one  will  be  equally  pressed ; 
for  if  any  one  was  more  pressed  than  the  neigh 
boring  point,  it  would  give  way,  from  the  flex 
ibility  of  the  matter  of  the  string. — To  THOMAS 
PAINE,  ii,  547.  (P.,  1788.) 


6318. 


Mr.  Paine,  the  author  of 


"  Common  Sense ",  has  invented  an  iron 
bridge,  which  promises  to  be  cheaper  by  a  great 
deal  than  stone,  and  to  admit  of  a  much  greater 
arch.  He  supposes  it  may  be  ventured  for  an 
arch  of  five  hundred  feet.  He  has  obtained  a 
patent  for  it  in  England,  and  is  now  executing 
the  first  experiment  with  an  arch  of  between 
ninety  and  one  hundred  feet. — To  DR.  WILLARD. 
iii,  16.  (P.,  1789.) 

6319. .  I  congratulate  you  sin 
cerely  on  the  success  of  your  bridge.  I  was 
sure  of  it  before  from  theory ;  yet  one  likes  to 
be  assured  from  practice  also. — To  THOMAS 
PAINE,  iii,  40.  (P.,  1789.) 

6320.  PAINE   (Thomas),   Planing  Ma 
chine. — How  has  your  planing  machine  an 
swered?     Has  it  been  tried  and  persevered  in 
by  any  workmen? — To  THOMAS  PAINE,    iv,  582. 
FORD    ED.,    viii,    360.      (W.,    1805.) 

6321.  PAINE     (Thomas),    Republican 
ism. — A  host  of  writers  have  risen  in  favor  of*, 
Paine,   and  prove  that  in  this  quarter    [Phila 
delphia],  at  least,  the  spirit  of  republicanism  is 
sound.     The  contrary  spirit  of  the  high  officers 


of  government  is  more  understood  than  I  ex 
pected. — To  JAMES  MONROE,  iii,  268.  FORD  ED., 
v,  352.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

6322. .     Would    you    believe    it 

P9ssib!e  that,  in  this  country,  there  should  be 
high  and  important  characters  who  need  your 
lessons  in  republicanism,  and  who  do  not  heed 
them?  It  is  but  too  true  that  we  have  a  sect 
preaching  up  and  panting  after  an  English  con 
stitution  of  king,  lords,  and  commons,  and 
whose  heads  are  itching  for  crowns,  coronets, 
and  mitres.  But  pur  people  *  *  *  are  firm  and 
unanimous  in  their  principles  of  republicanism, 
and  there  is  no  better  proof  of  it  than  that  they 
love  what  you  write  and  read  it  with  delight. 
The  printers  season  every  newspaper  with  ex 
tracts  from  your  last,  as  they  did  before  from 
your  first  part  of  the  Rights  of  Man. — To 
THOMAS  PAINE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  87.  (Pa.,  June 
1792.) 

6323.  PAINE  (Thomas),  Respect  for.— 

You  have  certainly  misconceived  what  you 
deem  shyness.  Of  that  I  have  not  had  a 
thought  towards  you,  but  on  the  contrary  have 
openly  maintained  in  conversation  the  duty  of 
showing  our  respect  to  you,  and  of  defying 
federal  calumny  in  this  as  in  other  cases,  by 
doing  what  is  right.  As  to  fearing  it,  if  I  ever 
could  have  been  weak  enough  for  that,  they 
have  taken  care  to  cure  me  of  it  thoroughly. — 
To  THOMAS  PAINE.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  189.  (W., 
1803.) 

6324.  PAINE  (Thomas),  Rewards  to.— 
The  Assembly  of  New  York  have  made  Paine, 
the  author  of  "  Common  Sense  ",  a  present  of  a 
farm.      Could  you  prevail   on  our  Assembly  to 
do  something  for  him?     I  think  their  quota  of 
what    ought    to    be   given    him    would   be    2000 
guineas,   or  an  inheritance  within    100  guineas 
a  year.     It  would  be  peculiarly  magnanimous  in 
them  to  do  it ;  because  it  would  show  that  no 
particular  and   smaller  passion   has   suppressed 
the  grateful  impressions  which  his  services  have 
made  on  our  minds. — To  JAMES  MADISON.    FORD 
ED.,  iii,  499.     (Pa.,  May  1784.) 

6325. .     I    still    hope    something 

will  be  done  for  Paine.  He  richly  deserves  it ; 
and  it  will  give  a  character  of  littleness  to  our 
State  if  they  suffer  themselves  to  be  restrained 
from  the  compensation  due  for  his  services  by 
the  paltry  consideration  that  he  opposed  our 
right  to  the  Western  country.  Who  was  there 
out  of  Virginia  who  did  not  oppose  it?  Place 
this  circumstance  in  one  scale,  and  the  effect  of 
his  writings  produced  in  uniting  us  in  inde 
pendence  in  the  other,  and  say  which  prepon 
derates.  Have  we  gained  more  by  his  advocacy 
of  independence  than  we  lost  by  his  opposition 
to  our  territorial  right?  Pay  him  the  balance 
only. — To  JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  iv,  17. 
(P.*  Dec.  1784.) 

6326.  PAINE  (Thomas),  Rights  of 
Man. — The  "  Rights  of  Man  "  would  bring 
England  itself  to  reason  and  revolution,  if  it 
was  permitted  to  be  read  there.  However,  the 
same  things  will  be  said  in  milder  forms,  will 
make  their  way  among  the  people,  and  you 
must  reform  at  last. — To  BENJAMIN  VAUGHAN. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  334.  (Pa.,  1791.) 

6327. .     The  "  Rights  of  Man  " 

has  been  much  read  in  America  with  avidity 
and  pleasure.  A  writer  under  the  signature  of 
"  Publicola  "  has  attacked  it.  A  host  of  cham 
pions  entered  the  arena  immediately  in  your 
defence.  The  discussion  excited  the  public  at 
tention,  recalled  it  to  the  "  Defence  of  the 
American  Constitutions  ",  and  the  "  Discourses 


66; 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Paine  (Thomas) 
Panics 


on  Davila ",  which  it  had  kindly  passed  over 
without  censure  in  the  moment,  and  very  gen 
eral  expressions  of  their  sense  have  been  now 
drawn  forth  ;  and  i  thank  God  that  they  appear 
firm  in  their  republicanism,  notwithstanding  the 
contrary  hopes  and  assertions  of  a  sect  here, 
high  in  names,  but  small  in  numbers.  These 
had  flattered  themselves  that  the  silence  of  the 
people  under  the  "  Defence  "  and  "  Davila  '' 
was  a  symptom  of  their  conversion  to  the  doc 
trine  of  king,  lords,  and  commons.  They  are 
checked  at  least  by  your  pamphlet,  and  the 
people  confirmed  in  their  good  old  faith. — To 
THOMAS  PAINE,  iii,  278.  FORD  ED.,  v,  ^367. 
(Pa.,  1791-) 

6328.  PAINE     (Thomas),     Thinker.— 
Paine   thought   more   than   he   read. — To   JOHN 
CARTWRIGHT.    vii,  355.     (M.,  1824.) 

6329.  PALEONTOLOGY,     Bones.— Gen 
eral    Clark   has   employed   ten   laborers   several 
weeks   at  the   Big-bone   Lick,   and   has   shipped 
the   result  *  *  *  for   this   place    [Washington]. 
He  has  sent,   ist,  of  the  Mammoth,  as  he  calls 
it,    f rentals,    jaw-bones,    tusks,    teeth,    ribs,    a 
thigh,  and  a  leg,  and  some  bones  of  the  paw  ; 
2d,  of  what  he  calls  the  Elephant,  a  jaw-bone, 
tusks,    teeth,    ribs ;    3d,    of    something    of    the 
Buffalo  species,  a  head  and  some  other  bones 
unknown.      My    intention,    in    having    this    re 
search  thoroughly  made,  was  to  procure  for  the 
[Philosophical]    Society   as   complete   a  supple 
ment  to  what  is  already  possessed  as  that  lick 
can  furnish  at  this  day,  and  to  serve  them  first 
with  whatever  they  wish  to  possess  of  it.    There 
are  a  tusk  and   a  femur  which   General   Clark 
procured    particularly     at    my    request,     for    a 
special   kind  of   Cabinet   I   have   at   Monticello. 
But  the  great  mass  of  the  collection  are  mere 
duplicates  of  what  you  possess  at  Philadelphia, 
of  which  I  would  wish  to  make  a  donation  to 
the   National   Institute  of  France,  which   I  be 
lieve  has  scarcely  any  specimens  of  the  remains 
of  these  animals.     But  how  make  the  selection 
without  the  danger  of  sending  away  something 
which    might   be    useful    to    our    own    Society? 
Indeed,  my  friend,  you  must  give  a  week  to  this 
object,  *  *  *  examine    these    bones,     and    set 
apart  what  you  would  wish  for  the  Society. — 
To  DR.  WISTAR.    v,  219.     (W.,  1807.) 

6330.  PALEONTOLOGY,     Mammoth.— 

It  is  well  known,  that  on  the  Ohio,  and  in 
many  parts  of  America  further  north,  tusks, 
grinders,  and  skeletons  of  unparalleled  magni 
tude,  are  found  in  great  numbers,  some  lying 
on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  some  a  little 
below  it.  A  Mr.  Stanley,  taken  prisoner  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee,  relates,  that  after 
being  transferred  through  several  tribes,  from 
one  to  another,  he  was  at  length  carried  over 
the  mountains  west  of  the  Missouri  to  a  Viver 
which  runs  westwardly ;  that  these  bones 
abounded  there,  and  that  the  natives  described 
to  him  the  animal  to  which  they  belonged  as 
still  existing  in  the  northern  parts  of  their 
country ;  from  which  description  he  judged  it 
to  be  an  elephant.  Bones  of  the  same  kind 
have  been  lately  found,  some  feet  below  the 
surface  of  the  earth,  in  salines  opened  on  the 
North  Holston,  a  branch  of  the  Tennessee, 
about  the  latitude  of  36^°  north.  From  the 
accounts  published  in  Europe,  I  suppose  it 
to  be  decided  that  these  are  of  the  same  kind 
with  those  found  in  Siberia.  *  *  *  It  is  re 
markable  that  the  tusks  and  skeletons  have 
been  ascribed  by  the  naturalists  of  Europe  to 
the  elephant,  while  the  grinders  have  been 
given  to  the  hippopotamus,  or  river  horse.  Yet 
it  is  acknowledged,  that  the  tusks  and  skeletons 
are  much  larger  than  those  of  the  elephant,  and 


the  grinders  many  times  greater  than  those  of 
the  hippopotamus,  and  essentially  different  in 
form.  *  *  *  We  must  agree,  then,  that  these 
remains  belong  to  each  other,  that  they  are  of 
one  and  the  same  animal,  that  this  was  not  a 
hippopotamus,  because  the  hippopotamus  had 
no  tusks,  nor  such  a  frame,  and  because  the 
grinders  differ  in  their  size  as  well  as  in  the 
number  and  form  of  their  points.  That  this 
was  not  an  elephant,  I  think  ascertained  by 
proofs  equally  decisive.  *  *  *  I  have  never 
heard  an  instance,  and  suppose  there  has  been 
none,  of  the  grinder  of  an  elephant  being  found 
in  America.  From  the  known  temperature  and 
constitution  of  the  elephant,  he  could  never 
have  existed  in  those  regions  where  the  re 
mains  of  the  mammoth  have  been  found.  The 
elephant  is  a  native  only  of  the  torrid  zone 
and  its  vicinities.  *  *  *  No  bones  of  the  mam 
moth,  have  ever  been  found  farther  south  than 
the  salines  of  Holston,  and  they  have  been 
found  as  far  north  as  the  Arctic  circle.  *  *  * 
For  my  own  part,  I  find  it  easier  to  believe  that 
an  animal  may  have  existed,  resembling  the 
elephant  in  his  tusks,  and  general  anatomy, 
while  his  nature  was  in  other  respects  extremely 
different.  From  the  3oth  degree  of  south  lati 
tude  to  the  3oth  degree  of  north,  are  nearly 
the  limits  which  nature  has  fixed  for  the  ex 
istence  and  multiplication  of  the  elephant 
known  to  us.  Proceeding  thence  northwardly 
to  36^°  degrees,  we  enter  those  assigned  to  the 
mammoth.  The  farther  we  advance  north,  the 
more  their  vestiges  multiply  as  far  as  the  earth 
has  been  explored  in  that  direction  ;  and  it  is 
as  probable  as  otherwise,  that  this  progression 
continues  to  the  pole  itself,  if  land  extends  so 
far.  The  centre  of  the  frozen  zone,  then,  may 
be  the  acme  of  their  vigor,  as  that  of  the  torrid 
is  of  the  elephant.  Thus  nature  seems  to  have 
drawn  a  belt  of  separation  between  these  two 
tremendous  animals,  whose  breadth,  indeed,  is 
not  precisely  known,  though  at  present  we  may 
suppose  it  about  6^2  degrees  of  latitude;  to 
have  assigned  to  the  elephant  the  regions  south 
of  these  confines,  and  those  north  to  the  mam 
moth,  founding  the  constitution  of  the  one  In 
the  extreme  of  heat,  and  that  of  the  other  in 
the  extreme  of  cold.  *  *  *  But  to  whatever 
animal  we  ascribe  these  remains,  it  is  certain 
that  such  a  one  has  existed  in  America,  and 
that  it  has  been  the  largest  of  all  terrestrial 
beings. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  viii,  286.  FORD 
ED.,  iii,  134.  (1782.) 

6331. .     I  have  heard  of  the  dis 
covery  of  some  large  bones,  supposed  to  be  of 
the   mammoth,    at   about   thirty   or   forty   miles 
distant  from  you  ;  and  among  the  bones  found. 
are    said    to    be    some    which    we    have    never 
been    able    to    procure.      The    first    interesting 
question  is,  whether  they  are  the  bones  of  the 
mammoth  ?      The    second,    what    are    the    par 
ticular    bones,    and    could    I    possibly    procure 
them?  *  *  *  If   they   are   to   be   bought   I   will 
gladly  pay   for  them   whatever  you  shall   agree 
to   as   reasonable. — To   ROBERT   R.   LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  337.     FORD  ED.,  vii,  463.     (W.,  1800.) 

-  PANAMA  CANAL.— See  CANAL. 

6332.  PANICS,  Evils  of.— Buildings  and 
other  improvements  are  suspended.      Workmen 
turned    adrift.      Country   produce   is   not   to   be 
sold    at    any    price ;    because    even    substantial 
merchants,  who  never  meddled  with  paper,  can 
not  tell  how  many  of  their  debtors  have  med 
dled  and  may  fail ;  consequently  they  are  afraid 
to  make  any  new  money  arrangements  till  they 
shall   know   how   they   stand. — To   T.    M.    RAN 
DOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v,  509.     (Pa.,  April  1792.) 


Panics 
Paper  Money 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


668 


6333.  PANICS,  Financial.— I  learn  with 
real  concern  the  calamities  which  are  fallen  on 
New  York,  and  which  must  fall  on  Philadelphia 
also.     No  man   of  reflection  who  had  ever  at 
tended  to  the  South  Sea  bubble,  in  England,  or 
that  of   Law   in   France,   and  who   applied  the 
lessons  of  the  past  to  the  present  time,   could 
fail  to  foresee  the  issue  though  he  might  not 
calculate   the  moment   at  which   it  would   hap 
pen.     The  evidences  of  the  public  debt  are  solid 
and  sacred.     I  presume  there  is  not  a  man  in 
the  United  States  who  would  not  part  with  his 
last   shilling   to   pay   them.      But   all   that   stuff 
called  scrip,  of  whatever  description,  was  folly 
or  roguery,  and  under  a  resemblance  to  genuine 
public  paper,  it  buoyed  itself  up  to  a  par  with 
that.     It  has  given  a  severe  lesson ;  yet  such  is 
the  public  gullibility   in  the  hands   of   cunning 
and    unprincipled   men,    that   it    is    doomed    by 
nature  to  receive  these  lessons  once  in  an  age 
at  least.     Happy  if  they  now  come  about  and 
get  back  into  the  tract  of  plain  unsophisticated 
common  sense  which  they  ought  never  to  have 
been  decoyed  from. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.    FORD 
ED.,  v,  507.     (Pa.,  April  1792.)   See  BANKS. 

6334.  PANICS,    Losses   by. — It   is   com 
puted   there   is    a   dead   loss   at   New   York   of 
about  five  millions  of  dollars,  which  is  reckoned 
the  value  of  all  the  buildings  of  the  city :   so 
that  if  the  whole  town  had  been  burned  to  the 
ground   it   would   have   been   just  the   measure 
of    the    present    calamity,    supposing    goods    to 
have  been  saved.     In  Boston,  the  dead  loss  is 
about    a    million    of    dollars.  *  *  *  It    is    con 
jectured  that   the  .loss   in    Philadelphia   will   be 
about  equal  to  that  of  Boston. — To  T.  M.  RAN 
DOLPH.     FORD  ED.,  v,  509.     (1792.) 


6335. 


-.     The  losses  on  this  occa 


sion  would  support  a  war  such  as  we  now 
have  on  hand,  five  or  six  years.  Thus  you  will 
see  that  the  calamity  has  been  greater  in  pro 
portion  than  that  of  the  South  Sea  in  England, 
or  Law  in  France. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD 
ED.,  v,  510.  (Pa.,  April  1792.) 

6336.  PANICS,  Paper  money  and.— At 

length  our  paper  bubble  is  burst.  The  failure 
of  Duer,  in  New  York,  soon  brought  on  others, 
and  these  still  more,  like  nine  pins  knocking 
one  another  down,  till  at  that  place  the  bank 
ruptcy  is  become  general.  Every  man  con 
cerned  in  paper  being  broke,  and  most  of  the 
tradesmen  and  farmers,  who  had  been  laying 
down  money,  having  been  tempted  by  these 
speculators  to  lend  it  to  them  at  an  interest  of 
from  3  to  6  per  cent,  a  month,  have  lost  the 
whole. — To  T.  M.  RANDOLPH.  FORD  ED.,  v,  509. 
(Pa.,  1792.)  See  PAPER  MONEY. 


6337. 


The  paper   debt  of  the 


United  States  is  scarcely  at  par.  Bank  stock 
is  at  25  per  cent.  It  was  once  upwards  of  300 
per  cent. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v, 
510.  (Pa.,  April  1792.) 

6338.  PANICS,  Stocks  and.— What  a 
loss  you  would  have  suffered  if  we  had  laid  out 
your  paper  for  bank  stock?  *  *  *  Though 
it  would  have  been  improper  for  me  to  have 
given  at  any  time,  an  opinion  on  the  subject  of 
stocks  to  Mr.  Brown,  or  any  man  dealing  in 
them,  yet  I  have  been  unable  to  refrain  from 
interposing  for  you  on  the  present  occasion. 
I  found  that  your  stock  stood  so  as  not  to 
charge  Donald  &  Co.  I  know  Brown  to  be  a 
good  man,  but  to  have  dealt  in  paper,  I  did  not 
know  how  far  he  was  engaged.  I  knew  that 
good  men  might  sometimes  avail  themselves 
of  the  property  of  others  in  their  power,  to 
help  themselves  out  of  a  present  difficulty  in 


an  honest  but  delusive  confidence  that  they 
will  be  able  to  repay;  that  the  best  men  and 
those  whose  transactions  stand  all  in  an  ad 
vantageous  form,  may  fail  by  the  failure  of 
others.  Under  the  impulse,  therefore,  of  the 
general  panic,  I  ventured  to  enter  a  caveat  in 
the  treasury  office  against  permitting  the  trans 
fer  of  any  stock  standing  in  your  name,  or 
in  any  other  for  your  use.  This  was  on  the 
1 9th  of  April.  I  knew  your  stock  had  not  been 
transferred  before  March  31,  and  that  from  that 
time  to  this,  Mr.  Brown  had  not  been  in 
Virginia,  so  as  to  give  me  a  reasonable  confi 
dence  that  it  had  not  been  transferred  be 
tween  the  ist  and  iQth  inst.  If  so,  it  is  safe. 
But  it  would  be  still  safer  invested  in  Ned 
Carter's  lands  at  five  dollars  the  acre. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT.  FORD  ED.,  v,  510.  (Pa., 
April  1792.)  See  SPECULATION. 

6339.  PAPER  AND  CIVILIZATION.— 

This  article,  the  creature  of  art,  and  but  latterly 
so  comparatively,  is  now  interwoven  so  much 
into  the  conveniences  and  occupations  of  men, 
as  to  have  become  one  of  the  necessaries  of 
civilized  life. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
FORD  ED.,  vii,  445.  (Pa.,  1800.) 

6340.  PAPER  MONEY,  Abuses.— Paper 
is  liable  to  be  abused,  has  been,  is,  and  for 
ever  will  be  abused,  in  every  country  in  which 
it   is  permitted. — To  J.   W.   EPPES.     vi,   246. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  416.     (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

6341. .     Paper    is    already    at    a 

term  of  abuse  in  these  States,  which  has 
never  been  reached  by  any  other  nation, 
France  excepted,  whose  dreadful  catastrophe 
should  be  a  warning  against  the  instrument 
which  produced  it.— To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  246. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  416.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

6342.  PAPER  MONEY,  A  cheat.— Paper 
money    was    a    cheat.        Tobacco    was    the 
counter-cheat.     Everyone  is  justifiable  in  re 
jecting  both  except  so  far  as  his  contracts 
bind  him. — To  FRANCIS  EPPES.     FORD  ED.,  v, 
212.     (N.Y.,  1790.) 

6343,  PAPER  MONEY,   Continental.— 

When  I  speak  comparatively  of  the  paper 
emission  of  the  old  Congress  and  the  present 
banks,  let  it  not  be  imagined  that  I  cover 
them  under  the  same  mantle.  The  object  of 
the  former  was  a  holy  one;  for  if  ever  there 
was  a  holy  war  it  was  that  which  saved  our 
liberties  and  gave  us  independence.  The  ob 
ject  of  the  latter  is  to  enrich  swindlers  at  the 
expense  of  the  honest  and  industrious  part  of 
the  nation. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  246.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  416.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

6344. .     The  errors  of  that  day* 

cannot  be  recalled.  The  evils  they  have  en 
gendered  are  now  upon  us,  and  the  question 
is  how  we  are  to  get  out  of  them?  Shall 
we  build  an  altar  to  the  old  money  of  the 
Revolution,  which  ruined  individuals  but 
saved  the  Republic,  and  burn  on  that  all  the 
bank  charters,  present  and  future,  and  their 
notes  with  them?  For  these  are  to  ruin  both 
Republic  and  individuals.  This  cannot  be 
done.  The  mania  is  too  strong.  It  has 
seized,  by  its  delusions  and  corruptions,  all 

*   When   the  United  States  Bank  was  founded.— 
EDITOR. 


669 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Paper  Money 


the  members  of  our  governments,  general, 
special  and  individual. — To  JOHN  ADAMS. 
vi,  305-  (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

6345.  PAPER  MONEY,  Contraction.— I 
have  been  endeavoring  to  persuade  a  friend 
in  pur  Legislature  to  try  and  save  this  State 
[Virginia]    from  the  general  ruin  by  timely 
interference.     I  propose  to  him,  first,  to  pro 
hibit  instantly,  all   foreign  paper.     Secondly, 
to  give  our  banks  six  months  to  call  in  all 
their  five-dollar  bills  (the  lowest  we  allow)  ; 
another  six  months  to  call  in  their  ten-dollar 
notes,   and   six   months   more  to   call   in   all 
below  fifty  dollars.     This  would  produce  so 
gradual  a  diminution  of  medium,  as  not  to 
shock  contracts  already  made — would  leave 
finally,  bills  of  such  size  as  would  be  called 
for   only    in    transactions    between    merchant 
and  merchant,  and  ensure  a  metallic  circula 
tion  for  those  of  the  mass  of  citizens.     But 
it  will  not  be  done.    You  might  as  well,  with 
the  sailors,  whistle  to  the  wind,  as  suggest 
precautions  against  having  too  much  money. 
We  must  bend,  then,  before  the  gale,  and  try 
to  hold  fast  ourselves  by  some  plank  of  the 
wreck.    God  send  us  all  a  safe  deliverance. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,    vi,  306.     (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

6346.  -  — .     I  had  been  in  hopes  that 
good  old  Virginia,  not  yet  so  far  embarked 
as  her  northern  sisters,  would  have  set  the 
example  this  winter,  of  beginning  the  process 
of  cure,  by  passing  a  law  that,  after  a  certain 
time,  suppose  of  six  months,  no  bank  bill  of 
less   than    ten    dollars    should   be   permitted. 
That  after  some  reasonable  term,  there  should 
be  none  less  than  twenty  dollars,  and  so  on, 
until  those  only  should  be  left  in  circulation 
whose    size    would    be    above    the    common 
transactions    of    any    but    merchants.      This 
would  ensure  us  an  ordinary  circulation  of 
metallic  money,  and  would  reduce  the  quan 
tum  of  paper  within  the  bounds  of  moderate 
mischief.     And  it  is  the  only  way  in  which 
the  reduction  can  be  made  without  a  shock 
to  private  fortunes.     A  sudden  stop  to  this 
trash,  either  by  law  or  its  own  worthlessness, 
would  produce  confusion  and  ruin.     Yet  this 
will  happen  by  its  own  extinction  if  left  to 
itself.     Whereas,  by  a  salutary  interposition 
of  the  Legislature,  it  may  be  withdrawn  in 
sensibly  and  safely.     Such  a  mode  of  doing 
it,  too,  would  give  less  alarm  to  the  bank- 
holders,  the  discreet  part  of  whom  must  wish 
to  see  themselves  secured  by  circumscription. 
It  might  be  asked   what  we   should  do   for 
change?     The  banks   must  provide   it,   first 
to  pay  off  their  five-dollar  bills,   next  their 
ten-dollar  bills  and  so  on,  and  they  ought  to 
provide  it  to  lessen  the  evils  of  their  institu 
tion.     But  I  now  give  up  all  hope.     After 
producing    the    same    revolutions    in    private 
fortunes   as   the   old   Continental   paper  did, 
it  will  die  like  that,  adding  a  total  incapacity 
to  raise  resources  for  the  war.— To  JOSEPH 
C.  CABELL.    vi,  300.    (M.,  Jan.  1814.) 

6347. .    Let  us  be  allured  by  no 

projects  of  banks,  public  or  private,  or 
ephemeral  expedients,  which,  enabling  us  to 
gasp  and  flounder  a  little  longer,  only  in 


crease,  by  protracting  the  agonies  of  death. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  vi,  395.  FORD  ED.,  ix, 
492.  (M.,  1814.) 

6348.  -  — .  Different  persons,  doubt 
less,   will  devise  different  schemes  of  relief. 
One  would  be  to  suppress  instantly  the  cur 
rency  of  all  paper  not  issued  under  the  au 
thority  of  our  own  State  or  of  the  General 
Government ;  to  interdict  after  a  few  months 
the  circulation  of  all  bills  of  five  dollars  and 
under;  after  a  few  months  more,  all  of  ten 
dollars  and  under;  after  other  terms,  those 
of  twenty,   fifty,  and   so  on   to  one  hundred 
dollars,  which  last,  if  any  must  be  left  in  cir 
culation,  should  be  the  lowest  denomination. 
These  might  be  a  convenience  in  mercantile 
transactions    and    transmissions,    and    would 
be  excluded  by  their  size  from  ordinary  cir 
culation.    But  the  disease  may  be  too  pressing 
to  await  such  a  remedy.     With  the  Legisla 
ture  I  cheerfully  leave  it  to  apply  this  medi 
cine,  or  no  medicine  at  all.     I  am  sure  their 
intentions  are  faithful;  and  embarked  in  the 
same  bottom,  I  am  willing  to  swim  or  sink 
with    my    fellow    citizens.      If    the    latter    is 
their  choice,  I  will  go  down  with  them  with 
out  a  murmur.     But  my  exhortation  would 
rather  be   "  not  to  give  up   the   ship  ".—To 
CHARLES  YANCEY.     vi,  516.     FORD  ED.  x    3 
(M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

6349.  -  — .     That  in  the  present  state 
of  the  circulation  the  banks  should  resume  pay 
ments   in   specie,   would   require  their  vaults 
to  be  like  the  widow's  cruse.     The  thing  to 
be   aimed   at   is,    that   the   excesses   of  their 
emissions    should    be    withdrawn    gradually, 
but  as  speedily,  too,  as  is  practicable,  without 
so    much    alarm    as    to    bring   on    the    crisis 
dreaded. — To    CHARLES    YANCEY.      vi,    516, 
FORD  ED.,  x,  3.     (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

6350.  PAPER  MONEY,  Convenience  of. 

— There  is,  indeed,  a  convenience  in  paper;  its 
easy  transmission  from  one  place  to  another. 
But  this  may  be  mainly  supplied  by  bills 
of  exchange,  so  as  to  prevent  any  great  dis 
placement  of  actual  coin.  Two  places  trading 
together  balance  their  dealings,  for  the  most 
part,  by  their  mutual  supplies,  and  the  debtor 
individuals  of  either  may,  instead  of  cash,  re> 
mit  the  bills  of  those  who  are  creditor  in  the 
same  dealings;  or  may  obtain  them  through 
some  third  place  with  which  both  have  deal 
ings.  The  cases  would  be  rare  where  such 
bills  could  not  be  obtained,  either  directly  or 
circuitously,  and  too  unimportant  to  the  na 
tion  to  overweigh  the  train  of  evils  flowing 
from  paper  circulation. — To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi, 
237.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  409.  (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

6351.  PAPER  MONEY,  A  deluge  of.— I 

told  the  President  [Washington]  that  a  sys 
tem  had  there  [the  Treasury  Department] 
been  contrived,  for  deluging  the  States  with 
paper  money  instead  of  gold  and  silver,  for 
withdrawing  our  citizens  from  the  pursuits  of 
commerce,  manufactures,  buildings,  and  other 
branches  of  useful  industry,  to  occupy  them 
selves  and  their  capitals  in  a  species  of  gam 
bling,  destructive  of  morality,  and  which  had 


Paper  Money 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


670 


introduced  its  poison  into  the  government  it 
self.— THE  ANAS,  ix,  104.  FORD  ED.,  i,  177. 
(Feb.  1792.) 

6352.  PAPER  MONEY,  Depreciation.— 
The  first  symptom  of  the  depreciation  of  our 
present  paper  money,  was  that  of  silver 
dollars  selling  at  six  shillings,  which  had 
before  been  worth  but  five  shillings  and  nine 
pence.  The  Assembly  thereupon  raised  them 
by  law  to  six  shillings. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  410.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  275.  (1782.) 

6353. .  The  acknowledged  de 
preciation  of  the  paper  circulation  of  Eng 
land,  with  the  known  laws  of  its  rapid  pro 
gression  to  bankruptcy,  will  leave  that  nation 
shortly  without  revenue. — To  CLEMENT 
CAINE.  vi,  14.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  330.  (M.,  Sep. 
1811.) 

6354. .  .     The    rapid    rise    in    the 

nominal  price  of  land  and  labor  (while  war 
and  blockade  should  produce  a  fall)  proves 
the  progressive  state  of  the  depreciation  of 
our  medium. — To  THOMAS  LAW.  FORD  ED., 
ix,  433.  (M.,  1813.) 

6355.  PAPER  MONEY,  Economy  of.— 
The  trifling  economy  of  paper,  as  a  cheaper 
medium,  or  its  convenience  for  transmission, 
weighs  nothing  in  opposition  to  the  advan 
tages    of    the    precious    metals. — To    J.    W. 
EPPES.    vi,  246.    FORD  ED.,,  ix,  416.     (M.,  Nov. 
1813.) 

6356.  PAPER    MONEY,     English    as- 
signats. — England  is  emitting  assignats  also, 
that  is  to  say  exchequer  bills,  to  the  amount 
of  five  millions  English,  or  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  millions  French;  and  these  are  not 
founded  on  land  as  the  French  assignats  are, 
but  on  pins,  thread,  buckles,  hops,  and  what 
ever  else  you  will  pawn  in  the  exchequer  of 
double  the  estimated  value.    But  we  all  know 
that  five  millions  of  such  stuff  forced  for  sale 
on  the  market  of  London,  where  there  will  be 
neither  cash  nor  credit,  will  not  pay  storage. 
This  paper  must  rest,  then,  ultimately  on  the 
credit  of  the  nation  as  the  rest  of  their  pub 
lic  paper  does,  and  will  sink  with  that. — To 
JAMES   MONROE,     iv,   7.     FORD  ED.,   vi,   322. 
(Pa.,  June  1793.) 

6357. .  England,  too,  is  issuing 

her  paper,  not  founded,  like  the  assignats,  on 
land,  but  on  pawns  of  thread,  ribbons, 
buckles,  &c.  They  will  soon  learn  the  science 
of  depreciation,  and  their  whole  paper  system 
vanish  into  nothing,  on  which  it  is  bottomed. 
— To  DR.  GILMER.  iv,  6.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  325. 
(Pa.,  I793-) 

6358. .  The  English  are  trying 

to  stop  the  torrent  of  bankruptcies  by  an 
emission  of  five  millions  of  exchequer  bills, 
loaned  on  the  pawn-broking  plan,  conse 
quently  much  inferior  to  the  assignats  in 
value.  But  the  paper  will  sink  to  an  imme 
diate  level  with  their  other  public  paper,  and 
consequently  can  only  complete  the  ruin  of 
those  who  take  it  from  the  government  at 
par,  and  on  a  pledge  of  pins,  buckles,  &c.. 
of  double  value,  which  will  not  sell  so  as  to 


pay  storage  in  a  country  where  there  is  no 
specie,  and  we  may  say  no  paper  of  confi 
dence.  Every  letter  which  comes  expresses 
a  firm  belief  that  the  whole  paper  system  will 
now  vanish  into  that  nothing  on  which 
it  is  bottomed.  For  even  the  public  faith 
is  nothing,  as  the  mass  of  paper  bottomed  on 
it  is  known  to  be  beyond  its  possible  redemp 
tion.  I  hope  this  will  be  a  wholesome  lesson 
to  our  future  Legislature. — To  JAMES  MAD 
ISON,  iv.,  8.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  326.  (June 
I793-) 

6359.  PAPER  MONEY,  Evils  of.— Stock 
dealers   and  banking  companies,   by   the  aid 
of  a  paper  system,  are  enriching  themselves 
to  the  ruin  of  our  country,  and  swaying  the 
government  by  their  possession  of  the  print 
ing  presses,    which   their   wealth   commands, 
and   by   other   means,   not   always   honorable 
to    the    character    of    our    countrymen. — To 
ARTHUR  CAMPBELL,     iv,   197.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
170.     (M.,  1797.) 

6360.  PAPER  MONEY,  Farmers  and.— 

The  redundancy  of  paper  in  the  cities  is 
palpably  a  tax  on  the  distant  farmer. — To 
JAMES  MADISON.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  404.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

6361.  PAPER    MONEY,     Fluctuations 
in. — The  long  succession  of  years  of  stunted 
crops,  of  reduced  prices,  the  general  prostra 
tion  of  the  farming  business,  under  levies  for 
the   support  of  manufactures,  &c.,   with  the 
calamitous  fluctuations  of  value  in  our  paper 
medium,  have  kept  agriculture  in  a  state  of 
abject    depression,    which    has    peopled    the 
Western  States  by  silently  breaking  up  those 
on  the  Atlantic,  and  glutted  the  land  market, 
while  it  drew  off  its  bidders.     In  such  a  state 
of  things,  property  has  lost  its  character  of 
being   a    resource    for    debts.      Highland,    in 
Bedford,  which,  in  the  days  of  our  plethory, 
sold   readily   for   from   fifty  to  one  hundred 
dollars  the  acre   (and  such  sales  were  many 
then),    would    not   now    sell    for   more   than 
from  ten  to  twenty  dollars,  or  one-quarter  to 
one-fifth    of    its    former    price. — To    JAMES 
MADISON,    vii,  434.     FORD  ED.,  x,  377.     (M., 
February   1826.) 

6362.  PAPER  MONEY,  Gambling  in.— 

What  do  you  think  of  this  scrippomany? 
Ships  are  lying  idle  at  the  wharves,  build 
ings  are  stopped,  capital  withdrawn  from 
commerce,  manufactures,  arts  and  agricul 
ture,  to  be  employed  in  gambling,  and  the 
tide  of  prosperity  almost  unparalleled  in  any 
country,  is  arrested  in  its  course,  and  sup 
pressed  by  the  rage  of  getting  rich  in  a  day. 
No  mortal  can  tell  where  this  will  stop; 
for  the  spirit  of  gaming,  when  once  it  has 
seized  a  subject,  is  incurable.  The  tailor 
who  has  made  thousands  in  one  day,  though 
he  has  lost  them  the  next,  can  never  again  be 
content  with  the  slow  and  moderate  earnings 
of  his  needle.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  pub 
lic  felicity,  if  our  papers  are  to  be  believed, 
because  our  papers  are  under  the  orders  of 
the  scripmen.  I  imagine,  however,  we  shall 
hear  that  all  our  cash  has  quitted  the  ex- 


67i 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Paper  Money 


tremities  of  the  nation,  and  accumulated  here 
[Philadelphia]  ;  that  produce  and  property  fall 
to  half  price  there,  and  the  same  things  rise  to 
double  price  here;  that  the  cash  accumulated 
and  stagnated  here,  as  soon  as  the  bank  paper 
gets  out,  will  find  its  vent  into  foreign  coun 
tries;  and  instead  of  this  solid  medium,  which 
we  might  have  kept  for  nothing,  we  shall  have 
a  paper  one,  for  the  use  of  which  we  are  to 
pay  these  gamesters  fifteen  per  cent,  per  an 
num,  as  they  say.— To  E.  RUTLEDGE.  iii,  285. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  375-  (Pa.,  I79I-) 

6363. .  Our  public  credit  is  good, 

but  the  abundance  of  paper  has  produced  a 
spirit  of  gambling  in  the  funds,  which  has 
laid  up  our  ships  at  the  wharves,  as  too  slow 
instruments  of  profit,  and  has  even  disarmed 
the  hand  of  the  tailor  of  his  needle  and 
thimble.  They  say  the  evil  will  cure  itself. 
I  wish  it  may;  but  I  have  rarely  seen  a 
gamester  cured,  even  by  the  disasters  of  his 
vocation. — To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  iii,  290. 
(Pa.,  1791.)  See  SPECULATION. 

6364.  PAPER  MONEY,  Manufactures. 
— New    schemes    are    on    foot    for   bringing 
more  paper  to  market  by  encouraging  great 
manufacturing  companies  to  form,  and  their 
actions,   or   paper-shares,    to   be   transferable 
as  bank  stock.— To  JAMES  MONROE.    FORD  ED., 
v,  320.     (Pa.,  1791.) 

6365.  PAPER      MONEY,      Mississippi 
scheme. — The  Mississippi  scheme,  it  is  well 
known,   ended  in  France  in  the  bankruptcy 
of  the  public  treasury,  the  crash  of  thousands 
and  thousands  of  private  fortunes,  and  scenes 
of  desolation  and  distress  equal  to  those  of  an 
invading  army,  burning  and  laying  waste  all 
before  it.— To  J.  W.  EPPES.  vi,  239.   FORD  ED., 
ix,  411.    (M.,  Nov.  1813.) 

6366.  PAPER  MONEY,   Perilous.— Pa 
per  money  would  be  perilous  even  to  the  pa 
per  men.— To  JOHN  TAYLOR,    iv,  259.    FORD 
ED.,  vii,  310.     (M.,  1798.) 

6367.  PAPER  MONEY,  Plan  to  reduce. 
— The  plethory  of  circulating  medium  which 
raised  the  prices  of  everything  to  several  times 
their    ordinary    and    standard    value,    in    which 
state  of  things  many  and  heavy  debts  were  con 
tracted  ;  and  the  sudden  withdrawing  too  great 
a  proportion  of  that  medium,  and  reduction  of 
prices   far  below  that  standard,   constitute   the 
disease  under  which  we  are  now  laboring,  and 
which  must  end  in  a  general  revolution  of  prop 
erty,  if  some  remedy  is  not  applied.     That  rem 
edy  is  clearly  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  me 
dium   to   its   standard  level,   that  is  to   say,   to 
the  level  which  a  metallic  medium  will  always 
find   for   itself,   so   as  to  be   in  equilibria  with 
that  of  the  nations  with  which  we  have  com 
merce.     To  effect  this :     Let  the  whole  of  the 
present  paper  medium  be  suspended  in  its  circu 
lation  after  a  certain  and  not  distant  day.     As 
certain  by  proper  inquiry  the  greatest  sum  of  it 
which  has  at  any  one  time  been  in  actual  cir 
culation.     Take  a  certain  term  of  years  for  its 
gradual  reduction.     Suppose  it  to  be  five  years  ; 
then   let   the    solvent   banks    issue    5-6    of   that 
amount  in  new  notes,  to  be  attested  by  a  pub 
lic  officer,  as  a     security  that  neither  more  nor 
less  is  issued,  and  to  be  given  out  in  exchange 


or  the  suspended  notes,  and  the  surplus  in  dis 
count.      Let    1-5    of   these   notes   bear   on   their 
ace   that   the   bank   will    discharge   them    with 
specie  at  the  end  of  one  year ;   another  5th  at 
the  end  of  two  years ;  a  third  sth  at  the  end  of 
three  years  ;  and  so  of  the  4th  and  sth.     They 
,vill  be  sure  to  be  brought  in  at  their  respective 
periods  of  redemption.     Make  it  a  high  offense 
:o  receive  or  pass  within  this  State  a  note  of 
any  other.     There  is  little  doubt  that  our  banks 
will  agree  readily  to  this  operation  ;  if  they  re 
fuse,   declare  their   charters   forfeited   by   their 
Former   irregularities,   and  give  summary  proc 
ess  against  them  for  the  suspended  notes.     The 
Bank  of  the  United  States  will  probably  concur 
also  ;  if  not,  shut  their  doors  and  join  the  other 
States    in    respectful,    but   firm    applications    to 
Congress,  to  concur  in  constituting  a  tribunal 
(a  special  convention,  e.  g.)  for  settling  amica 
bly  the  question  of  their  right  to  institute  a  bank, 
and   that   also   of   the    States   to   do   the   same. 
A    stay-law    for   the   su  nension    of   executions, 
and  their  discharge  at  five  annual  instalments, 
should  be  accommodated  to  these  measures.    In 
terdict  forever,  to  both  the  State  and  National 
Governments,    the    power    of    establishing    any 
paper  bank ;    for  without  this   interdiction,   we 
shall  have  the  same  ebbs  and  flows  of  medium, 
and    the    same    revolutions    of    property    to    go 
through  every  twenty  or  thirty  years.     In  this 
way  the  value  of  property,  keeping  pace  nearly 
with   the   sum   of  circulating  medium,   will  de 
scend  gradually  to  its  proper  level,  at  the  rate 
of  about  1-5  every  year,  the  sacrifices  of  what 
shall   be   sold   for  payment   of  the  first   instal 
ments  of  debts  will  be  moderate,  and  time  will 
be   given    for   economy    and    industry   to    come 
in  aid  of  those  subsequent.     Certainly  no  nation 
ever  before  abandoned  to  the  avarice  and  jug- 
glings    of   private    individuals    to    regulate,    ac 
cording  to  their  own  interests,  the  quantum  of 
circulating  medium   for  the  nation ;   to   inflate, 
by  deluges  of  paper,  the  nominal  prices  of  prop 
erty,  and  then  to  buy  up  that  property  at  is.  in 
the  pound,  having  first  withdrawn  the  floating 
medium    which    might   endanger   a   competition 
in  purchase.     Yet  this  is  what  has  been  done, 
and  will  be  done,  unless  stayed  by  the  protecting 
hand  of  the  Legislature.     The  evil  has  been  pro 
duced  by  the  error  of  their  sanction  of  this  ruin 
ous  machinery  of  banks;   and  justice,  wisdom, 
duty,  all  require  that  they  should  interpose  and 
arrest    it   before   the    schemes    of   plunder    and 
spoliation  desolate  the  country.     It  is  believed 
that  Harpies  are  already  hoarding  their  money 
to  commence  these  scenes  on  the  separation  of 
the  Legislature ;  and  we  know  that  lands  have 
been   already  sold  under  the   hammer   for  less 
than  a  year's  rent. — To  W.  C.  RIVES,     vii,  145. 
FORD  EDV  x,    150.     (M.,   Nov.    1819.) 

6368.  PAPER  MONEY,  Poverty.— Paper 
is  poverty.     It  is  only  the  ghost  of  money, 
and   not  money   itself. — To   E.    CARRINGTON. 
ii,  405.    FORD  ED.,  v,  21.     (P.,  1788.) 

6369.  PAPER   MONEY,    Prices    and.— 

All  the  imported  commodities  are  raised 
about  fifty  per  cent,  by  the  depreciation  of  the 
money.  Tobacco  shares  the  rise,  because  it 
has  no  competition  abroad.  Wheat  has  been 
extravagantly  high  from  other  causes.  When 
these  cease,  it  must  fall  to  its  ancient  nominal 
price,  notwithstanding  the  depreciation  of 
that,  because  it  must  contend  at  market  with 
foreign  wheats.  Lands  have  risen  within  the 
notice  of  the  papers,  and  as  far  out  as  that 
can  influence.  They  have  not  risen  at  all 
here  [Virginiia].  On  the  contrary,  they  are 


Paper  Money 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


672 


lower  than  they  were  twenty  years  ago. — 
To  JAMES  MONROE,  iv,  141.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
80.  (M.,  June  1796.)  See  PRICE. 

6370.  PAPER  MONEY,  Private  prop 
erty  and. — Money  is  leaving  the  remoter 
parts  of  the  Union,  and  flowing  to  this  place 
[Philadelphia]  to  purchase  paper;  and  here, 
a  paper  medium  supplying  its  place,  it  is 
shipped  off  in  exchange  for  luxuries.  The 
value  of  property  is  necessarily  falling  in  the 
places  left  bare  of  money.  In  Virginia,  for 
instance,  property  has  fallen  25  per  cent,  in 
the  last  twelve  months. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT. 
iii.  343.  FORD  ED.,  v,  459.  (Pa.,  March 
1792.) 

6371. .  That  paper  money  has 

some  advantages,  is  admitted.  But  that  its 
abuses  also  are  inevitable,  and,  by  breaking 
up  the  measure  of  value,  makes  a  lottery  of 
all  private  property,  cannot  be  denied.  Shall 
we  ever  be  able  to  put  a  constitutional  veto 
on  it?— To  DR.  JOSEPHUS  B.  STUART,  vii, 
65.  (M.,  May  1817.) 

6372.  PAPER      MONEY,      Redeeming 

taxes.— M.  Say  will  be  surprised  to  find,  that 
forty  years  after  the  development  of  sound 
financial  principles  by  Adam  Smith  and  the 
Economists,  and  a  dozen  years  after  he  has 
given  them  to  us  in  a  corrected,  terse,  and 
lucid  form,  there  should  be  so  much  ignorance 
of  them  in  our  country ;  that  instead  of  fund 
ing  issues  of  paper  on  the  hypothecation  of 
specific  redeeming  taxes  (the  only  method  of 
anticipating,  in  a  time  of  war,  the  resources 
of  times  of  peace,  tested  by  the  experience  of 
nations),  we  are  trusting  to  the  tricks  of 
jugglers  on  the  cards,  to  the  illusions  of  bank 
ing  schemes  for  the  resources  of  the  war,  and 
for  the  cure  of  colic  to  inflations  of  more 
wind.— To  M.  CORREA.  vi,  406.  (M.,  1814.) 

6373.  PAPER  MONEY,  Ruin  by.— Not 
Quixotic  enough  to  attempt  to  reason  Bedlam 
to  rights,  my  anxieties  are  turned  to  the  most 
practicable  means  of  withdrawing  us  from  the 
ruin  into  which  we  have  run.     Two  hundred 
millions  of  paper  in  the  hands  of  the  people 
(and  less  cannot  be  from  the  employment  of 
a  banking  capital  known  to  exceed  one  hun 
dred  millions),  is  a  fearful  tax  to  fall  at  hap 
hazard    on    their   heads.       The    debt    which 
purchased    our    Independence    was    but    of 
eighty  millions,  of  which  twenty  years  of  tax 
ation    had,    in    1889,    paid   but    the   one-half. 
And  what  have  we  purchased  with  this  tax 
of   two   hundred    millions   which   we   are   to 
pay,  by  wholesale,  but  usury,  swindling,  and 
new  forms  of  demoralization? — To  CHARLES 
YANCEY.    vi,  515.    FORD  ED.,  x,  2.     (M.,  Jan. 
1816.) 

6374.  PAPER  MONEY,  Silver  for.— It 
is  said  that  our  paper  is  as  good  as  silver,  be 
cause  we  may  have  silver  for  it  at  the  bank 
where  it  issues.     This  is  not  true.     One,  two, 
or  three  persons  might  have  it ;  but  a  general 
application  would  soon  exhaust  their  vaults, 
and  leave  a  ruinous  proportion  of  their  paper 
in  its  intrinsic  worthless  form.   It  is  a  fallacious 
pretence,  for  another  reason.    The  inhabitants 


of'  the  banking  cities  might  obtain  cash  for 
their  paper,  as  far  as  the  cash  of  the  vaults 
would  hold  out,  but  distance  puts  it  put  of 
the  power  of  the  country  to  do  this.  A 
farmer  having  a  note  of  a  Boston  or  Charles 
ton  bank,  distant  hundreds  of  miles,  has  no 
means  of  calling  for  the  cash.  And  while 
these  calls  are  impracticable  for  the  country, 
the  banks  have  no  fear  of  their  being  made 
from  the  towns ;  because  their  inhabitants  are 
mostly  on  their  books,  and  there  on  sufferance 
only,  and  during  good  behavior. — To  J.  W. 
EPPES.  vi,  243.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  414.  (M., 
Nov.  1813.) 

6375.  PAPER   MONEY,    Specie   and.— 
The   unlimited   emission   of  bank   paper   has 
banished    all    Great    Britain's    specie,    and    is 
now,  by  a  depreciation  acknowledged  by  her 
own  statesmen,  carrying  her  rapidly  to  bank 
ruptcy,  as  it  did  France,  as  it  did  us,  and  will 
do  us  again,   and  every  country  permitting 
paper  money  to  be  circulated,  other  than  that 
by  public  authority,  rigorously  limited  to  the 
just  measure  for  circulation. — To  JOHN  W. 
EPPES.    vi,  142.    FORD  ED.,  ix,  394.     (M.,  June 
1813.) 

6376.  .      Revolutionary    history 

has  warned  us  of  the  probable  moment  when 
this    baseless    trash    is    to    receive    its    fiat. 
Whenever   so  much  of  the  precious  metals 
shall   have   returned   into   the   circulation   as 
that  every  one  can  get  some  in  exchange  for 
his  produce,  paper,  as  in  the  Revolutionary 
war,  will  experience  at  once  an  universal  re 
jection.     When  public  opinion  changes,  it  is 
with  the  rapidity  of  thought.     Confidence  is 
already  on   the   totter,    and   every   one   now 
handles  this  paper  as  if  playing  at  "  Robin's 
Alive". — To    CHARLES    YANCEY.      vi,     516. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  3.     (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

6377.  PAPER  MONEY,  Treasury  notes 
vs. — Even  with  the  flood  of  private  paper  by 
which  we  were  deluged,  would  the  treasury 
have  ventured  its  credit  in  bills  of  circulating 
size,    as   of   fives   or   ten    dollars,    &c.,    they 
would   have   been   greedily   received   by   the 
people  in  preference  to  bank  paper.     But  un 
happily    the    towns    of    America    were    con 
sidered  as  the  nation  of  America,  the  dispo 
sitions  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  former  as 
those  of  the  latter,  and  the  treasury,  for  want 
of  confidence  in  the  country,  delivered  itself 
bound  hand  and  foot  to  bold  and  bankrupt 
adventurers    and    pretenders    to    be    money- 
holders,  whom  it  could  have  crushed  at  any 
moment.     Even  the  last  half-bold,  half-timid 
threat  of  the  Treasury  showed  at  once  that 
these  jugglers  were  at  the  feet  of  the  govern 
ment.    For  it  never  was,  and  is  not,  any  con 
fidence  in  their  frothy  bubbles,  but  the  want 
of  all  other  medium,  which  induced,  or  now 
induces,    the    country   people    to    take    their 
paper;   and   at  this   moment,    when   nothing 
else  is  to  be  had,  no  man  will  receive  it  but 
to  pass  it  away  instantly,  none  for  distant 
purposes. — To    ALBERT    GALLATIN.      vi,    498. 
(M.,  Oct.  1815.)     See  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 

6378.  PAPER  MONEY,  Tricks  with.— 
We  are  now  taught  to  believe  that  legerde- 


6/3 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Paper  Money 
Pardons 


main  tricks  upon  paper  can  produce  as  solid 
wealth  as  hard  labor  in  the  earth.  It  is  vain 
for  common  sense  to  urge  that  nothing  can 
produce  but  nothing;  that  it  is  an  idle  dream 
to  believe  in  a  philosopher's  stone  which  is 
to  turn  everything  into  gold,  and  to  redeem 
man  from  the  original  sentence  of  his  Maker, 
"  in  the  sweat  of  his  brow  shall  he  eat  his 
bread". — To  CHARLES  YANCEY.  vi,  515. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  2.  (M.,  Jan.  1816.) 

6379.  PAPER   MONEY,    War    and.— If 
this  war  continues,  bank  circulation  must  be 
suppressed,  or  the  government  shaken  to  its 
foundation  by  the  weight  of  taxes,  and  im 
practicability  to  raise  funds  on  them. — To  J. 
W.  EPPES.     vi,  204.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  402.     (P.F., 
Sep.  1813.)  See  BANKS,  DOLLAR,  MONEY,  and 
NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 

6380.  PAPERS,     Communication    of. — 

With  respect  to  [Executive]  papers,  there  is 
certainly  a  public  and  a  private  side  to  our 
offices.  To  the  former  belong  grants  of  land, 
patents  for  inventions,  certain  commissions, 
proclamations,  and  other  papers  patent  in  their 
nature.  To  the  other  belong  mere  executive 
proceedings.  All  nations  have  found  it  neces 
sary,  that  for  the  advantageous  conduct  of 
their  affairs,  some  of  these  proceedings,  at 
least,  should  remain  known  to  their  executive 
functionary  only.  He,  of  course,  from  the  na 
ture  of  the  case,  must  be  the  sole  judge  of  which 
of  them  the  public  interests  will  permit  publica 
tion.  Hence,  under  our  Constitution,  in  re 
quests  of  papers,  from  the  Legislative  to  the 
Executive  branch,  an  exception  is  carefully 
expressed,  as  to  those  which  he  may  deem  the 
public  welfare  may  require  not  to  be  disclosed. 
— To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  97.  FORD  EDV  ix,  57. 
(W.,  1807.) 

6381.  PAPERS,      Confidential.— Under 
standing   that   it   is   thought   important  that   a 
letter  of  Nov.  12,  1806,  from  General  Wilkinson 
to  myself,   should  be  produced  in  evidence  on 
the  charges  against  Burr,  *     *     I  send  you 
a   copy   of   it,    omitting   only   certain   passages, 
*     *     *     entirely    confidential,    given    for    my 
information   in  the  discharge  of  my  executive 
functions,  and  which  my  duties  and  the  public 
interest  forbid  me  to  make  public. — To  GEORGE 
HAY.     v,    190.     FORD    EDV    ix,    63.     (M.,    Sep. 
1807.) 

6382. .     You  are  certainly  free  to 

make  use  of  any  of  the  paoers  we  put  into  Mr. 
Hay's  hands,  with  a  single  reservation :  to  wit, 
some  of  them  are  expressed  to  be  confidential, 
and  others  are  of  that  kind  which  I  always 
consider  as  confidential,  conveying  censure  on 
particular  individuals,  and  therefore  never  com 
municate  them  beyond  the  immediate  executive 
circle. — To  GENERAL  WILKINSON,  v,  198.  FORD 
ED.,  ix,  141.  (M.,  1807.) 

6383. .  Papers  containing  cen 
sures  on  particular  individuals,  *  *  *  I 
always  deem  confidential,  and  therefore  cannot 
communicate,  but  for  regularly  official  purposes, 
without  a  breach  of  trust. — To  GEORGE  HAY. 
v,  198.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  idi.  (M.,  1807.) 

6384.  PAPERS,  Executive.— Reserving 
the  necessary  right  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  decide,  independently  of  all 
other  authority,  what  papers,  coming  to  him 
as  President,  the  public  interests  permit  to  be 
communicated,  and  to  whom,  I  assure  you  of 
my  readiness,  under  that  restriction,  voluntarily 


to  furnish  on  all  occasions,  whatever  the  pur 
poses  of  justice  may  require. — To  GEORGE  HAY. 
v,  94.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  55.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

6385. .     When  the  request  goes 

to  "  copies  of  the  orders  issued  in  relation  to 
Colonel  Burr,  to  the  officers  at  Orleans,  Natchez, 
&c.,  by  the  Secretaries  of  the  War  and  Navy 
Departments  ",  it  seems  to  cover  a  correspond 
ence  of  many  months,  with  such  a  variety  of 
officers,  civil  and  military,  all  over  the  United 
States,  as  would  amount  to  laying  open  the 
whole  executive  books.  I  have  desired  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  examine  his  official  com 
munications  ;  and  on  a  view  of  these,  we  may 
be  able  to  judge,  what  can  and  ought  to  be  done, 
towards  a  compliance  with  the  request.  If  the 
defendant  alleges  that  there  was  any  particular 
order,  which,  as  a  cause,  produced  any  particu 
lar  act  on  his  part,  then  he  must  know  what 
this  order  was,  can  specify  it,  and  a  prompt 
answer  can  be  given. — To  GEORGE  HAY.  v,  95. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  55.  (W.,  June  1807.) 

6386.  PAPERS,  Retention  of.— I  enclose 
you   a    copy    of    [General]    Armstrong's    letter, 
covering  the  papers  sent  to  Congress.     The  date 
was  blank,   as   in  the   copy ;   the  letter  was   so 
immaterial  that  I  had  really  forgotten  it  alto 
gether  when  I  spoke  with  you.     I   feel  myself 
much  indebted  to  you  for  having  given  me  this 
private    opportunity    of    showing    that    I    have 
kept  back  nothing  material.     That  the  federal 
ists  and  a  few  others  should  by  their  vote  make 
such  a  charge  on  me,  is  never  unexpected.    But 
how   can   any   join    in    it   who    call    themselves 
friends?     The    President    sends    papers    to    the 
House,  which  he  thinks  the  public  interest  re 
quires  they  should  see.     They  immediately  pass 
a   vote,    implying   irresistibly   their   belief   that 
he  is  capable  of  having  kept  back  other  papers 
which   the   same   interest   requires   they   should 
see.     They  pretend  to  no  direct  proof  of  this. 
It  must,  then,  be  founded  in  presumption ;  and 
on  what  act  of  my  life  or  of  my  administration 
is  such  a  presumption  founded  ?     What  interest 
can  I  have  in  leading  the  Legislature  to  act  on 
false  grounds?     My   wish   is   certainly  to   take 
that   course  with   the   public   affairs   which   the 
body    of   the    Legislature    would    prefer.     It    is 
said,  indeed,  that  such  a  vote  is  to  satisfy  the 
federalists    and    their    partisans.     But    were    I 
to  send  twenty  letters,  they  would  say,  "  You 
have  kept  back  the  twenty-first ;  send  us  that  ". 
If  I  sent  one  hundred,  they  would  say,  "  There 
were  one  hundred  and  one  "  ;  and  how  could  I 
prove  the  negative?     Their  malice  can  be  cured 
by  no  conduct ;   it  ought,  therefore,  to  be  dis 
regarded,    instead    of    countenancing   their    im 
putations  by  the  sanction  of  a  vote.     Indeed  I 
should  consider  such  a  vote  as  a  charge,  in  the 
face   of  the   nation,    calling   for   a   serious   and 
public  defence  of  myself.* — To  JOSEPH  B.  VAR- 
NUM.    v,  249.  (W.,  Feb.  1808.) 

6387.  PARASITES,  Government  and.— 
I    think   we   have   more   machinery   of   govern 
ment  than  is  necessary,  too  many  parasites  liv 
ing  on  the  labor  of  the  industrious. — To  WILL 
IAM   LUDLOW.    vii,  378.    (M.,   1824.) 

6388.  PARDONS,     Abolition     of.— Nor 
shall  there  be  power  anywhere  to  pardon  crimes 
or    to    remit    fines    or    punishments. — PROPOSED 
VA.    CONSTITUTION.     FORD    ED.,    ii,    17.     (June 
1776.) 

6389.  PARDONS,  Conditions  of.— I  have 
made  it  a  rule  to  grant  no  nardon  in  any  crim 
inal    case   but   on    the   recommendation    of   the 

*  Mr.  Varnum  was  then  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.— EDITOR. 


Pardons 
Parliament 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


674 


judges  who  sat  on  the  trial,  and  the  district 
attorney,  or  two  of  them.  I  believe  it  a  sound 
rule,  and  not  to  be  departed  from  but  in  extraor- 
dina'ry  cases. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD 
ED.,  viii,  465.  (M.,  1806.) 

6390. .  In  all  cases  I  have  re 
ferred  petitions  [for  pardons]  to  the  judges 
and  prosecuting  attorney,  who  having  heard 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  are  the  best 
judges  whether  any  of  them  were  of  such  a 
nature  as  ought  to  obtain  for  the  criminal  a 
remission  or  abridgment  of  the  punishment. — 
To  GEORGE  BLAKE,  v,  113.  (W.,  1807.) 

6391. .    The  Legislature  having 

made  stripes  a  regular  part  of  the  punishment 
[for  robbing  the  mails],  the  pardoning  them 
cannot  be  a  thing  of  course,  as  that  would  be 
to  repeal  the  law.  Extraordinary  and  singu 
lar  considerations  are  necessary  to  entitle  the 
criminal  to  that  remission. — To  E.  RANDOLPH. 
v,  406.  (W.,  1808.) 

6392.  PARDONS,  Imprudent.— It  would 
be   against   every   rule   of  prudence  for   me   to 
undertake   to   revise  the  verdict  of   a  jury   on 
ex  parte   affidavits   and   recommendations. — To 
GEORGE  BLAKE,     v,  371.     (W.,  1808.) 

6393.  PARDONS,  Proper.— The  power  of 
pardon,     committed     to     Executive     discretion, 
[can]    never  be   more  properly   exercised   than 
where  citizens   [are]   suffering  without  the  au 
thority  of  law,  or,  which  [is]  equivalent,  under 
a   law    unauthorized   by   the    Constitution,    and 
therefore  null. — To   SPENCER  ROANE.     vii,   135. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  141.     (P.F.,  1819.) 

6394.  PARDONS  FOR  COUNTERFEIT 
ERS. — Pardons  for  counterfeiting  bank  paper 
are  yielded  with  much  less  facility  than  others. 
— To  GEORGE  BLAKE,     v,  113.     (W.,  1807.) 

6395.  PARDONS     OF     INDIANS.— As 

the  case  of  the  five  Alabamas,  under  prosecu 
tion  for  the  murder  of  a  white  man,  may  not 
admit  delay,  if  a  conviction  takes  place,  I  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  recommend  to  you  in 
that  case  to  select  the  leader,  or  most  guilty, 
for  execution,  and  to  reprieve  the  others ; 
*  *  *  letting  them  return  to  their  friends, 
with  whom  you  will  of  course  take  just  merit 
for  this  clemency.  Our  wish  *  *  [is] 

merely  to  make  them  sensible  by  the  just  pun 
ishment  of  one.  that  our  citizens  are  not  to  be 
murdered  or  robbed  with  impunity. — To  GOV 
ERNOR  CLAIBORNE.  v,  345.  (M.,  1808.) 

6396.  PARDONS  BY  LAW.— The  "  priv 
ilege  of  clergy  ",  originally  allowed  to  the  clergy, 
is   now   extended   to    every   man,    and   even   to 
women.     It  is  a  right  of  exemption  from  cap 
ital  punishment,   for  the  first   offence   in   most 
cases.     It   is,   then,    a  pardon   by  the   law.     In 
other   cases,    the    Executive   gives   the   pardon. 
But  when  laws  are  made  as  mild  as  they  should 
be,  both  those  pardons  are  absurd.     The  prin 
ciple  of  Beccaria  is  sound.     Let  the  legislators 
be  merciful,  but  the  executors  of  the  law  inex 
orable. — To    M.    DE   MEUNIER.    ix,   263.     FORD 
ED.,  iv,    168.     (P.,    1786.) 

6397.  PARIS,   Bois  de  Boulogne.— The 

Bois  de  Boulogne  invites  you  earnestly  to  come 
and  survey  its  beautiful  verdure,  to  retire  to  its 
umbrage  from  the  heats  of  the  season.  I  was 
through  it  to-day,  as  I  am  every  day^ — To 
MADAME  DE  CORNY,  ii,  161.  (P.,  1787.) 

6398.  PARIS,    Evils   of.— From   what   I 
have  seen  in  Paris,  I  know  not  one  good  pur 
pose  on  earth  which  can  be  effected  by  a  young 


gentleman  coming  here.  He  may  learn  indeed 
to  speak  the  language,  but  put  this  in  the  scale 
amongst  other  things  he  will  learn  and  evils  he 
is  sure  to  acquire,  and  it  will  be  found  too  light. 
I  have  always  disapproved  of  a  European  edu 
cation  for  our  youth  from  theory ;  I  now  do  it 
from  inspection. — To  CHARLES  THOMSON.  FORD 
ED.,  iv,  15.  (P.,  1784.) 

6399.  PARK  (Mungo),  Work  on  Africa. 

— I  fear  Park's  work  on  Africa  will  throw 
cold  water  on  the  hopes  of  the  friends  of  free 
dom. — To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH,  iv,  336.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  461.  (M.,  1800.) 

6400.  PARLIAMENT,  Dignity  of  .—The 

dignity  of  Parliament,,  it  seems,  can  brook  no 
opposition  to  its  power.  Strange,  that  a  set 
of  men,  who  have  made  sale  of  their  virtue  to 
the  Minister,  should  yet  talk  of  retaining  dig 
nity. — To  DR.  WILLIAM  SMALL,  i,  199.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  454.  (1775.) 

6401.  PARLIAMENT,  Executive  Power 

of. — A  new  executive  power,  unheard  of  till 
then  [the  date  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  14.  G.  3.], 
that  of  a  British  Parliament. — RIGHTS  OF  BRIT 
ISH  AMERICA,  i,  133.  FORD  ED.,  i,  438.  (1774.) 

6402.  PARLIAMENT,     Injuries    by.— 

[During]  the  reigns  which  preceded  his  Maj 
esty's  [George  III.]  the  violations  of  our  rights 
were  less  alarming,  because  repeated  at  more 
distant  intervals,  than  that  rapid  and  bold  suc 
cession  of  injuries,  which  is  likely  to  distinguish 
the  present  from  all  other  periods  of  American 
history.  Scarcely  have  our  minds  been  able 
to  emerge  from  the  astonishment  into  which 
one  stroke  of  Parliamentary  thunder  has  in 
volved  us,  before  another  more  heavy  and  more 
alarming  is  fallen  on  us. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,  i,  130.  FORD  ED.,  i,  435.  (1774.) 

6403.  PARLIAMENT,   Jurisdiction  of. 

— The  British  Parliament  has  no  right  to  ex 
ercise  authority  over  us. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH 
AMERICA,  i,  130.  FORD  ED.,  i,  434.  (1774.) 

6404. .    He     [George  HI]   has 

endeavored  to  pervert  the  exercise  of  the  kingly 
office  in  Virginia  into  a  detestable  and  insup 
portable  tyranny  *  *  *  by  combining  with 
others  to  subject  us  to  a  foreign  jurisdiction, 
giving  his  assent  to  their  pretended  acts  of  leg 
islation. — PROPOSED  VA.  CONSTITUTION.  FORD 
ED.,  ii,  10.  (June  1776.) 

6405. .     He  has  combined  with 

others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  constitutions  and  unacknowledged  by  our 
laws,  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation,  *  *  *  declaring  themselves  in 
vested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

6406.  PARLIAMENT,  Misgovernment 
by. — Not  only  the  principles  of  common 
sense,  but  the  feelings  of  human  nature,  must 
be  surrendered  up  before  his  Majesty's  sub 
jects  here,  can  be  persuaded  to  believe  that  they 
hold  their  political  existence  at  the  will  of  a 
British  Parliament.  Shall  these  governments 
be  dissolved,  their  property  annihilated,  and 
their  people  reduced  to  a  state  of  nature,  at  the 
imperious  breath  of  a  body  of  men  whom  they 
never  saw,  in  whom  they  never  confided,  and 
over  whom  they  have  no  powers  of  punishment 
or  removal,  let  their  crimes  against  the  Ameri 
can  public  be  ever  so  great  ?  Can  any  one  rea 
son  be  assigned  why  one  hundred  and  sixty 
thousand  electors  in  the  Island  of  Great  Britain 
should  give  law  to  four  millions  in  the  States 


675 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Parliament 
Parties 


of  America,  every  individual  of  whom  is  equal 
to  every  individual  of  them,  in  virtue,  in  under 
standing,  and  in  bodily  strength  ?  Were  this 
to  be  admitted,  instead  of  being  a  free  people, 
as  we  have  hitherto  supposed,  and  mean  to  con 
tinue  ourselves,  we  should  suddenly  be  found 
the  slaves,  not  of  one,  but  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  tyrants,  distinguished,  too,  from 
all  others  by  this  singular  circumstance,  that 
they  are  removed  from  the  reach  of  fear,  the 
only  restraining  motive  which  may  hold  the 
hand  of  a  tyrant. — RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERI 
CA,  i,  131.  FORD  ED.,  i,  436.  (1774.) 

6407.  PARLIAMENT,  Purchase  of  fa 
vor. — Congress  are  of  opinion  that  the  propo 
sition     *     *     *     [of  Lord  North]  is  unreason 
able  and  insidious  :  unreasonable  because,  if  we 
declare    we    accede    to    it,    we    declare    without 
reservation  we  will  purchase  the  favor  of  parlia 
ment   not   knowing   at  the   same  time   at  what 
price  they  will  please  to   estimate  their  favor. 
It  is  insidious  because  any  individual  Colonies, 
haying  bid  and  bidden  again  till  they  find  the 
avidity   of  the   seller  unattainable  by   all   their 
powers,  are  then  to  return  into  opposition,  di 
vided  from  their  sister  Colonies  whom  the  min 
ister  will  have  previously  detached  by  a  grant 
of  easier  terms,  or  by  an  artful  procrastination 
of  a  definitive  answer. — REPLY  TO  LORD  NORTH'S 
PROPOSITION.     FORD  ED.,  i,  478.     (July  1775.) 

6408.  PARLIAMENT,  Repudiation  of. 

— A  body  of  men  foreign  to  our  constitutions, 
and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws. — RIGHTS  OF 
BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  134.  FORD  ED.,  i,  439. 
(i774.) 

6409. .  Rather  than  submit  to 

the  rights  of  legislating  for  us,  assumed  by  the 
British  Parliament,  *  *  *  I  would  lend  my 
hand  to  sink  the  whole  Island  in  the  ocean. — 
To  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  i,  201.  FORD  ED.,  i,  484. 
(M.,  1775.) 

6410. .  We  utterly  dissolve  all 

political  connection  which  may  heretofore  have 
subsisted  between  us  and  the  people  or  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain.* — DECLARATION  OF  IN 
DEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY  JEFFERSON. 

6411.  PARLIAMENT,  Submission  to.— 
In    constituting    indeed    our    several    forms    of 
government,  we  had  adopted  one  common  king, 
thereby  laying  a  foundation  for  perpetual  league 
and  amity  with   them  ;   but  that  submission  to 
their  parliament  was  no  part  of  our  constitution 
nor  ever  in  idea,  if  history  may  be  credited,  f 
— DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AS  DRAWN  BY 
JEFFERSON. 

6412.  PARLIAMENT,     Tyranny    of. — 

History  has  informed  us  that  bodies  of  men  as 
well  as  individuals  are  susceptible  of  the  spirit 
of  tyranny.  A  view  of  these  acts  of  Parlia 
ment  for  regulation,  as  it  has  been  affectedly 
called,  of  the  American  trade,  if  all  other  evi 
dences  were  removed  out  of  the  case,  would  un 
deniably  evince  the  truth  of  this  observation. — 
RIGHTS  OF  BRITISH  AMERICA,  i,  128.  FORD 
ED.,  i,  433.  (1774.) 

6413.  PARLIAMENTARY  LAW,  Com 
pilation  of. — I  do  not  mention  the  Parliamen 
tary  Manual  published  for  the  use  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  because  it  was  a  mere  com 
pilation  into  which  nothing  entered  of  my  own 
but   the    arrangement    and   a   few   observations 
necessary  to  explain  that  and  some  of  the  cases 
— To  JOHN  W.  CAMPBELL,  v,  466.    FORD  ED.,  ix 
258.     (M.,  1809.) 

*  Struck  out  by  the  Congress.— EDITOR. 

t  Congress  struck  out  this  passage. — EDITOR. 


6414.  PARLIAMENTARY  LAW,  Study 
of.— It  seems  probable  that  I  will  be  called  on 
to  preside  in  a  legislative  chamber.     It  is  now 
so  long  since  I  have  acted  in  the  legislative  line, 
that  I   am  entirely  rusty   in  the   Parliamentary 
rules    of    procedure.     I    know    they    have    been 
more  studied  and  are  better  known  by  you  than 
)y  any  man   in  America,  perhaps  by  any  man 
iving.     I  am  in  hopes  that  while  inquiring  into 
.he  subject  you  made  notes  on  it.     If  any  such 
remain    in    your    hands,    however    informal,    in 
books  or  in   scraps  of  paper,   and  you  will  be 
so  good  as  to  trust  me  with  them  a  little  while, 
they    shall    be    most    faithfully    returned. — To 
GEORGE   WYTHE.     iv,    163.     FORD  ED.,  vii,    no. 
(M.,   I797-) 

6415.  PARTIES,    Amalgamation    of.— 
What  do  you  think  of  the  state  of  parties  at  this 
:ime    [1822]  ?     An   opinion   prevails   that  there 
is  no  longer  any  distinction,  that  the  republicans 
and  federalists  are  completely  amalgamated,  but 
it  is  not  so.     The  amalgamation  is  of  name  only, 
not  of  principle.     All,  indeed,  call  themselves  by 
the   name   of   republicans,   because   that   of   the 
federalists    was    extinguished    in   the   battle    of 
New    Orleans.     But   the    truth    is    that    finding 
that    monarchy    is    a    desperate    wish    in    this 
country,    they    rally    to    the    point    which    they 
think    next    best,    a    consolidated    government. 
Their  aim  is  now,  therefore,  to  break  down  the 
rights  reserved  by  the  Constitution  to  the  States 
as    a    bulwark    against    that    consolidation,    the 
fear  of  which  produced  the  whole  of  the  oppo 
sition  to  the  Constitution  at  its  birth.     Hence 
new  republicans  in  Congress,  preaching  the  doc 
trines  of  the  old  federalists,  and  the  new  nick 
names   of   "  Ultras  "    and   "  Radicals  ".     But,    I 
trust,  they  will  fail  under  the  new,  as  the  old 
name,  and  that  the  friends  of  the  real  Consti 
tution  and  Union  will  prevail  against  consolida 
tion,    as   they   have   done   against   monarchism. 
I    scarcely   know   myself   which   is   most   to   be 
deprecated,    a    consolidation,    or   dissolution    of 
the  States.     The  horrors  of  both  are  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  foresight. — To  WILLIAM  JOHN 
SON.    FORD  ED.,  x,  225.     (M.,  Oct.  1822.) 

6416. .     You    are    told,    indeed, 

that  there  are  no  longer  parties  among  us ;  that 
they  are  all  now  amalgamated ;  the  lion  and  the 
lamb  lie  down  together  in  peace.  Do  not  be 
lieve  a  word  of  it.  The  same  parties  exist  now 
as  ever  did.  No  longer,  indeed,  under  the  name 
of  republicans  and  federalists.  The  latter  name 
was  extinguished  in  the  battle  of  Orleans. 
Those  who  wore  it,  finding  monarchism  a  des 
perate  wish  in  this  country,  are  rallying  to 
what  they  deem  the  next  best  point,  a  consoli 
dated  government.  Although  this  is  not  yet 
avowed  (as  that  of  monarchy,  you  know,  never 
was),  it  exists  decidedly,  and  is  the  true  key 
to  the  debates  in  Congress,  wherein  you  see 
many  calling  themselves  republicans,  and 
preaching  the  rankest  doctrines  of  the  old  fed 
eralists.* — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED., 
x,  235.  (M.,  Oct.  1822.) 

6417. .     You    will   be   told   that 

parties  are  now  all  amalgamated ;  the  wolf  now 
dwells  with  the  lamb,  and  the  leopard  lies  down 
with  the  kid.  It  is  true  that  federalism  has 
changed  its  name  and  hidden  itself  among  us. 
Since  the  Hartford  convention  it  is  deemed 
even  by  themselves  a  name  of  reproach.  In 
some  degree,  too,  they  have  varied  their  object. 
To  monarchize  this  nation  they  see  is  impossi 
ble  ;  the  next  best  thing  in  their  view  is  to 
consolidate  it  into  one  government  as  a  premier 
pas  to  monarchy.  The  party  is  now  as  strong 

*  Gallatin  was  then  in  Europe.— EDITOR. 


Parties 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


676 


as  it  ever  has  been  since  1800;  and  though 
mixed  with  us  are  to  be  known  by  their  rally 
ing  together  on  every  question  of  power  in  a 
general  government.  The  judges,  as  before, 
are  at  their  head,  and  are  their  entering  wedge. 
Young  men  are  more  easily  seduced  into  this 
principle  than  the  old  one  of  monarchy. — To 
ALBERT  GALLATIN.  FORD  ED.,  x,  262.  (M., 
Aug.  1823.) 

6418. .     [It  is]  an  amalgamation 

of  name  but  not  of  principle.  Tories  are  tories 
still,  by  whatever  name  they  may  be  called. — 
To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  vii,  373.  FORD  ED., 
x,  316.  (M.,  1824.) 

6419. .     I  am  no  believer  in  the 

amalgamation  of  parties,  nor  do  I  consider  it 
as  either  desirable  or  useful  for  the  public ;  but 
only  that,  like  religious  differences,  a  difference 
in  politics  should  never  be  permitted  to  enter 
into  social  intercourse,  or  to  disturb  its  friend 
ships,  its  charities,  or  justice.  In  that  form, 
they  are  censors  of  the  conduct  of  each  other, 
and  useful  watchmen  for  the  public. — To  H. 
LEE.  vii,  376.  FORD  ED.,  x,  317.  (M.,  1824.) 

6420. .  There  is  really  no  amal 
gamation  [of  parties].  The  parties  exist  now 
as  heretofore.  The  one,  indeed,  has  thrown  off 
its  old  name,  and  has  not  yet  assumed  a  new 
one,  although  obviously  consolidationists.  And 
among  those  in  the  offices  of  every  denomina 
tion  I  believe  it  to  be  a  bare  minority. — To 
WILLIAM  SHORT,  vii,  392.  FORD  ED.,  x,  335. 
(M.,  January  1825.) 

6421.  PARTIES,     Birth     of.— At     the 

formation  of  our  government,  many  had  formed 
their  political  opinions  on  European  writings 
and  practices,  believing  the  experience  of  old 
countries,  and  especially  of  England,  abusive  as 
it  was,  to  be  a  safer  guide  than  mere  theory. 
The  doctrines  of  Europe  were,  that  men  in 
numerous  associations  cannot  be  restrained 
within  the  limits  of  order  and  justice,  but  by 
forces  physical  and  moral,  wielded  over  them 
by  authorities  independent  of  their  will.  Hence 
their  organization  of  kings,  hereditary  nobles, 
and  priests.  Still  further  to  constrain  the  brute 
force  of  the  people,  they  deem  it  necessary  to 
keep  them  down  by  hard  labor,  poverty  and  ig 
norance,  and  to  take  from  them,,  as  from  bees, 
so  much  of  their  earnings,  as  that  unremitting 
labor  shall  be  necessary  to  obtain  a  sufficient 
surplus  barely  to  sustain  a  scanty  and  miserable 
life.  And  these  earnings  they  apply  to  maintain 
their  privileged  orders  in  splendor  and  idle 
ness,  to  fascinate  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and 
excite  in  them  an  humble  adoration  and  sub 
mission,  as  to  an  order  of  superior  beings.  Al 
though  few  among  us  had  gone  all  these  lengths 
of  opinion,  yet  many  had  advanced,  some  more, 
some  less,  on  the  way.  And  in  the  convention 
which  formed  our  government,  they  endeavored 
to  draw  the  cords  of  power  as  tight  as  they 
could  obtain  them,  to  lessen  the  dependence  of 
the  general  functionaries  on  their  constituents, 
to  subject  to  them  those  of  the  States,  and  to 
weaken  their  means  of  maintaining  the  steady 
equilibrium  which  the  majority  of  the  conven 
tion  had  deemed  salutary  for  both  branches, 
general  and  local.  To  recover,  therefore,  in 
practice  the  powers  which  the  nation  had  re 
fused,  and  to  warp  to  their  own  wishes  those 
actually  given,  was  the  steady  object  of  the  Fed 
eral  party.  Ours,  on  the  contrary,  was  to  main 
tain  the  will  of  the  maiority  of  the  convention, 
and  of  the  people  themselves.  We  believed, 
with  them,  that  man  was  a  rational  animal,  en 
dowed  by  nature  with  rights,  and  with  an  innate 
sense  of  justice ;  and  that  he  could  be  restrained 


from  wrong  and  protected  in  right,  by  moderate 
powers,  confided  to  persons  of  his  own  choice, 
and  held  to  their  duties  by  dependence  on  his 
own  will.  We  believed  that  the  complicated 
organization  of  kings,  nobles,  and  priests,  was 
not  the  wisest  nor  best  to  effect  the  happiness 
of  associated  man  ;  that  wisdom  and  virtue  were 
not  hereditary;  that  the  trappings  of  such  a 
machinery,  consumed  by  their  expense,  those 
earnings  of  industry,  they  were  meant  to  pro 
tect,  and,  by  the  inequalities  they  produced,  ex 
posed  liberty  to  sufferance.  We  believed  that 
men,  enjoying  in  ease  and  security  the  full 
fruits  of  their  own  industry,  enlisted  by  all  their 
interests  on  the  side  of  law  and  order,  habitu 
ated  to  think  for  themselves,  and  to  follow  their 
reason  as  their  guide,  would  be  more  easily  and 
safely  governed,  than  with  minds  nourished  in 
error,  and  vitiated  and  debased,  as  in  Europe, 
by  ignorance,  indigence  and  oppression.  The 
cherishrnent  of  the  people  then  was  our  prin 
ciple,  the  fear  and  distrust  of  them,  that  of  the 
other  party.  Composed,  as  we  were,  of  the 
landed  and  laboring  interests  of  the  country,  we 
could  not  be  less  anxious  for  a  government  of 
law  and  order  than  were  the  inhabitants  of  the 
cities,  the  strongholds  of  federalism.  And 
whether  our  efforts  to  save  the  principles  and 
form  of  our  Constitution  have  not  been  salu 
tary,  let  the  present  republ  can  freedom,  order 
and  prosperity  of  our  country  determine. — To 
WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  290.  FORD  ED.,  x,  226. 
(M.,  June,  1823.) 

6422.  PARTIES,  History.— Let  me  im 
plore  you  to  finish  your  history  of  parties,  leav 
ing  the  time  of  publication  to  the  state  of 
things  you  may  deem  proper,  but  taking  especial 
care  that  we  do  not  lose  it  altogether.  We 
have  been  too  careless  of  our  future  reputation, 
while  our  tories  will  omit  nothing  to  place  us  in 
the  wrong.  Besides  the  five-yolumed  libel 
which  represents  us  as  struggling  for  office, 
and  not  at  all  to  prevent  our  government  from 
being  administered  into  a  monarchy,  the  Life 
of  Hamilton  is  in  the  hands  of  a  man  who,  to 
the  bitterness  of  the  priest,  adds  the  rancor  of 
the  fiercest  federalism.  Mr.  Adams's  papers, 
too,  and  his  biography  will  descend,  of  course, 
to  his  son  whose  pen,  you  know,  is  pointed, 
and  his  prejudices  not  in  our  favor.  And, 
doubtless,  other  things  are  in  preparation,  un 
known  to  us.  On  our  part,  we  are  depending 
on  truth  to  make  itself  known,  while  history  is 
taking  a  contrary  set  which  may  become  too 
inveterate  for  correction.  Mr.  Madison  will 
probably  leave  something,  but,  I  believe,  only 
particular  passages  of  our  history,  and  these 
chiefly  confined  to  the  period  between  the  disso 
lution  of  the  old  and  commencement  of  the 
new  government,  which  is  peculiarly  within  his 
knowledge.  After  he  joined  us  in  the  adminis 
tration,  he  had  no  leisure  to  write.  This,  too, 
was  my  case.  But  although  I  had  not  time  to 
prepare  anything  express,  my  letters  (all  pre 
served)  will  furnish  the  -daily  occurrences  and 
views  from  my  return  from  Europe  in  1790, 
till  I  retired  finally  from  office.  These  will 
command  more  conviction  than  anything  I  could 
have  written  after  my  retirement ;  no  day  hav 
ing  ever  passed  during  that  period  without  a 
letter  to  somebody.  Written,  too,  in  the  mo 
ment,  and  in  the  warmth  and  freshness  of  fact 
and  feeling,  they  will  carry  internal  evidence 
that  what  they  breathe  is  genuine.  Selections 
from  these,  after  my  death,  may  come  out  suc 
cessively  as  the  maturity  of  circumstances  may 
render  their  appearance  seasonable.  But  mul 
tiplied  testimony,  multiplied  views  will  be  nec 
essary  to  give  solid  establishment  to  truth. 
Much  is  known  to  one  which  is  not  known  to 


677 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Parties 


another,  and  no  one  knows  everything.  It  is 
the  sum  of  individual  knowledge  which  is  to 
make  up  the  whole  truth,  and  to  give  its  correct 
current  through  future  time.  Then,  do  not 
*  *  *  withhold  your  stock  of  information ; 
and  I  would  moreover  recommend  that  you 
trust  it  not  to  a  single  copy,  nor  to  a  single 
depositary.  Leave  it  not  in  the  power  of  any 
one  person,  under  the  distempered  view  of  an 
unlucky  moment,  to  deprive  us  of  the  weight  of 
your  testimony,  and  to  purchase,  by  its  de 
struction,  the  favor  of  any  party  or  person. — To 
WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  vii,  277.  FORD  ED.,  x,  247. 
(M.,  1823.) 

6423. .     Our   opponents   are  far 

ahead  of  us  in  preparations  for  placing  their 
cause  favorably  before  posterity.  Yet  I  hope 
even  from  some  of  them  the  escape  of  precious 
truths,  in  angry  explosions  or  effusions  of 
vanity,  which  will  betray  the  genuine  monarch- 
ism  of  their  principles.  They  do  not  themselves 
believe  what  they  endeavor  to  inculcate,  that 
we  were  an  opposition  party,  not  on  principle, 
but  merely  seeking  for  office. — To  WILLIAM 
JOHNSON,  vii,  290.  FORD  ED.,  x,  226.  (M., 
1823.) 

6424.  PARTIES,  Independent  of.— If  I 
could  not  go  to  heaven  but  with  a  party,  I  would 
not  go  there  at  all. — To   FRANCIS   HOPKINSON. 
ii,  585.     FORD  ED.,  v,  76.     (P.,  1789.) 

6425.  PARTIES,    Jay's    Treaty    and.— 

You  well  know  how  strong  a  character  of  di 
vision  had  been  impressed  on  the  Senate  by 
the  British  treaty.  Common  error,  common 
censure,  and  common  efforts  of  defence  had 
formed  the  treaty  majority  into  a  common  band, 
which  feared  to  separate  even  on  other  sub 
jects.  Towards  the  close  of  the  last  Congress, 
however,  it  had  been  hoped  that  their  ties  began 
to  loosen,  and  their  phalanx  to  separate  a  little. 
This  hope  was  blasted  at  the  very  opening  of  the 
present  session,  by  the  nature  of  the  appeal 
which  the  President  made  to  the  nation ;  the  oc 
casion  for  which  had  confessedly  sprung  from 
the  fatal  British  treaty.  This  circumstance 
rallied  them  again  to  their  standard,  and  hith 
erto  we  have  had  pretty  regular  treaty  votes 
on  all  questions  of  principle.  And,  indeed, 
I  fear,  that  as  long  as  the  same  individuals  re 
main,  so  long  we  shall  see  traces  of  the  same 
division. — To  AARON  BURR,  iv,  184.  FORD  ED., 
vii,  145.  (Pa.,  June  I797-) 

6426.  PARTIES,     Motives.— That    each 
party  endeavors  to  get  into  the  administration 
of  the  government,  and  exclude  the  other  from 
power,  is  true,  and  may  be  stated  as  a  motive  of 
action :  but  this  is  only  secondary ;  the  primary 
motive  being  a  real   and  radical   difference  of 
political   principle.      I    sincerely   wish    our   dif-"^ 
ferences  were  but  personally  who  should  gov 
ern,    and   that  the  principles   of   our   Constitu 
tion  were  those  of  both  parties.     Unfortunately, 
it  is  otherwise ;  and  the  question  of  preference 
between    monarchy    and    republicanism,    which 
has     so     long     divided      mankind     elsewhere, 
threatens  a  permanent  division  here. — To  JOHN 
MELISH.    vi,  95.     FORD  ED.,  ix,  374.     (M.,  Jan. 
1813.) 

6427.  PARTIES,    Names.— The   appella 
tion   of   aristocrats   and   democrats   is   the   tru'e 
one    expressing    the    essence    of    all    [political 
parties]. — To   H.   LEE.    vii,   376.      FORD  ED.,   x, 
318.     (M.,  1824.) 

6428.  PARTIES,     Natural     division.— 

The  division  into  whig  and  tory  is  founded  in 
the  nature  of  men;  the  weakly  and  nerveless, 


the  rich  and  the  corrupt,  seeing  more  safety 
and  accessibility  in  a  strong  executive;  the 
healthy,  firm,  and  virtuous,  feeling  confidence 
in  their  physical  and  moral  resources,  and  will 
ing  to  part  with  only  so  much  power  as  is  neces 
sary  for  their  good  government ;  and,  therefore, 
to  retain  the  rest  in  the  hands  of  the  many, 
the  division  will  substantially  be  into  whig 
and  tory,  as  in  England  formerly. — To  JOEL 
BARLOW,  iv,  438.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  150.  (W., 
May  1802.) 

6429. .     I  consider  the  party  di 
vision  of  whig  and  tory  the  most  wholesome 
which  can   exist  in   any  government,   and  well 
worthy   of  being  nourished,  to   keep   out  those 
of  a  more  dangerous  character. — To   WILLIAM 
T.  BARRY,    vii,  255.     (M.,   1822.) 

6430.  — .     The  parties  of  whig  and 

tory   are   those   of   nature.      They   exist   in    all 
countries,  whether  called  by  these  names,  or  by 
those  of  aristocrats  and  democrats,  cote  droite 
and   cote  gauche,   ultras   and   radicals,   serviles 
and   liberals.      The    sickly,    weakly,    timid    man 
fears  the  people,  and  is  a  tory  by  nature.     The 
healthy,   strong  and  bold,   cherishes  them,   and 
is  formed  a  whig  by  nature. — To  MARQUIS  LA 
FAYETTE,   vii,  325.    FORD  ED.,  x,  281.  (M.,  1823.) 

6431. .  Men  by  their  constitu 
tions  are  naturally  divided  into  two  parties : 
i.  Those  who  fear  and  distrust  the  people,  and 
wish  to  draw  all  powers  from  them  into  the 
hands  of  the  higher  classes.  2.  Those  who 
identify  themselves  with  the  people,  have  con 
fidence  in  them,  cherish  and  consider  them  as 
the  most  honest  and  safe,  although  not  the 
most  wise  depositary  of  the  public  interests. 
In  every  country  these  two  parties  exist,  and 
in  every  one  where  they  are  free  to  think,  speak 
and  write,  they  will  declare  themselves.  Call 
them,  therefore,  liberals  and  serviles,  Jacobins 
and  ultras,  whigs  and  tories,  republicans  and 
federalists,  aristocrats  and  democrats,  or  by 
whatever  name  you  please,  they  are  the  same 
parties  still,  and  pursue  the  same  object.  The 
last  appellation  of  aristocrats  and  democrats  is 
the  true  one  expressing  the  essence  of  all. — 
To  H.  LEE.  vii,  376.  FORD  ED.,  x,  317.  (M., 
1824.) 

6432. .  The  division  of  whig  and 

tory,  or,  according  to  pur  denominations,  of 
republican  and  federal,  is  the  most  salutary  of 
all  divisions,  and  ought,  therefore,  to  be 
fostered,  instead  of  being  amalgamated ;  for, 
take  away  this,  and  some  more  dangerous  prin 
ciple  of  division  will  take  its  place. — To  WILL 
IAM  SHORT,  vii,  392.  FORD  ED.,  x,  335.  (M., 
1825.) 

6433.  PARTIES,      Opposite.— In     every 

free  and  deliberating  society,  there  must,  from 
the  nature  of  man,  be  opposite  parties,  and 
violent  dissensions  and  discords ;  and  one  of 
these,  for  the  most  part,  must  prevail  over  the 
Mother  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time. — To  JOHN 
[TAYLOR,  iv,  246.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  264.  (Pa.,  1798.) 

6434. .  Wherever  there  are  men, 

there  will  be  parties;  and  wherever  there  are 
free  men  they  will  make  themselves  heard. 
Those  of  firm  health  and  spirits  are  unwilling  to 
cede  more  of  their  liberty  than  is  necessary 
to  preserve  order ;  those  of  feeble  constitutions 
will  wish  to  see  one  strong  arm  able  to  protect 
them  from  the  many.  These  are  the  whigs  and 
tories  of  nature.  These  mutual  jealousies  pro 
duce  mutual  security:  and  while  the  laws  shall 
be  obeyed,  all  will  be  safe.  He  alone  is  your 
enemy  who  disobeys  them. — JEFFERSON'S  MSS. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  i.  (1801?) 


Parties 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


678 


6435. .     Men    have    differed    in 

opinion,  and  been  divided  into  parties  by  these 
opinions,  from  the  first  origin  of  societies,  and 
in  all  governments  where  they  have  been  per 
mitted  freely  to  think  and  to  speak.  The  same 
political  parties  which  now  agitate  the  United 
States,  have  existed  through  all  time.  Whether 
the  power  of  the  people  or  that  of  the  api 
should  prevail,  were  questions  which  kept 
the  States  of  Greece  and  Rome  in  eternal 
convulsions,  as  they  now  schismatize  every  peo 
ple  whose  minds  and  mouths  are  not  shut  up 
by  the  gag  of  a  despot.  And  in  fact,  the  terms 
of  whig  and  tory  belong  to  natural  as  well  as 
to  civil  history.  They  denote  the  temper  and 
constitution  of  mind  of  different  individuals. — 
To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  143.  (M.,  1813.) 

6436. — .    To   me  it  appears  that 

there  have  been  differences  of  opinion  and  party 
differences,  from  the  first  establishment  of  gov 
ernment  to  the  present  day,  and  on  the  same 
question  which  now  divides  our  own  country ; 
that  these  will  continue  through  all  future  time; 
that  every  one  takes  his  side  in  favor  of  the 
many,  or  of  the  few,  according  to  his  consti 
tution,  and  the  circumstances  in  which  he  is 
placed ;  that  opinions  which  are  equally  honest 
on  both  sides,  should  not  affect  personal  esteem 
or  social  intercourse ;  that  as  we  judge  between 
the  Claudii  and  the  Gracchi,  the  Wentworths 
and  the  Hampdens  of  past  ages,  so  of  those 
among  us  whose  names  may  happen  to  be  re 
membered  for  awhile,  the  next  generations  will 
judge  favorably  or  unfavorably,  according  to 
the  complexion  of  individual  minds,  and  the 
side  they  shall  themselves  have  taken ;  that 
nothing  new  can  be  added  by  you  or  me  in  sup 
port  of  the  conflicting  opinions  on  government ; 
and  that  wisdom  and  duty  dictate  an  humble 
resignation  to  the  verdict  of  our  future  peers. 
— To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  145.  (M.,  1813.) 

6437. .  To  come  to  our  own 

country,  and  to  the  times  when  you  and  I  be 
came  first  acquainted,  we  well  remember  the 
violent  parties  which  agitated  the  old  Congress, 
and  their  bitter  contests.  There  you  and  I  were 
together,  and  the  Jays,  and  the  Dickinsons, 
and  other  anti-independents,  were  arrayed 
against  us.  They  cherished  the  monarchy  of 
England,  and  we  the  rights  of  our  countrymen. 
When  our  present  government  was  in  the  mew, 
passing  from  Confederation  to  Union,  how  bit 
ter  was  the  schism  between  the  "  Feds "  and 
the  "  Antis ".  Here  you  and  I  were  together 
again.  For  although,  for  a  moment,  separatecl 
by  the  Atlantic  from  the  scene  of  action,  I 
favored  the  opinion  that  nine  States  should 
confirm  the  Constitution^  in  order  to  secure  it, 
and  the  others  hold  off  until  certain  amend 
ments,  deemed  favorable  to  freedom,  should  be 
made.  I  rallied  in  the  first  instant  to  the  wiser 
proposition  of  Massachusetts,  that  all  should 
confirm,  and  then  all  instruct  their  delegates  to 
urge  those  amendments.  The  amendments  were 
made,  and  all  were  reconciled  to  the  govern 
ment.  But  as  soon  as  it  was  put  into  motion, 
the  line  of  division  was  again  drawn.  We  broke 
into  two  parties,  each  wishing  to  give  the  gov 
ernment  a  different  direction ;  the  one  to 
strengthen  the  most  popular  branch,  the  othery 
the  more  permanent  branches,  and  to  extern' 
their  permanence. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  143.! 
(M.,  1813.) 

6438. .  Here  you  and  I  sepa-j 

rated  for  the  first  time,  and  as  we  had  been] 
longer  than  most  others  on  the  public  theatre, 
and  our  names  were  more  familiar  to  ourj 
countrymen,  the  party  which  considered  you! 
as  thinking  with  them,  placed  your  name  at 


their  head ;  the  other,  for  the  same  reason, 
selected  mine.  But  neither  decency  nor  in 
clination  permitted  us  to  become  the  advocates 
of  ourselves,  or  to  take  part  personally  in  the 
violent  contests  which  followed.  We  suffered 
ourselves,  as  you  so  well  expressed  it,  to  be 
passive  subjects  of  public  discussion.  And 
these  discussions,  whether  relating  to  men, 
measures  or  opinions,  were  conducted  by  the 
parties  with  an  animosity,  a  bitterness  and  an 
indecency  which  had  never  been  exceeded.  All 
the  resources  of  reason  and  of  wrath  were  ex 
hausted  by  each  party  in  support  of  its  own, 
and  to  prostrate  the  adversary  opinions ;  one 
was  upbraided  with  receiving  the  anti-federal 
ists,  the  other  the  old  tories  and  refugees,  into 
their  bosom.  Of  this  acrimony,  the  public 
papers  of  the  day  exhibit  ample  testimony,  in 
the  debates  of  Congress,  of  State  Legislatures, 
of  stump-orators,  in  addresses,  answers,  and 
newspaper  essays ;  and  to  these,  without  ques 
tion,  may  be  added  the  private  correspondences 
of  individuals ;  and  the  less  guarded  in  these, 
because  not  meant  for  the  public  eye,  not  re 
strained  by  the  respect  due  to  that,  but  poured 
forth  from  the  overflowings  of  the  heart  into 
the  bosom  of  a  friend,  as  a  momentary  ease 
ment  of  our  feelings. — To  JOHN  ADAMS,  vi,  144. 
(1813.) 

6439.  PARTIES,  Principles  and.— Were 

parties  here  divided  merely  by  a  greediness  for 
office,  as  in  England,  to  take  a  part  with  either 
would  be  unworthy  of  a  reasonable  or  moral 
man.  But  where  the  principle  of  difference  is 
as  substantial,  and  as  strongly  pronounced  as 
between  the  republicans  and  the  monocrats  of 
our  country,  I  hold  it  as  honorable  to  take  a 
firm  and  decided  part,  and  as  immoral  to  pursue 
a  middle  line,  as  between  the  parties  of  honest 
men  and  rogues,  into  which  every  country  is 
divided. — To  WILLIAM  B.  GILES,  iv,  126.  FORD 
ED.,  vii,  43.  (M.,  Dec.  1795.) 

6440.  _ .    What  in  fact  is  the  dif 
ference  of  principle  between  the  two  parties? 
The   one   desires    to    preserve    an    entire    inde 
pendence  of  the  Executive  and  Legislative  on 
each  other,  and  the  dependence  of  both  on  the 
same   source — the   free   election   of  the  people. 
The  other  party  wishes  to  lessen  the  dependence 
of   the   Executive,    and   of   one   branch    of   the 
Legislature  on  the  people,  some  by  making  them 
hold  for  life,  some  hereditary,  and  some  even 
for  giving  the  Executive  an  influence  by  patron 
age  or  corruption   over  the  remaining  popular 
branch,   so  as  to  reduce  the  elective  franchise 
to  its  minimum. — To  J.  F.  MERCER,  iv,  563.  (W., 
1804.) 

6441. .     It  is  indeed  of  little  con- 

'  sequence  who  governs  us,  if  they  sincerely  and 
zealously  cherish  the  principles  of  union  and 
republicanism. — To  HENRY  DEARBORN,  vii,  215. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  192.  (M.,  1821.) 

6442.  PARTIES,  Public  welfare  and.— 

Both  of  our  political  parties,  at  least  the  hon 
est  part  of  them,  agree  conscientiously  in  the 
same  object — the  public  good ;  but  they  differ 
essentially  in  what  they  deem  the  means  of 
promoting  that  good.  One  side  believes  it  best 
done  by  one  composition  of  the  governing 
powers;  the  other,  by  a  different  one.  One 
fears  most  the  ignorance  of  the  people;  the 
other,  the  selfishness  of  rulers  independent  of 
them.  Which  is  right,  time  and  experience 
will  prove.  We  think  that  one  side  of  this  ex 
periment  has  been  long  enough  tried,  and 
proved  not  to  promote  the  good  of  the  many ; 
and  that  the  other  has  not  been  fairly  and  suf 
ficiently  tried.  Our  opponents  think  the  re- 


679 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Parties 
Patents 


verse.  With  whichever  opinion  the  body  of  the 
nation  concurs,  that  must  prevail. — To  MRS. 
JOHN  ADAMS,  iv,  562.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  312.  (M., 
1804.) 

6443.  PARTIES,  Republican  vs.  Mon 
archical. — Where  a  Constitution,  like  ours, 
wears  a  mixed  aspect  of  monarchy  and  repub 
licanism,  its  citizens  will  naturally  divide  into 
two  classes  of  sentiment  according  to  their  tone 
of  body  or  mind.  Their  habits,  connections 
and  callings  induce  them  to  wish  to  strengthen 
either  the  monarchical  or  the  republican  fea 
tures  of  the  Constitution.  Some  will  consider 
it  as  an  elective  monarchy,  which  had  better 
be  made  hereditary,  and,  therefore,  endeavor 
to  lead  towards  that  all  the  forms  and  .prin 
ciples  of  its  administration.  Others  will  view  it 
as  an  energetic  republic,  turning  in  all  its 
points  on  the  pivot  of  free  and  frequent  elec 
tions.  The  great  body  of  our  native  citizens  are 
unquestionably  of  the  republican  sentiment. 
Foreign  education,  and  foreign  conventions  of 
interest,  have  produced  some  exceptions  in 
every  part  of  the  Union,  North  and  South,  and 
perhaps  other  circumstances  in  your  quarter, 
better  known  to  you,  may  have  thrown  into 
the  scale  of  exceptions  a  greater  number  of 
the  rich.  Still  there,  I  believe,  and  here  [the 
South]  I  am  sure,  the  great  mass  is  republican. 
Nor  do  any  of  the  forms  in  which  the  public 
disposition  has  been  pronounced  in  the  last  half 
dozen  years,  evince  the  contrary.  All  of 
them,  when  traced  to  their  true  source,  have 
only  been  evidences  of  the  preponderant  pop 
ularity  of  a  particular  great  character.  That  in 
fluence  once  withdrawn,  and  our  countrymen 
left  to  the  operation  of  their  own  unbiased 
good  sense,  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  see  a 
pretty  rapid  return  of  general  harmony,  and  our 
citizens  moving  in  phalanx  in  the  paths  of 
regular  liberty,  order,  and  a  sacrosanct  ad 
herence  to  the  Constitution.  Thus  I  think  it 
will  be,  if  war  with  France  can  be  avoided.  But 
if  that  untoward  event  comes  athwart  us  in  our 
present  point  of  deviation,  nobody,  I  believe, 
can  foresee  into  what  port  it  will  drive  us. — 
To  JAMES  SULLIVAN,  iv,  168.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
117.  (M.,  Feb.  I797-) 

6444. .     The  toryism  with  which 

we  struggled  in  1777  differed  but  in  name 
from  the  federalism  of  1799,  with  which  we 
struggled  also ;  and  the  Anglicism  of  1808, 
against  which  we  are  now  struggling,  is  but  the 
same  thing  still  in  another  form.  It  is  a  long 
ing  for  a  king  and  an  English  king  rather  than 
any  other.  This  is  the  true  source  of  their 
sorrows  and  wailings. — To  JOHN  LANGDON.  v. 
512.  (M.,  1810.) 

6445.  PARTIES,  Washington's  rela 
tions  to. — You  expected  to  discover  the  dif 
ference  of  our  party  principles  in  General 
Washington's  valedictory,  and  my  inaugural 
address.  Not  at  all.  General  Washington  did 
not  harbor  one  principle  of  federalism.  He 
was  neither  an  Angloman,  a  monarchist,  nor  a 
separatist.  He  sincerely  wished  the  people  to 
have  as  much  self-government  as  they  were 
competent  to  exercise  themselves.  The  only 
point  on  which  he  and  I  ever  differed  in  opin 
ion,  was,  that  I  had  more  confidence  than  he 
had  in  the  natural  integrity  and  discretion  of 
the  people,  and  in  the  safety  and  extent  to 
which  they  might  trust  themselves  with  a  con 
trol  of  their  government.  He  has  asseverated 
to  me  a  thousand  times  his  determination  that 
the  existing  government  should  have  a  fair 
trial,  and  that  in  support  of  it  he  would  spend 


the  last  drop  of  his  blood.  He  did  this  the 
more  repeatedly,  because  he  knew  General  Ham 
ilton's  political  bias,  and  my  apprehensions 
from  it.  It  is  a  mere  calumny,  therefore,  in 
the  monarchists,  to  associate  General  Washing 
ton  with  their  principles.  But  that  may  have 
happened  in  this  case  which  has  been  often 
seen  in  ordinary  cases,  that,  by  oft  repeating  an 
untruth,  men  come  to  believe  it  themselves. 
It  is  a  mere  artifice  in  this  party  to  bolster 
themselves  up  on  the  revered  name  of  that 
first  of  our  worthies. — To  JOHN  MELISH.  vi,  97. 
FORD  ED.,  ix,  376.  (M.,  Jan.  1813.)  See  FED 
ERALISTS,  HARTFORD  CONVENTION,  MONARCH 
ISTS,  REPUBLICANISM  and  REPUBLICANS. 

6446.  PASSIONS,     Control.— We     must 
keep  the  passions  of  men  on  our  side,  even 
when   we  are  persuading  them  to  do  what 
they  ought  to  do. — To  M.  DE  MEUNIER.     ix, 
272.    FORD  ED.,  iv,  177.     (P.,  1786.) 

6447.  PASSIONS,    Suppress.— It    is   our 

sacred  duty  to  suppress  passion  among  our 
selves,  and  not  to  blast  the  confidence  we  have 
inspired  of  proof  that  a  government  of  reason 
is  better  than  one  of  force. — To  RICHARD 
RUSH,  vii,  183.  (M.,  1820,) 

6448.  PATENTS,    Benefits    of.— In    the 
arts,    and    especially    in    the    mechanical    arts, 
many  ingenious  improvements  are  made  in  con 
sequence    of   the    patent-right   giving    exclusive 
use  of  them  for  fourteen  years. — To  M.  PICTET. 
iv,  462.     (W.,  1803.) 

6449.  PATENTS,   Combinations  in.— If 

we  have  a  right  to  use  three  things  separately, 
I  see  nothing  in  reason,  or  in  the  patent  law, 
which  forbids  our  using  them  all  together.  A 
man  has  a  right  to  use  a  saw,  an  axe,  a  plane 
separately  ;  may  he  not  combine  their  uses  on 
the  same  piece  of  wood  ?  He  has  a  right  to  use 
his  knife  to  cut  his  meat,  a  fork  to  hold  it; 
may  a  patentee  take  from  him  the  right  to  con 
tinue  _  their  use  on  the  same  subject?  Such  a 
law,  instead  of  enlarging  our  conveniences,  as 
was  intended,  would  most  fearfully  abridge 
them,  and  crowd  us  by  monopolies  out  of  the 
use  of  the  things  we  have. — To  OLIVER  EVANS. 
vi,  298.  (M.,  1814.) 

6450.  PATENTS,  Duration  of.— Certain 
ly  an  inventor  ought  to  be  allowed  a  right  to 
the   benefit   of  his   invention   for   some   certain 
time.     It  is  equally  certain  it  ought  not  to  be 
perpetual ;  for  to  embarrass  society  with  monop 
olies  for  every  utensil  existing,  and  in  all  the 
details  of  life,  would  be  more  injurious  to  them 
than  had  the  supposed  inventors  never  existed  ; 
because  the  natural  understanding  of  its  mem 
bers  would  have  suggested  the  same  things  or 
others  as  good.     How  long  the  term  should  be, 
is  the   difficult  question.     Our  legislators  have 
copied  the   English   estimate  of  the  term,   per 
haps  without  sufficiently  considering  how  much 
longer,  in  a  country  so  much  more  sparsely  set 
tled,  it  takes  for  an  invention  to  become  known, 
and  used  to  an  extent  profitable  to  the  inventor. 
Nobody  wishes  more  than   I   do  that  ingenuity 
should    receive    a    liberal    encouragement. — To 
OLIVER  EVANS,   v,  75.     (M.,  1807.) 

6451.  PATENTS,  Frivolous.— The  abuse 
of  frivolous  patents  is  likely  to  cause  more  in 
convenience    than    is    countervailed    by    those 
really  useful.     We  know  not  to  what  uses  we 
may  apply  implements  which  were  in  our  hands 
before  the  birth  of  our  government,   and  even 
the    discovery    of    America. — To    DR.    THOMAS 
COOPER,    vi,  295.     (M.,   1814.) 


Patents 
Paternalism 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


680 


6452.  PATENTS,  Granting  of.— Consid 
ering  the  exclusive  right  to  invention  as  given 
not    of    natural    right,    but    for    the    benefit    of 
society,   I   know  well  the  difficulty   of  drawing 
a  line  between  the  things  which  are  worth  to 
the  public  the   embarrassment  of  an  exclusive 
patent,  and  those  which  are  not.     As  a  member 
cf   the   patent   board    for    several   years,    while 
the  law  authorized  a  board  to  grant  or  refuse 
patents,  I  saw  with  what  slow  progress  a  sys 
tem  of  general  rules  could  be  matured.     Some, 
however,  were  established  by  that  board.     One 
of  these  was,  that  a  machine  of  which  we  were 
possessed,  might  be  applied  to  every  man  to  any 
use  of  which  it  is  susceptible,  and  that  this  right 
ought  not  to  be  taken  from  him  and  given  to  a 
monopolist,  because  the  first  perhaps  had  occa 
sion  to   apply   it.     Thus  a  screw   for  crushing 
plaster  might  be   employed  for   crushing  corn 
cobs.      And    a    chain-pump    for    raising    water 
might   be   used    for   raising   wheat ;    this   being 
merely  a  change  of  application.     Another  rule 
was  that  a  change  of  material  should  not  give 
title    to    a    patent.  *  *  *  A    third    was    that    a 
mere  change  of  form  should  give  no  right  to  a 
patent.  *  *  *  But    there   were    still    abundance 
of  cases  which  could  not  be  brought  under  rule, 
until    they    should    have    presented    themselves 
under   all   their   aspects;    and   these   investiga 
tions  occupying  more  time  of  the  members  of 
the   board   than   they   could   spare   from   higher 
duties,   the  whole  was  turned   over  to  the   ju 
diciary,    to    be    matured    into    a    system,    under 
which  every  one  might  know  when  his  actions 
were   safe   and   lawful.      Instead  of  refusing  a 
patent  in  the  first  instance,  as  the  board  was 
authorized    to    do,   'the    patent    now    issues    of 
course,    subject   to    be    declared    void    on    such 
principles  as  should  be  established  by  the  courts 
of  law.      This   business,   however,   is   but  little 
analogous    to    their    course    of    reading,    since 
we   might   in   vain   turn    over   all   the   lubberly 
volumes  of  the  law  to  find  a  single  ray  which 
would  lighten  the  path  of  the  mechanic  or  the 
mathematician.     It  is  more  within  the  informa 
tion  of  a  board  of  academical  professors,  and 
a  previous  refusal  of  patent  would  better  guard 
our    citizens    against    harassment    by    lawsuits. 
But   England   had  given   it  to   her  judges,   and 
the  usual  predominancy  of  her  examples  carried 
it   to    ours. — To    ISAAC    MCPHERSON.     vi,    181. 
(M.,    1813.) 

—  PATENTS,  Inventors  and. — See  IN 
VENTIONS  and  INVENTORS,  RIGHTS  OF. 

6453.  PATENTS,    Law   of.— I    found    it 
more  difficult  than  I  had  on  first  view  imagined, 
to  draw  the  clause  you  wish  to  have  introduced 
in  the  inclosed  bill.  *     Will  you  make  the  first 
trial  against  the  patentee  conclusive  against  all 
others  who  might  be  interested  to   contest  his 
patent?      If    you    do    he    will    always    have    a 
conclusive  suit  brought  against  himself  at  once. 
Or  will  you  give   every   one   a   right  to   bring 
actions  separately.     If  you  do,  besides  running 
him  down  with  the  expenses  and  vexations  of 
lawsuits,  you  will  be  sure  to  find  some  jury  in 
the  long  run,  who  from  motives  of  partiality  or 
ignorance,    will    find    a    verdict    against    him, 
though    a    hundred    should    have    been    before 
found  in  his  favor.     I   really  believe  that  less 
evil  will  follow  from  leaving  him  to  bring  suits 
against  those  who  invade  his  right. — To  HUGH 
WILLIAMSON.    FORD  ED.,  v,  392.     (1791.) 

*  Jefferson's  bill  "to  Promote  the  Progress  of  the 
Useful  Arts"  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  by  Mr.  White  on  Feb.  7, 1791.  No  action 
was  taken  upon  it,  however  j  but  in  the  next  Congress 
it  was  passed  after  many  minor  alterations  had  been 
made.— EDITOR. 


6454.  PATENTS,  Monopoly  and.— If  a 

new  application  of  our  old  machines  be  a  ground 
of  monopoly,  the  patent  law  will  take  from  us 
much  more  good  than  it  will  give. — To  OLIVER 
EVANS,  vi,  298.  (M.,  1814.) 

6455.  PATENTS,  Regulation  of.— A  rule 
has  occurred  to  me,  which  I  think,  would  *  *  "f 
go  far  towards  securing  the  citizen  against  the 
vexation    of    frivolous    patents.      It    is    to    con 
sider    the    invention    of    any    new    mechanical 
power,  or  of  any  new  combination  of  the  me 
chanical  powers  already  known,  as  entitled  to 
an  exclusive  grant ;  but  that  the  purchaser  of 
the  right  to  use  the  invention  should  be  free 
to    apply    it   to    every    purpose    of   which    it    is 
susceptible. — To  THOMAS  COOPER,    vi,  372.  (M., 
1814.) 

6456.  PATENTS,  Scope  of.— [You  say] 
that  your  patent  is  for  your  improvement  in  the 
manufacture  of  flour  by  the  application  of  cer 
tain  principles,  and  of  such  machinery  as  will 
carry   those  principles   into   operation,   whether 
of  the  improved  elevator,  improved  hopper-boy, 
or    (without   being   confined   to    them)    of   any 
machinery  known  and  free  to  the  public.    I  can 
conceive  how  a  machine  may  improve  the  manu 
facture   of  flour ;   but  not  how  a  principle   ab 
stracted  from  any  machine  can  do  it.     It  must 
then  be  the  machine,  and  the  principle  of  that 
machine,    which    is    secured    to    you    by    your 
patent.     Recurring  now  to  the  words  of  your 
definition,  do  they  mean  that,  while  all  are  free 
to   use   the   old   string   of   buckets,   and   Archi- 
medes's  screw  for  the  purposes  to  which  they 
have    been    formerly    applied,    you    alone    have 
the  exclusive  right  to  apply  them  to  the  manu 
facture   of  flour?   that   no   one  has  a  right  to 
apply  his  old  machines  to  all  the  purposes  of 
which  they  are  susceptible?  that  every  one,  for 
instance,  who  can  apply  the  hoe,  the  spade,  or 
the  axe,  to  any  purpose  to  which  they  have  not 
been  before  applied,  may  have  a  patent  for  the 
exclusive    right   to   that   application  ?    and   may 
exclude    all    others,    under    penalties,    from    so 
using  their  hoe,  spade,  or  axe  ?     If  this  be  the 
meaning,  [it  is]  my  opinion  that  the  Legislature 
never  meant  by  the  patent  law  to  sweep  away 
so  extensively  the  rights  of  their  constituents, 
[and   thus]    to    environ    everything   they   touch 
with  snares. — To  OLIVER  EVANS,    vi,  297.   (M., 
1814.) 

6457.  PATERNALISM,     Condemned.— 

Having  always  observed  that  public  works 
are  much  less  advantageously  managed  than 
the  same  are  by  private  hands,  I  have  thought 
it  better  for  the  public  to  go  to  market  for 
whatever  it  wants  which  is  to  be  found  there ; 
for  there  competition  brings  it  down  to  the 
minimum  of  value.  *  *  *  I  think  it  ma 
terial,  too,  not  to  abstract  the  high  executive 
officers  from  those  functions  which  nobody 
else  is  charged  to  carry  on,  and  to  employ 
them  in  superintending  works  which  are  go 
ing  on  abundantly  in  private  hands.  Our 
predecessors  went  on  different  principles; 
they  bought  iron  mines,  and  sought  for  copper 
ones.  We  own  a  mine  at  Harper's  Ferry  of 
the  finest  iron  ever  put  into  a  cannon,  which 
we  are  afraid  to  attempt  to  work.  We  have 
rented  it  heretofore,  but  it  is  now  without 
a  tenant.— To  MR.  BIBB,  v,  326.  (M.,  1808.) 

6458.  PATERNALISM,   Private   enter 
prise  vs. — Private  enterprise  manages   *   *   * 
much  better  [than  the  government]  all  the  con- 


68 1 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Patience 
Patronage 


cerns  to  which  it  is  equal.— SIXTH  ANNUAL 
MESSAGE.  viii,  68.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  494. 
(1806.) 

6459.  PATIENCE,      Abuse     of.— When 

patience  has  begotten  false  estimates  of  its 
motives,  when  wrongs  are  pressed  because  it  is 
believed  they  will  be  borne,  resistance  becomes 
morality. — To  MADAME  DE  STAEL.  v,  133.  (W., 
1807.) 

6460.  PATRIOTISM,   Cherish.— Let  the 
love   of  our   country   soar   above   all   minor 
passions.— To  JOHN  HOLLINS.     v,  597.     (M., 
1811.) 

6461. .     The  first  object  of  my 

heart  is  my  country.  In  that  is  embarked  my 
family,  my  fortune,  and  my  own  existence. 
I  have  not  one  farthing  of  interest,  nor  one 
fibre  of  attachment  out  of  it,  nor  a  single 
motive  of  preference  of  any  one  nation  to 
another,  but  in  proportion  as  they  are  more 
or  less  friendly  to  us. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 
iv,  269.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  329.  (Pa.,  1799.) 

6462.  PATRIOTISM,      Disinterested.— 

The  man  who  loves  his  country  on  its  own 
account,  and  not  merely  for  its  trappings  of 
interest  or  power,  can  never  be  divorced  from 
it,  can  never  refuse  to  come  forward  when 
he  finds  that  she  is  engaged  in  dangers  which 
he  has  the  means  of  warding  off. — To  EL- 
BRIDGE  GERRY,  iv,  188.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  151. 
(Pa.,  June  1797.) 

6463. .    Let  us  deserve  well  of 

our  country  by  making  her  interests  the  end 
of  all  our  plans,  and  not  our  own  pomp, 
patronage,  and  irresponsiblity. — To  ALBERT 
GALLATIN.  iv,  429.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  141.  (W., 
1802.) 

6464.  PATRIOTISM,  Inspirations  to.— 
I  sincerely  wish  you  may  find  it  convenient  to 
come  to  Europe.     *    *    *    It  will  make  you 
adore  your  own  country,  its  soil,  its  climate, 
its  equality,  liberty,  laws,  people  and  manners. 
*     *     *     While  we  shall  see  multiplied  in 
stances  of  Europeans  going  to  live  in  Amer 
ica,  I  will  venture  to  say,  no  man  now  living 
will  ever  see  an  instance  of  an  American  re 
moving  to  settle  in  Europe,  and  continuing 
there.    Come,  then,  and  see  the  proofs  of  this, 
and  on  your  return  add  your  testimony  to 
that  of  every  thinking  American,  in  order  to 
satisfy  our  countrymen  how  much  it  is  their 
interest  to  preserve,  uninfected  by  contagion, 
those  peculiarities   in   their   government   and 
manners,  to  which  they  are  indebted  for  those 
blessings. — To  JAMES  MONROE,    i,  352.    FORD 
ED.,  iv,  59-     (P-,  I78S.) 

6465.  PATRIOTISM,    Sacrifices    for.— 
To  preserve  the  peace  of  our  fellow  citizens, 
promote  their  prosperity  and  happiness,  re 
unite  opinion,   cultivate   a   spirit  of  candor, 
moderation,   charity  and  forbearance  toward 
one  another,  are  objects  calling  for  the  ef 
forts  and  sacrifices  of  every  good  man  and 
patriot.     Our   religion   enjoins   it;   our   hap 
piness  demands  it ;    and  no  sacrifice  is  req 
uisite   but   of  passions   hostile   to   both. — To 
RHODE   ISLAND   ASSEMBLY,     iv,    397.      (W., 
1801.) 


6466.  PATRONAGE,  Advantages  of.— 
Those  who  have  once  got  an  ascendancy,  and 
possessed  themselves  of  all  the  resources  of 
the  nation,  their  revenues  and  offices,   have 
immense  means  for  retaining  their  advantage. 
—To  JOHN  TAYLOR,     iv,  246.     FORD  ED.,  vii, 
263.     (Pa.,  June  1798.) 

6467.  PATRONAGE,  Corruption  and.— 

Bad  men  will  sometimes  get  in  [the  Pres 
idency],  and  with  such  an  immense  patronage, 
may  make  great  progress  in  corrupting  the 
public  mind  and  principles.  This  is  a  sub 
ject  with  which  wisdom  and  patriotism  should 
be  occupied. — To  MOSES  ROBINSON,  iv,  180. 
(W.,  1801.) 

6468.  PATRONAGE,   Curtailing.— They 

[first  republican  Congress]  *  *  *  are  dis 
arming  executive  patronage  and  preponder 
ance,  by  putting  down  one-half  the  offices  of 
the  United  States,  which  are  no  longer  neces 
sary. — To  GENERAL  KOSCIUSKO.  iv,  430. 
(W.,  April  1802.)  See  OFFICES  and  OFFICE 
HOLDERS. 

6469.  PATRONAGE,  Distribution  of.— 
I  am  sensible  of  the  necessity  as  well  as  jus 
tice  of  dispersing  employments  over  the  whole 
of  the  United  States.     But  this  is  difficult  as 
to   the  smaller  offices,    which   require  to  be 
filled  immediately  as  they  become  vacant  and 
are  not  worth  coming  for  from  the  distant 
States.    Hence  they  will  unavoidably  get  into 
the  sole  occupation  of  the  vicinities  of  the 
seat  of  government, — a  reason  the  more  for 
removing  that   seat  to  the  true  centre.— To 
COLONEL    HENRY    LEE.      FORD    ED.,    v,    163. 
(N.Y.,  1790.) 

6470.  PATRONAGE,    Elections    and.— 

The  elective  principle  becomes  nothing,  if  it 
may  be  smothered  by  the  enormous  patronage 
of  the  General  Government. — To  GOVERNOR 
THOMAS  M'KEAN.  iv,  350.  FORD  ED.,  vii, 
487.  (W.,  1801.) 

6471.  PATRONAGE,    Necessity    for.— 
The  safety  of  the  government  absolutely  re 
quired  that  its  direction  in  its  higher  depart 
ments  should  be  taken  into  friendly  hands. 
Its  safety  did  not  even  admit  that  the  whole 
of  its  immense  patronage  should  be  left  at 
the  command  of  its  enemies  to  be  exercised 
secretly  or  openly  to  reestablish  the  tyrannical 
and  dilapidating  system  of  the  preceding  ad 
ministration,  and  their  deleterious  principles 
of  government. — To  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.     FORD 
ED.,  viii,  169.     (W.,  1802.) 

6472.  PATRONAGE,    Partizans   and.— 
Every  officer  of  the  government  may  vote  at 
elections  according  to  his  conscience ;  but  we 
should  betray   the   cause   committed   to   our 
care,  were  we  to  permit  the  influence  of  of 
ficial  patronage  to  be  used  to  overthrow  that 
cause. — To  LEVI  LINCOLN,    iv,  451.    FORD  ED., 
viii,  176.     (W.,  1802.) 

6473.  PATRONAGE,  For  personal  ends. 

— A  person  who  wishes  to  make  [the  bestowal 
of  office]  an  engine  of  self-elevation,  may 
do  wonders  with  it ;  but  to  one  who  wishes  to 


Patronage 
Peace 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


682 


use  it  conscientiously  for  the  public  good, 
without  regard  to  the  ties  of  blood  or  friend 
ship,  it  creates  enmities  without  number, 
many  open,  but  more  secret,  and  saps  the 
happiness  and  peace  of  his  life. — To  JAMES 
SULLIVAN,  v,  252.  (W.,  1808.) 

6474.  PATRONAGE,  Use  of.— The  pat 
ronage  of  public  office  should  no  longer  be 
confided  to  one  who  uses  it  for  active  oppo 
sition  to  the  national  will. — To  ALBERT  GAL- 
LATIN,  iv,  544.  FORD  EDV  viii,  304.  .(1804.) 

6475. .     No    government     [can] 

discharge  its  duties  to  the  best  advantage  of 
its  citizens,  if  its  agents  [are]  in  a  regular 
course  of  thwarting  instead  of  executing  all 
its  measures,  and  [are]  employing  the  patron 
age  and  influence  of  their  offices  against  the 
government  and  its  measures. — To  JOHN 
PAGE,  v,  136.  FORD  ED.,  ix,  118.  (W.,  July 
1807.) 

6476.  PATRONAGE  vs.  PATRIOTISM. 
— Let  us  deserve  well  of  our  country  by  ma 
king  her  interests  the  end  of  all  our  plans, 
and  not  pur  own  pomp,   patronage,   and  ir 
responsibility. — To  ALBERT  GALLATIN.   iv,  429. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  141.    (W.,  1802.) 

6477.  PAUPERS,     No    American.— We 

have  no  paupers,  the  old  and  crippled  among 
us,  who  possess  nothing  and  have  no  families 
to  take  care  of  them,  being  too  few  to  merit 
notice  as  a  separate  section  of  society,  or  to 
afifect  a  general  estimate.  The  great  mass  of 
our  population  is  of  laborers ;  our  rich  who 
can  live  without  labor,  either  manual  or  pro 
fessional,  being  few,  and  of  moderate  wealth. 
Most  of  the  laboring  class  possess  property, 
cultivate  their  own  lands,  have  families,  and 
from  the  demand  for  their  labor  are  enabled 
to  exact  from  the  rich  and  the  competent  such 
prices  as  enable  them  to  be  fed  abundantly, 
clothed  above  mere  decency,  to  labor  mod 
erately  and  raise  their  families. — To  THOMAS 
COOPER,  vi,  377.  (M.,  1814.) 

6478.  PEACE,    America    and. — Twenty 
years  of  peace,  and  the  prosperity  so  visibly 
flowing  from  it,   have  but  strengthened  our 
attachment  to  it,  and  the  blessings  it  brings, 
and  we  do  not  despair  of  being  always   a 
peaceable  nation. — To  M.  CABANIS.     iv,  497. 
(W.,  1803.) 

6479.  PEACE,  Blessings  of.— Wars  and 
contentions,  indeed,  fill  the  pages  of  history 
with  more  matter.     But  more  blessed  is  that 
nation    whose    silent    course    of    happiness 
furnishes  nothing  for  history  to  say.    This  is 
what   I   ambition   for  my  own  country. — To 

COMTE  DlODATI.      V,   62.       (W.,    1807.) 

6480.  PEACE,   Bread   and.— Were   I    in 
Europe,    pax   et   panis    [peace    and    a    loaf] 
would    certainly   be    my    motto. — To    COMTE 
DIODATI.    v,  62.     (W.,  1807.) 

6481.  PEACE,      Cherishing.— I     believe 
that  through  all  America  there  has  been  but 
a   single   sentiment  on   the   subject  of  peace 
and  war,  which  was  in  favor  of  the  former. 
The    Executive   here    has    cherished    it   with 
equal  and  unanimous  desire.     We  have  dif 
fered,  perhaps,  as  to  the  tone  of  conduct  ex 


actly  adapted  to  the  securing  it. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  6.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  321.  (Pa., 
June  1793.) 

6482. . — .  Having  seen  the  people 

of  all  other  nations  bowed  down  to  the  earth 
under  the  wars  and  prodigalities  of  their 
rulers,  I  have  cherished  their  opposites,  peace, 
economy,  and  riddance  of  public  debt,  be 
lieving  that  these  were  the  high  road  to  public 
as  well  as  private  prosperity  and  happiness. — 
To  HENRY  MIDDLETON.  vi,  90.  (M.,  Jan. 
1813.) 

6483.  PEACE,  Cultivate.— Young  as  we 
are,  and  with  such  a  country  before  us  to 
fill  with  people  and  with  happiness,  we  should 
point  in  that  direction  the  whole  generative 
force  of  nature,  wasting  none  of  it  in  efforts 
of  *  *  *  destruction. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  412.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  278.  (1782.) 

6484. .  It  should  be  our  en 
deavor  to  cultivate  the  peace  and  friendship 
of  every  nation,  even  of  that  which  has  in 
jured  us  most,  when  we  shall  have  carried 
our  point  against  her. — NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 
viii,  412.  FORD  ED.,  iii,  279.  (1782.) 

6485. .  I  am  decidedly  of  opin 
ion  we  should  take  no  part  in  European 
quarrels,  but  cultivate  peace  and  commerce 
with  all. — To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,  ii,  533. 
FORD  ED.,  v,  57.  (P.,  1788.) 

6486. .     We    wish    to    cultivate 

peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations,  be 
lieving  that  course  most  conducive  to  the 
welfare  of  our  own. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR. 
vii,  24.  (M.,  1816.) 

6487.  PEACE,  The  Deity  and.— I  bless 
the  Almighty  Being,   Who,   in  gathering  to 
gether  the  waters  under  the  heavens  into  one 
place,   divided   the   dry   land   of  your   hemi 
sphere  from  the  dry  lands  of  ours,  and  said, 
at  least  be  there  peace. — To  EARL  OF  BUCHAN. 
iv,  493-     (W.,  1803.) 

6488.  PEACE,  Desire  for.— The  power  of 
making  war  often  prevents  it,  and  in  our  case 
would  give  efficacy  to  our  desire  of  peace. — 
To  GENERAL  WASHINGTON,    ii,  533.    FORD  ED., 
v,  57.     (P.,  Dec.  1788.) 

6489.  -  — .     The    bravery    exhibited 
by  our  citizens  on  that  element   [the  ocean] 
will,  I  trust,  be  a  testimony  to  the  world  that 
it  is  not  the  want  of  that  virtue  which  makes 
us  seek  their  peace,  but  a  conscientious  desire 
to  direct  the  energies  of  our  nation  to  the 
multiplication  of  the  human  race,  and  not  to 
its    destruction. — FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 
viii,  8.     FORD  ED.,  viii,  118.     (1801.) 

6490.  PEACE,     With    England. — I     am 

glad  of  the  pacification  of  Ghent,  and  shall 
still  be  more  so,  if,  by  a  reasonable  arrange 
ment  against  impressment,  they  will  make  it 
truly  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  not  a  mere  truce, 
as  we  must  all  consider  it,  until  the  principle 
of  the  war  is  settled. — To  GENERAL  DEAR 
BORN,  vi,  450.  (M.,  March  1815.) 

6491. .     The  United   States  and 

Great  Britain  ought  to  wish  for  peace  and 


683 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


Peace 


cordial  friendship;  we,  because  you  can  do 
us  more  harm  than  any  other  nation;  and 
you,  because  we  can  do  you  more  good  than 
any  other  nation. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR. 
vii,  22.  (M.,  1816.) 

6492. .  I  reciprocate  congratula 
tions  with  you  sincerely  on  the  restoration  of 
peace  between  our  two  nations.  *  *  Let 
both  parties  now  count  soberly  the  value  of 
mutual  friendship.— To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR. 
vii,  22.  (M.,  1816.) 

6493.  PEACE,    European    wars    and.— 

Till  our  treaty  with  England  be  fully  execu 
ted,  it  is  desirable  to  us  that  all  the  world 
should  be  in  peace.  That  done,  their  wars 
would  do  us  little  harm.— To  SAMUEL  OS- 
GOOD,  i,  450.  (P.,  1785.) 

6494.  PEACE,  Faith,  honor  and. — I  hope 
some  means  will  turn  up  of  reconciling  our 
faith     and     honor     with     peace. — To     JOHN 
ADAMS,     iv,    104.     FORD  ED.,   vi,   505.      (M., 
April  1794.) 

6495. .     I   wish  for  peace,   if  it 

can  be  preserved,  salve  fide  et  honore. — To 
JAMES  MONROE.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  504.  (M., 
I794-) 

6496.  PEACE,  With  France.— The  agents 
of  the  two  people  [United  States  and  France] 
are  either  great  bunglers  or  great  rascals, 
when  they  cannot  preserve  that  peace  which 
is  the  universal  wish  of  both. — To  JAMES 
MONROE,  iv,  20.  FORD  ED.,  vi,  349.  (Pa., 
I793-) 

6497. .  [My  assailant]  says  I 

am  "  for  peace ;  but  it  is  only  with  France  ". 
He  has  told  half  the  truth.  He  would  have 
told  the  whole,  if  he  had  added  England.  I 
am  for  peace  with  both  countries. — To  SAM 
UEL  SMITH,  iv,  254.  FORD  ED.,  vii,  277.  (M., 
1798.) 

6498.  PEACE,  Happiness  and  prosper 
ity. — Always  a  friend  to  peace,  and  believing 
it  to  promote  eminently  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  nations,  I  am  ever  unwilling 
that  it  should  be  disturbed,  until  greater  and 
more  important  interests  call  for  an  appeal 
to  force. — To  GENERAL  SHEE.  v,  33.  (W., 
1807.) 

6499. .     All  the  energies  of  the 

European  nations  are  expended  in  the  de 
struction  of  the  labor,  property  and  lives  of 
their  people.  On  our  part,  never  had  a  people 
so  favorable  a  chance  of  trying  the  opposite 
system,  of  peace  and  fraternity  with  man 
kind,  and  the  direction  of  all  our  means  and 
faculties  to  the  purposes  of  improvement  in 
stead  of  destruction. — To  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 
vii,  288.  FORD  ED.,  x,  257.  (M.,  1823.) 

6500.  PEACE,  Importance  of. — Peace  is 

our  most  important  interest,  and  a  recovery 
from  debt. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,  iv,  414. 
FORD  ED.,  viii,  98.  (W.,  1801.) 

6501.  PEACE,     Independence     and. — 

Peace  is  the  most  important  of  all  things  for 


us,  except  the  preserving  an  erect  and  inde 
pendent  attitude. — To  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON. 
iv,  448.  FORD  ED.,  viii,  173.  (W.,  Oct.  1802.) 

6502.  PEACE,   A   landmark.— To  culti 
vate  peace     *     *     *     [is  one  of]   the  land 
marks  by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves  in 
all  our  proceedings. — SECOND  ANNUAL  MES 
SAGE,     viii,  21.     FORD  ED.,  viii,   186.      (Dec. 
1802.) 

6503.  PEACE,    Love   of.— I    love   peace, 
and    am    anxious   that   we    should   give   the 
world  still  another  useful  lesson,  by  showing 
to   them  other  modes  of  punishing  injuries 
than  by  war,  which  is  as  much  a  punishment 
to  the  punisher  as  to  the  sufferer. — To  TENCH 
COXE.     iv,  105.     FORD  ED.,  vi,  508.     (M.,  May 
I794-) 

6504.  .PEACE,    With    mankind.— I    do 
not  recall  these  recollections  [of  conflicts  with 
the  federal  monarchists]    with  pleasure,  but 
rather  wish  to  forget  them,  nor  did  I  ever 
permit  them  to  affect  social  intercourse.   And 
now,  least  of  all,   am  I  disposed  to  do  so. 
Peace  and  good  will  with  all  mankind  is  my 
sincere  wish. — To  WILLIAM  SHORT,     vii,  392. 
FORD  ED.,  x,  335.     (M.,  1825.) 

6505.  PEACE,    Markets    and.— I    hope 
France,    England  and   Spain   will   all   see   it 
their  interest  to  let  us  make  bread  for  them 
in  peace,  and  to  give  us  a  good  price  for  it. — 
To    COLONEL    M.    LEWIS,     iii,     163.     (N.Y., 
1790.) 

6506.  PEACE,  National  reputation  and. 

— I  am  so  far  from  believing  that  our  reputa 
tion  will  be  tarnished  by  our  not  having 
mixed  in  the  mad  contests  of  the  rest  of  the 
world  that,  setting  aside  the  ravings  of  pep 
per-pot  politicians,  of  whom  there  are  enough 
in  every  age  and  country,  I  believe  it  will 
place  us  high  in  the  scale  of  wisdom,  to  have 
preserved  our  country  tranquil  and  prosper 
ous  during  a  contest  which  prostrated  the 
honor,  power,  independence,  laws  and  prop 
erty  of  every  country  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  Which  of  them  have  better 
preserved  their  honor?  Has  Spain,  has  Por 
tugal,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Holland,  Prussia, 
Austria,  the  other  German  powers,  Sweden, 
Denmark,  or  even  Russia?  And  would  we 
accept  of  the  infamy  of  France  or  England 
in  exchange  for  our  honest  reputation,  or  of 
the  result  of  their  enormities,  despotism  to 
the  one,  and  bankruptcy  and  prostration  to 
the  other,  in  exchange  for  the  prosperity,  the 
freedom  and  independence,  which  we  have 
preserved  safely  through  the  wreck? — To  J. 
W.  EPPES.  vi,  15.  (M.,  Sep.  1811.) 

6507.  PEACE,    Our   object. — Peace    with 
all  nations,  and  the  right  which  that  gives  us 
with  respect  to  all  nations,  are  our  object. — 
To  C.  W.  F.  DUMAS,    iii,  535.     (Pa.,  1793.) 

6508.  PEACE,    Passion    for.— Peace    is 

our  passion. — To  SIR  JOHN  SINCLAIR,  iv, 
491.  (W.,  1803.) 

6509.  PEACE,    Pipe   of.— I    have   joined 
with  you   sincerely  in   smoking  the  pipe  of 


Peace 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  CYCLOPEDIA 


684 


peace;  it  is  a  good  old